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If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Celtic Christianity of Cornwall - Divers Sketches and Studies - -Author: Thomas Taylor - -Release Date: January 17, 2017 [EBook #53985] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CELTIC CHRISTIANITY OF CORNWALL *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, ellinora and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - Transcriber Note - - Obvious typos, missing accent marks and punctuation errors corrected. - Inconsistencies in hyphenation, spelling, translation and dates left as - in the original. - Two of the three items noted in the Corrigenda changed. The third item, - (p. 48, line 24, omit “is.”), was not changed because there was no - such word on that line. - A maltese cross character, ✠, is used in the Appendices. If the font in - use on the device does not support this character, it may not display - correctly. - Italic text is represented by underscores surrounding the _italic - text_. - Small capitals have been converted to ALL CAPS. - Footnotes have been moved to the end of their respective chapters. - Superscript characters are preceded by a ^ character. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - THE CELTIC CHRISTIANITY - OF CORNWALL - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - THE - CELTIC CHRISTIANITY - OF CORNWALL - - DIVERS SKETCHES AND STUDIES - - BY - THOMAS TAYLOR, M.A., F.S.A. - - VICAR OF ST. JUST-IN-PENWITH - AUTHOR OF “THE LIFE OF DR. TAYLOR OF ASHBURNE” - - - LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO. - 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON - FOURTH AVENUE & 30TH STREET, NEW YORK - BOMBAY, CALCUTTA AND MADRAS - 1916 - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TO - - M. JOSEPH LOTH - PROFESSEUR AU COLLÈGE DE FRANCE - - IN GRATEFUL RECOGNITION OF A FRIENDSHIP - FROM WHICH I HAVE REAPED THE - FRUITS OF DISCIPLESHIP - - Sed quanquam utilitates multae et magnae - consecutae sunt, non sunt tamen ab earum spe - causae diligendi profectae. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - PREFACE - - -In one of the most brilliant of modern books its author[1] calls -attention to the common fallacy which assumes that “if you can find a -principle which gives an adequate explanation of three different facts -it is more likely to correspond with the truth than three different -principles which give adequate explanations of the same facts -severally.” - -This fallacy underlies much that is being urged in favour of a common -origin for religious doctrines and methods of worship. A single source -of religious belief or of religious phenomena is preferred to several -sources as being more tidy and more in keeping with what we have learnt -to expect in other departments of research. It may be illogical, but -still it is recommended as a safe guide to the truth. - -Indeed, it is difficult for a modern student to conceive how any real -advance can be made in scientific pursuits unless the principle, which -prefers one explanation of phenomena to many, is favoured. - -Before the days of Kepler and of Newton it may have been possible, it -may be possible still, to imagine more than one explanation of the fall -of a heavy body to the ground and of the action of one inert mass upon -another. The law of gravity, as elaborated by Newton, represents what, -so far as we know, has invariably happened and what we believe will -invariably happen in space between two or more bodies, namely, that they -will, as heretofore, each attract all the other bodies directly as their -mass and inversely as the square of their distance. This law is not -merely preferred before all other laws; it is the very foundation of the -whole of what is called Physical Astronomy. It is a law to which there -are, within its own province, no known exceptions. - -We accept this law not because we prefer one explanation to many, but -because it meets not only the requirements of cases which might -conceivably be explained in other ways but also the requirements of -cases for which no other explanation has been suggested or conceived. -Among laws, which are not received as self-evident, the law of gravity -is unique. This will be clear to anyone who contrasts the secure -position which it occupies with the perilous position occupied by laws -which have been formulated within recent years. - -Men do not prefer Newton’s explanation to other explanations: the -evidence in its favour is so overwhelming that they feel compelled to -accept it. - -It is far otherwise with other laws like evolution. These fascinate or -repel from the very first. Preference undoubtedly enters into the -complex intellectual process which leads us first to accept and then to -defend this or that explanation of an array of facts. And this -preference, admittedly illogical, may arise from our limited knowledge -of the facts or from regard for some particular protagonist of one of -many conflicting theories; but, other things being equal, it seizes hold -of that explanation which claims to cover the most ground and to -reconcile the largest number of facts. It only becomes mischievous when -it claims infallibility. - -It is perhaps too readily assumed that in the domain of religious -phenomena there is a law by which these phenomena are bounded and -conditioned. Assuming such a law to exist, the attempts to formulate it -will be directed in a greater or less degree by preference. For -religious phenomena, by which is here meant the outward manifestations -of religions, cannot be examined and classified, without a comprehensive -knowledge of the religions themselves. And if, as a French writer has -contended, “the man who would write the history of a religion must -believe it no longer but must have believed it once,” it follows that -few persons, even in this versatile age, can claim to be proficient in -more than three or four religions. From which it also follows that lack -of knowledge must be supplied by fertility of imagination or by the -exercise of preference on the part of him who employs the comparative -method in order to discover the law. - -And yet, it is only by eliminating this personal element and by -confining our attention to material which is neither inaccurate nor -defective that we can hope to arrive at the truth. It must be confessed -that the rough and ready generalisations with which we are so familiar -in this connection and the lack of care which is taken in gathering and -sifting the materials upon which they are based, almost lead us to -despair of useful results. The attempt to evolve a law from insufficient -data is like an attempt to measure volume in terms of two dimensions or -like an attempt to classify animals without an intimate knowledge of -them. A salamander has four legs and a tail: so has a sheep. A zoology -based on these criteria alone would not carry us very far. The biologist -might kindly step in with his law of evolution and say some soothing -words respecting their common origin, but we should leave off where we -began and know no more of those animals than we did at the start, -namely, that they each have four legs and a tail.[2] - -In studying religions those points of resemblance which are most obvious -are sometimes the most misleading. And for this reason. The essence of a -religion—what may be called its soul—is not always revealed in its -methods of worship. This is said to be especially true of Buddhism, at -least by those writers who, like Mr. Feilding, strive to commend it to -the Western world. Certainly it is no disparagement of a true religion -that it should have, in the department of worship, many points in common -with a false one. Every religion requires some machinery if it is to do -its work. And it is more true to say of religions that they agree in -machinery but differ in what they teach than to say that they agree in -what they teach but differ in machinery. It would be most untrue, -nevertheless, to assert that these common elements have always been -acquired in the same way or have meant the same thing or have been used -with the same object. Before any deductions whatever can be legitimately -drawn the religious phenomena must be submitted to the most rigorous -scrutiny. Dates, places, distances count for more, whether the phenomena -be prehistoric or historic, than almost anything save accurate -definition. This will be clear if we take an imaginary case. Let us -consider the eagle as an object of worship. In the year 4000 A.D. a -popular archæologist of liberal views notes the immense number of brass -eagles which are unearthed from beneath the sites of ancient churches, -and inasmuch as no mention is made in history and no rubric is to be -found in any of the old service books of the function assigned to the -image of the king of birds, he comes to the conclusion that the -Christians of the Victorian era were, in spite of much quarrelling -concerning the point of the compass towards which the priest should -stand at the altar and the use of lights and incense, united at least on -one point—the worship of the eagle. He reflects that reverence for the -eagle was as dear to the hearts of Roman soldiers as it was abhorrent to -the Jews. He recalls the incident at Cæsarea. He does not forget that -long after the Roman Empire had ceased to be an important factor in -European politics the Jews were regarded with unreasoning hatred. -Putting two and two together he comes to the conclusion that Christians, -in order to emphasise their contempt for Jewish susceptibilities, -admitted into their religious system the cult of the eagle and that this -cult attained its high-water mark in the nineteenth century. If it be -objected that such a notion is altogether preposterous and absurd, that -it is, in fact, an insult to average intelligence to attempt to -influence human judgment by a fiction so transparent, it ought to be -sufficient to recall the erudite expositions of rock basins, stone -circles and dolmens which, elaborated by men of the highest eminence, -were welcomed as brilliant discoveries by a generation by no means -remote. It is a common enough practice, but it serves no useful purpose -to hold up the wisdom of one age to the scorn of another. There are two -cautions which are needed in all ages; the first, that eminence in one -department of human learning does not, of itself, constitute a -qualification to pass authoritative judgments in other departments; the -second, that as all knowledge, when unhindered, is progressive the -present generation may indeed hope to have got somewhat nearer the truth -than its predecessors, but in virtue of the same principle it is still -far from its final stage. - -Archæology which at the beginning of the nineteenth century could hardly -claim to be regarded as a science, had by the end of that century -attained to the highest rank as a science. It has not outlived the -record of past mistakes and some years may yet have to elapse before its -achievements are fully recognised. - -It is impossible to discuss the Christianity of Cornwall in its earlier -stages without devoting some space to its Celtic inhabitants. This is -all the more necessary because in the county there are many monuments, -both pagan and Christian, and in some quarters there has been a -disposition to confound them. Only by referring the pagan monuments to -their true place in pre-history is it possible to avoid this confusion. - -For such knowledge as he possesses of archæology the writer is largely -indebted to M. Joseph Déchelette’s _Manuel d’Archéologie_. There is no -work in English which, based on sound principles, attempts, as this -does, to cover the whole ground. Like the _Principles of Geology_ the -_Manuel_ stands alone. - -When the losses in human life, due to the Great War, come to be reckoned -up and those losses come to be analysed, there will be few names to take -precedence of that of M. Déchelette. The _Revue Celtique_, after -expressing its profound regret for his death, says that after honouring -France by solid and learned works, notably by his _Manuel -d’Archéologie_—a unique monument of erudition—at the age of fifty-three, -though not compelled to serve in the army, he chose to take part in the -campaign and to die like a hero. An order of the day of the French army -supplies particulars of his death. He was a captain in the 29th Regiment -of infantry and was shot down while leading his company. With his men he -had won 800 metres of ground. As he lay dying he asked his colonel -whether they had kept the conquered ground, and being answered in the -affirmative, he replied that he was happy that his death was of service -to France. The writer finely adds, _Belle vie, et fin plus belle -encore_. - -In a small book like the present, there will necessarily be many points -which deserve some fuller explanation than was possible, while here and -there some points will seem to be unduly magnified. The chapter on St. -Michael’s Mount might, at first sight, seem to add little to the main -subject, but in this case it was not so much the hope of gain as the -fear of loss which had to be considered. Should the reader meet with -phrases and expressions which appear to him inconsistent with a serious -treatment of the subject the writer can only crave his indulgence and -assure him that they were not altogether unprovoked. - -Chapter III was in substance contributed to the _Truro Diocesan -Magazine_; Chapter IV was read at a conference of the Kirrier Rural -Deanery; Chapters V and VI were printed concurrently in the _Revue -Celtique_ and the _Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall_. For -permission to reprint them their author tenders his thanks to those -journals. - -Besides the _Manuel d’Archéologie_ there are two other works to which he -is much indebted, Dom Gougaud’s _Chrétientés Celtiques_ and Miss Clay’s -_Hermits and Anchorites of England_. No better introduction to Celtic -Christianity could be desired than Dom Gougaud’s book. Miss Clay has -treated her subject with a particularity which is as rare as it is -valuable, and although her book furnished little material for the -present work, it was of great value in supplying the cartography of an -unfamiliar region. - -To Professor J. Loth and to Mr. H. Jenner, F.S.A., his obligations are -of a more personal character and therefore more difficult to express. To -both of them, in all matters which concern Celtic language and -literature, he stands in the relation of pupil to master. As such he -acknowledges gratefully their friendly and patient guidance and ever -ready help. - -It should be needless to add that in so doing he has no wish to shelter -himself behind great names. For all blundering and backsliding he and he -alone is responsible, inasmuch as throughout the perilous adventure he -has cheerfully bestridden his own beast. - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - R. A. Knox, _Some Loose Stones_, p. 89. - -Footnote 2: - - A friend of mine performed the surprising feat of evolving an entire - system—god, religion, worshippers and all—out of much less than four - legs and a tail. His only material consisted of a word, half-obsolete, - of uncertain derivation and meaning. The jaw-bone in the hands of - Samson was as nothing compared with the magic of this word in the mind - of the valiant expositor of prehistoric religions. While reading the - paper in which he proclaimed his discovery to a learned society, one - could not fail to note the profound impression which it made upon the - hearers or to admire the transparent sincerity of the reader. - - It will not surprise those who read this book to learn that its author - spent some portion of the wakeful night which followed the reading of - the paper in the composition of a simple liturgy to crown his friend’s - achievement. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. COINCIDENCE AND RESEMBLANCE 1 - - Often misleading. The Eucharist. Christian - Passover a development of the Jewish and its - origin to be sought in primitive Israel. Ancillary - Christian Festivals. Direct and Collateral - descent. St. Patrick’s fire. - - - II. THE CELTS 18 - - Prehistoric Remains in Cornwall. Ligurians, - Iberians, and Celts. No trace of Phœnicians. - Celtic worship. The Druids. Fetich worship. - Cornish crosses. - - - III. CORNWALL AND BRITTANY 37 - - Dumnonian Exodus. Breton nobles in the Conqueror’s - army. _Tristan and Iseult._ Henry the Eighth’s - subsidy roll. Mystery and Morality Plays. - - - IV. THE CELTIC CHRISTIANITY OF CORNWALL 50 - - Language. Isolation of Cornwall. Monasticism. - Church Dedications. Easter and Tonsure - controversies. - - - V. THE MONASTERY-BISHOPRICS OF CORNWALL 58 - - Celtic Monasticism _sui generis_. Episcopacy. - Gildas, Kenstec, and Plegmund. Athelstan. Bodmin - Gospels. Lyfing. Leofric. See of Exeter. - - - VI. EVOLUTION OF THE DIOCESAN BISHOPRIC 70 - - Episcopal manors in Domesday Book—their sources - and their value. Three important holdings—Pawton, - St. Germans, and Gerrans. Independent of each - other. All of them sees of Celtic bishops. Kerrier - and Penwith. - - - VII. CORNISH SAINTS 90 - - Not topological or eponymous. St. Ia, St. Dennis, - St. Allen, St. Paul, and St. Buryan. Lives of the - Saints. Religion of the Cornish. - - - VIII. ANCIENT RELIGIOUS HOUSES 104 - - Celtic or English? _Monasticon_ and Domesday Book - examined. Conversion of Celtic monasteries to - Norman establishments. St. Kew. Summary of - results. - - - IX. CORNISH HERMITS 122 - - St. Guron. The Three Brothers. St. Neot. Ogrin. - Andrew Paugan. SS. Philip and Robert. Roger - Godman. Cecilia and Lucy Moys. The Hermit of St. - Teath. Margaret of Bodmin. Roche Rock. - - - X. ST. MICHAEL’S MOUNT 141 - - Ictis. Dinsul. Mons Tumba. Cult of St. Michael. - Pre-Norman origin of the monastery. Examination of - Charters and Domesday extracts. Identification of - St. Michael’s lands. The Meneage. William of - Worcester. - - - APPENDICES - - - A. EXTRACT FROM _VITA SAMSONIS_ 169 - - - B. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR’S CHARTER 172 - - - C. THE COUNT OF MORTAIN’S CHARTER 173 - - - D. ERECTION OF ST. MICHAEL’S PRIORY BY ABBOT BERNARD 175 - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CORRIGENDA - - - p. xv, last line but one, for “Each” read “All.” - p. 48, line 22, for “but which, as” read “when.” - p. 48, line 24, omit “is.” - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - THE CELTIC CHRISTIANITY - OF CORNWALL - - - - - I - - COINCIDENCE AND RESEMBLANCE - - -The tyranny of observed coincidence and resemblance over the human mind -is very remarkable, especially when coincidence and resemblance are -associated with traditional sayings and superstitions. - -Thirteen persons sit round a dinner table. When dinner is over the -discovery is made that they were thirteen in number and the diners -reflect that, according to the ancient fiction, one of them at least -will die within the year. During the year one of them dies, as an -insurance agent would have told them was extremely probable. A -succession of such coincidences does not lead them to study the -insurance tables, or to calculate the expectation of life; it only helps -to confirm the superstition. - -The sight of one magpie by the road-side alarms: the sight of two -encourages. At the end of the day the single magpie is recalled when -reckoning up the day’s disappointments. - -The devout Christian believer is not more prone to superstition than -others. A man lay dying of consumption at St. Just. He was a crack rifle -shot, an unbeliever and inclined to suicide. He insisted upon having his -rifle by him as he lay in bed and, for the sake of peace, his wife -allowed it. A single magpie came and perched daily on the hedge outside -his bedroom window. One day seizing his weapon and steadying it on his -knee as he lay there, he shot the magpie. The death of the solitary bird -brought peace and all thought of suicide was banished and forgotten. The -above are examples of superstition in the sense in which the word is -here used. - -But the shepherd’s proverb: - - “A rainbow in the morning is the shepherd’s warning: - A rainbow at night is the shepherd’s delight.” - -and the fisherman’s - - “When the wind is in the south - It blows your bait into the fish’s mouth.” - -are based upon sound observation and contain no taint of superstition; -they could doubtless be referred to recognised scientific principles. - -Again, the study of biology has led men to look, not in vain, for -resemblances between the gills of a fish and the lungs of a mammal, -between the hands of a man and the forefeet of a quadruped. Postulating -the theory of evolution a common origin is discovered in either case. - -The prehensile and tentacular movements of certain plants call to mind -the like movements of certain fishes. Whether by means of the same -theory, with the aid of the accredited results of research, they can be -held to have had a common origin; whether, for example, they can be -referred to some such quality or instinct as that which characterises -the _Proteus animalcule_ is perhaps an open question. It seems, however, -quite clear that these blind, involuntary movements on the part of -fishes are not derived from the similar movements of plants or vice -versâ, but that, if a common origin is to be found, it must be sought in -some very early stage before animal and vegetable became differentiated. -The evolution hypothesis, whether it be regarded as proved or unproved, -is in any case invaluable because it stimulates thought, observation, -and research. By means of it knowledge becomes coherent, articulate, -scientific. - -The application of this principle to religion is becoming more and more -the vogue, and, provided that its adherents are content to work on the -same lines as the students of physical science, there is no reason why -useful results should not be obtained. There is, however, a tendency to -transmute this working hypothesis into a superstition which, in point of -sanity, is only comparable to that of the number thirteen and that of -the single magpie—the superstition, in short, which notes coincidences -and resemblances and ignores their opposites. - -It is by no means clear that resemblance of rite and ceremonial and -coincidence in point of time of calendared festivals furnish the proper -material from which to formulate the law and to determine the source of -religious observance. For example, however we may judge of the Salvation -Army, it is obvious that a very different principle underlies and -animates Mr. Booth’s following from that which inspires the soldiers of -King George. Military organisation merely suggested a useful and -convenient form of discipline. In this case resemblance is utterly -misleading, and the archæologist of the distant future, who should argue -that the venerated coat of the General, supposing it to have been -preserved, points to some mad but futile attempt to repeat the religious -conquests of Mahomet, would be quite as wide of the truth as he who -should seek the General’s prototype in the militant ecclesiastic of the -Middle Ages. - -A further danger attends the student of religions. This arises from -prepossession rather than from hypothesis and leads him to mistake -deduction for induction. He finds, we will suppose, what he takes to be -a latchkey. It is an instrument considerably the worse for wear and of a -somewhat unusual pattern. He is quite certain it is a key. There is no -room for doubt. He determines to find a lock which it will fit. Starting -with the key he examines locks prehistoric, mediæval and modern, but all -in vain, for the simple reason that the implement in his hands is not a -key at all but the head of a fish spear. - -It is not the critical method of induction but the uncritical method of -deduction which is to be reprobated. When, for example, we discover by -observation, the practical universality of sacrifice as a distinguishing -mark of religion, we may explain the fact in a dozen different ways, but -in every case we are compelled to recognise the belief in a God of some -sort, and when we find that generally, at some stage of religious -development, sacrifice is offered by way of propitiation, we are led to -the conclusion that safety and salvation were held to be only possible -by atonement. We have before us a multitude of locks and one key fits -them all, and we are therefore led to conclude that _au fond_ offence -and sacrifice are related as poison to antidote. When, however, we -descend to particulars, resemblances and coincidences are found to be as -misleading as the salvationist’s tunic. Their evidential value, to use a -threadbare but useful phrase, is infinitesimally small and sometimes a -negative quantity. - -Relying upon resemblance, a person might be led to conclude that it was -the spring turnip which suggested the shape of the watch and the duck’s -egg the morphology of toilet soaps. - -Utility and convenience have entered largely into the ritual systems of -all religions. The same accessories are required for the worship of Baal -as for the worship of Jehovah. To identify Baal with Jehovah is to beg -the question and to fall a victim to the tyranny of coincidence and -resemblance. - -When attempts are made to discover a common origin for the Christian -Eucharist, the Aztec communion described by Prescott, and the ceremonial -eating and drinking practised by the worshippers of Mithras, it is often -assumed that the closer the ritual resemblance between them the stronger -the argument in favour of a common origin. It does not seem to have -occurred to the maintainers of this hypothesis that public worship, of -whatsoever kind it may be, finds expression in a symbolism of its own, -just as thought expresses itself in speech and in written language. The -fact that Christianity expressed itself in symbol and sacrament does -prove that from the very first it claimed to be a religion and not a -mere philosophy or school of thought, but it does not prove identity of -origin or of intention with the pagan religions which employed the same -or similar symbolism. It was inevitable that the Christian Passover -should have been singled out in order to illustrate the prepossession -that in origin it is essentially pagan. In this case, however, it is not -resemblance but coincidence (in point of time) which is supposed to -afford the ground of proof. One writer, at least, who rightly connects -it with the Jewish Passover, in order to exhibit its sacrificial -character,[3] does not hesitate to refer its origin to the worship of -Attis or Tammuz, the earth-god, on the ground that the time of its -occurrence roughly coincides with the solemnities of Attis. No better -illustration of the tyranny of observed coincidence could be found than -in his ingenious but futile attempt to apply the principle to Cornwall. -His object is to identify the May-day festivities, which he conceives to -be a survival of Beltane solemnities, with those of the Christian -Passover. Unfortunately for him the latter festival occurs too early; it -can never occur later than the twenty-fifth of April. But he has read of -Little Easter, which occurs a week later, and attributing to the Cornish -a preference for a réchauffé of the Easter banquet to the banquet -itself—a preference for which no reasons are vouchsafed—he concludes -that Little Easter is the Cornish equivalent of the Beltane Feast. It -might have occurred to the maintainer of this opinion to test it by -means of the same calculations which forbade the synchronising of Easter -itself with the pagan solemnity. Had he done so he would have found that -Little Easter (Paskbian) or Low Sunday occurs in May only once in sixty -or seventy years, and on May-day less than once in a century.[4] A -coincidence which occurs once in a century does not convince the writer -and will hardly convince the reader of the identity of the Celtic feast -of Beltane with the Christian Passover, or even with the Low Sunday -celebration at Lostwithiel described by Richard Carew, the historian.[5] - -It is impossible, without destroying the character of this enquiry, to -consider the Christian Passover in all its bearings upon the subject -before us, but a few remarks are needed in order to place it in a right -relation to the more ancient solemnity from which incidentally it -sprang. - -The Jewish Passover was kept at the time of the first full moon which -followed the vernal equinox. The primitive Christians of Asia Minor, -claiming for precedent the practice of St. John the Divine, commemorated -our Saviour’s Passion on the same day as the Passover and His -Resurrection on the third day after. Thus it frequently happened that -the very event which had led to the observance of the first day of the -week as the Christian Sabbath had its yearly commemoration on some day -which was not the Christian Sabbath. On the other hand, the Christians -at Rome, following as they believed the practice of St. Paul, kept not -only the weekly but also the yearly feast of the Resurrection on the -first day of the week and the anniversary of the Passion on the third -day before, in other words they kept their Paschal feast as we do now on -the first day of the week which occurred next after the first full moon -following the Spring equinox. The origin and signification of the feast -were the same for both Eastern and Western Christians. It was the -Christian Passover (_Pascha_) and was known by that name. The ancient -Cornish word for it was Pask. In North Staffordshire forty years ago it -was the custom, and it is probably still the custom, for bands of men -and maidens to solicit Pace (Pasch) eggs. The use of the term Easter, of -Saxon origin, is merely a proof of the stubborn independence of the -English character which refused to receive not only the names of the -days of the week but also of the Christian seasons from the Latin. The -coincidence in point of time of the Paschal feast with a pagan feast, if -such coincidence can be discovered, was purely accidental; and the same -can be said of Ascension, Pentecost and all other movable feasts which -are ancillary to or supplementary of it. In this connection it is -noteworthy that throughout the bitter controversy, dating from an -amicable discussion held in the year 162 when Polycarp, bishop of -Smyrna, paid a visit to Anicetus, bishop of Rome until the sixth -century, it never occurred to either party to suggest a pagan origin for -the feast or to connect the time of its celebration with nature or -nature worship.[6] As the commemoration of a notable historical -event—the Resurrection of Jesus Christ—it was observed by East and West, -just as the Jewish Passover was observed as the anniversary of the -“self-same day that the Lord did bring the children of Israel out of -Egypt by their armies,” and of that hurried meal of which a lamb of the -first year and unleavened bread were the more important constituent -elements. In the Bible and in the Primitive Church the two feasts are so -closely linked together that, in order to demonstrate identity of origin -for the Christian Passover and the feast of Tammuz the earth-god, it -will be necessary to show that the Jewish Passover derived its _raison -d’être_ from the same source as the worship of Tammuz. That any such -source has been found or that any connection has been found, or will be -found, is not to be taken for granted. The connection between the Jewish -and the Christian Pascha is not open to dispute. Had the Christian -Church repudiated the Pascha and kept a festival of the Resurrection -entirely distinct from it, something might have been urged in favour of -a pagan origin. It is the indissolubility of their union which forbids -any such interpretation. - -The writer has no desire to be regarded as an obscurantist and, for this -reason if for no other, he offers to the students of folklore in general -and to all deductive philosophers obsessed with the unique evidential -value of coincidence and resemblance in particular, the following facts, -for the authenticity of which he is prepared to vouch whenever he is -required so to do. He believes that when their import is fully grasped -they will carry, to the minds of the said philosophers to whom the -discovery, never previously announced, is humbly but confidently -dedicated, the conviction that not in Asia, the accredited home of -mystery, not in Africa the cradle of theologies old and new, not in -America the foster mother of science Christian and otherwise, but in -Australia will be found the true origin of the Easter festival and its -ceremonial. He regrets that his command of scientific language is -unequal to the task which a discovery of such absorbing interest and -far-reaching possibility demands. He therefore craves the indulgence of -the learned for expressing himself in terms which he hopes will be -intelligible to learned and unlearned alike. - -In the low-lying land which borders Halifax Bay in the colony of -Queensland there is to be found an edible root called the bulgaroo -which, at the time of the European Spring equinox, after the heavy rains -which begin in the month of February, betrays its presence by sending -forth shoots of a bright and tender green colour. For some occult reason -this root is preferred by the aboriginal inhabitants to the choicest -delicacies which the white man, notwithstanding his cultivated taste in -the matter of food and drink, can supply. Accordingly every year the -black man, if employed, seeks his master’s permission for a month’s -sojourn in the land of the bulgaroo. It is well known to all who have -lived in Queensland that the black man is a keen observer of the -heavenly bodies and is much distressed by the sight of an eclipse of the -sun or moon, from which it may be inferred that he rejoices when the sun -and moon are not obscured. Whether, strictly speaking, he can be -described as a sun worshipper has not been determined, but it is -believed that the disclosure of these particulars will help incidentally -to solve this as well as the larger problem under discussion. The -coincidence of the Spring equinox with the resurrection of the said -bulgaroo from its dark retreat under the earth, and of both events with -the assembling of the aboriginal tribes and of their partaking together -of what may not unfitly be described as the root of ages (for in all -probability we have here a vegetable food known to the black man’s -ancestors long before they emerged from a pre-human archetype); above -all, the addition to the bulgaroo banquet of human flesh whenever it may -be safely had, and the marked preference for those portions of the human -body which, like the heart, are essential to life, and therefore, as -they suppose, are the better fitted to stimulate and increase the -eater’s physical courage and efficiency; to which must also be added the -attendant dance and song of corroboree and the more secret and -mysterious bora meeting whereat, after due proof has been given, both -oral and experimental of the candidate’s fortitude, he is admitted to -the full privileges of manhood by a solemn rite of initiation: all these -ceremonial acts, whose significance it is impossible to misinterpret and -to exaggerate, strengthened and not weakened (as might be supposed by a -superficial observer) by the fact that at the antipodes Spring -synchronises with European Autumn, establish a strong presumption that -the continent of Australia affords the veritable solution of the great -problem of the origin of Christian ceremonial observance. Nor is this -surprising when we remember that according to an eminent German -archæologist, Dr. Buttel-Reepen,[7] the Australian aborigines are the -direct descendants of the propithecanthropi, i.e. pre-ape-men or common -progenitors of apes and men, “since their foot had not yet undergone the -definite change from a grasping organ to a supporting apparatus.” Nay -more, when we reflect that from the great concourse of pre-men one huge -horde poured away in the direction of Africa, some of its members -pursuing their wanderings through generations, until they eventually -reached Europe across a bridge of land that then united the two -continents; being accompanied in their migration by the pre-glacial -fauna, the _Elephas antiquus_, _Rhinoceros merckii_ and other great -beasts whose fossilised remains bear witness of this emigration, we are -driven to conclude that throughout incalculable periods of time, from -the Tertiary era at least, when, according to Dr. Woodward, man was -already emerging from his pre-ape condition, down through the ages, -palæolithic, neolithic, bronze, and iron, across continents which have -been overwhelmed or refashioned, this simple meal of bulgaroo has -persistently held its ground and won its triumphs in the social and -afterwards in the religious life, pagan and Christian, of man as he has -progressed steadily but surely from generation to generation. - -Absurd as the foregoing presentment of a few, plain verifiable facts -will appear to the reader, it is neither more absurd nor more wildly -fantastic than much that passes for penetration with those who allow -themselves to become the slaves of resemblance and coincidence. So far -as the bulgaroo feast is concerned, it would be possible to write in the -same grandiloquent manner and with an equal amount of wisdom of a -beanfeast at Blackpool. - -To resume. The deductive philosopher having identified the Christian -Passover, which in England is commonly known as Easter and which always -occurs in March or April, with the Celtic feast of Beltane which always -occurs in May, it would be strange if he did not discover a pagan -archetype for Christmas. - -In this case both coincidence and resemblance point to the birthday of -Mithras the Persian sun-god whose worship was introduced at Rome in the -time of the Emperors. Is it unfair to remark that here conviction is -rendered doubly certain by reason of the fact that the date of the -earliest Christian observance of the Christmas festival is somewhat -obscure? We know that it originated at a very early period and that the -Alexandrians and the Churches of Palestine kept it, until the year 428, -at Epiphany[8] and not on the 25th of December. Clement of Alexandria, -who died about A.D. 220, refers to calculations of the year and day of -the Lord’s nativity not to encourage but to caution. It is noteworthy, -however, that he gives no hint of the danger which might arise from the -possibility of its being confounded with pagan celebrations of like -nature. It is well known that a festival of the sun was held at the time -of the winter solstice (_dies natalis invicti solis_), but it is equally -well known that the early fathers never ceased to warn the people -against confounding Christian festivals with pagan.[9] - -Having satisfied himself that the keeping of Christmas originated in sun -worship at the winter solstice, our philosopher would hardly do himself -justice did he not discover a similar explanation of the commemoration -of the birthday of St. John the Baptist at Midsummer. The ordinary -uninstructed Christian would probably argue, and to better purpose, that -if you keep the Saviour’s birthday on the 25th of December you ought to -keep the Baptist’s birthday on the 24th of June, because the latter was -six months older than the former.[10] - -It is possible that pagan rites may have become associated with the -Christian festival, but in Cornwall the Midsummer fires do not appear to -have been so associated. Whatever their origin may be, there is no -evidence that they have at any time entered into the Christian system. - -The position for which, in the interests of truth, it seems vital to -contend may be illustrated by citing a familiar episode from the life of -St. Patrick—the episode of the Paschal fire. There is indisputable -evidence that, from the days of the Emperor Constantine (A.D. 274-337) -at least, Easter was distinguished by the Christian Church from other -festivals by the lighting of fires or tapers to signify the rising of -Christ from the dead to give light to the world. When St. Patrick -arrived at the hill of Slane, in sight of Tara, on the eve of the -Christian Passover, he set about preparing for that great solemnity. He -lighted the sacred fire. But it so happened that the then pagan Irish -were, at that moment, equally intent upon keeping a festival of their -own, and that their festival also involved the observance of a similar -ceremony. They, too, had a fire to light, and the act of lighting by -anyone except King Leoghaire himself, or by one of his ministers at a -signal given by him, was punishable with death. St. Patrick in ignorance -of the prohibition lighted his fire first, and the fire was seen by the -King and his subjects at Tara. He would doubtless have acted as he did -had he known of the edict; but it was, as events soon showed, this -particular transgression, insignificant enough in itself, which at once -brought about the collision between him and Leoghaire. - -St. Patrick manifestly was not consciously observing a practice of pagan -origin. Whatever thoughts, memories or associations his fire kindled -within him they were definitely Christian. We are not told what meaning -the King’s fire had for _him_. The casual onlooker would probably have -seen little to choose between the one fire and the other: he might -conceivably have regarded them as expressive of one and the same -intention. Had a modern philosopher been present he would almost -inevitably have discerned a common origin and therefore a more or less -near relationship. Yet both would have been wrong; the first, because -the motives and intentions of Patrick and Leoghaire were _not_ the same; -the second, because until a common origin has been shown any inference -derived from similarity of ceremonial is apt to be misleading however -reasonable it may seem. - -An inference is misleading when it carries with it consequences which -are irrelevant to the main facts upon which it is founded. - -You cannot say that because the Christians used fire in their worship at -Easter and the pagans also used fire in their worship, therefore the -Christians adopted the practice from the pagans; still less can you say -that Easter originated in a pagan festival. All you can say is that -fire, as an accessory of worship, was used by both, just as prayer was -also so used by both. The paraphernalia (using the term in a neutral -sense) of two religions may be precisely alike, while the religions -themselves may be as wide as the poles asunder. And the complaint one -has to make against much that is brought forward as evidence of a common -origin for customs, both religious and secular, is that it is not -evidence at all, and that though it be repeated or multiplied a -thousandfold, it follows the familiar rule of mathematics and amounts to -nothing. Even when legitimate inferences have been drawn from groups of -observed facts, it is by no means uncommon to find them so manipulated -by writers as to convey wrong and erroneous impressions. Having regard -to the laws of the physical growth and development of organic matter and -to other considerations of a more technical character it may be -considered a legitimate inference that men and apes are descended from a -common ancestor, but it is a misrepresentation of the inference to say -that it implies that men are descended from apes. For although it may be -a source of comfort to all English-speaking people to believe that their -ancestors “either came in with William the Conqueror or went out in the -_Mayflower_,” it is clearly impossible for them to believe that they can -all trace their descent either from George the Third on the one hand, or -from George Washington on the other. A genealogical enthusiast may -perhaps be pardoned for seeking to embrace as many of the elect as -possible in his family tree, because even in his moments of deepest -depression he can point to Adam as the common ancestor. The student of -religions in like manner may be pardoned for desiring to express in -tabular form the successive stages through which doctrines and rites -have passed; have been developed, arrested, modified, governed and -conditioned. But neither the genealogist nor the religious philosopher -can be pardoned for mistaking a collateral for a direct ancestor. - -The Christian Church has, with generous and ready welcome, received into -her bosom all that could produce credentials of kinship, holding nothing -as common or unclean, however unworthy its associations and however -perverted its use in the past. Painting, music, poetry, drama, -philosophy, architecture, ritual, organisation, each has found a place -and received a fresh consecration as the result of its admission to the -embrace of the true mother of them all. Only one barrier has she -interposed—the barrier of heresy. She has always insisted that the -postulant’s real intentions should be clearly known. By sacrament, -creed, and confession she has exercised every precaution to secure peace -within her sacred walls. She has sacrificed popularity, endured -persecution, incurred hatred in order that all her children should share -the same affections, should speak the same things and think the same -thoughts. This has ever been and is still her great offence, her -unpardonable sin, in the eyes of those outside her communion, viz. that -she has been so uncompromisingly true to herself. For this reason it -might have been thought superfluous, or at any rate a more or less -academic matter, to discuss the origin of her symbolism and its -affinities. The human mind, however, almost inevitably, refuses to admit -the appropriateness of a newly imported symbol unless its past -associations are free from suspicion. Not only so, the student of -religions obsessed with the superlative value of resemblance and -coincidence, is apt to suppose that if he can show that the -paraphernalia of Christian worship approximately resembles that of some -pagan religion he has proved identity of intention and belief. - -By way of reply it would be possible to argue, with greater force and to -better purpose, that historically it can be shown that Christian worship -would be, at this time, fuller, richer, more ornate, more attractive and -possibly not less true to its supreme purpose if larger use had been -made of the common sources of religious ceremonial. The history of -heresy is, however, a sufficient refutation of the main contention. An -examination of some particular forms which the pagan theory has assumed -in relation to Cornwall will be given later on. - ------ - -Footnote 3: - - R. A. Courtney, _The Hill and the Circle_, p. 15. - -Footnote 4: - - Between the years 1854 and 1930, inclusive, Little Easter occurs - once—on the 2nd of May, 1886. - -Footnote 5: - - Quoted in the _Parochial History of Cornwall_, iii., 175. - -Footnote 6: - - The Celtic controversy respecting the incidence of the Christian - Passover was concerned solely with astronomical calculations and has, - of course, no bearing upon the matter here under discussion. - -Footnote 7: - - Buttel-Reepen, _Man and His Forerunners_, pp. 72-3. - -Footnote 8: - - The Armenians still keep the Nativity on the 6th of January. - -Footnote 9: - - The subject is fully dealt with by Neander; _Church History_ (Bohn’s - ed.), vol. ii., pp. 419-48. - -Footnote 10: - - He would be led so to argue by reflecting that in the Church’s - Kalendar Ascension and Pentecost are similarly related to the Paschal - Feast and Annunciation to Christmas. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - II - - THE CELTS - - -It is almost, if not quite, impossible to acquire a right perspective of -the position which the Celts occupy in British history without examining -the incidence of that position and some of its relationships by the -light of the results of modern archæological research. - -In Cornwall, as elsewhere, the prehistoric races which inhabited the -county before the Celts appeared have left abundant evidence of their -presence. That evidence, however, will be hard to discover in the warp -and bent of character and in the physical development which doubtless -all Englishmen have in some measure inherited from them, and towards -which these extremely remote ancestors have to some slight extent -contributed. We shall probably never know enough about any of them so as -to be in a position to say of any one living in the county as we might -say, for example, of an Irishman “that splendid act of daring or that -hairbrained escapade must be set down to his Irish breeding.” Yet, -inasmuch as no one supposes that an incoming race commonly extirpates -the race it supplants there is always the suspicion that the new race -may have yielded to the moral influence or to the religious atmosphere -of the old. History supplies us with instances of this triumph of -spiritual over physical force, Christianity itself being the most -striking instance of all. - -For this reason it is necessary to go back to those ages which have been -distinguished as palæolithic, neolithic, and bronze, in other words to -those periods during which unpolished stone, polished stone, and bronze -implements were in use,[11] in order to discover, if possible, whether -as the tide of industrial progress flowed in, there are indubitable -signs of an unbroken tradition of religious thought and practice which -became articulate in the historic narrative of Julius Cæsar. - -Mr. Clement Reid, F.R.S., has thought that he detected traces of the -palæolithic age in the raised beach at Prah Sands,[12] and there is, a -priori, no reason to suppose that his discovery will not be confirmed by -further investigation. Quite the contrary; it is not unlikely that some -of the implements which have been found in the county and which are now -commonly regarded as belonging to the later stone age will be found to -belong to the earlier. This consideration, however, has only a very -indirect bearing upon the present enquiry, for it has not yet been shown -that the men of the earlier period had any religious belief at all. - -On the other hand, there is a very strong presumption that the races of -the later period had, towards the end of it, religious beliefs more or -less definite. In this connection there is no need to call attention to -the different kinds of stone implements which have been found in -Cornwall and which have been identified with this—the neolithic—period. -It will be useful, however, to consider, very briefly, the more striking -of its monuments, found chiefly in the west and, by reason of their -size, styled megalithic. They are distinguished as dolmens sometimes but -incorrectly termed cromlechs, cists (stone chests), circles, menhirs or -long stones, and alignments of which there are comparatively very few in -the county. All belong to the same period; all appear to have been -erected by the same race. They are all found in greater numbers and of -larger dimensions in Brittany. The general opinion of competent -archæologists is that, with the exception perhaps of the menhirs, they -are all sepulchral in character and with the exception of some of the -cists that they all belong to the neolithic or else to the earlier half -of the Bronze Age. The dolmens, of which Chûn Quoit and Lanyon Quoit are -good examples, differ only in size and detail from the cists which are -abundant in Cornwall, and which have been proved to be depositories for -the dead by their contents. The circles probably performed the very -useful function of marking and protecting either single graves, as many -of the smaller ones are still found to do, or a more or less large -collection of graves like a modern churchyard wall. The fact that some -of the circles no longer surround human interments, or that some cists -are found without circles to protect them, presents no difficulty to -those who accept this explanation, but who at the same time admit a -variety of use in the disposal of the dead and who have abundant proof -of a bygone vandalism which is not unknown in Cornwall to-day. -Stonehenge is not only larger and more elaborate, but of later date than -most of the larger circles, being the only one in England which is -constructed of hewn stone, all the rest being built of undressed stone. -Even of this, for which, on that account, there might have been presumed -a quasi-religious origin, Sir Arthur Evans, one of the most eminent of -living archæologists, can only assert that “it is one of the large -series of primitive religious monuments that grew out of purely -sepulchral architecture.” - -Of alignments it is hardly possible to say more than this, that they are -usually associated with circles and may have served as avenues to them. -The menhirs, sometimes isolated and independent of other ancient remains -and sometimes as, for example, at St. Buryan and Drycarn, sufficiently -near to circles to suggest association with them, are even less easy to -explain. Some of them are of enormous dimensions, like the Men-er-Hroeck -at Locmariaquer in Brittany; some are so small as to be liable to be -mistaken for the rubbing stones of cattle. The former must have required -vast numbers of men to erect, and it is their weight and size which has -invested both the smaller and the greater with an interest and -importance which would otherwise have been lacking. It is probable that -some of them served as boundary stones, some as guide posts, and others -as stones of memorial, like those reared by Jacob at Bethel, Joshua at -Jordan, and Samuel at Ebenezer. The isolated menhirs of the largest -size, i.e. the true menhirs or great undressed stones, reared by human -instrumentality, wherever no traces of burial can be found either -underneath or near them, undoubtedly suggest a religious purpose. While -there is nothing to connect them with nature worship,[13] as commonly -understood, or with solar worship, it is difficult to conceive how they -came to be erected unless it was either to commemorate a departed -chief[14] or to serve as symbols or objects of religion. Reverence paid -to the dead, at certain stages of human development, may and probably -does imply a belief in life after death. These monuments are of the late -neolithic age. - -The transition from it to the Bronze Age took place in Europe, according -to the best authorities, about 1800 years before Christ. Bronze gave -place to iron about 900 years later. The use of bronze in Cornwall, -judging from the comparatively small number of bronze implements which -have been discovered in the county, and from the fact that for its -manufacture both of its constituent metals are abundant, would seem to -have been of shorter duration here than elsewhere. Bronze celts have -been found in Lelant, St. Just-in-Penwith, St. Hilary, St. -Mawgan-in-meneage, Gwinear and in a few other places, but the net result -is somewhat disappointing. - -It is, however, during this period that in Gaul we meet with two races, -the Ligurian and Iberian, occupying lands east and west of the Rhone -respectively. These races must not be identified too closely with the -countries whose names they bear. - -They appear to have followed different occupations, the Ligurians -devoting themselves to agriculture and the Iberians to the keeping of -sheep and cattle.[15] - -It is remarkable that little evidence should have been discovered -respecting the character of the religion of either race. A bronze disc -from Ireland and a horse mounted on (not harnessed to) a six-wheeled -curricle to one of the axles of which is affixed a disc, from Denmark, -have been supposed to be emblematic of the Bronze Age sun worship of -those countries. Again, the swan-shaped prow of Scandinavian boats has -been recognised as a solar emblem, but the freedom with which that -ancient bird has been treated for decorative purposes, leaves one -somewhat in doubt as to its religious signification. No evidence of the -use of either symbol has apparently been found in Britain or in -Armorica. - -If the distinction between Ligurian and Iberian can be sustained is it -not possible that the latter if not both emblems were confined to the -Ligurians and were introduced by them along with their religious -associations as traders engaged in the overland amber traffic between -the Baltic and the Mediterranean? - -The same dearth of evidence meets us when we come to consider the cult -of the bull and the sacred horns and that of the axe. Had this cult been -peculiar to a pastoral people like the Iberians an irreverent mind might -have been pardoned for suggesting that they hit upon a very appropriate -symbolism. Unfortunately the Bronze Age of Britain and Armorica, whether -Iberian or otherwise, supplies us with very few if any illustrations of -it. Two bronze bulls of small size found in Morbihan have been claimed -to represent it in Armorica. The bronze bull found in the Vicarage -garden at St. Just, undoubtedly fashioned for a religious purpose, seems -to have an equal claim; but until more evidence is forthcoming it is -allowable to doubt whether the Minoan beliefs, associated with the -bronze period in the Ægean, ever gained a footing in Britain. M. -Déchelette has with great pains striven to show that the mythology and -the metal were closely related, perhaps contemporaneous and -coextensive[16]—at least this seems to be the general drift of his -exposition. While yielding to no one in gratitude for his great work—a -challenge to English archæologists—it seems to the present writer that, -in dealing with the religious symbolism of the Bronze Age, so far as -North-Western Europe is concerned, he has done little more than to show -that the double axe (_bipenne_) of the Ægean has its analogue, perhaps -archetype, in the single axe with handle (_hache simple et emmanchée_) -which is found inscribed on some of the Armorican dolmens of an earlier -age. Nor is it self-evident that either the sacred horns or the axe is a -solar emblem, though both appear to have been received into the Minoan -system. - -When we leave the Bronze Age and come to the Iron, we enter upon what -has been termed protohistoric archæology. Within about 300 years of its -commencement we find ourselves in the presence of a race which has -survived and has in a measure retained its individuality up to the -present time. - -The Celts, it is true, were only one of several races which from the -east and north pressed westward and southward over Europe for a period -of over a thousand years; but no invasion has ever been more complete or -the effects of an invasion more profound and permanent. The Celts became -identified with our island to a greater extent than either of their -successors, the Saxons and Normans. The second body of them imparted to -it its name. In the fifth century before Christ they had reached the -Atlantic and had begun to invade Britain although the main body were -near the Danube. In 387 B.C., they sacked Rome, and in the succeeding -century a section of them crossed the Hellespont, overran Asia Minor and -eventually settled in what became known as Galatia. - -The point of greatest importance at the present stage of our enquiry is -that of the Celtic religion between the close of the Bronze Age and -Cæsar’s invasion of Gaul and Britain. Was it one of the many forms of -nature worship which found the central object of its adoration in the -glorious orb who in the words of the Psalmist “cometh forth as a -bridegroom out of his chamber and rejoiceth as a giant to run his -course”? Did the worship of the sun form its most prominent -distinguishing feature? - -The much-quoted passage given by Diodorus the Sicilian, who lived in the -first century before the Christian era and who reproduced it from the -_Description of the World_ written by Hecatæus in the fifth century, -states that in the island of the Hyperboreans over against Celtica there -is a magnificent circular temple which they have erected to Apollo.[17] -The passage presents more than one difficulty. The Hyperboreans were -known to the ancient world as the possessors of the sources of amber, a -substance which is not found in Britain but in the neighbourhood of the -Baltic. Those who would identify the Hyperborean island with Britain and -the temple with Stonehenge, have to face the greater difficulty of -accounting for the fact that a sepulchral structure erected in -pre-Celtic times was, in the fifth century before Christ, being used for -sun worship by Hyperboreans who may or may not have been Celts, but who -in the passage are described as having erected it for that purpose. It -should be remembered that Hecatæus had been dead for over a century when -Pytheas the daring Greek explorer made his famous voyage of discovery, -and that if that voyage was, as M. Déchelette contends,[18] to the -navigator of the fourth century before the Christian era what a polar -expedition is to the navigator of to-day, it is hardly likely that -Hecatæus could have had very reliable information concerning either -Britain or its Celtic inhabitants. - -It may, perhaps, be allowable to hazard an opinion which after all is -only an opinion, viz. that the Ligurians who dwelt along the -transcontinental amber route were sun worshippers, but that until the -days of Julius Cæsar we know very little, if indeed anything for -certain, of the religion of the Celts who inhabited western Gaul and -Britain. Whether Stonehenge was the temple referred to is very doubtful; -whether it was orientated with respect to the sun is a matter which, as -Professor Oman justly observes, need not be taken seriously.[19] - -But what of the Phœnicians, and where do they come in? It is a cruel -thing to say to a generation which can ill afford to part with any -fragment of its diminished archæological patrimony, but it must be said -without reserve or qualification: the Phœnicians do not come in at all. - -It would be comparatively easy, as some have already found, to provide -Celtic Britain with all the elaborate machinery of sun worship if it -could be shown that there were direct and close relations between -Britain and Phœnicia either before or after the Celtic invasion. No one, -of course, doubts or denies the glory of the Phœnician thalassocracy. -The Bible is only one of many witnesses. Hiram King of Tyre supplied -Solomon both with craftsmen for the brass work of the Temple at -Jerusalem and with sailors for his trading expeditions to India. Gades -(Cadiz) the port of Tartessus, or Tarshish, was founded by the -Phœnicians before 1100 B.C. The ships of Tarshish are rooted in the -memory like the bulls of Bashan and the cedars of Libanus. Ezekiel’s -lamentation for Tyre[20] is not only one of the most profoundly pathetic -but also one of the most illuminating passages in the Old Testament. - -Speaking of Tyre, he says, “Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the -multitude of all kind of riches, with silver, iron, tin, and lead they -traded in thy fairs:” “the ships of Tarshish did sing of thee in thy -market: and thou wast replenished and made very glorious in the midst of -the seas.” - -Nevertheless, great, extensive and varied as was the commercial -enterprise of the Phœnicians, scholars are now generally agreed that -they never got beyond Gades in their Atlantic voyages. - -Moreover, the Cassiterides or Tin Islands, mentioned by Diodorus, which -a former generation strove to identify with the Scilly Isles, lay -undoubtedly to the north of Spain.[21] At the same time it must be noted -that the same author Diodorus, who probably had his information from -Poseidonius (born circa 135 B.C.), does expressly state in the same -passage that tin was conveyed from Britain to Gaul and overland to -Marseilles. By that time, however, the doom of Carthage, the daughter -city of Tyre, situated on the Bay of Tunis, had also been sealed. - -This absence of historical evidence respecting Phœnician intercourse -with Britain, supposing such intercourse to have existed, might have -been in some measure explained—and not as the Privy Council explained -the Ornaments Rubric of the Church of England, by arguing that omission -implies prohibition—by assuming that the source of the tin supply was -kept secret, like that of amber, by the traders in that commodity. It is -the fact that no vestige of these Semitic navigators has been found -either in Gaul or in Britain, which decisively excludes the supposition -that they ever visited those countries. Dr. Birch in giving his judgment -upon the bronze bull found in the garden of St. Just Vicarage states it -as his conviction that no object has yet been found in Britain which can -be satisfactorily identified with the Phœnicians,[22] and M. Déchelette -is equally emphatic respecting the absence of similar objects in -Gaul.[23] What M. Alexandre Bertrand says of Celtic civilisation, -namely, that neither the Ligurians, nor the Phœnicians, nor the Greeks, -nor the Iberians collaborated in that educational work, may with some -reservations in favour of the two latter nations be accepted as true of -the Celtic religion. - -From Julius Cæsar some useful information is to be gained respecting the -religion of the Celts of his own day. He states that they had many gods, -the chief of whom, in Gaul at least, answered to the Roman Mercury, -patron of arts and crafts. Mars, Apollo, Minerva and Dis Pater were -represented in the Celtic system, but it is not easy to equate them -satisfactorily. After the Roman conquest the Britons followed the custom -of other subject races and identified their gods with those of Olympus. -Some of their gods found no corresponding analogue, like Nodens, whose -temple overlooked the Severn; others again were purely local and -patronal. - -During the three centuries while Britain remained a province of the -Empire the Romanisation of the native religion had free scope, the -spread of Christianity meanwhile striving with indifferent success to -keep pace with it. “The larger half of the altars and shrines, -discovered in Britain are simply set up to honour the ordinary gods of -the Roman world.”[24] Among these latter were many strange divinities, -who in origin were neither Celtic nor Roman, but were those of alien -races led to Britain by the hope of profitable traffic or by compulsory -military service. - -Mithras, for example, whose worship was introduced at Rome under the -Emperors, found in this way a place in the British pantheon. - -There is no evidence to show that either nature worship or sun worship -was the dominant religion of the Celts either before, during or after -the Roman occupation. It is, of course, possible to say of the Romans -that they practised both, but it is an abuse of language to say that -they were either sun worshippers like the Egyptians or nature -worshippers like the Phœnicians. The same holds good of the Celts. - -Under Roman influence the days of the week received Latin names derived -from the planetary system, all of which except Sunday (_Dies Solis_ -which became _Dies Dominica_) continued to be used by our lawyers until -English took the place of Latin in the courts of record. In Cornwall, -notwithstanding the Saxon invasion, the Latin names were retained until -Cornish ceased to be a spoken and written language. Thus Sunday, _Dies -Solis_ became _Dê Zil_, _Zil_ being the Cornish derivative of Sol and -not a variant of the Cornish word Houl.[25] Until the Roman occupation -the Celts reckoned time by nights, not days. Thus the first night (of -the week if they had weeks) was the sixth night after new moon, that is -when the moon was on the point of becoming half-full. Their year, -therefore, consisted of thirteen months. The Celtic mind appears to have -revelled in the realm of mystery. The practice of magic; the prevalence -of human sacrifice; the numerous local divinities, with strange names -preserved to us only in the dedications of their shrines, whose -attributes and powers remain unknown; the hidden virtues of the -mistletoe and the selago; above all, the secrets of the Celtic -priesthood—the Druids—suggest, but unfortunately only suggest, a -religious differentiation which carries us back to a period more remote -than that of any religious system with which we are familiar. - -Professor Sir John Rhys has attempted to show that Druidism was a -pre-Celtic survival, the religious system, in short, of some race which -preceded the Celts in Britain, and his judgment would doubtless have -been accepted had there not been good evidence to show that the system -was not peculiar to Britain but to the Celts themselves. It prevailed -among the continental Celts just as it prevailed among those of Britain -and Ireland. On the other hand, its affinities with classical mythology -are not sufficiently pronounced at the time when it is first encountered -to indicate an Ægean origin. When the original home of the Celt has been -determined it may be possible to discover the home of his religion. - -The Druids[26] were the interpreters of divine things to the Celtic -conscience. They shared with the knights the administration of public -affairs, expounded the ceremonial law and determined the times and modes -of its application. Cæsar states, but not on good authority, that -Druidism originated in Britain, and Tacitus, who lived towards the end -of the first century of the Christian era, that Anglesey was its -religious centre. An impressive picture is given of the scene (A.D. 60) -which was presented to the army of Suetonius Paulinus preparing to -attack that venerable sanctuary. “Along the shore was seen a dense line -of armed warriors, while women were rushing about between the ranks -garbed like the Furies, in black gowns, their hair flowing loose, and -torches in their hands. The Druids were visible in the rear offering -sacrifices to their gods, raising their hands to heaven, and calling -down dire imprecations upon the head of the invader.”[27] - -Of Druidical worship in Cornwall there is no direct evidence.[28] The -kinship and intercourse and close relations, however, which subsisted -between Cornwall, Wales and Ireland leave no room for doubt that -Druidism was its religious system. It should be needless to observe that -its megalithic remains, dolmens, circles, and the like, which were -erected many centuries before the Celts appeared in Britain, had -originally no connection with Druidism and that there is no evidence to -show that they ever became identified with it. - -Without stopping to compare Irish and Gaulish Druidism with that of -Britain there is one point which claims attention and which, whether -Druidical or essentially primitive and sporadic, bears witness to the -existence of a cult which, occurring in Ireland, could not have been -introduced by the Romans. - -From the life of St. Patrick we learn that in Ireland idols of stone, -sometimes adorned with gold, silver, or copper, and in particular one -stone, that of Ceen Cruaich or Cronn Cruach, were worshipped by all the -people of the land.[29] Practices similar though not necessarily -identical—in other words idol worship—characterised the Cornish paganism -of the sixth century. Henoc the biographer of St. Sampson relates an -incident of such absorbing interest that a translation of the Latin,[30] -however imperfect, will be welcomed. It was during the saint’s sojourn -at Docco (St. Kew) that we read, “Now it came to pass, on a certain day -as he journeyed through a certain district which they call Tricurius -(the hundred of Trigg) he heard on his left hand (_in sinistra parte de -eo_) to be exact, men worshipping (at) a certain shrine after the custom -of the Bacchantes by means of a play in honour of an image. Thereupon he -beckoned to his brothers that they should stand still and be silent -while he himself, quietly descending from his chariot to the ground and -standing upon his feet and observing those who worshipped the idol, saw -in front of them, resting on the summit of a certain hill an abominable -image. On this hill I myself have been and have adored and with my hand -have traced the sign of the cross which Saint Sampson, with his own -hand, carved by means of an iron instrument on a standing stone. When -Saint Sampson saw it (the image), selecting two only of the brothers to -be with him, he hastened quickly towards them, their chief Guedianus -standing at their head, and gently admonished them that they ought not -to forsake the one God who created all things and worship an idol. And -when they pleaded as excuse that it was not wrong to keep the festival -of their progenitors in a play, some being furious, some mocking but -some of saner mind strongly urging him to go away, straightway the power -of God was made clearly manifest. For a certain boy driving horses at -full speed fell from a swift horse to the ground and twisting his head -under him as he fell headlong, remained, just as he was flung, little -else than a lifeless corpse. - -“Then St. Sampson, speaking to the tribesmen as they wept around the -body, said, ‘You see that your image is not able to give aid to the dead -man. But if you will promise that you will utterly destroy this idol and -no longer adore it I, with God’s assistance, will bring the dead man to -life.’ And they consenting, he commanded them to withdraw a little -further off and after praying earnestly over the lifeless man for two -hours he delivered him, who had been dead, alive and sound before them -all. - -“Seeing this they all with one accord, along with the aforementioned -chief, prostrated themselves at St. Sampson’s feet and utterly destroyed -the idol.” - -It will have been noticed that the writer does not state whether the -idol was of stone or of wood; nor is it quite clear whether it was -itself the object of worship or the representation or symbol of a god. -Probably it was the latter. - -Whatever its nature and character the saint decided upon its destruction -and marked the sign of the cross not upon it but upon a stone standing -in its vicinity. It does not seem likely that the word abominable -(_simulacrum abominabile_) would have been employed to describe a -wheel-headed stone. The idol was probably a fetich pure and simple or -possibly a symbol of nature worship. - -Whatever may have been the purposes for which menhirs were erected -during the neolithic period and whatever adoration may have been paid -them by succeeding races—we have no evidence that such adoration _was_ -paid—it appears certain that they had nothing to do with sun worship. -The Minoan symbolism, as such, which included the cross or rather the -wheel with four spokes (in this connection a better and more accurate -description because it explains the most beautiful form which it assumed -as the swastika), is entirely absent from the prehistoric monuments of -Western Europe.[31] The stone crosses of Cornwall are not of an earlier -date than the sixth or seventh century of our era, and by that time not -only was the county actively Christian but the Minoan symbolism was -dead, buried and forgotten. - -Stones may be, and in many ages and in many lands have been, venerated -for their supposed powers and virtues. Such stones, especially in -Brittany, have received Christianisation, that is, have been marked with -or surmounted by a cross within comparatively modern times. There is no -reason why some such course may not have suggested itself to the Cornish -Christians of the seventh and succeeding centuries. But the golden age -of Celtic Christianity was during the latter half of the seventh and -first half of the eighth century, and at that time Cornwall was in -constant communication with Ireland, the centre of Christian -learning.[32] - -About 270 stone crosses are to be found in Cornwall. They are mostly of -granite and have been fashioned by means of iron implements, in some -instances with considerable taste and skill. - -They are too well known to require description. To suppose them to have -been erected by sun worshippers in the sixth and succeeding centuries is -to suppose the prevalence of a religion in Cornwall which at that time -prevailed nowhere else in Europe and concerning which history is silent. -On the other hand, to suppose them to have been originally connected -with nature worship of a peculiarly revolting character and to have been -Christianised by signing them with the sign of the cross is highly -improbable if, as the maintainers of this hypothesis assert, that sign -was regarded as pagan. - -A much simpler and more convincing explanation is that the stone crosses -were erected in order to disaffect and sanctify places which from time -immemorial had been devoted to old pagan superstitions.[33] This at any -rate has the merit of being in accordance with the facts disclosed by -the Sampson episode. Moreover, it avoids the anachronism which connects -them with sun worship, while at the same time it disallows the charge of -incredible folly which must otherwise be imputed to the founders of -Cornish Christianity if we suppose those earnest men to have retained a -degrading symbol of nature worship with little or no modification of its -structural features. - ------ - -Footnote 11: - - A still earlier age, the eolithic, which in Sussex has supplied my - school contemporary, Dr. A. Smith Woodward of the British Museum, with - what he believes to be a link between man and his pre-human ancestor - is not represented in Cornwall. - -Footnote 12: - - _Geology of the Land’s End District_, pp. 79-80. - -Footnote 13: - - “_Le prétendu caractère phallique de quelques-uns de ces monuments - n’est qu’une conjecture chimérique qui a permis à certains esprits - imaginatifs de se donner carrière._” Déchelette, _Manuel - d’Archéologie_, I, 431, n. 2. - -Footnote 14: - - W. C. Borlase, _Nænia Cornubiæ_, p. 99: - - “Wishing to put beyond dispute the origin and purpose of some few at - least of these monoliths, and to ascertain if any were indeed - sepulchral, the author ... examined the ground round some half-dozen - of them.” - - At the foot of a menhir at Pridden, St. Buryan, he found “a deposit of - splinters of human bone.” At the foot of a menhir at Trelew, St. - Buryan, he found “a deposit of splintered bones similar in quantity - and appearance to that found at Pridden.” A precisely similar - discovery was made at Trenuggo, Sancreed. Another at Tregonebris. - -Footnote 15: - - This is shown by the presence of bronze sickles in Ligurian graves and - their absence in Iberian. - -Footnote 16: - - _Archéologie: Age du Bronze_, chap. xiii. - -Footnote 17: - - Quoted by Déchelette, _Archéologie_, II, pp. 413, 567; by Lord - Avebury, _Prehistoric Times_, p. 132; by D. Gougaud, _Chrétientés_, p. - 13. - -Footnote 18: - - _Archéologie_, II, p. 30. - -Footnote 19: - - _England before the Norman Conquest_, p. 9. - -Footnote 20: - - Ezekiel, xxvii and xxviii. - -Footnote 21: - - Sir Hercules Read, _Early Iron Age_, p. 85. - -Footnote 22: - - _Arch. Journal_, viii, 8. - -Footnote 23: - - _Age du Bronze_, p. 29. - -Footnote 24: - - Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, p. 107. - -Footnote 25: - - Mr. Henry Jenner, F.S.A., to whom I am indebted for this statement, - has reminded me that St. Michael’s Mount is given in the _Life of St. - Cadoc_ as Dinsul (Mons solis) and that Tregaseal in St. Just may be a - compound of which _seal_=_Zil_=_sol_. Both are possible. Roman - intercourse with the extreme west of Cornwall is proved by the Roman - milestone at St. Hilary, which is within easy distance of both places. - -Footnote 26: - - Gougaud, _Chrétientés_, p. 22. The derivation of the word Druid is - uncertain. There appears to be no doubt that the Druids practised a - form of divination founded not on the flight but on the song of birds, - that of the wren in particular. Dren is Irish for wren. From this some - have inferred that Druid is derived from dren drui-én. There is - another Irish word _drúi_ (genitive _druad_) which meant a magician. - Anwyl, _Celtic Religion_, p. 55. - -Footnote 27: - - Prof. Oman’s translation, _England before the Norman Conquest_, p. 74. - -Footnote 28: - - See, however, chap. iv. - -Footnote 29: - - D. Gougaud, _Chrétientés_, pp. 16, 17. - -Footnote 30: - - Edited by M. Fawtier (Paris, Champion, 5 Quai Malequais, 1912). The - Latin text is given in the appendix to this book p. 169. - -Footnote 31: - - Déchelette, _Archéologie Préhistorique_, p. 441. - -Footnote 32: - - Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, p. 30. - -Footnote 33: - - Anatole le Braz, _La nuit des feux_. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - III - - CORNWALL AND BRITTANY - - -Although much good work has been done and useful results have been -obtained in many fields of research both by individual Cornishmen and by -societies like the Royal Institution of Cornwall, there is one -department at least which has been somewhat neglected by those for whom -it might have been expected to possess a special attractiveness. - -The interest which of late years has been awakened in the Cornish -language and in Celtic Christianity has not been the result of any -revival in Cornwall itself. Mr. Whitley Stokes is an Irishman by birth -and extraction, Professor Loth a Breton, Mr. Henry Jenner a Cornishman. -In fact no Cornishman except the last-named has so far thrown himself -wholeheartedly into the movement which has for its object the critical -study of the language and religion of the Celtic-speaking nations. This -is much to be regretted, because both of these subjects were assigned a -place in the comprehensive scheme of Dr. Borlase, which, as conceived -and elaborated by him, entitled him to rank among the leading European -antiquaries of his own day. Although Dr. Borlase achieved little of -permanent value in the way of exposition, he gathered much valuable -material which, but for him, would have been lost, and by his sagacity -and diligence succeeded in riveting the attention of his compatriots. - -He was, like all the leading archæologists of his time, a resolute -believer in the Druidical origin of the prehistoric remains of the -county, a theory which he advocated with consummate skill and -particularity. Since his death the theory has been found to be untenable -without any serious injury, however, being done to his high reputation. - -The brilliant essay of his great-great-grandson, the late Mr. William -Copeland Borlase, on the _Age of the Saints_, first printed in 1878, has -been one of the very few original works accomplished in the county -having for its object the exposition of Celtic Christianity. In this -work its writer attempted too much. Subsequent research has shown that -many of his identifications of the Cornish saints are untrustworthy, and -that his arbitrary delineation of the spheres of influence of the -respective groups of Irish, Welsh and Breton saints is often fanciful -and misleading. - -Given leisure and the spirit of enquiry, the two subjects which ought to -appeal most strongly to a Cornishman are the ancient religion and the -ancient language of the county to which he belongs. - -Both subjects are now well within his reach owing to the immense amount -of material which has, within recent years, been made available by the -publication of ancient records. The _Councils and Ecclesiastical -Documents_ of Haddan and Stubbs, the _Episcopal Registers_, edited by -Hingeston-Randolph, the _Parish Registers_, edited by Phillimore and -others, the publications of the Record Commissioners and of the Royal -Institution of Cornwall, the _Revue Celtique_, the _Ancient Cornish -Drama_, edited by Mr. Edwin Norris, the critical works of Mr. Whitley -Stokes, of Professor Loth and Dom Gougaud, the _Cornish Grammar_ of Mr. -Jenner; these are a few of the many sources whence valuable information -may be derived for the comparative study of these subjects. In this -connection it may be observed that little satisfaction will be gained -from facts and statements which are obtained at second hand. Facts must -be sought out in the original documents and examined in their original -settings. - -The context is often more illuminating than the fact which it enshrines. -Not documents only; the towns, villages, hamlets and homesteads, with -their ancient names, address silent appeals to the hearts and -understandings of those who live among them. - -An interesting illustration is supplied by the three Cornish words, -Eglos (_Ecclesia_), Escop (_Episcopus_) and Pleu (_Plebs_)—interesting -because the final judgment must be held in suspense until a survey has -been made of their ramifications. All three words are found in the -place-names of this county. Eglos is found in Lanteglos, Egloskerry and -in some other places; Escop is found in Trescobeas in Budock, formerly -appendant to the bishop’s manor of Penryn, also in Mainen Escop -(Bishop’s Rock), in the Isles of Scilly; Pleu is found in Plunent, the -ancient name of Pelynt, in Pluvathack (Budock) and possibly in Bleu -Bridge in Gulval. Names beginning or ending in Eglos are numerous in -Cornwall; those having Pleu for the first syllable are very few in -number. In Brittany very few place-names are composed of Eglos and -Escop, whereas Pleu enters into many. Why does Pleu rather than Eglos -lend itself so readily in Brittany to the exigencies of ecclesiastical -nomenclature? Were it not that Lan (monastery) is equally distributed in -the two countries, we should be tempted to say that in Cornwall a Celtic -word (lan) was preferred to a Latin word (plebs) to describe the -ecclesiastical unit. Some difference of condition or of association -there must have been to account for it. That which most readily occurs -is that Armorica was thoroughly Latinised before the insular Celts -arrived there, whereas Cornwall was probably never brought into close -contact with Roman civilisation as such except on and near the coast; in -other words, that Plebs was in use in the former country before it -became Christian and acquired afterwards a specific ecclesiastical -signification, whereas in Cornwall it was introduced along with -Christianity or after Christianity had taken root. Very few traces of -Roman civilisation are to be found in this county. The Roman milestone -at St. Hilary is almost unique. Roman coins, of which many have been -found in the county, do not prove Roman settlement. It is certain, -however, that Britain had become Christian, at least in name, before the -Roman legions were withdrawn, and it is therefore probable that the -words Eglos, Escop and Pleu had been received into the Cornish language -before that time. And the true explanation of the persistence of Pleu in -the place-names of Brittany seems to be that the insular Britons, who -had acquired the word Plebs during the Roman occupation, converted it, -for ecclesiastical purposes, into Pleu and took it with them when they -emigrated to Armorica, where very soon it had to give place to the word -Pares (from the French Paroisse), though not before it had taken root in -the place-names. In Cornwall and Wales, on the other hand, Pleu remained -in current use and is therefore seldom found in the place-names of those -countries. Making allowance for changed conditions, the same explanation -accounts for the persistence of the word Lan in the place-names of all -three countries—it persisted in the place-names because it had fallen -out of current use. - -For reasons which will appear later, it is important to keep well in -mind the relations which subsisted between Cornwall and Brittany from -the time of the Dumnonian exodus, which began in the first half of the -fifth century, until those relations were interrupted in the sixteenth -century. - -Leaving for future discussion the question of religion, there are points -of contact between the two countries which deserve attention, not only -because they are interesting in themselves, but because they can hardly -fail to suggest others. - -The colonisation of Armorica by the people of Dumnonia is accepted by -every scholar of repute. The gradual re-settlement of Bretons in -Cornwall is not so well known. Nevertheless, the historical evidence is -not open to question. Domesday Book shows that, with three exceptions, -all the landholders in Cornwall were, in the days of Edward the -Confessor, Saxons. When William the Norman set about the conquest of -England, he was joined by several Breton nobles, who, by way of reward, -received considerable grants of land in Cornwall. Richard Fitz Turold, -the ancestor of the baronial house of Cardinan, received thirty-one -manors, Brient six, Blohiu five, Jovin thirteen, Wihumar three and -Judhel one. - -It was, doubtless, owing to the presence of these Breton knights that -Cornwall came to play so important a part in the Arthurian romances, -which, soon after the Conquest, became known throughout western Europe. -There has been much controversy respecting their origin. They have been -attributed to England, Wales, Cornwall and Brittany. That of _Tristan -and Iseult_ was, until quite recently, commonly referred to an English -archetype which assumed literary form at the hands of British and Welsh -minstrels or jugglers. - -It has remained for Professor Loth to demonstrate, beyond the -possibility of doubt, that it originated in Cornwall at a time when -Celtic, Saxon and Norman were all spoken languages. Those who are -familiar with the romance will have been puzzled by the presence of two -Iseults in one and the same story. On this point M. Loth says, “in my -opinion it is from the juxtaposition in Cornwall of two legends, the -Cornish and the Armorican, and from a compromise between the two that -the creation of the two Iseults has originated.”[34] - -No better proof could be found of the friendly spirit which existed -between the two nations than their mutual consent to share the tales and -traditions of both. - -It was a Breton who, in 1177, carried away the body of St. Petrock to -the monastery of St. Mewan in Brittany. As a canon of Bodmin he had -learnt to venerate the saint, and doubtless considered that he could -confer no greater boon upon his own countrymen than to present them with -the saint’s relics. At the instance of Henry II, Roland de Dinan -restored them to the Priory. - -The trade between the two countries was considerable. The Patent Rolls -supply ample evidence of this. In 1343 we find an inquisition respecting -certain mariners of the county of Cornwall who had been received into -the service of the Duchess of Brittany, but who had turned pirates and -plundered the vessels of both countries. - -More convincing still is the evidence supplied by the first subsidy roll -of King Henry VIII. The roll is undated, but the date cannot be later -than 1523. In it are given the names of all those who were required to -contribute to the subsidy and the several amounts of their assessment, -in land and goods, for the purpose. The roll for the hundred of Penwith -is almost complete, only the parishes of Crowan, Illogan, Redruth and a -part of Camborne being missing.[35] In all the Penwith parishes, save -five of the smaller ones, are found Bretons who are described as _nati -in partibus Britanniæ sub obediencia Regis Francorum_. These Bretons -constitute more than one-sixth of the total tax-paying population of the -hundred of Penwith. They are described as tinners, fishermen, smiths, -servants, labourers and cooks: the occupations of twenty-nine of them -are not given. Although the several amounts to be contributed by them -are in every case in respect of goods and comparatively small, there is -fortunately reliable evidence to prove they were not mere sojourners but -persons who had come to stay. - -The order to keep parish registers issued by Thomas Cromwell in 1537, -and the further order, in 1597, requiring a transcript of them to be -made on parchment, would have provided future generations with an -invaluable source of information, had those orders been generally obeyed -and the records carefully preserved. - -Unfortunately, few parishes can claim to possess an uninterrupted record -of baptisms, marriages and burials from the year 1538 up to the present -time. In Penwith only Camborne enjoys this distinction. All the rest of -the registers begin after the accession of Queen Elizabeth. The earliest -of the Madron registers, which begins in 1577, has been printed and is -accessible: the Camborne marriages have also been printed. From these -two registers it will suffice to give extracts which bear upon Breton -settlement in the county. Camborne supplies the following marriages: - - 1538. John Carthowe, brito, and Nora his wife. - 1540. Stephen Bryton and Jane his wife. - 1540. G’ua Bryton and Margaret his wife. - 1540. Uden John, brytton, and his wife. - 1540. Gregorie Brytton and Margaret his wife. - 1546. John Gerecrist and Margaret Willm, bryttons. - 1568. Peres Brytton and Alson his wife. - -If the above list is compared with the subsidy roll, to which reference -has been made, it will be clear that Bryton is not a surname but a -descriptive epithet. The list, in fact, supplies only four surnames, -Carthowe, John, Willm and Gerecrist. Of these the first and last are -interesting: the first survives in Cornwall as Carthewe and in Brittany -as Carzou; the last is a Breton place-name—Kergrist, near Pontivy.[36] - -As showing that the Breton immigrants did not return to their own -country the following entries from the Madron register[37] will be -helpful, if not conclusive. Among the burials we have: - - 1582. Jane, wife of John Brittayne. - 1585. Elizabeth, wife of Oliver, the Brittonn. - 1587. Joane, wife of John Britton. - 1599. Peres Brittayne. - -Unfortunately the Madron baptisms are missing until 1592 and the -marriages until 1577. It is impossible, however, with the Camborne -marriages and the Madron burials before us, to resist the conclusion -that in the first half of the sixteenth century Bretons arrived, married -and were buried in the county. They doubtless left descendants. It is -remarkable, however, that whereas, at the present time, in Cornwall the -surname Britton or Bridden is rare, in the Midlands, where Breton -influence was never considerable, it is comparatively common. The -explanation appears to be that the Christian names of the Breton -immigrants became surnames, and in this way the number of Christian -surnames, which in West Cornwall now amounts to little short of 30 per -cent of the whole number, was vastly increased. - -For how long the tide of Breton immigration had been flowing, when we -meet with it in the sixteenth century, it is impossible to say. Its -persistence in the first half of that century is not more noteworthy -than its arrest in the second half.[38] - -Brittany had become a French province in 1495 by the marriage of Anne, -Duchess of Brittany, to Charles VIII. The tortuous foreign policy of -Queen Elizabeth of England, no less than the political and religious -complications of her protracted reign, could hardly have been favourable -to Breton immigration. The reformed religion and the decline of the -Cornish language have prevented a renewal of close relations between the -two countries. - -The mystery and miracle plays constituted another link between Cornwall -and Brittany. Whether written in Cornish or Breton they could be -understood by the inhabitants of both countries. - -They were acted on both sides of the Channel in the open air. The -subject matter—sacred history and religious biography—was the same for -both. The trilogy called the Ordinalia, which, in three plays, covered -roughly the same ground as the Old and New Testament, represents the -Cornish treatment, by means of the Cornish language, of the mystery, -which, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, was common to western -Europe. But the miracle play of _Beunans Meriasek_, the life of St. -Meriasek, was Celtic in origin and treatment. The Cornish version, -written by Dom Hadton, in 1504, had probably a Breton archetype. St. -Meriasek or Meriadec, who shares with St. Martin the patronage of -Camborne, was unquestionably a very important personage in Brittany. He -gave his name to a trève of Plumergat, Pluvigner, Pluneret and -Noyal-Pontivy:[39] he is the patron of Stival and of Plougasnou. He was -also numbered among the early bishops of Vannes, though, according to M. -Loth, mistakenly.[40] - -It is significant that in the Cornish _Beunans Meriasek_ his elevation -to that see forms an important episode. This fact, of itself, would -suggest a Breton origin for the play. Mr. Thurstan Peter has, on other -grounds, arrived at the same conclusion.[41] - -The mystery and miracle plays were still in vogue when Richard Carew -wrote his _Survey of Cornwall_. There is no need to quote the well-known -passage in which he describes the degradation of what had once been a -valuable means of instruction, but which, in his day (1590), had become -a questionable form of popular entertainment. - -At St. Just-in-Penwith and Perranzabuloe the plain-an-gware, place of -the play, is more or less carefully preserved. The populous district of -Plainangwarry in the parish of Redruth also reminds the inhabitants of -the days of old and the years that are past. In more than one manorial -extent, as, for example, in that of the manor of St. Buryan, the writer -has found a tenement, described as Plainangware, the site of which is -now unknown. It is not improbable that every considerable Cornish parish -had formerly a space reserved for the mystery and miracle play. - -No attempts have hitherto been made to revive these plays in -Cornwall.[42] A graduate of Missouri University, visiting the -Plain-an-gware at St. Just, informed the writer that in New York, with -the assistance of wealthy patrons, the Cornish plays had been -successfully rendered by members of the University. In Brittany there -has been of late years a notable revival of the mysteries on modern -lines in the Breton language. Under the direction of an enlightened -clergy, encouraged by eminent Celtic scholars, the plays are attracting -the attention of many besides those for whom they have been written. The -marked histrionic ability of the players, most, if not all, of them -simple country folk, the atmosphere of reverent adoring faith, and of -robust inspiring patriotism, the utter absence of anything like vanity -or pretence, the intense reality of the Gospel story which, too often, -in the case of ordinary Englishmen, has, under the soothing influence of -an inimitable authorised version of the Holy Scriptures, become an -idyllic, poetical and idealistic presentment of Scriptural truth, when -proclaimed by the living voice and the impassioned fervour of believing -hearts amid circumstances not very dissimilar to those which gave it -birth: all this is irresistibly pathetic and convincing. - -No one who has been present at St. Anne d’Auray and who has followed, -even by means of a French translation, the Boéh-er-goèd (the Call of the -Blood), in which the parable of the Prodigal Son is unfolded strictly on -the lines of the sacred narrative, can ever forget it. In the words of -Abbé le Bayon, the writer of the libretto, it is “par delà ce pauvre -père qui souffrit un jour, dans quelque coin ignoré, de l’abandon -inqualifiable de son fils—que chacun des spectateurs veuille bien -entrevoir; le cœur de Dieu éternellement blessé des abandons humains; -mais aussi, la vieille Bretagne toute déchirée au délaissement des siens -et confiante encore, toujours aimante, rappelant à sa vieille langue, à -ses croyances anciennes, les fils oublieux en qui repose l’espoir de la -race.” The appeal “à sa vieille langue” for Cornishmen comes too late, -but that “à ses croyances anciennes” should meet with a response from -those at least who are zealous for the traditions of their Cornish -forefathers. - ------ - -Footnote 34: - - _Romans de la Table Ronde_, p. 110. - -Footnote 35: - - The Roll was printed by the Royal Institution of Cornwall in 1887. - Extracts from some of the later rolls are given by Mr. J. H. Matthews - in his _History of St. Ives, Lelant, Towednack and Zennor_, pp. - 133-42; and by Dr. W. J. Stephens in his _Collections for a History of - Crantock_. - -Footnote 36: - - I am indebted to Professor Loth for the identification of these - surnames. - -Footnote 37: - - Some further light would doubtless be thrown on the subject if the - Camborne registers were searched for the children of the above - marriages and for the burial of their parents. It is noteworthy that - Carthew marriages were solemnised at Camborne in 1583 and 1588. They - may have been, and probably were, those of John Carthowe’s children. - -Footnote 38: - - As late, however, as 1599 we meet with Bretons at Redruth, who - contributed handsomely to the subsidy of that year. Six may be noted - in the St. Ives district in 1571, but none in 1593 or after that date - (Lay Subsidies, 87 (218)). - -Footnote 39: - - The trève is described by Dom Gougaud as a parochial subdivision still - recognised in certain cantons of Brittany (_Chrétientés_, p. 124). - -Footnote 40: - - Loth’s _Les Saints bretons_, pp. 92, 93. - -Footnote 41: - - Peter, _Old Cornish Drama_, p. 34. - -Footnote 42: - - After the above was written, Mr. Thurstan Peter, President of the - Royal Institution of Cornwall, announced that under the ægis of that - institution the _Beunans Meriasek_ would be performed in the year - 1915. The great war has necessarily caused the postponement of the - enterprise. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - IV - - THE CELTIC CHRISTIANITY OF CORNWALL - - -By comparing the development of Christian institutions in the various -portions of the Celtic world and observing those elements which were, -for three centuries at least, characteristic, common and permanent, it -ought to be possible to arrive at some very definite and useful results. -It ought to be possible to supplement the evidence, supplied by writers -like Gildas and the venerable Bede, and, from the common store of Celtic -learning, acquired in Wales, Ireland and Brittany, to remedy our -defective knowledge of Cornwall and of Cornish Christianity. Obviously -the closer the relations between the four Celtic families the stronger -the presumption in favour of an identity of ecclesiastical organisation. - -Until the Saxon raids, which began in the year 428, Cornwall and Wales -were integral portions of Great Britain; the inhabitants, though -differentiated into kingdoms, were bound together by a common religion -and by a more or less common language. - -The Roman occupation which in Armorica had changed the vernacular from -Gaulish to Latin (which in the fifth century was, in that country, -already giving rise to a romance language) achieved no such marked -result in Britain. Latin may have been spoken in the centres of -population and in places where the Roman influence was exceptionally -strong; it may have been spoken, as Professor Haverfield contends, in -the eastern counties; but the absence of any trace of a romance language -goes to prove that it was never the vernacular. - -The Saxon invasion which, during the fifth and sixth centuries, reduced -the Britons to a state of servitude, or drove them to the more -inaccessible and remote regions of Wales and Cornwall, was the immediate -cause of a great exodus to Armorica. No event in British history proved -more fruitful in results: no event is more suggestive for the purpose of -elucidating Cornish Church history. How large was the share taken in -that emigration by the people of Dumnonia (Cornwall, Devon, Dorset and -Somerset) may be gathered from the fact that the language which the -emigrants introduced into Armorica—a language which speedily superseded -Latin just as Latin had superseded Gaulish—was Cornish rather than -Welsh, the language, in short, which survived in some parts of Cornwall -until the eighteenth century and which is, with some slight -modification, still spoken in Finistère and to some extent in Morbihan -and Côtes du Nord. Professor Loth, whose eminence as a Celtic scholar no -one will dispute, has written, “it is certain that linguistically the -Britons of Cornwall were nearer of kin to the emigrants than the Welsh: -they doubtless occupied the nearer neighbourhood of ancient Dumnonia.” -“The Breton language forms with Cornish a closely compacted unity as -opposed to Welsh, although the three languages were assuredly very near -neighbours at this period” (the fifth century).[43] - -Armorica itself became known as Brittany in the sixth century. Cornwall -(Cornouaille) was adopted as the name of that portion of it between the -Elorn and the Ellé soon afterwards. Dumnonia was the name given to the -northern portion between the Elorn and the Cuesnon in the ninth century. -The settlers in Armorica introduced their own form of Christianity, and -the object of the British and Irish missionary saints who flocked -thither soon afterwards was not, as ancient writers have supposed, in -order to convert the pagan Gauls, but rather to administer to the -spiritual needs of their compatriots. To these missions our Dumnonia -contributed little in comparison with Wales. Cornwall after the -foundation of the kingdom of Wessex in 519 became isolated: its -relations with Brittany were doubtless closer than with Saxonised -Britain. But it never became, like Wales and Ireland in the fifth and -sixth centuries, a great missionary centre. The founders of the Breton -monastery-bishoprics—Pol Aurelian, Lunaire, Magloire, Mewan and Malo -were all Welsh: Tutwal only, the founder of Tréguier, was of British -Dumnonia. Of the British saints whose names are found in the parishes, -fractions of parishes and holy places of Brittany, from 80 to 90 are -Welsh; about 60 appear in Cornwall; from 30 to 40 appear only in -Brittany and in Cornwall and Devon, and a few in Somerset.[44] - -The British refugees remind us of Æneas whom tradition represents as -bringing with him his Lares and Penates to Italy. The Dumnonian -immigrants brought with them the cult of their own insular saints. At a -later period Brittany was able to make a return in kind. Pol Aurelian, -Sampson, Columba, Meriadec, Corentin and others of Breton fame were -received into the devotional system of Cornwall. - -Not only were the Breton and Cornish people one in origin, tradition, -language and religious sentiment, they were one in their Celtic ideal of -the priestly and religious life. Theirs no less than that of the Welsh -and Irish was the monastic ideal. Every Cornish place-name bearing the -prefix _lan_, together with some place-names bearing the prefix _nan_, -implies a monastic foundation. Lanisley, Landithy, Lanhydrock, Lanherne -and Landegy, Nancekuke and Nansladron are a few examples which show that -the quasi-monastic foundations of Domesday Book were only modified -survivals of what was in the sixth century the accepted ecclesiastical -type, a type which continued to exist apparently long after the -parochial system made its appearance. A body of celibate clergy, living -in community, observing a religious rule and entrusted with the care of -souls over an ill-defined area will probably represent the normal, just -as an anchorite living solitary with a view to the perfecting of his -soul in holiness will represent the abnormal development of the monastic -ideal. We have no means of estimating the number of monks whose -segregation constituted a Cornish lan. It is probable that the -communities were small as compared with those of Wales and Ireland. The -great monastery of Bangor Iscoed on the Dee had, according to the -Venerable Bede, at the beginning of the seventh century no less than -2100 monks. Clonard, in the county of Meath, founded by St. Finnian -about the year 520, is said to have been larger. It may be extravagance -on the part of the biographer of St. Patrick to state that the saint -enjoined a levy of a tithe of the men as well as a tithe of the land for -the support of the Church,[45] but there can be no doubt that a very -considerable fraction of the Celtic population embraced the religious -life. At the same time we shall probably arrive at a false economic -inference unless we bear in mind the tripartite division of the monk’s -day which required one-third of it to be spent in manual labour. - -Professor Loth, as the result of a careful study of Breton toponomastic, -has arrived at the conclusion that the Armorican parishes were placed as -early as the sixth and seventh century under the invocation of the -saints—national, emigrant, or otherwise—whose names they still bear.[46] -It is therefore possible, I think probable, that the Cornish parish is -older than the English. The reforms of Archbishop Theodore (668-690) -which resulted in the subdivision of dioceses and the formation of -parishes, were begun though not completed a little less than a century -later. Cornwall and Wales were unaffected by these reforms, the -Archbishop of Canterbury’s jurisdiction not being acknowledged by -Cornwall until the days of Egbert (803-839), or by Wales until the -beginning of the twelfth century. - -In the absence of clear historical evidence it would be rash to assert -that every development in Wales, Brittany and Ireland was followed by a -corresponding development in Cornwall, but where the same religious -influences were at work in every other Celtic-speaking country it may be -assumed that those influences were at work in Cornwall, and the -receptivity of the Cornish in the matter of religion, when the influence -was held to come from the right quarter, is witnessed by the readiness -wherewith they admitted Welsh, Irish and Breton saints into their -hagiologies. - -At the time under discussion it will be borne in mind that the saints -reverenced in Cornwall were almost if not wholly Celtic. Even at the -present time, in spite of the Saxon conquest and the submission to -Canterbury, in spite of the attempt to substitute saints from the Roman -Kalendar for the Celtic patrons of Cornish churches in the fourteenth -century, and in spite of the ignorant perversion of spelling and the -abortive attempts at identification on the part of the English -registrars who conducted the business of the bishop’s court at Exeter, -it is a matter for wonder and gratitude that so many Cornish churches -should still be known by their ancient saints’ names. - -If we compare the dedications of Derbyshire with those of Cornwall we -find that of the 168 ancient churches in the former county, 72 are under -the invocation of Scriptural saints, 18 under St. Michael, 28 under All -Saints, 34 under historical saints like Martin, Lawrence and Giles and -about 16 under English and Saxonised saints, like Edmund, Oswald, -Wilfrid, Werburgh and Cuthbert. - -On the other hand, in Cornwall, of the 200 dedications 30 are -Scriptural, less than 30 are strangers (either historical and -non-English like Martin, German and Clement, or aggressively English, -like Morwenna, Werburgh, Swithun and Neot, or Saxonised like Cuthbert, -Olave, Odulph and Hugh) and the rest, more than two-thirds of the total -number, are Celtic. Nor is it difficult to account for the presence of -the Saxon element. The monastic ideal presented by Werburgh the abbess -and by Cuthbert the abbot-bishop would appeal to the prevailing monastic -temper, while the early settlement of Saxons in the north-eastern -portion of the county, of which we have abundant proof in its -toponomastic (e.g. in Morwenstow, Jacobstow, Aldestow and Neotstou) and -in the will of King Alfred (871-901) whose possessions in Triconshire -(the hundred of Trigg which at that time probably embraced the hundred -of Stratton) are expressly mentioned, will account for saints like Neot, -Swithun and Morwenna who probably displaced the Celtic saints of an -earlier period. - -Before passing to what is of greatest interest—the Celtic episcopate—a -few words are required respecting the two great controversies, which, -however trivial in themselves, served the purpose of furnishing records -of a period concerning which records are very scarce. - -The Easter no less than the Tonsure controversy was one of the results -of the isolation of Celtic Christianity. In order to find Easter the -Roman Church had, until the year 457, used the old Jewish cycle of 84 -years. In that year a cycle of 532 years was adopted. The Welsh and -Cornish, who had received their Christianity during the Roman occupation -of Great Britain, and therefore long before 457, continued to use the -Jewish cycle. They refused to conform to the Roman use and persisted in -their refusal for a very considerable period. Ireland, which had also -become Christian before 457, was the first to adopt the Roman Easter in -633. Cornwall followed in or about 705, as the result of St. Aldhelm’s -famous letter to Geruntius, prince of Dumnonia. North Wales held out -until 768 and South Wales until 777.[47] Mr. Haddan, who identifies the -“errores” of bishop Leofric’s Missal (909) with the “egregium errorem -Brittonum” of Bede’s history, is inclined to the opinion that St. -Aldhelm’s letter was inoperative outside the Kingdom of Wessex;[48] but -the opinion is open to dispute. - -The shaving of the head does not appear to have been associated with the -Christian ministry until the fourth century. The apostolic injunction -respecting long hair was observed, but it was the monks who introduced -the tonsure which, at first, was a tonsure of the entire head and known -as that of St. Paul. St. Peter’s tonsure, which allowed to the shaven -ecclesiastic an aureole or crown of hair around the denuded pate, was -not introduced until the sixth century. Long before this time, however, -the monks of the Celtic world had become distinguished by a tonsure -which apparently made bare the fore part only of the head and left a -semicircular fringe in front. The Celtic tonsure was taken by the -British refugees to Brittany and Galicia. It was as characteristic of -the Celtic clergy as the kilt is characteristic of Scottish soldiers -to-day. Its origin was almost certainly Druidical, and, if so, it is one -of the few shreds of evidence we possess of the presence of Druids in -Cornwall. Their presence in Great Britain at an earlier period is -generally allowed; their presence and power in Ireland is conclusively -proved. - -The Celtic tonsure appears to have been abandoned at the time when the -Roman Easter was accepted. - ------ - -Footnote 43: - - _Les Noms des Saints bretons_, p. 143. - -Footnote 44: - - Loth, _ibid._, p. 124, n. 1. - -Footnote 45: - - Quoted by Dom Gougaud, _Les Chrétientés celtiques_, p. 82. - -Footnote 46: - - Gougaud, _ibid._, p. 107. - -Footnote 47: - - Haddan and Stubbs, _Councils_, etc., i, 201. - -Footnote 48: - - _Ibid._, i, 674 and 676. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - V - - THE MONASTERY-BISHOPRICS OF CORNWALL - - -The chief interest of Celtic Christianity gathers around the -monastery-bishopric and the abbot-bishop who ruled it. In the sixth -century the religious life had become much more than a counsel of -perfection. In Ireland the Church was almost exclusively monastic. In -Wales St. German is said to have founded a monastery during his second -visit. Iltut, whom he ordained priest, was the founder of Llantwit, the -great school of monks whence came Sampson, Paul Aurelian and possibly -Gildas and David. - -At the outset it is necessary to guard against the undercurrent of -thought which connects Celtic monasticism with one or other of the great -religious orders. The earliest of these orders—that of St. Benedict—was -not established until about A.D. 529, and was not introduced into -Britain until St. Augustine’s arrival in A.D. 597. At the interview -between Augustine and the Welsh bishops in 603 Dinoot abbot of Bangor -Iscoed was among the strongest opponents of compromise. Celtic -monasticism owed nothing to St. Benedict or to St. Augustine. When -therefore we read the statement of a shrewd and learned writer like Sir -John Maclean that “St. Petrock founded his monastery at Bodmin adopting -the rule of St. Benedict” and when we recall an admission by the same -writer that Petrock was educated at the great monastery of Clonard -towards the end of the fifth or at the beginning of the sixth century, -i.e. presumably between 490 and A.D. 510 and therefore before the -Benedictine order was founded, we realise how mischievous this -undercurrent of thought may prove. - -There is no evidence that any early monastic foundation in the Celtic -world was established in accordance with the Benedictine discipline. -Celtic monasticism was quite definitely _sui generis_. The mission of -St. German in 429 and 447 probably laid the foundations of it in -Britain. - -It had achieved some of its greatest victories before St. Augustine of -Canterbury was born. Paul Aurelian, the Welsh monk, established the -monastery-bishopric of Léon in A.D. 530: Sampson, a compatriot, the -similar foundation at Dol in A.D. 565: Tutwal of British Dumnonia was -abbot before he became abbot-bishop of Tréguier in the same century. In -Ireland the monastery of Clonard was founded before the Benedictine -order came into existence. St. Patrick was a contemporary of St. German. -Celtic Christianity, while it was practically independent of Rome,[49] -became intensely monastic. There is nothing therefore to lead us to -regard the canons of St. Petrock, St. Piran, St. Stephen, St. Keverne -and St. Probus, mentioned in Domesday Book, as subject to the discipline -of St. Benedict. Such evidence as we possess tends to confirm the -contrary opinion. What has been said of the order of St. Benedict -applies with greater force to that of St. Augustine, the Black Canons, -whose earliest foundation in England dates from A.D. 1108, that is, 22 -years after Domesday Book was compiled. Cardinal Gasquet truly says the -clergy of every large church, as being subject to rule, were called -canons. The rule of St. Augustine was not introduced at Bodmin until the -time of Bishop William Warelwast (1107-36).[50] - -Under the strong pressure exerted by monastic expansion the governmental -character of episcopacy became attenuated. This was especially the case -in Ireland and in those churches which owed their foundation to Irish -missions. The multiplication of bishops tended to degrade the office. It -is impossible to read the accounts of monastic rule as developed by St. -Bridget at Kildare and by the Irish mission at Iona, and of the -mechanical and subsidiary part which the bishops were called upon to -play in the drama, without being aware of the subversion of one of the -fundamental marks of episcopacy. The present writer has found but slight -evidence of this disastrous policy in Wales and Brittany. There the -abbot-bishop is seen as the ruler of a monastery or of a tribe. -Innumerable monasteries had no bishop at all. The presence of a bishop -gave to the monastery the elements of permanence and priority. The -Breton and Welsh monastery-bishoprics have in many instances survived as -bishoprics up to the present time solely, as it would seem, owing to -their early episcopal character. - -The distinction between the Irish and British conception of episcopacy -must be borne in mind when we attempt to reconstruct the ecclesiastical -institutions of Cornwall. It has been shown that the relation between -Cornwall and Brittany was that of mother and daughter. Between Wales and -Cornwall the relation, though probably less close, was far closer than -that between Ireland and Cornwall. It is therefore more than probable -that while the abbot-bishop was everywhere a distinguishing feature of -Celtic Christianity there was here (in this county) no such perversion -of the episcopal office as to give rise to a body of _episcopi vagantes_ -of whom we read in connection with Ireland and Irish missions.[51] - -That Cornwall possessed bishops is certain, and that they ruled -monasteries is equally certain, diocesan bishops being, during the -period under consideration, practically unknown to the Celtic world. -History helps us little as regards Cornwall. We know that in A.D. 664 -two British bishops (duobus de Brittonum gente episcopis), whom Mr. -Haddan considers to have been Cornish, assisted Wini, the Saxon bishop -of Wessex, in the consecration of St. Chad.[52] - -Gildas, the Jeremiah of Britain, whose _De Excidio_ is stated to have -been written in the sixth century, introduces us to an ecclesiastical -system which, in respect of its main features, differs hardly if at all -from that with which we are familiar, but which both surprises us by the -evidence of its progress and alarms us by the extent of its -perverseness. Gildas speaks of the clergy “intruding themselves into the -preferments of the Church, yea, rather buying the same at a high rate” -and “after the example of Simon Magus buying the office of a bishop or -of a priest.” There was, therefore, already in the sixth century, if the -traditional date of the _De Excidio_ be accepted, a gradation not only -of dignity but also of office and emolument, for which, without Gildas’ -evidence, we should hardly have been prepared. The denunciations of -Gildas have been held to apply to the civil rulers and the secular -clergy only,[53] but there seems to be no good reason for accepting this -hypothesis unless we read into the sixth century conditions which are -found at a later period. It is important and sufficient for us to know -that the British Church was highly organised and comparatively wealthy -at this time. - -To suppose, however, that Celtic monasteries were large, solid -structures of stone with cloisters, refectories, dortors and the like is -to mistake the economic conditions of the period and of the countries -under review. To associate the Celtic bishop with a durable and spacious -cathedral church is almost as grotesque an anachronism as to represent -St. Lucy (who died in the year 303), as they do in the sailors’ church -at Naples, apparelled in a modern court dress with a tiara of gems and a -necklace of beautiful pearls. - -The Celtic monastery has been compared to a pioneer settlement. It -consisted of a congeries of detached cells, each suitable for the -habitation of one or more monks. The cells, like the churches of the -period, were commonly of wood, sometimes of stone. It is therefore, -after the lapse of so many centuries, usually futile to seek for traces -of them. Of existing Christian remains of the Celtic period in Cornwall -the most noteworthy and interesting are the granite crosses and those -monuments especially which bear the Chi-rho monogram. The chapels at -Perranzabuloe, at Gwithian and at Madron are also of this date, the two -former probably owing their preservation to the sand which buried them -and the latter to the healing virtues of the waters of the holy well -which flow through it.[54] - -Having shown that the Celtic conception of episcopal jurisdiction was -definitely monastic, as opposed to the Roman which, at an early period, -had become diocesan, it is necessary to fix approximately the date at -which, in Cornwall, the former gave place to the latter. Upon the -solution of the problem depends the character to be assigned to the four -Celtic bishops, Kenstec, Conan, Daniel and Comoere, whose names are -disclosed in certain authentic documents and are given in the Truro -Diocesan Kalendar. - -In Brittany, a more progressive country and less isolated than Cornwall, -the change was violently effected by the patriot Nominoë in the year -849. In Ireland the diocesan system was not adopted until 1152.[55] -Wales submitted to the jurisdiction and discipline of Canterbury in -1207. It is certain, therefore, that Cornwall, more opposed to Saxon -influence than any of the others, did not accept the diocesan system -until the days of Egbert (836). There is good reason to believe that the -change took place much later. Kenstec’s letter to Archbishop Ceolnoth -(833-870) states explicitly that his bishopric was monastic (_Ego -Kenstec_ ... [ad] _episcopalem sedem in gente Cornubia in monasterio -quod lingua Brettonum appellatur Dinuurin electus, etc._).[56] - -The next bit of historical evidence is that of Asser, the adviser of -King Alfred, to whom Alfred in 884 committed Exeter _cum omni parochia -quae ad se pertinebat in Saxonia et in Cornubia_.[57] The precise nature -of the commission is uncertain. If the gift was made after Asser became -bishop of Sherborne it probably involved the oversight of Devon and of -that portion of Trigg, in Cornwall, where Alfred’s possessions were -situated. There is nothing to lead us to conclude that the Celtic -Christianity of Cornwall was to be affected by it. - -A very distinct advance, in intention if not in achievement, was made -when, in 909, Archbishop Plegmund constituted the see of Crediton. To -Eadulf the bishop were given three vills in Cornwall,—“Pollton, Coelling -and Landuuithan from which year by year he might visit the Cornish -people in order to extirpate their errors. For in times past, as far as -possible, they resisted the truth and were not obedient to the -apostolical decrees.” Pollton and Landuuithan are unquestionably Pawton -in St. Breock and Lawhitton. Coelling presents some difficulty because -Domesday Book and all subsequent records represent Callington (with -which it has been identified) as ancient demesne of the Crown. It is -possible, however, that before the Norman Conquest Coelling may have -been surrendered to the King or have been exchanged for another -holding.[58] - -How far Eadulf was successful it is again impossible to say. A conquered -race does not readily surrender its traditional religious customs. One -of the most instructive records of the Jewish captivity is that which -preserves the pedigrees of the priests who were themselves to preserve -and perpetuate the priestly succession.[59] - -Athelstan’s policy (925-940) of excluding the Cornish from Exeter and -confining them within the limits of their own province does not at first -sight point to improved relations between the two races. His conquest of -the whole of Cornwall may be accepted as fact and also his grant of -lands to the church of St. Buryan. Perhaps the most important act of his -life, so far as Cornwall was concerned, was, in the words of Leland, “to -set up one Conan to be bishop in the church of St. German.” The -statement, even if copied from what he regarded as a trustworthy -document, would have carried little weight as coming from a writer who -lived 600 years after the event, had not Bishop Conan been found signing -charters, undoubtedly authentic, between the years 931 and 934. -Moreover, the name Conan is Celtic and occurs frequently in Cornish -place-names. I am inclined to think that the Bishop Donan whose name is -appended to the St. Buryan charter is a transcriber’s mistake for Bishop -Conan.[60] The question naturally suggests itself, how was it possible -for a people smarting under recent defeat to accept the religious -ministrations provided by their conqueror? Close upon a century had -elapsed since the decisive battle of Hengestisdun, and during the -interval doubtless a considerable portion of the Cornish had come to -accept the Saxon supremacy. Athelstan’s mission may have been, generally -speaking, pacific though involving punishment to the disaffected and -rebellious. - -In choosing a Cornishman, and one probably already a bishop, for the see -of St. Germans, he would be acting in a conciliatory spirit, especially -if he, at the same time, recognised the traditional type of Cornish -Christianity. There is no reason to interpret his action as involving a -departure from it. - -An interesting note is given by Haddan and Stubbs[61] which calls -attention to the signature of one Mancant, a bishop, to a charter of 932 -to which also Bishop Conan’s name is appended. The learned editors -rightly conjecture that Mancant was a Cornish bishop (Mancant, or more -correctly Maucant). Coeval Cornish bishops are just what we should -expect to find in the tenth century no less than in the sixth. - -Quite the most valuable extant document of Cornish Christianity, -however, is the List of _Manumissions on the Bodmin Gospels_ which dates -from the year 942 and carries us almost to the middle of the eleventh -century. From this precious manuscript we gather that there were during -that period the following bishops in, or connected with, Cornwall: (1) -Athelgea[rd] possibly bishop of Crediton, (2) Comoere contemporary with -Edgar (958-975), (3) Wulfsige of a slightly subsequent date, (4) -Burthwold mentioned in Cnut’s charter and described by William of -Malmesbury as uncle of Living or Lyfing the penultimate bishop of -Crediton. Charters also disclose two additional bishops: Ealdred -(993-997) and Aethelred (1001). Of these Comoere, Wulfsige and Ealdred -are identified by Mr. Haddan with Bodmin and Burthwold with St. Germans. -Comoere’s name is Celtic; the rest of the names are Saxon. But the -important point is that they are all, except possibly the first, -contemporary with, though not identical with, bishops of Crediton, in -other words, some measure of independence continued to exist between the -Saxon see and the see or sees of Cornwall. There is nothing to show -that, before the days of Wulfsige (967), i.e. until within 80 years of -Leofric, the first bishop of Exeter, the greater part of Cornwall was -not Celtic both in religion and language. The change of ecclesiastical -organisation was made at a period much later than is commonly -supposed.[62] - -The charter of King Aethelred to Bishop Ealdred (994) seems to point to -a period of transition. He gives to Bishop Ealdred episcopal -jurisdiction in the province of Cornwall that it (the province?) may be -free and subject to him and his successors, “that he may govern and rule -his diocese (_parochiam_) in the same way as other bishops who are in -his realm, both the monastery (_locus_) and the domain (_regimen_) of -St. Petrock being under the control of him and his successors.” If the -English conception of diocesan jurisdiction had been generally known and -allowed in Cornwall there would have been no need to require the -stipulations contained in the concluding paragraph. Ealdred was to -administer the see of St. Petrock on English lines. History does not -tell us what was, in the meanwhile, happening at St. Germans; but -twenty-four years later (in 1018) we meet with a grant of lands, in -Landrake and Tiniel, by King Cnut to Burhwold bishop of St. Germans; the -Landrake lands were to be held by the bishop during his life and after -his death they were to be held for the good of the souls of him and the -King. The Tiniel lands were to be used as the bishop thought fit. It is -interesting to note that these lands were not annexed to the bishopric -but continued to be held by the prior of St. Germans until the -dissolution of the priory in the sixteenth century. - -At the time of Cnut’s grant Cornwall had practically lost its -independence both civil and ecclesiastical. All the witnesses of his -charter, twenty-seven in number, bear Saxon names. - -Burhwold died in or about A.D. 1043. Lyfing his nephew, who had become -bishop of Crediton in 1027, was, in pursuance of an arrangement made -long before between him and King Cnut, allowed to hold both sees. On -Lyfing’s death, in the third year of the Confessor’s reign (1046), -Leofric the King’s chaplain was appointed to the united bishopric -(_episcopatum Cridionensis ecclesiae atque Cornubiensis provinciae_) and -the see transferred to Exeter. Papal sanction was obtained for the -transaction three years afterwards. - -By his charter of ratification, dated 1050, Edward the Confessor -transfers the Cornish diocese which had formerly been assigned to a -bishop’s see (_episcopali solio_) in memory of Blessed German and in -veneration of Petrock, this, with all parishes, lands, etc., he -transfers to St. Peter in the city of Exeter. The absence of clear -definition in the last paragraph is sufficiently obvious: no clearer -definition was possible. There had been hitherto no Cornish diocese in -the English and Roman acceptation of the word. There had been bishops -both at Bodmin and at St. Germans within living memory holding lands and -exercising jurisdiction, but the monastic tie was still probably -stronger than the diocesan. - -Yet it was obviously important, now that Exeter was to be the seat of -ecclesiastical government for the two counties, that ample provision -should be made for the great bishop who was to occupy it. Exeter lacked -lands, books and almost every church ornament; so stated Pope Leo in his -letter to King Edward. Accordingly the King not only gave to it lands of -his own but he provided for the transfer of all that could under any -reasonable pretext be claimed for its support. In effect, he made it -possible for the Exeter bishopric to derive nearly one-half of its -entire revenue from Cornish monastic lands. But the endowment of the see -of Exeter requires a chapter to itself. - ------ - -Footnote 49: - - Cornwall’s independence of Rome implied neither repudiation of nor - secession from the Roman Church. It was merely the temporary - suspension of outward communion with Latin Christianity as the result - of political events which had placed Cornwall in a state of isolation. - -Footnote 50: - - The statement is based upon the assumption that the decrees of Pope - Leo III were as inoperative in Cornwall as they were in Wales and - Ireland. It should be needless to warn the reader against confounding - Augustine of Canterbury with the bishop of Hippo. The latter is said - to have sanctioned certain regulations for the religious life which - subsequently became known as the rule of St. Augustine. In the - beginning of the ninth century Pope Leo III made this rule obligatory - upon all the clergy who had not embraced some other rule. Had the - monks of St. Petrock been in outward communion with western - Christendom they would probably have become canons, regular or - secular, of St. Augustine and, in that case and in that sense only, - Sir John Maclean’s statement might have been excusable. But in that - sense the words had no meaning in the sixth century when St. Petrock - founded the Cornish community. Augustine of Canterbury was a - Benedictine monk and the canons regular introduced by Bishop - Warelwast, known as Black Canons, belonged to one of the three great - orders which sprang from the rule attributed to his great namesake the - bishop of Hippo. - -Footnote 51: - - Dom Gougaud speaks of them as _Évêques déclassés et errants_ - (_Chrétientés_, p. 219). - -Footnote 52: - - Haddan and Stubbs, _Councils_, I, 124. - -Footnote 53: - - Gougaud, _Chrétientés_, p. 67. - -Footnote 54: - - To this period Mr. Jenner would also assign the dwellings at - Chysauster which may indeed, as he suggests, have been St. Gulval’s - nunnery. - -Footnote 55: - - Stokes, _Ireland and the Celtic Church_, p. 347. - -Footnote 56: - - Haddan and Stubbs, _Councils_, I, 675. - -Footnote 57: - - _Ibid._, I, 676. - -Footnote 58: - - It is even possible that Coelling may be Callestock in Perranzabuloe. - The canons of Exeter had lands in that parish in the twelfth century. - -Footnote 59: - - Ezra VII; Nehemiah XII. - -Footnote 60: - - Donan, however, is a Celtic name (see Loth, _Rev. Celt._, XXIX, 277). - For the purpose of the argument which is here put forward it would - have been more convenient to have distinguished between them. - -Footnote 61: - - _Councils_, I, 979. - -Footnote 62: - - In the West of Cornwall there are indications in Domesday Book (1086) - of the recent introduction of Saxon place-names, e.g. in Edward the - Confessor’s time it can hardly be a coincidence that Aluuarton - (_hodie_ Alverton) was the holding of Aluuar. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - VI - - EVOLUTION OF THE DIOCESAN-BISHOPRIC FROM THE MONASTERY-BISHOPRICS OF - CORNWALL - - -The Roman and, consequently, the Saxon conception of episcopal -government was territorial and diocesan; the Celtic conception was -tribal and monastic. An ecclesiastical system based upon tribal and -monastic principles, recognising no supreme central authority, can -afford to dispense with clearly defined boundaries. At the same time a -monastic, no less than a tribal organisation, requires a centre of its -own, towards which its activities may converge, and from which its -influences may radiate. - -The present is an attempt to show where the more important of such -centres existed in Cornwall before diocesan was substituted for monastic -rule. Doubtless every _lan_ represented some such centre, however -insignificant, just as every _caer_ represented a fortified seat of -civil authority. The _lan_ justified its existence by the strength and -fervour of its prayers and spiritual influence: the _caer_ by the -strength of its natural position and its artificial defences. A monastic -settlement with a definite amount of demesne land, corresponding to its -size and importance, upon which the monks worked for the support of the -community, will sufficiently indicate what is meant. Some monasteries -had bishops; some—the greater number—were without them. The great -monasteries of Landévennec in Brittany, Llantwit in Wales, and Bangor in -Ireland, do not appear to have had bishops of their own, or, if they -had, their episcopal character was submerged. On the other hand, the -monastery-bishoprics of all three countries are too well known to -require demonstration. The isolation of the Church in Cornwall until the -middle of the tenth century encouraged and perpetuated the system in the -mother country which in the fifth and sixth century it had helped to -establish in Brittany. - -Domesday Book, when studied by the light of earlier and later records, -supplies invaluable information upon the subject of Cornish -ecclesiastical organisation even before the Saxon conquest. - -At the time of the Great Survey (1086), the bishop of Exeter held the -following manors in Cornwall: - - Treliuel (Treluswell in St. Gluvias). - Matela (Methleigh in St. Breage). - Tregel (Trewell in St. Feock). - Pauton (Pawton in St. Breock). - Berner (Burneir in Egloshayle). - St. German (St. Germans). - Lanherneu (Lanherne in Pydar). - Tinten (Tinten in St. Tudy). - Languititon (Lawhitton). - Landicla (Gulval). - St. Winnuc (St. Winnow). - -Of these eleven manors all except five, viz. Burneir, Lanherne, Tinten, -Lanisley, and St. Winnow, were demesne lands, the whole of their -revenues going direct to the bishop. Richard Fitz Turold held Burneir -and Tinten of the bishop, who received the profits of the former. -Fulcard held Lanherne, and Godfrey St. Winnow. The services or profits -rendered to the bishop in respect of four of the five manors would be -comparatively trifling, except on the death of the tenant in demesne and -during the minority of his heir. Consequently they are not considered -worthy of mention in the _Taxatio_, made by Pope Nicholas IV of the -bishop’s temporalities in the year 1291. - -In order to estimate the extent and value of the bishop’s possessions in -Cornwall it will suffice to compare them with those of the clergy, as -given in the _Taxatio_ or assessment just mentioned. It must, however, -be remembered that Methleigh had ceased to be an episcopal manor before -that assessment was made, having been granted by Bishop Robert -Warelwast, between 1155 and 1161, to the dean and chapter of Exeter.[63] -On the other hand, the manor of Cargol, in Newlyn, had been acquired in -the meanwhile.[64] Moreover, Treluswell and Tregella, for civil -purposes, had become differentiated into Camwerris (Penwerris), -Trevella, Tolverne, Fentongollen, Trevennal, and Trelonk,[65] and for -the purpose of ecclesiastical assessment had become known as Tregaher -and Penryn.[66] In 1306 Tregaher, or Trocair, was the name of the major -portion of the hundred of Powder, and was itself regarded as a hundred. -The Bishop’s holdings by military tenure in this hundred were rated at -four knights’ fees. Tregaher, the seat of these possessions, which lay -east and west of the river Fal, is now known as Tregear in Gerrans. -Roughly speaking, the bishop’s manors in this district included the -whole of the parishes of Gerrans, St. Gluvias with Falmouth, Budock, -Mabe, Mylor, Philleigh, Merther, St. Just-in-Roseland, and Ruan -Lanyhorne. His demesne lands were very extensive and valuable, as will -be seen by comparing the papal assessment of Tregaher (£20 11s. 5d.) -with that of the rectory of Gerrans (£2 6s. 7d.) and the assessment of -Penryn (£21 8s. 1d.) with that of the benefice of St. Gluvias (£2). - -Pawton and Burneir must be considered together, for they were doubtless -both included in the grant made by King Edward the Elder to Eadulf when -the see of Crediton was constituted in 909. The extent of the bishop’s -holding in Pawton at the time of the Domesday Survey (1086) is declared -to be the entire hundred of Pawton, comprising 44 hides of land. It -extended over the parishes of St. Breock, Egloshayle, St. Ervan, St. -Eval, St. Issey, Little Petherick, St. Merryn, and Padstow. Pawton is -only a contracted form of Petrockton, and there is sufficient reason to -believe that these lands of the bishop had formerly belonged to the -monastery of St. Petrock. In the Inquisitio Geldi (1085) the scribe -appears to have found it difficult to describe the hundred of Pawton -according to the prescribed formula. In his list of the hundreds he has -interlined over “Rieltone Hundret” the words “Sci Petrochii,”[67] and -has added Pauton at the end of the list. In his second attempt he has -placed the hundred of Pauton first and omitted St. Petrock’s altogether. -It is interesting to observe that so late as the year 1691 the hundred -of Pydar is described in a grant from the Crown as “Petrockshire alias -Pidershire alias the hundred of Pider.”[68] Whether the word Pydershire -is a sublimated equivalent of Petrockshire is a question for -etymologists. That the two were not quite territorially conterminous is -evident from Domesday Book itself, in which Nancekuke in Penwith and -Forsnewth in West are included among the manors of St. Petrock. The -important point to grasp is that out of the very heart of St. Petrock’s -province, Pawton, and with it what subsequently became known as the -bishop’s peculiar jurisdiction, embracing five parishes (_decanatus de -Poltone_), was transferred in 909 from the monastery of St. Petrock to -the new see of Crediton, and in 1046 to the see of Exeter. The episcopal -revenue from Pawton in 1291 may be estimated by comparing its assessment -(£49 16s. 3d.) with that of the church (appropriated rectory and -vicarage) of Egloshayle (£5). - -Lawhitton, given to Crediton at the same time as Pawton, was also of -considerable extent. It consisted of eleven hides of land in 1086, and -was assessed in 1291 at £25 10s. 11d., while the church or rectory of -Lawhitton was assessed at £2. From what source it was obtained for the -endowment of Crediton is not clear. Along with Lezant and South -Petherwyn it was subsequently within the bishop of Exeter’s peculiar -jurisdiction. Possibly it had been taken (in 909) from the canons of St. -Stephen near Launceston. - -The manor of St. German, or, as it is called in the Exchequer Domesday, -the manor of the church of St. German, consisted in 1086 of twenty-four -hides of land, the whole of which had been held by Bishop Leofric in the -time of the Confessor. At the time of the Survey (1086) the bishop had -twelve hides and the canons of St. German had twelve hides. The bishop -had one hide in demesne, and the canons had one hide in demesne: the -rest of the land was held by villeins either of the bishop or of the -canons. It is clear, therefore, that between 1066 and 1086 a -redistribution had taken place, as the result of which the bishop and -the canons had been assigned equal shares of the lands. A Sunday market -which had fallen to the latter had been reduced to nothing owing to a -market on the same day having been established at Trematon Castle by the -Count of Mortain. There had also been taken away by the Count from the -church of St. German a hide of land which rendered as custom a cask -(_cupa_) of ale and 30 pence, an acre (Cornish) of demesne land -sufficient for one plough, and a virgate of demesne land which called -for no remark. Of the usurped lands Reginald de Valletort held the two -former, and Hamelin the latter, of the Count. In 1291 the bishop’s manor -of St. German was assessed at £17 16s. 5d., and the prior’s holding at -£14 13s. 4d. for lands in St. Germans, £1 for dues from South Petherwyn -and Landulph, and £9 16s. 2d. for lands, including those of Tiniel and -Landrake given to Bishop Burhwold by King Cnut in the year 1018. In the -_Valor ecclesiasticus_ (1535) to the revenues of the priory from the -above sources there is added the impropriated tithe of Gulval, of which -something more will be said when treating of Lanisley. - -What actually happened shortly after the Norman Conquest in regard to -St. Germans is not obscure, although some confusion has resulted owing -to a misapprehension on the part of more than one writer. Cnut’s gift to -Bishop Burhwold, as we have seen,[69] only served to augment the -revenues of the religious community, of which Burhwold was doubtless the -head. Under Lyfing, the nephew and successor of Burhwold, and before the -death of Cnut, the see of St. Germans, such as it was, was united with -that of Crediton, the community still consisting of secular canons. -Leofric succeeded Lyfing, and in his days the see of Crediton and its -possessions were transferred to Exeter. The revenue of St. German was -consequently impoverished. Nothing appears to have been done to repair -the loss until after Edward the Confessor’s death, but, somewhere -between 1066 and 1073, Leofric consented to a partition of the revenue -by which the bishop and the canons became possessed of equal shares, as -stated in Domesday Book.[70] - -Having briefly reviewed the more important of the Cornish contributions -to the revenue of the Exeter bishopric, a few words are required -respecting the manors which, though absent from the _Taxatio_ of 1291, -were in 1086 amongst the possessions of the bishop, and were recorded in -Domesday Book. - -Matela or Methleigh, reckoned at a hide and a half in 1086, was granted -by the bishop to the dean and chapter of Exeter, about the year 1160 -and, by them, was conveyed soon afterwards to the family of Nansladron. -It was to this manor that the church of St. Breage was appendant, and it -may well have been the demesne land of a religious community before the -Saxon invasion. - -Landicla or Lanisley, also a hide and a half, was held by Rolland the -archdeacon, of the bishop in 1086, having been Bishop Leofric’s in the -time of the Confessor. It embraced the whole parish of Gulval. Before -the enactment of the statute _Quia emptores_ in 1290, the whole of the -demesne land appears to have been granted to the family of Fitz Ive. -There is consequently no mention of it in the _Taxatio_ of the following -year, although the seignorial rights were subsequently claimed and -exercised by the bishop from time to time as occasion arose. In 1580 it -is described in an inquisition as having been held by John Tripcony of -the bishop as of his manor of Penryn Foren, but the description, far -from indicating a common origin of the two manors, probably only -indicates a late expedient enabling the bishop to claim the services and -collect the dues, if any, at his chief manor in the west. The advowson, -and with it the rectorial tithe of Lanisley or Gulval, was at an early -date held by the prior and canons of St. Germans, and continued to be -held by them until the dissolution of their religious house in the -sixteenth century. In the _Valor ecclesiasticus_ their holding was -assessed at £10 6s. 8d. It is not unlikely that when Bishop Leofric -reconstituted the church of St. German he gave to it the advowson of -Lanisley.[71] - -Lanherne, the Lanherneu of Domesday, was a holding of Bishop Leofric -before the Norman conquest, and was in 1086 held by Fulcard of the -bishop. It was estimated at three hides. Of the incidents of tenure in -subsequent times nothing remained to the bishop save homage, wardship, -and the like, and the manor was not considered worthy of assessment in -the _Taxatio_ of 1291. It would be interesting to know how this manor -came into the bishop’s hands. It adjoined his manor or hundred of -Pawton, and may have passed with it, but, curiously enough, the parish -of St. Mawgan, with which it was almost conterminous, was not within the -bishop’s peculiar jurisdiction. The manor was, doubtless, St. Petrock’s -before it became the bishop’s. - -The manor of St. Winnuc or St. Winnow had already passed to a sub-tenant -at the time of the Domesday Survey, and the impropriated tithe and -advowson of the church of St. Winnow to the dean and chapter of Exeter, -before 1291. There is nothing to suggest the source whence the manor was -obtained for the endowment of the bishopric, save that St. Winnow -adjoins Lanhydrock, which belonged to St. Petrock, and may, therefore, -have been taken from the saint. - -The manor of Tinten in St. Tudy, held in 1086 by Richard, of the bishop, -was not considered worthy of separate mention in the _Taxatio_ of 1291. -It is the only episcopal manor the name or locality of which does not -suggest an ecclesiastical origin. The advowson of St. Tudy was -independent of it being appendant to the manor of Trethewell in St. -Eval. Does the half hide of Tinten represent the lay contribution of -Cornwall towards the endowment of the see of Exeter?[72] - -We are now in a position to summarise the results of the foregoing -survey. We have seen that the Cornish possessions of the see of Exeter, -at the time of the Domesday Survey, consisted chiefly of manors which -had St. Germans, Lawhitton, Pawton and Penryn (or Tregear) for their -centres. St. Germans and Pawton, and probably Lawhitton, were derived -from monastic sources, viz. from the monasteries of St. German, St. -Petrock, and probably from St. Stephen. The possessions in and around -Penryn require further examination. - -That there was a monastery-bishopric at Dinurrin or Dingerein in the -ninth century is clear from Kenstec’s profession of obedience to -Archbishop Ceolnoth. To treat of Gerrans and its associations in an -impartial spirit is wellnigh impossible. Legend, history and fact are so -strangely and so suggestively interwoven that the temptation is equally -great to say too much or too little. The name Gerrans is a modern form -of Geraint or Geruntius. The presence of Gerrans, Just and Cuby, as the -names of three churches and parishes near together, is indeed a -remarkable coincidence if they are not identical with Geraint of -Anglesey, his son Jestyn or Just, and his grandson Cuby, son of Selyf. -No valid reason has been offered against the identification. Mr. -Baring-Gould considers St. Gerrans the same person as Gerennius, King of -Cornwall, who requested St. Teilo to visit and communicate him when -dying (circa 556). - -Both Geraint and Gerennius must be distinguished from Gerontius, prince -of Dumnonia, to whom St. Aldhelm wrote at the request of an English -synod in 705 urging him to abandon the Celtic method of determining -Easter and the Celtic tonsure which the saint described as the tonsure -of Simon Magus. All three (who are here distinguished as Geraint, -Gerennius and Gerontius, though the names are identical) were historical -personages and worthy of the veneration of after ages. For our present -purpose it is not material to determine the identity of St. Gerrans: it -is sufficient for us to know that Dingerein may be derived from any one -of them. In the ninth century Dingerein or Dinurrin was the seat of the -Abbot-bishop Kenstec. In the absence of evidence to the contrary we may -suppose that his episcopate was concentrated at Gerrans and embraced the -lands or parishes bordering the estuary of the Fal—those parishes in -fact which subsequently became for ecclesiastical purposes the deanery -of Penryn, and for civil purposes formed a large portion of the hundred -of Trocayr or Tregeare. There is nothing to show that, either for -ecclesiastical or for civil purposes, there were close relations, much -less that there was a bond of union, between the Gerrans territory and -that of Pawton, Pydar, St. German or Lawhitton. Gerrans was -self-contained and independent. It may have retained, and probably did -retain, traces of its episcopal character until Edward the Confessor, by -charter, transferred the Cornish diocese with its lands and parishes to -the see of Exeter. Some justification was doubtless required for the -annexation of so much land in and around Gerrans to the bishop’s -demesne, and the only justification which is apparent is that it was -already regarded as such.[73] - -In the case of St. Gerrans hardly any trace was left of its monastic and -episcopal associations. In the _Taxatio_ of 1291 the benefice of St. -Gerrans consisted of two portions, the rector’s and the prior of St. -Anthony’s, which may point to a corporate life at an earlier date. - -A glance at the map of Cornwall, in the light of what has been said, -reveals, at the time of the Domesday Survey, present or past activities, -on a considerable scale and monastic in character in every part of the -county except in the north-east, and in the promontories of the Lizard -and of the Land’s End. - -The north-east became Saxonised at a very early period. This is clear -from the place-names. There is no reason to doubt that St. Neot, the -Saxon monk of Glastonbury, settled in that part of Cornwall which bears -his name, in the ninth century, and after founding a college of priests -died, and was buried there. There is no reason to doubt the substantial -accuracy of Asser’s narrative—whether it be Asser’s or another’s—which -states that Alfred the Great hunted in the neighbourhood of St. Neot, -and was healed, or believed himself to have been healed, at the shrine -of St. Guerir. Alfred’s possessions in Triconshire have been referred -to. The community at St. Neot held two hides of land in the days of the -Confessor, but the whole of it save one (Cornish) acre had been stolen -by the Count of Mortain in 1086. - -Again, the canons of St. Stephen-by-Launceston appear to have suffered a -diminution of their power and also of their revenue owing to Saxon -settlement. At the time of the Survey their affairs were in a state of -utter confusion. They were attempting to hold on to lands which had been -theirs, and are styled theirs in Domesday Book, which Harold held before -the Norman Conquest, and which the Count of Mortain was striving to -re-annex. In North-East Cornwall the Celtic type of Christianity had -given place to the Saxon. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - -[Illustration: CORNWALL DOMESDAY BOOK.] - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - -The promontory of the Lizard never became Saxonised. Everything here -points to the persistence of the Celtic type and to very close and -fruitful relations with Brittany. The names of the churches, including -Manaccan, the monks’ church,[74] are all to be found in Armorica except -Grade (of very uncertain derivation) and St. Keverne. The word Meneage -is itself possibly a derivative form of Manach. The lands given by the -Count of Mortain to St. Michael’s Mount, and described in his charter as -situated in Amaneth,[75] were certainly in Meneage. Landivick, -Langweath, Lantenning and, above all, Landewednack speak of monastic -settlement. It is curious that the Breton monastery of Landévennec and -the church of Landewednack both claim Winwaloe for patron,[76] although -St. Guenoc is possibly their true patron. However this may be, it is -clear that a common influence has been at work in determining the -nomenclature in both countries. In Domesday Book the hundred of Kerrier -appears as Wineton or Winenton, the usual Saxon termination being added -to a Celtic word as in Tedinton and Conarton. In later documents it is -found as Winianton, and as such it remained until comparatively recent -times, when it became Winnington. The point less than a mile west of -Winianton is known as Pedngwinion. Mr. H. Jenner has suggested an -interpretation which is almost certainly correct, viz. that Winianton -means the home of the shining or blessed ones. Winianton, as the name of -a hundred, implies some sort of local pre-eminence, past or present. -Before the Norman Conquest the _manor_ of Winianton embraced 22 -sub-manors which were in the hands of 17 thegns. The description of -these thegns is interesting—they could not be separated from the manor -and they rendered custom in the same manor. Before 1086 they were -supplanted by the Count of Mortain’s men. A thegn, according to -Professor Maitland, was, before the tenth century, “a household officer -of some great man” and, from the tenth century until the Norman -Conquest, a person socially above a churl with corresponding privileges -and responsibilities.[77] Now it is remarkable that the thegns of -Winenton differed in no respect from those of St. Petrock, except that -whereas the former could not be separated from the manor, the latter -could not be separated from the saint. - -Have we here the note of tragedy, inseparable from a lost cause, of -which the Lizard district, to its lasting credit, furnished two other -conspicuous examples in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries? It -looks[78] as if there had been the overthrow of monkish supremacy by the -Cornish, followed by Saxon Conquest, and in the meantime the -preservation of thegnship until the Norman Conquest. The small community -of St. Keverne despoiled by the Count of Mortain represents Irish -influence, if we suppose with Mr. W. C. Borlase that Keverne is -identical with Kieran. This saint is not found among the Breton -dedications, Peran and Kerrien being regarded by Professor Loth as -different saints, and neither of them identical with Keverne or Kieran. -We, therefore, conclude that the agency which compassed the destruction -of Brittonic monachism in Meneage left the Irish house to the tender -mercies of the Norman invader. It is possible that in the church of St. -Breage we have an attempt at reparation. From time immemorial it -embraced Germoe, Cury, and Gunwalloe as chapelries. Methleigh, the only -manor which escaped Norman rapacity as the result of its having been -added to the Exeter bishopric, may have been originally a portion of the -demesne of the monastic body which dominated the Lizard peninsula. - -Respecting the hundred of Penwith, we have little historical evidence -prior to the Norman Conquest. Athelstan’s grant to the church of St. -Buryan and Edward the Confessor’s grant to St. Michael’s Mount, whatever -fault may be found with the charters, as they have come down to us, are -sufficiently authentic. The story of St. Ia’s arrival with her Irish -companions must be received with caution; but there is no reason to -doubt that a substratum of truth lies beneath a legend which is by no -means modern. Seven churches in Penwith bear the names of these -missionaries. On the other hand, no less than fourteen dedications, -including two which subsequently became obsolete and two which are among -those of the Irish mission, are common to Penwith and Brittany. The -remaining dedications are of doubtful origin. It seems, therefore, -certain that Irish and Breton influences had a great deal to do with the -moulding of the church life of the hundred. The preponderating influence -was Breton. The presence of St. Pol Aurelian (Paul) and of Winwaloe -(Towednack) is sufficient evidence of this. It is remarkable that four, -if not more, of the Penwith churches afford traces of presumably earlier -dedications. St. Erth (possibly also Perranuthnoe) was known as Lanudno, -Gulval as Lanisley, Madron probably as Landithy,[79] and Illogan -probably as Lancichuc. St. Just may have borne the name of Lafrowda, as -being situated near the holy springs. Udno (Goueznou) the companion of -Pol Aurelian (circa 530) is commemorated in three Breton parishes. Pol -was originally of Wales, and a contemporary of Just of Anglesey, who is -probably the patron of the church which bears the name in Penwith. If -this be so, St. Levan will be Seleven, Salomon, Selyf, or Selus, whose -memorial stone is preserved in St. Just Church. It is quite possible -that the changed dedications indicate a change from monastic to some -sort of parochial organisation. In Penwith there does not appear to have -been any monastic community of commanding importance whose revenues -could be seized without leaving the people spiritually destitute. -Lanisley may have been one which had outstayed its welcome and on that -account may have become attached to what was eventually to become the -see of Exeter. - -To sum up. Three large holdings, or, to use a modern though inadequate -word, estates, stand out clear and distinct, viz. those of Gerrans, -Pawton and St. Germans, each of them at one time or another associated -with the see of a Cornish bishop, monastic in character. Such records as -we have, carefully distinguish these lands from one another. Neither St. -Petrock (Pawton) nor St. German possesses any rights in Gerrans, nor -Gerrans in Pawton or in St. Germans. Neither does St. Germans claim -rights in Pawton, nor Pawton in St. Germans. It is not only opposed to -the evidence of Domesday, it is inconceivable that any Cornish bishop -exercised lordship over all three at the same time. The Pawton lands -were almost certainly claimed by Crediton by virtue of the provision -made in 909 for missionary visits to them yearly by the bishop of -Crediton. The St. Germans holding was certainly annexed to Exeter when -that see was founded. The Gerrans holding presents several difficulties. -We have no record of any bishop at Gerrans save Kenstec (865). But -because no records have been preserved, we cannot say that no bishops -existed. Such a principle if applied to Cornish parishes would be fatal -to their claim to have had a rector before the days of Bishop -Bronescombe (1257). Nevertheless, the absence of recorded evidence is -distinctly embarrassing. What were the events or circumstances which -justified the annexation of the Gerrans property to the see of Exeter? -Some justification there doubtless was. Was it found in the letter of -submission written by Bishop Kenstec to Archbishop Plegmund (833-870) -about fifty years before the see of Crediton was founded? Was it found -in the forfeiture of royal possessions consequent upon the conquest of -Cornwall by Athelstan (925-940)? It is possible that both these events -may have contributed to the result, for there is good reason to believe -that Gerrans was a residence of the kings of Cornwall in the seventh -century, and it is certain that it was the residence of Kenstec in the -ninth century. If the lands were claimed by King Athelstan there ought -to be some charter to show when and by whom they were transferred to the -see of Crediton or of Exeter. If they passed to the Saxon bishopric by -virtue of the grant of Edward the Confessor in 1050, then we must -conclude that they had preserved their episcopal associations until -within a few years of that time, and that, therefore, Bishop Kenstec -probably had successors at Gerrans. It is inconceivable that there were -not valid grounds for the transfer of the lands. The fact that they were -monastic lands would not have sufficed, for the canons of St. Petrock -and St. German survived the annexation of a portion of theirs, whereas -no vestige of a monastery remained at Gerrans in the days of the -Confessor. It was its former connection with episcopal rule which led to -the inclusion of Gerrans in the endowments of the bishopric of Exeter. - -The foregoing fragmentary sketch is not to be regarded as a conclusive -proof of the existence of concurrent Cornish bishoprics so late as the -eleventh century, but it is intended to call attention to some of the -sources from which others may seek the necessary means of forming a -judgment for themselves. That the monastery-bishoprics were hard to -suppress will be evident to everyone who examines the evidence. That -they survived in Cornwall for a much longer period than is generally -supposed seems more than probable. - ------ - -Footnote 63: - - Inventory of Bp. Grandisson. - -Footnote 64: - - _Exeter Episc. Registers, Stapeldon_, p. 97. - -Footnote 65: - - Feudal Aids 1303, 1306, 1346. - -Footnote 66: - - _Episc. Reg. Bronescombe_, App. p. 473. - -Footnote 67: - - St. Petrock’s hundred had, of course, no connection with Rielton or - Rillaton, subsequently known as the hundred of East. The confusion may - have arisen from the fact that the bailiwick of Pydar was at Rialton, - and that of East at Rillaton, formerly Rielton. - -Footnote 68: - - Patent Roll, 3 William and Mary. - -Footnote 69: - - See Monastery-Bishoprics, _supra_. - -Footnote 70: - - The Patent Roll of 7 Richard II (cf. also _Monasticon_, edited by - Oliver, p. 4) should be compared with the Patent Roll of 9 Richard II. - The former states that Cnut was the founder of the priory of St. - German, while the latter states that Leofric was the founder. Inasmuch - as the charter of Cnut required the land of Landrake to be given after - Burhwold’s death to St. German for the good of the souls of Cnut and - Burhwold (_Terram ... commendat ... Sancto Germano_) it follows that - both statements were (and were probably understood to be) legal - fictions. The earlier document, however, confirms, if confirmation - were needed, the evidence as to the reconstruction of the monastery by - Leofric as given in Domesday Book, though it is not necessarily - conclusive as to the substitution of regular for secular canons. Preb. - Hingeston Randolph (_Architec. Hist. of St. Germans_, p. 31) states - that “there is no reason to suppose that Leofric took any steps to - found a priory at St. Germans.” The statement is far too sweeping. On - the other hand, Mr. Haddan (_Councils_, etc., I, 704) relies upon the - _ipsissima verba_ of the Patent Roll for one of his main arguments for - a single Cornish see in the days of Cnut. By itself the evidence - supplied by an early patent roll relating to a transaction which took - place nearly four centuries previously is not conclusive, especially - when, as in this case, a legal title was needed in order to settle a - dispute, and to place a bishop in undisputed possession of an - advowson. - -Footnote 71: - - There is a temptation to identify Lanisley with the Lannaledensis of - the _Missa S. Germani_ (Haddan and Stubbs, _Councils_, etc., I, 696). - Alet, or Aleth, and Idles, in the parish of Kenwyn, are regarded as - synonymous, if not identical, in several ancient charters. On the same - principle Lanaleth would become Lanidles, a form sufficiently near - that of Lanisle to convey the idea of identity. But Mr. Haddan is - satisfied that Lanadleth is the British name of St. Germans, and the - confusion introduced by the above supposition would be practically - insurmountable. - -Footnote 72: - - Eglostudic (St. Tudy) and Polrode belonged to St. Petrock in the time - of the Confessor, and Tinten may have been claimed for Exeter by - virtue of the grant of 909. - -Footnote 73: - - At a much earlier date (670) St. Wilfrid claimed ecclesiastical - endowments of the British for the Saxon Church in the neighbourhood of - Ripon. - -Footnote 74: - - Loth, _Les Noms des Saints bretons_, p. 87. - -Footnote 75: - - Amaneth may be an English equivalent for Anmanach. Treveneage appears - at Trevanek in 1284, and as Trevanaek in 1361. - -Footnote 76: - - Loth, _Les Noms des Saints bretons_, pp. 52, 53. - -Footnote 77: - - _Hist. of English Law_, i, 33. - -Footnote 78: - - The references are to Kilter’s rising in 1549, and to the prolonged - defence of Little Dennis by Sir Richard Vyvyan in 1646. - -Footnote 79: - - The evidence is indirect. Trengwainton, to which the advowson was - appendant, was itself a sub-manor of Roseworthy in Gwinear. Landithy - is only a short distance from the church. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - VII - - CORNISH SAINTS - - -In the first chapter it has been attempted to show how the tyranny of -resemblance and coincidence leads to false analogies and wrong -inferences. Some further illustrations of this principle which have a -direct bearing upon the main purpose of the present enquiry may be found -instructive. - -In this chapter we are not so much concerned with the Lives of the -Cornish Saints, as they have come down to us, as with the question -whether they had any actual existence as human beings at all. Of Ia, -Uny, Dennis, Allen, Paul and Berrian it has been stated that “it is more -than probable that there was no man in either case. Ia is the Island -saint, Uny the Downs saint, Dennis the Hill saint, Paul or Pol the Pool -saint,” Buryan or Berrian the saint of Berrie. - -But why stop there? Domesday Book supplies us with Eglostudic, -Sainguilant and Sainguinas. It is just as easy to imagine places bearing -the names of Tudic, Guilant and Guinas as to imagine one bearing the -name of Berrie, and quite as good etymology to derive them from Tutton a -chair, Guilan a kingfisher and Guenan a blister. - -Most will admit that a chair saint is suggestive of saintly -pursuits—study and contemplation; many saints have been fishermen; some -have suffered from pimples and perhaps have known how to cure them. - -Again we have two more ancient parishes one of which occurs in Domesday -Book, viz. Eglosros (Philleigh) and Egloshayle, the church on the heath -and the church on the estuary, yet no one has ever ventured to describe -or to speak of them as the churches of St. Rose and St. Hayle, and for -the obvious reason that Cornish saints have not been manufactured in the -way that has been suggested. - -In choosing Ia, Uny, Dennis, Allen, Paul and Berrian to demonstrate his -theory, the critic could hardly have made a more unfortunate selection. -With one exception they are all to be found in Brittany. - -Ia is said to have been an Irish missionary who came with her brothers -Uny and Erth and some others to complete the conversion of the Cornish -in the golden age of Celtic Christianity. For our present purpose it is -not material to accept the legend, but it is useful to know that Ia is -commemorated at St. Ives in Cornwall and in Finistère in Brittany, Erth -at St. Erth in Cornwall and at Chittlehampton in Devon, Uny at Lelant -and Redruth in Cornwall and at Plevin in Côtes du Nord. St. Dennis (or -Denys), his church being situated in the centre of a hill-fort, is the -only one whose name seems, at first sight, to lend colour to the new -criticism. But to quote Professor Loth, writing on a totally different -subject,[80] “it is quite impossible for Dinas by itself to be a man’s -name. It is one of the most widely distributed place-names in Cornwall. -Dinas in Cornish, as in Welsh, signifies a fortified town.” Assuming -that a personage derived his name from the place Dinas we should have -Dinan as in Cardinan. St. Dennis or Denys appears to have been the name -given to a chapelry of St. Stephen (Etienne) but there is no reason to -suppose that it was ancient when it first appears along with that of -Caerhayes in the _Inquisitio Nonarum_ (1340) as _Capella Sci. Dionisii_. -St. Denys, supposed, but mistakenly, to be identical with Dionysius the -Areopagite, was from the seventh century onwards venerated throughout -Europe, and it is not remarkable to find him the patron of a chapel in -Cornwall in the fourteenth century. - -That the name of the site of the chapel may have suggested to its -founder a name for its patron saint is quite possible. As late as the -seventeenth century the heralds chose St. John Baptist’s head for the -arms of Penzance (holy head). There are, in truth, no better grounds for -regarding St. Dennis as mythical than St. Stephen to whom his chapel was -appendant. - -St. Allen, as the presiding saint of the _hail_ or moor, reminds one of -some rather irreverent lines by the greatest of Irish poets: - - Our preacher prays he may in’erit - The hinspiration of the Spirit. - Oh! grant him also, ’oly Lord, - The haspiration of thy word. - -St. Allen is found as St. Alun in the Episcopal Registers. The name -occurs in the cartulary of Redon and in Coed-Alun near Carnarvon in -Wales. St. Alan is among the disciples of Iltut and is the patron of -Corlay (Côtes du Nord). In no instance is the name found with the -aspirate, or hail without it. - -Pol de Leon is a personage quite as historic as Napoleon. It must rest -with the reader to say whether the church in Cornwall which bears his -name got it from Gwavas Lake or from the well-known British saint, a -disciple of Tutwal, who founded a Breton bishopric, who was a -fellow-student of St. Sampson the patron of Golant and who is himself -the patron of fifteen parishes, one of which curiously enough is in -Cornouaille in Brittany. - -Eglosberria remains and this, we are told, is compounded of Eglos and a -Cornish place-word presumed to be Berrie. The fact that no such place is -now to be found in the parish of St. Buryan does not, of course, prove -that in the far remote past there may not have been one. Nor does it -concern us much to know that in the parish berries of sorts are -abundant, holly berries, elder berries, blackberries and gooseberries; -still less to consider whether the last-named berry is indigenous or -acclimatised. This is not a treatise on Botany. - -Had our critic consulted his reference, Domesday Book, he would have -read in the Exchequer redaction, “The Canons of St. Berriona hold -Eglosberrie”; in the Exeter book—the original document—under the heading -Inquisitio Geldi (1085), “St. Berriana holds a hide of land”; and under -the heading Land of St. Berriona the Virgin, “the Canons of St. Berriona -hold a manor which is called Eglosberria, which the same Virgin held in -the time of King Edward freely” (i.e. free from the payment of dues). -The first point to notice is that in every case the name of the saint is -trisyllabic, Berrian or Berrion. Berria, the second half of the name of -the manor, is probably only a contraction for Berriana made by the -earlier scribe and copied by the later. This explanation is placed -almost beyond dispute by earlier and later documents concerning the -manor and the church. Again it is well known that the letters _b_ and -_v_ are, in certain Cornish words, interchangeable as, for example, in -Trebean and Trevean. Professor Loth had pointed out to the present -writer that Berrian (Buryan) and Verrian (Veryan) were identical, but it -was two years before a striking confirmation of his statement was -disclosed. A charter dated 1450 was recently handed to me to decipher -relating to this very manor of Eglosberrie. - -In it the lands were described as those of Eglosveryan. The Domesday -record is not only in perfect agreement with, but confirms, the charter -of Athelstan, which, in spite of some adverse criticism, probably -arising from the fact that it has been copied and attested more than -once, is acknowledged to be a trustworthy document, and as such was -always regarded whenever the rights and privileges of the royal chapel -of St. Buryan were called in question. Veryan and Buryan being -identical, it follows that, on the assumption that they are derived from -Berrie, a place-name, that place will be found in both parishes. It is -found in neither. It is purely mythical. - -It may be asked, why devote so much space to a matter of secondary -importance? The reason is that here we have to meet an attempt to bring -the Celtic saints within the province of comparative mythology, an -attempt to show that they were eponymous in somewhat the same sense as -Romulus, Cypris, Pallas Athene and Ceres (as representing Siculus) were -the genii and afterwards the presiding deities over Rome, Cyprus, Athens -and Sicily. It is useless to deny the assertion that “the Church history -of Cornwall before the Norman Conquest is chiefly a matter of legendary -lore” and that “the cult of the sun was that of Cornwall not a thousand -years ago” unless we have something to say in support of our denial. - -Let us therefore carry the argument a little further—let us suppose that -the topological origin of the saints is the true one; let us suppose -that there is indisputable evidence, gathered in Cornwall, in its -favour; in other words, that the Cornish saints are local divinities; -how will it fare with them when their votaries have crossed the seas? -Will the Island which gives its name to St. Ives, will the Downs of -Lelant, the Hail (deprived of its aspirate), the Dinas of Mid-Cornwall -and Gwavas Lake win Armorican devotion? Or conversely, assuming the -saints to have been of Armorican manufacture, will they appeal to the -devotional instincts of the Cornish? Or must we assume that there was a -sacred island at Plouyé, a sacred downs at Plevin, a sacred pool at Léon -and a sacred Berrie at Berrien and Lan-verrien in Finistère? It is as -difficult to imagine an affirmative answer being returned to any of -these questions as St. Thomas Aquinas found it to believe that a -religious could tell a lie, and therefore, according to his biographer, -more difficult to believe than that an ox could fly. The Celtic saints -were not eponymous, but men of like passions with us, who lived their -lives, told their story, impressed their contemporaries and were -gathered to their fathers, men honoured in their generation and the -glory of their times. - -This leads to a brief notice of their biographies. The subject is not -free from difficulty. It requires a rearrangement of thoughts, a -re-focussing of ideas. The Lives of the Saints do not conform to -ordinary standards or respond to ordinary appeals. - -They are not plain, unvarnished accounts of simple earnest men written -by their contemporaries, but, in their present form, they are for the -most part highly coloured stories addressed not to the intellect but to -the imagination. They are not always free from anachronisms. The ideals -of their writers are not ours to-day. - -They abound in the miraculous. They are adorned after a common pattern -peculiarly their own. They draw largely upon Holy Scripture. Incidents -related of one saint are sometimes transferred to another. Similarities -of expression are found in them, perhaps pointing to a common origin or -authorship. In short, all the elements which provoke adverse criticism -are found in them. - -And yet, making due allowance for the mentality of those who wrote and -those who read them, there is no sufficient reason for impugning the -veracity of the writers, much less for despising them.[81] They were -neither deceivers nor deceived. The hagiographer had probably as great a -regard for truth as his modern critics, but he knew nothing of the -canons of literary excellence. He had never heard of “nature unadorned”; -but he knew, just as we know, how banal and commonplace are the lives of -many of the best men and women who have lived and worked for others, and -he strove to portray them in colours which might make them interesting -to a generation whose intelligence, so far as religion was concerned, -had been chiefly moulded by Holy Scripture. He recognised analogies and -emphasised them. He was conversant with the main facts and knew how -impressive had been the personality and the life of his hero, but he had -not, like Boswell, followed him about with a note-book. He was himself -an impressionist and by no means sparing of his paint, one whose work -doubtless won the approval of the age in which he lived. He had no -message for succeeding ages. - -At the same time only ignorance or prejudice will place all -hagiographers on the same level or refuse to take account of alleged -facts, even when they are concealed underneath an intolerable deal of -fanciful adornment. - -In some cases the Lives of the Saints, as presented by their authors, -possess real historical value. Those of Sampson, Paul Aurelian, -Winwaloe, Tutwal and Malo (Machutus) fall within this category.[82] The -life of St. Sampson drawn up, according to Mgr. Duchesne, towards the -end of the seventh century, of which the earliest and most valuable MS. -is of the eleventh century, will repay diligent study.[83] It has a -direct and important bearing upon monastery-bishoprics, and ought to -possess a special interest for the people of Cornwall whose forefathers -profited by St. Sampson’s ministry. The biography, as we should expect, -contains its full share of miracles, but is, nevertheless, characterised -by veracity in those statements which relate to the saint’s parentage, -private life, travels and career. The picture is a true picture, however -much we may dislike the method of treatment. The landing of the saint -near Padstow, his sojourn at St. Kew, his destruction of the pagan idol -in the hundred of Trigg and other details are all related and the -topographical knowledge of the writer has been shown to be accurate.[84] -It is doubtful, however, whether, at the present stage of historical -research, it is possible for those, who are most competent to form a -judgment of the value of the evidence afforded by the Lives of the -Saints, to do so dispassionately and impartially owing to the antagonism -which is provoked by the extraordinary play of fancy on the part of -their writers. - -That some of them possess historical value is proved by a Life the -earliest MS. of which is comparatively recent. In the life of St. -Petrock the text of which is not earlier than the fifteenth century it -is stated that “Petrock, after visiting his compatriot St. Sampson, -betook himself _ad cellam Wethnoci episcopi_. A little further on we -read _unde etiam lingua gentis illius Landuuethmoch_ (for Lannwethnoc) -_adhuc usque hodie dicitur_. Now Lannwethnoc presents itself in Domesday -Book under the forms of Lanwehenoc (wrongly written Lanwenahoc) and -Lan-guihenoc.”[85] - -The remarkable thing is that a fifteenth-century writer should have -recorded two facts which were as little known at the time when he wrote -as they are to the generality of English readers to-day; the first, that -in the days of St. Petrock a bishop might have been found occupying a -cell, living as a monk or hermit, though not necessarily living alone; -and the second, that there was in pre-Norman times a place bearing the -name of Languihenoc, both of which are placed beyond dispute by the -evidence given us in the chapter on Monastery-Bishoprics and by the -testimony of Domesday Book. It surely requires an imagination of wider -scope to believe that the writer was not transcribing or interpreting an -authentic document than to accept the most fantastic legends of Celtic -saints. The service rendered to research is twofold: it witnesses to the -historicity of the Life even if it does not establish the reputation of -its writer, and it adds one more to our list of Celtic bishops in the -person of Guethnoc, who as Gwethnoc is honoured in Finistère and -elsewhere in Brittany. - -At this point it seems convenient to summarise the results of our -survey. It has been maintained that coincidence and resemblance have -been invested with an importance disproportionate to their real value, -that where coincidence has been claimed for the purpose of discrediting -traditional doctrine it has often proved as illusory as the rainbow, -that resemblance unsupported by other evidence has proved to be -imaginary or superficial, that in the case of the Cornish saints, whose -names have been supposed to resemble place-names, there is nothing to -warrant the suspicion that they are eponymous, that the Lives of the -Saints as they have come down to us must be estimated in the light of -the mentality of the writers and readers of them, that, however ornate -or barbaric they may be considered to be, when they record ordinary -events the statements are worthy of investigation and often of -historical value, and that a comparatively modern life of a saint may -afford evidence of the substantial accuracy of the facts which it -records. - -It may not unreasonably be asked what then is the attitude to be -observed towards those students of comparative mythology who endeavour -to find a common origin for all religions by studying religious -phenomena? There is no reason why it should not be friendly or even -helpful. But, whatever may be the final verdict of that study, its -present value will be generally determined by psychology rather than by -logic. The man who starts with a theory, whether in favour of a common -origin of religious belief or with one opposed to a common origin, will -probably find enough evidence to confirm his theory. Darwins are not -born every day; yet there is no hope which is more widely shared or more -secretly cherished by those who give themselves to mythological research -than the hope that they are at least potential Darwins. The desire to be -scientific, that is, to reduce to system an array of facts, vastly -preponderates over the desire to ascertain the accuracy of certain -alleged facts and their relation to other facts of a similar nature. It -is possible to accept the statement that worship originated in -sacrifice, in the attempt to propitiate an offended deity, and to deduce -conclusions diametrically opposed to each other. To the Catholic -Christian it will perhaps be a substantial aid to faith, to the -Protestant an encouragement to discard the errors of paganism, to the -unbeliever a confirmation of unbelief. The subject—only as yet in its -infancy—can hardly be ignored. At the same time its ramifications cover -so much ground that comparatively few can be expected to acquire -sufficient knowledge to be in a position to judge of its conclusions. -Archæology, philology, ethnology, ancient philosophy, theology and -mythology are only some of the departments of a study which aims at -determining the origins of religious belief. Who then is sufficient for -these things? He has yet to be born. - -Cornwall, with its large admixture of Celtic blood, until lately -speaking a Celtic language, inheriting a Celtic tradition, for centuries -in close contact with Brittany, might have been expected to furnish -materials enabling the student to differentiate the quality of its -religious belief and practice from that of the Midlands. To accept the -same creed is not necessarily to hold the same belief or to have the -same religious ideal. Each people has doubtless its own instinctive -beliefs which may or may not find a place in the creed which is -professed. If those beliefs do find a place in it they will find -emphasised expression in the popular worship. The appeal of Wesley in -the eighteenth century struck home to the instinctive beliefs of the -Cornish. In spite of the marked progress of Anglicanism during the last -half-century the Cornish are largely Methodists, whose worship is still -conducted in buildings which usually have as little claim to beauty as a -railway station. They have no stereotyped form of service, no liturgy -which lends itself to musical adornment. The hospitals and other -charitable institutions in the county have in many cases been built and -are mainly supported by others. And yet the Cornish possess a keen sense -of beauty. They are musical, refined and generous. In skill and -intelligence they will bear comparison with the rest of the United -Kingdom. They are open-minded, fond of discussion and never tired when -it takes a religious turn. Their nearest kinsmen in blood are the -Bretons, with whom they have much in common, although in the matter of -religious practice they are as far as the poles apart. While the latter -cling with unrivalled devotion to the old religion, the former spend -much time, like the men of Athens, in telling or hearing some new thing. -Methodism on the old lines is moribund in Cornwall; Catholicism on the -old lines is a living and a growing power in Brittany. During the last -quarter of a century a remarkable change has passed over the face of -Cornish nonconformity. Revivals have almost become things of the past. -Conversion, theoretically the starting-point of Methodist religion, is -no longer required to be sudden. The class meeting has lost much of its -attractiveness. There is less reverence for the Holy Scriptures. Many of -the old doctrines are being recast. Methodism is in a state of -transition. The drift is towards rationalism, but the end is not yet in -sight. Under these circumstances it is not easy to form a right judgment -or to forecast the future of Cornish Methodism, but to one who has spent -twenty-five years in its midst and who knows how deeply and -instinctively religious is the character of the people it would seem -that at a no distant date there will be a _volte-face_, in other words, -that the essentially religious instinct will reassert itself. Two -alternatives may supervene. There may be a return to the Catholic faith, -Anglican or Roman, of which there are already signs or there may be -recourse to Christian Science, Spiritualism or some occult system which -attracts by its novelty and promises to satisfy religious craving. -Rationalism, which may suit the Teutonic race and be a substitute for -religion, is impossible to the emotional God-fearing temper of the Celt. - ------ - -Footnote 80: - - _Romans de la Table ronde_, p. 90. - -Footnote 81: - - To quote M. Loth, whose gentle irony would be spoiled by translation, - in his answer to M. Fawtier’s criticism: “Il (M. Fawtier) a été - évidemment, d’avance, fâcheusement impressionné par le fait même - d’avoir affaire à un _hagiographe et ce qui plus est_, comme il - l’avoue sans détour _à un hagiographe breton_. Si nos hagiographes - méritent une place d’honneur dans le martyrologe de la critique, c’est - peut-être bien que nos vies de saints sont d’une assez basse époque: - la vie de Samson mise à part, les deux plus anciennes ont été rédigées - vers la fin du ix^e siècle.” - -Footnote 82: - - J. Loth, _Revue Celtique_, xxii, p. 96. - -Footnote 83: - - The text has been edited by M. Fawtier and published by MM. Champion - (Paris). The reader should consult also the more critical notes on _S. - Samson de Dol_, by Prof. Loth (Champion, Paris) and if possible a very - illuminating little treatise, _La vie de S. Samson_, by M. L’Abbé - Duine. - -Footnote 84: - - Loth, _Saint Samson de Dol_, p. 26. - -Footnote 85: - - See the previous footnote. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - VIII - - ANCIENT RELIGIOUS HOUSES - - -A brief survey of the monastic and quasi-monastic foundations is -required in order to determine if possible which of them, if any, were -originally Celtic in character. It will suffice to take the -_Monasticon_, as edited by Dr. Oliver, and to examine the charters and -notes respecting the several houses and to check them by means of such -other records as are available. Neither Sir William Dugdale nor Dr. -Oliver distinguished between institutions which were Celtic and -institutions which were the common heritage of Western Christianity. - -If a monastery existed before the Norman Conquest their main purpose was -to trace it back, if possible, beyond that date, and, having done this, -to record its fortunes as it fared forth through the centuries which -followed. This purpose they achieved by printing in chronological order -all its charters, whether preserved as chirographs or as inspeximi[86] -derived from Charter and Patent Rolls. The following list comprises all -the Cornish religious foundations given in the _Monasticon_: - - St. Petrock’s (Bodmin) Priory. - St. German’s Priory. - St. Michael’s (Mount) Priory. - St. Stephen’s (Launceston) Priory. - St. Buryan Collegiate Church. - St. Crantock Collegiate Church. - St. Cyricus, or St. Cyriacus, Priory. - St. Probus Prebendal Church. - St. Keverne Collegiate Church. - St. Piran Collegiate Church. - Minster or Talkarn Priory. - Scilly Priory. - Tregony Priory. - Tywardreath Priory. - St. Anthony, Cell of Plympton. - St. Michael of Lammana Cell. - Truro Convent. - Endellion Collegiate Church. - Glasney Collegiate Church. - St. Michael’s (Penkevil) Collegiate Church. - St. Teath Collegiate Church. - Helston Hospital of St. John the Baptist. - Liskeard Lazar-house. - -Of the twenty-three religious houses enumerated the first nine are -mentioned in Domesday Book, which also mentions the priests of St. Neot, -the lands of St. Constantine and of St. Goran and the honour of St. Che -(_Honor St. Chei_). There are also a few churches which call for -examination like those of St. Kew, Mawnan and Manaccan whose religious -character is omitted in both. Languihenoc and Gerrans have been already -considered. It is obvious that to give a full and complete review of all -of them would require not a chapter but a volume. - -Before attempting to deal with the subject, within even the narrowest -possible limits, we may profitably ask ourselves what courses were open -to the members of monastic communities, which had been in the ascendant -until the Saxon Conquest of Cornwall, in order that they might come into -line with the new ecclesiastical régime? Three courses presented -themselves. The first was to allow themselves to be disbanded as the -regular clergy were compelled to be at the time of Henry’s reformation; -the second was to conform to the rules of one or other of the recognised -western orders and to become affiliated to it; the third was to -transform their convents of regular clergy into colleges or collegiate -churches of secular clergy. No doubt there was a strong conservative -party who resisted all change, otherwise it would be difficult to -understand the spoliation of which there are traces during the Saxon -period and of which after the Norman Conquest there is abundant proof in -Domesday Book. Of the three courses which have been suggested the third -seems to have been favoured under the Saxons and the second under the -Normans. - -Taking the nine monastic bodies which stand at the head of the foregoing -list in order, it will suffice to say that after serving as the seat of -an abbot-bishop the monastery of St. Petrock probably became collegiate -and parochial. In Domesday Book it is always referred to as St. Petrock -or the Church of St. Petrock. The date of its reconstruction as a -monastery is obscure. There does not appear to be any evidence to show -to which of the religious orders it belonged until the _Ordinatio_ of -the Priory by Bishop Grandisson in 1347, in which it is ordained that -the prior and convent shall celebrate the Divine Office and observe -vigil, fast, silence and prayer according to the rule of Blessed -Augustine. Long before that date it had therefore doubtless become a -convent of the Black Canons. Sir John Maclean expressly states, though -on what authority I have not been able to discover, that it was Bishop -William Warelwast (1107-1136) who settled therein regular canons of St. -Augustine. In the _Taxatio_ of the vicarage, by Bishop Bronescombe in -1269, the vicar was assigned, as a part of his emolument, the victuals -(_liberacionem_) of one canon. - -The monastery of St. Germans was served by secular canons before the -Norman Conquest. Bishop Leofric (1046-1073) removed them and introduced -canons regular. In 1270 Bishop Bronescombe ordered the excommunication -of certain persons concerning whom he vouchsafes no particulars save -that they were _Sathane satellites, proprie salutis immemores_ and that -they had expelled those whom he had sent to take charge of the priory -during the vacancy caused by the death of Richard the late prior. His -letter is valuable because it affords evidence that the bishop of Exeter -claimed absolute power over the priory and its possessions so long as -there was no prior appointed, and apparently the right of confirming the -prior’s appointment. - -Of St. Michael’s Mount some particulars will be found in Chapter X. - -The church of St. Stephen by Launceston was like that of St. German -served by secular canons at the time of the Domesday Survey. By Bishop -William Warelwast (1107-1138) to whom Ralph the dean of St. Stephens had -surrendered the deanery it was made an Augustinian priory and so -remained until the dissolution of the religious houses by Henry VIII. -Harassed and despoiled by Robert Count of Mortain in the years which -followed the Norman Conquest, under the fostering care of Reginald Earl -of Cornwall (1140-1175) and Richard King of the Romans (1225-1272), it -soon became the wealthiest of the religious houses in Cornwall. The -relations between the parochial church of St. Stephen and the priory are -somewhat obscure. The church was taxed independently of the priory in -1291, but in the _Inquisitio nonarum_ of 1346 the church was assessed at -£10, of which 40s. was chargeable to the prior. - -The collegiate church of St. Buryan is undoubtedly an early instance of -the conversion of a Celtic monastery to a recognised English type. King -Athelstan by charter gave a small piece of his land in a place which is -called the church of St. Berrian ... to be free of all taxation unless -the clerks who had promised him their prayers, viz. 100 masses, 100 -psalters and daily supplications failed, to perform their task. The -place which is called the church of St. Berrian was evidently -Eglosberria or Eglosveryan, of which we have already spoken. In later -times it was advantageous to the dean and his fellows to cite Athelstan -as their founder and their church as a royal chapel. All that the Saxon -King did for them was probably to guarantee to them security of tenure -for the lands which they already held and freedom from payment of geld. - -The Canons of St. Crantock who held the manor of Langorock at the time -of the Survey (1086) also survived the various changes made in the -constitution of their community until their dissolution in 1536. Robert, -Count of Mortain, had already seized their lands when the Survey was -made. His son, Count William, founded the Cluniac house at Montacute in -Somerset, and to it he is said to have given the church of St. Crantock. -It is certain that in 1236 the prior of Montacute transferred the church -and its possessions to William Briwer, bishop of Exeter. The bishop -thenceforth became patron of the deanery and prebends. In 1291 there -were on the foundation a dean and nine prebendaries. St. Crantock had -become a typical collegiate church. The several stages through which it -passed leave no doubt that as Langorock it had established its claim to -considerate treatment by Saxon and Norman alike. - -Of St. Keverne we learn from Domesday Book that the canons of St. -Achebran had one manor which was called Lannachebran, which the same -saint had held in the Confessor’s time. There is, however, evidence of -its quasi-prebendal character more than a century before the Survey was -made.[87] By Richard, Earl of Cornwall and King of the Romans, the -church was given to the abbot and convent of Beaulieu for the good of -his own soul and that of King John his father.[88] The vicarage was -taxed by Bishop Bronescombe, in 1260, very unfavourably to the vicar, -there being assigned to the abbot and convent of Beaulieu more than -five-sixths of the income. Leland, writing about the year 1530, states -that near “The Paroch church of S. Keveryn otherwise Piranus,” there is -a sanctuary with ten or twelve dwelling houses and hard by “there was a -sel of monkes but now gonn home to ther Hed Hows.” These monks were -doubtless Cistercians from Beaulieu who, for some reason or another, had -been temporarily resident in the parish. The appropriation of the church -by Earl Richard, and its taxation by Bishop Bronescombe, had left it a -rather poorly endowed vicarage, of which the patronage and greater -tithes belonged to Beaulieu. That Lannachebran was originally Celtic and -monastic does not admit of doubt. - -The account supplied by Domesday Book respecting St. Pieran -(Perranzabuloe) is very illuminating. “The Canons of St. Pieran,” so the -statement runs, “have a manor called Lanpiran, which in the time of King -Edward they held freely.... From this manor have been taken away two -manors which in the time of King Edward rendered to the Canons of St. -Pieran four weeks’ farm (_firmam iii septimanarum_). Of these manors -Berner holds one of the Count. And from the other hide which Odo holds -of St. Pieran the Count has taken away all the stock (_pecuniam_). These -two manors rendered to the Dean by way of custom 20s. in addition to the -said farm (_firmam_).” The first of these two manors was that of -Tregebri, which elsewhere in Domesday Book is described as being “of the -honour[89] of St. Perann.” The Count of Mortain took from both all that -had formerly belonged to the saint. Dean and canons were swept away at -an early date and the church given by Henry I to the dean and chapter of -Exeter. When the vicarage was taxed in 1269, to the vicar was assigned -the altarage of the mother church of St. Piran and of the chapel, -together with all the offerings derived from the exposition of the -relics, the vicar rendering a yearly tribute of six marks to the dean -and chapter. The relics referred to were those of St. Piran the founder -of the church, concerning which some interesting particulars are -supplied in an inventory of the year 1281. Among other treasures mention -is made of a reliquary in which is kept the head of St. Pyeran, with the -rest of the relics secured with iron and a lock, a hearse in which the -body of Pyeran is placed for processions, a tooth of St. Brendan and a -tooth of St. Martin within a silver box, also a pastoral staff of St. -Pyeran adorned with silver and gold and precious stones. Two centuries -later when making St. Agnes parochial, the bishop ordained that if the -parishioners of St. Pyran should bring the saint’s relics to St. Agnes -in procession as formerly, on Rogation Tuesday, they should receive -honourable welcome and the oblations presented in the chapel of St. -Agnes according to custom. - -There has been much doubt concerning the identity of St. Piran. From the -inventory of 1281 it would seem that at that time he was identified with -St. Kieran of Saighir in Ireland, otherwise it would be difficult to -account for the presence at Perranzabuloe of relics of St. Brendan, the -friend to whom the saint sent a supply of milk in the form of a milch -cow, and of those of St. Martin the founder of churches in Ossory, St. -Kieran’s native county, a person so highly esteemed by the saint that he -extracted a promise from him that when they died they should be buried -in the same grave. It is certain that in the thirteenth century, and a -fortiori in the eleventh century, the foundation of St. Piran was -regarded as Celtic and that the church claimed to have in its custody -the crozier of its episcopal founder. - -“The canons of St. Probus have one manor which is called Lanbrabois -(Lamprobus. _Exch. D._) which King Edward held at the time of his -death.” Such is the testimony of Domesday Book. The name of the manor -suggests a monastic origin, but nothing whatever appears to be known of -the saint or of the founder of the prebendal church. Had St. Edward been -the founder it is probable that some use would have been made of the -circumstance by succeeding generations. King John confirmed the grants -of the church made by his ancestor (_avi_) Henry I and by his father -Henry II to the bishop and cathedral church of Exeter.[90] By Bishop -Briwer it was appropriated to the office of treasurer of the cathedral, -together with the patronage of the five prebends, but the patronage was -subsequently transferred to Bishop Bronescombe and exercised by him and -his successors until the suppression of the prebends by Edward VI. - -Having briefly considered the religious houses—using that term in its -widest sense—concerning which mention is made in Domesday Book, it is -worth while to pass on to those whose endowments either excited not the -rapacity of the Norman, or were too slender to find a place in the Great -Survey, and to those which were evidently founded after the Norman -Conquest. Taking them in the order already indicated, we have the five -establishments dignified by the name of priories. - -The priory of St. Cyricus or St. Cyriacus in the parish of St. Veep is -stated by Lysons to have been founded by William Count of Mortain, but -no authority is quoted for the statement. In 1236 Bishop Briwer wishing -to relieve the church of St. Nonn (probably the neighbouring church of -Pelynt) from a yearly charge of six marks, four shillings and three -pence heretofore payable to the little cell (_cellula_) of St. Cyricus, -granted to the latter out of the revenues of his see a yearly payment of -five marks. The cell was affiliated to the Cluniac priory of Montacute -in the county of Somerset and was for a long time in the patronage of -the family of that name. It is futile to speculate respecting its -origin, and it is not safe to say that it was of Saxon or Norman origin, -for St. Carreuc is found in three Breton parishes.[91] - -The priory of Minster or Talkarn described as the church of St. Merthian -of Laminster was, somewhere about the year 1130, given by William, son -of Nicholas (Botreaux), to the monks of the Benedictine abbey of St. -Sergius at Angers. Here again we have monastic associations suggested by -the locality of the priory. Laminster was apparently already a -place-name when the gift was made little more than half a century after -the Norman Conquest. The priory, by reason of its connection with the -French abbey, was suppressed during the fourteenth century. - -The priory or cell of St. Nicholas, situated on the island of Tresco, -Scilly, was probably Celtic in origin. The Charter of Henry I granting -to the abbot and church of Tavistock and to its monk Turold, the -churches and land in Scilly uses the following words to limit and -describe the tenure of the land—it is to be held “just as the monks or -rather hermits (_monachi aut heremite melius_) held it in the time of -King Edward of Burgald bishop of Cornwall.” - -Tavistock was a Benedictine abbey founded in the latter half of the -tenth century. The rule of St. Benedict was broad and elastic, and -monasteries could and did embrace it without parting entirely with their -traditions.[92] It was, in fact, the only rule recognised in England -during the whole of the Saxon period. Admitting all this the phrase -“monks or rather hermits,” is so studiously vague as to imply a doubt as -to whether the brothers had in the Confessor’s day submitted to any -recognised rule whatever. It is certain that while bringing them into a -closer relationship with Tavistock the King intended to enforce a -stricter discipline, otherwise his further provision that they should, -like “the King’s own prebendaries” have his peace and protection, would -have been unnecessary. The King does not confirm any supposed charter of -Athelstan or of Edward, but gives the religious community at Scilly to -the abbey at Tavistock, and, apart from the reference to the latter -King, there is nothing to lead us to regard the monks as Benedictine or -as affiliated to the abbey until Henry’s charter was granted. As a cell -of Tavistock, the Scilly monastery appears to have existed until the -suppression of the mother house, but little is known of it subsequent to -the middle of the fifteenth century. - -Tregony Priory. At an early date the churches of St. James, Tregony, and -of St. Cuby, appear to have accepted the rule of St. Augustine and to -have been constituted a cell of the abbey of de Valle in Normandy. When -and by whom this appropriation was made is unknown, but it is certain -that it was made after the Norman Conquest. In the year 1278 Bishop -Bronescombe gave his sanction to the transfer of the priory of Tregony -to the priory of Merton in the county of Surrey. This was in furtherance -of an arrangement between the prior of Merton and the abbot of de Valle, -whereby the possessions of the former in the diocese of Bayeux were -exchanged for those of the latter in England. Bishop Quivel confirmed -the sanction of his predecessor in 1282, and until the dissolution of -the religious houses the cell, which had become a vicarage, belonged to -the monastery of Merton. - -Of Tywardreath Priory little need be said here. At the time of the -Domesday Survey, Tywardreath was one of the thirty manors in Cornwall -which had been given by the Conqueror to Richard Fitz Turold. By Richard -the priory was founded and affiliated to the great Benedictine abbey of -SS. Sergius and Bacchus at Angers. The list of charters recording -successive endowments is exceptionally complete, and for genealogical -purposes the charters are of very great value, but they afford no -suggestion of a pre-Norman foundation. - -The cell of St. Anthony in Roseland represented a survival of an order -of things of which we have little recorded evidence. In the thirteenth -century it derived its main support from the church of St. Gerrans. In -the _Taxatio_ of Pope Nicholas IV the prior of St. Anthony is assessed -at the same amount for his portion in the church of St. Gerrans as the -rector himself. A little more than a century later, in the _Inquisitio -nonarum_, St. Anthony is described as a chapel (_capella_) of St. -Gerrans. Such information as we have points to a quasi-monastic -establishment of St. Gerrans, followed by a parish church at Gerrans and -a small monastery at St. Anthony. The latter was made, at an early date, -dependent on the Augustinian priory of Plympton, and in the earlier half -of the sixteenth century consisted of two canons. - -The Cell of St. Michael of Lammana, situated in the parish of Talland -opposite Looe Island, which formed a portion of its possessions, was -given by John de Solenny in the twelfth century to the Benedictine abbey -of Glastonbury. Richard, Earl of Cornwall, granted to the abbot a -licence to farm out its revenues, and this probably accounts for the -scant information supplied by the public records respecting the cell. -The name Lammana points to Celtic monasticism. - -The Convent of the Preaching Friars at Truro throws no light upon the -subject before us. The friars first came to England in the year 1221. It -is a striking proof of the rapidity with which the order spread that -Bishop Bronescombe should have dedicated their church at Truro in 1259. - -The origin of the Collegiate Church of Endellion is obscure. In 1273 the -rectory belonged to the prior and convent of Bodmin; in 1342 Bodmin or -King’s prebend belonged to the same; in 1265 Marny’s prebend belonged to -the family of Bodrugan, and in 1266 Trehaverock prebend belonged to the -family of Modret. The parish of Endellion was not in St. Petrock’s -hundred of Pawton, nor do any of its three Domesday manors appear to -have belonged to the saint. It would therefore seem as if the advowson -or a moiety of it had been given to the priory after its reconstitution -on English lines. In any case it would be rash to claim a pre-Norman -origin for Endellion Collegiate Church. - -The similar establishment at Glasney, near Penryn, owed its foundation -to Bishop Bronescombe, who in 1267 consecrated the church of St. Thomas -the Martyr and its churchyard. Glasney was an entirely new college, not -the rehabilitation of an earlier institution, and on that account it -does not enter into the present enquiry.[93] - -The church of St. Michael Penkevil was made collegiate in 1319, as the -result of the benefaction of Sir John de Trejagu. It was to be -administered by an archpriest and three fellows who were to live under -the same roof and to dine at the same table. It had no early monastic -associations. - -The date of the erection of St. Teath into a Collegiate Church is more -obscure. Between the years 1258 and 1264 Bishop Bronescombe founded two -prebends in St. Teath church, and, inasmuch as the number of prebends -does not appear ever to have exceeded two, it is probable that the -church owed its prebendal character solely to the bishop. - -The Hospital of St. John the Baptist at Helston and the Lazar house at -Liskeard, being comparatively modern foundations, need not be examined. - -Reference has been made to three churches or religious houses—it is not -clear which is the appropriate term—which are mentioned in Domesday -Book, but which are omitted in the _Monasticon_. - -In the former document it is stated that St. Constantine has half a hide -of land which in the time of King Edward was free of all service, but -since the Count of Mortain received the land it has always rendered geld -unjustly like villeins’ land. This land, known as the manor of Tucoyes, -was bestowed upon Wihumar and henceforth lost to the Church. The -exemption from geld implies a monastic foundation, but no other trace of -monastic origin has been found in connection with the church of St. -Constantine. - -Of St. Neot it is stated that the saint held a manor called Neotstou, -consisting of two hides of land in the time of the Confessor, Godric -being the priest in charge, and that the Count of Mortain has despoiled -the priests of all their land save one (Cornish) acre. It is also stated -that the two hides of land have never rendered geld. Monastic the church -of St. Neot undoubtedly was, but in this case we have trustworthy -historical evidence to prove that it was not Celtic but Saxon. St. Neot -had himself founded the house in Saxonised territory. No trace of its -original character is to be found in later documents. It would therefore -seem that it had already become (in 1086) purely parochial. - -The honour of St. Cheus or Che, of which the manor of Tremaruustel was a -member at the time of the Domesday Survey, has hitherto resisted all -attempts at identification. It probably represents a moribund and -extinct monastic holding of considerable extent. - -The Domesday manor of St. Mawnan (wrongly written Maiuian or Mawan in -both copies) had fallen into the King’s hand before the Conquest. But -the church of St. Mawnan is referred to in many subsequent translations -under the name of Minster, which suggests a monastic origin. - -Manaccan, the monks’ church, calls for no comment. - -A very interesting and convincing example of the conversion of a purely -Celtic monastic house to English uses is supplied by St. Kew. On -linguistic grounds alone Professor Loth arrived at the conclusion that -Docco, the monastery where St. Sampson made the acquaintance of St. -Winniau, was St. Kew. An examination of the various forms under which -the church is described in the Episcopal Registers revealed the forms -Landoho, Lanho and Lanow. A Patent Roll of 1307 furnished the following -statements, viz. that King Edgar (958-975) gave to the canons of -Plympton two carucates of land, 100s. of rent in Landoho and the church -there for the support of two canons celebrating divine service there and -dispensing alms and hospitality to the poor, to pilgrims and other -guests, that in a case tried before John de Berewyk and other justices -(circa 1300) it was shown that the prior and convent of Plympton had -failed to fulfil the above conditions and that, taking into account all -the circumstances, the King now (1307) grants to the prior and convent -the right to substitute a secular vicar and chaplain for the two canons -at Landoho. - -An examination of the Plympton charters showed that Henry I gave the -church of Tohou to William Warelwast, bishop of Exeter, and that he gave -the church to the priory of canons regular which he founded at Plympton -in the year 1121. No one can doubt that Tohou and Docco are variants of -the same word, which is found in Brittany as Tohou and Ohou. It is not -difficult to follow the various acts of spoliation. King Edgar evidently -reduced the patrimony of the Celtic monastery to the amount specified -above while retaining the manor of Landoho, which until the Norman -Conquest embraced the manors of Poundstock and St. Gennys. The three -manors passed as an undivided whole to Earl Harold as demesne lands. By -the Conqueror they were given to the Count of Mortain. Henry I claimed -the remaining revenue of the monks and gave it to the bishop who -transferred it to Plympton priory. Edgar’s gift to Plympton was a legal -fiction which enabled the priory to evade responsibilities which were -implied in the charter of Henry I and explicitly stated in that of Henry -II when canons regular were substituted for secular canons.[94] - -In brief, St. Kew was the site of an important Celtic monastery which, -visited by St. Sampson in the days of St. Winniau, despoiled by King -Edgar and stripped bare by Henry I, nevertheless retained some semblance -of its ancient glory until the latter half of the thirteenth century. - -As the result of the above examination it will be observed that of the -twenty-six religious houses about one-half afford evidence of Celtic -origin. In some cases the evidence is convincing; in some it is of -itself insufficient to convince. Taken as a whole, it adds considerably -to the weight of the argument which is here advanced, namely, that in -Cornwall the Celtic form of Christianity had not wholly disappeared at -the time of the Norman Conquest. Of its secure and comprehensive hold -upon the religious life of the whole county at an earlier period there -is abundant proof in the names of the parishes. Excluding those which -have been considered, fifteen bear the prefix _Lan_, the mark of -monastic settlement. Others, like St. Erth (Lanudno), St. Madron -(Landithy), St. Just-in-Penwith (Lafrowda), Kea (Landegy), Gulval -(Lanisley), Lelant (Lananta), Lezant (Lansant), retained the prefix for -a time, in an _alias_, which in some cases suggests an earlier -dedication; or, as in the case of Lanherne, Langunnet, Lanyhorne and -Lanhadron still retain it in the name of the manor to which the advowson -of the church was appendant; while a very large number bear, without -prefix or affix, the names of Celtic saints, many of them unknown to the -outside world. From one end of the county to the other the impress of -Celtic Christianity can be clearly traced. It is monastic in character. -But it is not a monasticism which has intruded within the confines of -parishes already formed, but a monasticism which has occupied the whole -territory from the very first. This it is which, in the tenth and -eleventh centuries, either finds itself gradually superseded by the -newer parochialism, or which ensures, in some sort, its survival in -collegiate bodies or in recognised monastic orders by submitting to new -conditions and new ideas. - ------ - -Footnote 86: - - Inspeximi is a convenient plural of the word _inspeximus_ (we have - inspected). Royal grants of liberties and privileges are frequently - based upon earlier grants which the Royal grantor declares he has - _inspected_. The charters of these earlier grants in many instances no - longer exist. - -Footnote 87: - - _Jour. Arch. Assocn._, XXXIX, 282. - -Footnote 88: - - Pat. Roll, 18 Edw. III, 1345. - -Footnote 89: - - Another honour is mentioned in the same record, viz. that of St. - Cheus, which awaits identification. The Exeter book reads correctly - that Tremar uustel is _de honore S. Chei_, whereas the Exchequer - version has belongs _ad honore S. Chei_. This led General James to - translate the words “belongs to the honours of Chei”: _honore_ is - probably an abbreviation for _honorem_ and the full stop after the _S_ - a contraction of _Sancti_. - -Footnote 90: - - _Monasticon_, p. 72. - -Footnote 91: - - Loth, _Les Noms des Saints bretons_, p. 19. - -Footnote 92: - - Gasquet, _English Monastic Life_, p. 214. - -Footnote 93: - - Mr. Thurstan C. Peter has written an interesting and reliable account - of _Glasney Collegiate Church_ (Camborne, 1903). - -Footnote 94: - - _Monasticon_, p. 135. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - IX - - CORNISH HERMITS - - -The subject of English hermits and anchorites has been so exhaustively -dealt with by Miss Rotha M. Clay[95] that a writer may well hesitate -before he ventures to enter upon a small portion of the ground which she -has covered. Miss Clay has performed her task with great judgment, -learning and literary skill and with consummate diligence. So -conscientiously and so impartially has she performed her task that the -reader will seek in vain to discover whether she is in full sympathy -with the hermit’s vocation or the reverse. Her book will be read with -pleasure and with profit by all. - -The present writer wishes to acknowledge his obligations to Miss Clay, -whose researches have both confirmed and supplemented conclusions -already formed. The titles of the several chapters of her book are -illuminating and suggestive, and the contents abundantly justify the -distinction she has made between one type and another. We find ourselves -introduced in succession to hermits of island and fen, forest and -hillside, cave, lighthouse, highway and bridge, town, church and -cloister. - -Unless the student keeps in mind the fact that the eremitical impulse -fulfilled itself in varied activities he will fail to understand its -true nature and purpose. Here was no lawless spirit, disdaining the -restraints of an ordered life, but “the fiery glow that whirls the -spirit from itself away” to make it the ready instrument in God’s hands -for works of mercy, charity, counsel and service while seeking by -prayer, meditation, vigil and fasting to attain unto perfection. - -Again, while it is allowable to assume that the hermit who dwelt apart -and in solitude was the precursor of the conventual body—the word monk -implies as much—it nevertheless seems certain that, at the time when he -first emerges into the clear light of Celtic history he is not, as -popular fancy has imagined, a distraught enthusiast seeking refuge and -rest from an evil and adulterous generation, but a tried soldier who has -learnt in the convent by precept and by practice the art of war, and who -goes forth in all the panoply of celestial might to fight singly and -alone the enemies of his soul and to bring deliverance to others. No -sooner has he achieved his own salvation than he sets about the -salvation of his fellow-men. He has little in common with the -self-regarding Christian of the _Pilgrim’s Progress_. He is eager to be -of use. He becomes a minister to the dwellers amid untrodden ways and in -remote corners, it may be as a waywarden, a bridge repairer, or a light -keeper, but in any case as the guide, the counsellor, the friend of all. -Inevitably his sphere of influence widens out. Soon he has become -equally necessary to the pilgrim, the traveller and to those who are -round about him. As time goes on his cell and the little sanctuary where -he and they have met for worship become hallowed by association, and, -when he dies, a successor must be sought to carry on the tradition. The -hermitage thus remains as a memorial of its founder long after his name -has been forgotten. - -Or, it may be, the hermit is joined by others like-minded and founds a -religious community, a _lan_ whose growth and permanence are promoted by -the industry and self-denial of its members. This would seem to have -been the normal course of events in Cornwall. In this case the -individual founder is often content to leave his work to be carried on -by others during his lifetime. He may be a bishop, priest, deacon or -layman who determines to undergo the hardships of the wilderness for a -season, but who has no intention of devoting his whole life to solitude. -Diversities of gifts under the spell of a common impulse give rise to -diversities of ministration and of operation. - -Of the hermits of the Celtic period in Cornwall we have very little -historical evidence. Presumptive evidence we have which, if it told -against the traditional interpretation of early Christianity, would -doubtless be held to possess great value. For example, we have, in the -lives of the saints, references to ecclesiastical types and economic -conditions which had been obsolete for centuries when some of those -lives are held to have assumed their present literary form. - -We have holy wells bearing the names of saints which are not the names -of the patron saints of the parishes in which the wells are situated. We -have legends which, for the purpose of comparative mythology, are highly -esteemed. There are, for example, holy wells at St. Ingunger, Chapel Uny -(St. Uny’s) and Jetwells, but these are not the patrons of the parishes, -though they are all three well-known Celtic saints. On the other hand, -there are wells bearing the names of St. Levan, St. Madron, St. Clether, -St. Keyne and St. Just (Venton—east) situated in the parishes which do -bear their names. If the ancient Cornish churches derived their names -from their founders or founders’ kin it seems probable that the holy -wells acquired their names from association with the saints whose names -they bear. - -There would be the same inducement for a hermit to fix his abode near a -spring of water as there is for an Australian squatter to choose a -similar spot for the headquarters of his sheep or cattle station. So -late as A.D. 1086, when Domesday Book was compiled, the county of -Cornwall was very sparsely populated. In the place-names may be -recognised traces of a fauna long extinct but nevertheless extant in -Celtic times.[96] It is necessary to bear in mind the transformation of -the county, which during the last thirteen centuries has resulted from -increased settlement and the more extensive cultivation of land, in -order to be in a position to estimate the value of the evidence supplied -by the hagiographer. - -Early in the sixth century St. Petrock succeeded St. Guron at Bodmin; -such is the tradition. Leland (circa 1540) thus records the event,[97] -_Bosmana, id est, mansio monachorum in valle, ubi St. Guronus solitarie -degens in parvo tugurio, quod reliquen(s) tradidit St. Petroco_. Guron -was doubtless a hermit. Petrock enlarged the hermitage, which was -situated in the valley where the town now stands and near the well which -still bears the hermit’s name, so as to make it capable of sheltering -himself and three brethren. Guron is probably the same as Goran, the -name-saint of the parish in the ancient deanery of Powder. Traces of the -name are to be found in Brittany.[98] - -William of Worcester (1478) introduces us to three Cornish hermits, -Vylloc or Willow, Mybbard and Mancus. They were companions. - -The first is described as a hermit and martyr born in Ireland and -beheaded by Melyn’s kinsfolk (_Melyn ys kynrede_) near the place (in -Lanteglos-by-Fowey) where Walter, bishop of Norwich, was born. - -From this place to the bridge of St. Willow, a distance of half a mile, -he carried his (head) to a spot where the said church was built in his -honour.[99] Mybbard, otherwise Calrogus, is stated to have been a -hermit, the son of a King of Ireland, and his body is said to rest -within the shrine (_scrinio_) of Cardynham Church. Mancus, their -companion and a hermit, is said, on the authority of Robert Bracey, to -lie in the church of Lanreath, within two miles of Fowey, and, on the -authority of the canons of Launceston, in the parish of Lanteglos -presumably at Bodinnick. All three are said to be commemorated on the -same day, viz. the Thursday next before Whitsunday. William of -Worcester’s account of the three hermits is prefaced by the sentence -“there were three brothers under the name of St. Genesius and each -carried his head, one of them archbishop of Lismore.” Is it possible -that St. Gennys may be a corruption of a Latinised Greek word συγγενεις -(kinsmen)? It is curious, in any case, that the feast of Cardynham and -St. Gennys should be held on Whitsunday, that of Lanteglos having been -abandoned and that of Lanreath, whose patron is now given as Marnarch, -being kept on the third of August. Anciently there was a chapel at -Bodinnick bearing the name of St. John the Baptist. St. Willow is -regarded as the patron of Lanteglos and Mybbard as the patron of -Cardynham. When all due allowance has been made for accretions and -errors in transmission it seems impossible to doubt that three Irish -hermits were martyred at or near Lanteglos and commemorated by churches -built in their honour. - -St. Neot represents a prevalent type of religious which, from the first -days of British Christianity until the eleventh century, combined the -habits and aspirations of the hermit with the practical usefulness of -the missionary. Neot was born in the earlier years of the ninth century -of parents who were nearly related in blood to the West-Saxon Kings. -Forsaking a military career for which he had been intended, he entered -the monastery of Glastonbury, where he received Holy Orders and became -eminent for piety, learning, wisdom and counsel. The fear of popular -applause drove him forth into the wilderness. He fixed his abode in the -Cornish parish which now bears his name, near to a hamlet then known as -Hamstoke and therefore apparently already a Saxon settlement. Here he -lived seven years. At the end of that time he visited Rome and was -advised by the Holy Father to renounce his habit of solitary devotion to -return home and scatter the word of God among the people of Cornwall. - -He came back to Hamstoke and founded there the college of priests of -which mention is made in Domesday Book. At Hamstoke he was visited more -than once by his kinsman Alfred the Great, who hunted in the -neighbourhood and who is said to have been healed at the shrine of St. -Guerir of a malady which had afflicted him from boyhood. - -St. Neot’s hermitage was near the spring which is about half a mile west -of the church and is known as St. Neot’s well. In his day there appear -to have been two pools, one of them with an unique unfailing supply of -three fishes, of which one only was to be caught in a day, and the -other, a pool in which the saint was wont to stand daily while repeating -the Psalter. Many stories are told of the saint’s sojourn by the well. -The fox which stole his shoe, the rescue of the doe from the hounds, the -theft of his working bullocks and the employment of stags for the -ploughing of his land are sufficiently well known. - -By the advice of St. Neot King Alfred is said to have restored the -English school at Rome. The saint continued to be abbot of his own -foundation until his death, which took place on the 31st of July, 877. -He was buried in the church which he had built on the site of the chapel -of St. Guerir. About a century later his bones were fraudulently removed -to the monastery of Eynesbury in Huntingdonshire. - -There are several points of interest. There does not appear to have been -any marked difference between St. Neot’s eremitical career and that of -others of Cornish origin. This may be owing to the late composition of -the lives of many of the saints. The substitution of St. Neot for St. -Guerir as the name-saint of the church has many precedents and would -call for no remark here did it not afford a good example of what was -also in Cornwall a fairly general practice, of which the proofs are not -abundant—that of calling churches after the names of their -founders.[100] - -At this point it is convenient to call attention to the story of -_Tristan and Iseult_, which has been shown to be of Cornish origin and -which assumed literary form probably towards the end of the eleventh -century. Most of the places mentioned in the story are found in Cornwall -and, although the actors in the drama are presumed to have lived some -five centuries before their deeds were committed to writing, there are -nevertheless inferences to be derived from the record of them which have -a direct bearing upon our subject even if we suppose the setting of the -story to have been, at the time, comparatively modern. The following -episode is an example. During the sojourn of Tristan and Iseult in the -forest of Morrois (Moreske), which then extended from the Fal to the -Helford river, they meet with a hermit, Ogrin by name, who does not -hesitate to give them some much-needed advice. He calls them to -repentance and then listens patiently to Tristan’s excuses. It is not -suggested that in admonishing them he is exceeding his duty. He is -described as a hermit with a hermitage in the forest, a personage quite -distinct from the parish priest, whose sphere of influence had already -become a recognised geographical unit, as is shown by the following -passage: - - En Cornoualle n’a parroise - Ou la novele n’en angoise - Que, qui porroit Tristan trover - Qu’il en feïst le cri lever. - -Ogrin, as a man of sense, advises the Queen to return home, and himself -undertakes the delicate task of reconciling the lovers to King Mark. - -Throughout the narrative he is represented as a man of God. It does not -seem to have occurred to the romancer that there is something slightly -incongruous in selecting a hermit for a shopping expedition to the -market of St. Michael’s Mount, where, for the fair Iseult: - - Assés achate ver et gris - Dras de soie et de porpre bis, - Escarlates et blanc chainsil, - Asez plus blanc que flor de lil, - Et palefroi souef amblant - Bien atorné d’or flanboiant. - -The hermit, as a man of affairs, may have been familiar to those for -whose ears the romance was intended. It is difficult, otherwise, to -assign a reason why the writer exaggerated his character beyond the -bounds of recognition. The position which the hermit occupied in the -popular estimation, august as it undoubtedly was, was not more exalted -than that which was voluntarily conceded to him by those who were highly -placed. To this fact must doubtless be attributed the more or less -successful attempts to perpetuate the office when its occupant was -removed by death. It is therefore possible that in the hermit of -Colemanshegg, mentioned in a Roll of 1258, we have a reference to one of -Ogrin’s successors.[101] Of this latter personage we know nothing save -that Richard hermit of Colemanshegg received 50s. yearly to find a -chaplain to celebrate divine service for the soul of Catherine the -King’s daughter. - -But for this mention of Richard of Colemanshegg the earliest notice of a -Cornish hermit after the Norman Conquest would have been that contained -in the Assize Roll of the 30th year of Edward I (1301-1302) in which it -is recorded that _Thomas de Penmargh noctanter intravit domum Andreae -Paugan heremitae infra capellam Divi Justi et eum occidit. Johannes -filius Andreae heremitae primus invenitor_. The entry is under the -heading of the hundred of Penwith. Penmargh is doubtless Penmarth in -Wendron. Pagan, of which Paugan may be a variant, is not uncommon as a -personal name in early records. We are not told why Thomas of Penmargh -killed Andrew, or how long it was before John discovered the dead body -of his father, but it looks as if Andrew had been seen alive the day -before his death and found dead by his son the day after. Where was the -hermitage? It is described as below the chapel of St. Just, but St. Just -was not a chapel (_capella_). It was a church (_ecclesia_), and the -terms are never used indiscriminately. If it be allowable to render the -passage “below a chapel of St. Just,” that is, below a chapel in the -parish of St. Just, the record is very significant. - -For one of the most interesting spots in that parish is Chapel Carn -Brea, upon the summit of which stood until 1816 a chapel of which a -sketch was made by Dr. Borlase, who described it as being approached -from the south side by a large flight of steps and as being twenty feet -in height, and the roof arched with stone well wrought. Hals tells us it -was about ten feet wide and fourteen feet long, with a window in the -east end. Both writers speak of an immense heap of stones lying around -it, suggesting a large vault or hermitage underneath. The chapel was -pulled down in 1816 to build a barn elsewhere. When, in 1879, Mr. W. C. -Borlase made an examination of the confused mass of stones which -remained, and still remain, he failed to discover any trace of a -hermit’s cell, and concluded that the greater portion of the debris had -done service as a covering for the prehistoric chambered grave which was -found at a lower level. While it is not unlikely that the tumulus -suggested, at a very early period, the site for the chapel to the first -Christian solitary who found his way to that remote spot, the amount of -stone there at the present time is too great to warrant the conclusion, -unless the tumulus was of a type and size which has no rival in the -county. - -Some building doubtless existed besides the chapel, the size of which -was obviously too small for public worship. - -The most striking feature of Chapel Carn Brea is the commanding view -which it affords not only of the Channel but of the whole of Penwith and -of a large portion of the Lizard. No better spot could be chosen for a -beacon. - -Within a couple of hundred yards is the ancient mule track from Marazion -to the Land’s End. After reading Miss Clay’s chapter on hermits as -light-keepers, it seems impossible to doubt that the hermit of Chapel -Carn Brea was one of those who in the day of small things performed that -function, and whose simple signal was to the seafarer no less than to -the traveller over the lonely moor a bright beacon of God. Andrew Paugan -was probably only one of a long line of hermits who dwelt on the hill. A -curious extract is found in Dr. Borlase’s collections which, as one of -the latest specimens of Cornish literature, has a value all its own and, -as the witness of a tradition extant in the latter half of the -seventeenth century, is useful for the present purpose. I am indebted to -Mr. Henry Jenner for a transcript and translation of it. - - “The Accusation of the Hermit (who liv’d in Chapel Karn Bray in - Buryan) address’d to ye Duchess. - - Rag an Arlothus woolaes Kernow - Dreth ’guz kibmias beniggas. - - Why ra cavas dre eu an gwas Harry ma Poddrack broas. - - Kensa, wit a hagar-awal iggeva gweel do derevoll war ren ny Keniffer - termen dre ra ny moas durt Pedden an woolaes do Sillan. Nessa, wit - an skavoll Crack-an-codna iggava setha war en cres a’n awles ewhall - (cries tutton Harry an Lader) heb drog veeth. Tregga, wit an gurroll - iggeva gwell gen askern skooth Davas, etc.” - - To the Countess of the Dominion of Cornwall. - - By your sacred leave. - - You shall find by him that this fellow Harry is a great witch. - - First, from the stormy weather he does work to raise upon us every - time that we do go from the end of the Land to Silly. Second, from - the break-neck stool which he can (or does) sit upon in the middle - of the high cliff (call’d The Chair of Harry the Thief), without any - hurt. Thirdly, from a ship he does make with the bone of a shoulder - of mutton. - -Mr. Jenner is inclined to think that the “seat of Harry the thief” -(Tutton Harry an Lader) refers to a piece of cliff at Tol Pedn Penwith -called “Chair Ladder.” The whole passage as it stands detached from the -context (which has been lost) is little more than so much gibberish. -Possibly it may have been so intended, for the romance, of which it is a -fragment, was written by Mr. Boson for his children. But this -consideration, assuming it to be well founded, would not rob the -allusions of their evidential value. Quite the contrary. Every romance -requires some element of fact or vraisemblance to recommend it to the -popular imagination. Not more than half a mile from Chapel Carn Brea, at -the foot of the hill, is Crows-an-Wra, the Witch’s Cross, which may have -suggested the character personified by Harry the Wizard of the -break-neck stool. Some vague memories of the hermit who served the -little chapel, tended the beacon and directed the travellers across the -desolate moor doubtless still survived. Andrew Paugan was only one of -the occupants of the cell, one who like many others in various parts of -England spent his life in solitude, enduring privation and hardship and -cultivating piety by prayer, meditation and active philanthropy. He was -probably a widower when he gave himself to the career which Thomas of -Penmargh, in the stillness of night, for some unknown reason brought to -an untimely end. - -The next mention of Cornish hermits is found in the _Inquisitio -post-mortem_ of Edmund, Earl of Cornwall.[102] Following the inventory -of honours, lands and services held by him at the time of his death -there is a list of the charges upon his estates and among them the -entry: “alms to St. Philip of Restormel, hermit, and St. Robert of -Penlyn, hermit.” The earldom and its possessions reverted to the King on -Earl Edmund’s death, and we are therefore not surprised to find an entry -in the Close Roll of the following year, 1301, which reads as follows: -“To the sheriff of Cornwall. Order to deliver to brother Robert of -Penlyn, hermit, the island surrounded (_inclusam_) by the water of Fawe -with a rent of 56s. 2d. from certain tenants of the manor of Penkneth, -to be held by him for life as he held them before the death of Edmund, -Earl of Cornwall, by reason of whose death the sheriff took them into -the King’s hands; on the same terms as the earl granted them, together -with the houses built on the island, to Robert by his charter which the -King has inspected.”[103] - -All attempts to identify the island have hitherto failed. The manors of -Penlyn or Pelyn and Penkneth or Pennight are in the parish of Lanlivery, -of which the river Fowey is, roughly speaking, the eastern boundary, but -no island is now to be discovered in its course. The site of the -hermitage of Restormel is also uncertain. It may have been that of the -chapel of the Holy Trinity in the park, sometimes called the King’s free -chapel, to which frequent reference is made in the Rolls, and from -which, according to an inventory made in 1338, a bell weighing 100 lbs. -had been removed to the chapel within the castle walls of Restormel. -There is nothing to lead us to suppose that St. Philip and St. Robert -had successors. It is not improbable that royal chaplains were -substituted for them. - -In 1339 the Patent Roll records the King’s protection granted to Roger -Godman, hermit of the chapel of St. Mary by Liskeard (Liskerith), -collecting about the realm the alms whereon he depends for -subsistence.[104] It is probable that the chapel of St. Mary was the -same as the King’s free chapel of St. Mary in the park of Liskeard to -which Edward II appointed Roger de Aqua his chaplain in 1316.[105] It -must be distinguished from that of the Hospital of St. Mary Magdalen. -The former appears to have become a chantry, for, in 1378, a royal grant -was made to Richard Lagge, chaplain, that he might celebrate service in -it, and in the same year the bishop issued a licence to him in which it -is stated that he is to celebrate for the welfare of the King.[106] The -chantry was suppressed by Edward VI, and the “Chapel of our Laydye” -granted to Thomas Pomray in 1549.[107] It is interesting to compare the -fortunes of this chapel with that of the Holy Trinity in the park of -Restormel. Both of them appear to have been served originally by -hermits, to have been converted into royal chapels and to have shared -the same fate. - -A little more than half a century later, in 1403, the following entry -occurs in Bishop Stafford’s register: “One Cecilia Moys, desiring to -lead the contemplative life of an anchorite[108] in a certain house in -the cemetery of Marhamchurch, the bishop on the 4th of May, 1403, -commissioned Philip, abbot of Hartland, and Walter Dollebeare, vicar of -Southill, to place her there under proper protection, assigning her till -Christmas as a time of probation.” - -Churchyards were regarded as places specially suitable for the dwellings -of anchorites as being dead to the world. It was, moreover, an obvious -advantage to the parish priest that they should be near the church for -the purpose of Communion. A second entry in the same bishop’s register -probably refers to the same anchorite, though the name is given as that -of Lucy Moys, anchorite of Marhamchurch. - -She receives on the 10th of October, 1405, a licence to choose her -confessor. Another entry in the same register records a bequest of 40s. -by Richard Tyttesburry, canon of Exeter, to the anchorite of -Marhamchurch. His will was made on the 24th of February, 1405, and -proved on the 7th of June, 1409.[109] - -At St. Teath there was a hermit, name unknown, who in 1408, under the -will of Sir William Bonevylle, received 20s. to pray for the soul of the -testator: “al heremyte de Stetth pour prier pour moy.” In the Lambeth -manuscript the bequest is recorded “a lermytage de Stath,” suggesting, -but by no means proving, a permanent hermitage in the parish.[110] - -Seven years later, in 1415: “Margaret an anchorite dwelling near Bodmin, -having asked permission to migrate to the monastery of St. Bridget by -Schene and to join the order settled there, is licensed by the bishop -accordingly.” To her or to her predecessor Richard Tyttesburry, whose -name has been already mentioned, bequeathed in 1405 the sum of 40s.[111] - -It has been generally supposed that Roche Rock, a natural and rugged -monolith some 300 feet in height, situated in the parish which bears its -name, was formerly the seat of a hermitage, and there is much to favour -the supposition. Norden (1584) describes it as “a verie high, steepe and -craggie rock, upon the top whereof is placed a cell or hermitage, the -walls whereof are partly wroughte, and that with great labour out of the -obdurate rock.” In the illustration, which he gives, the building is -complete with roof, windows and door. A detailed account is supplied by -Davies Gilbert (1838), from which it appears that in his day the roof -and upper chamber (as shown in Norden’s plate) had already disappeared, -the beam holes of the chamber being the only evidence that such a -chamber had existed. The dimensions of what is supposed to have been the -chapel are given by him: the length 20 feet, the breadth 12 feet and the -height 10 feet. - -There are apparently only two purposes for which a building, at such an -elevation and in so desolate and remote a spot, could serve—that of a -beacon house or of a hermitage. The former is the less probable -explanation because of more suitable sites in the neighbourhood. The -lack of documentary evidence in support of the latter hypothesis is not -surprising and will carry little weight with those who reflect that it -is only, as it were, by accident that we have any evidence at all -respecting the other hermitages in the county. Comparing the cell on -Roche Rock with other similar cells in various parts of England it may -be inferred that the building was at one and the same time used by its -occupants for both purposes. - -The foregoing survey discloses no such secrets as might have been -expected. It leaves the story of Cornwall’s conversion where we found -it. The key of the position remains undiscovered—the key wherewith to -open and unroll the unwritten record of the struggles of those first -fateful days when the Christian faith gained a foothold in the land. We -are thrown back upon the witness of an age so late as to render the -witness of doubtful value. If we refer to it, it is with diffidence, -having little or no hope that, as evidence, it will receive the -consideration it deserves. Yet in spite of all that may be urged against -any particular legend, we must not forget that hagiographer and monk, -chronicler and poet, cross and cell, holy well and church, all proclaim -the same story and tell the same tale when they represent the heralds of -the good tidings as wandering in deserts and in mountains and in dens -and caves of the earth. The account of St. Sampson’s visit and the -legend of St. Petrock are but types of the rest. - -It would doubtless help towards the solution of the problem if something -more definite could be known of the quarter whence the earliest of those -heralds came. Was it from Gaul, from Lerins, from the East or from Rome? -We know that St. Hilary of Poitiers, in the middle of the fourth -century, dedicated his treatise _De Synodis_ to the bishops of the -British provinces, that St. German of Auxerre accompanied by St. Lupus -of Troyes came over to Britain in 429 to assist in extirpating the -Pelagian heresy. Does this point to some closer and deeper connection -than that of mere propinquity between the Churches of Gaul and of -Britain? - -The intercourse between Rome and Britain, the Roman soldiers and -merchants who during the occupation were brought into daily contact with -the Britons could not fail to effect some change in the religious -attitude of the latter. It is not, however, this slow, silent, indirect -influence which excites our interest. It is rather of that direct attack -upon paganism which so far succeeded as to impress a definite character -and to make it possible to speak of Celtic Christianity as a distinct -type that we wish to hear. - -We allow that the same truths when accepted by different races produce -different effects and find expression in different ways. An orthodox -Russian Churchman and an English Churchman profess the same creeds, -accept the same Scriptures, and are in all essentials of one heart and -of one soul; yet it will be some time before the latter can be got to -feel at home in the public worship of the former. Race, temperament and -tradition reveal themselves in external modes of worship. This is true, -but it is not sufficient to account for the rôle of isolation assumed by -the British Church and by the daughter Church of Brittany. Some external -influence appears to have been at work at a very early period, monastic -in character, which was unfavourable to the cultivation of close -relations with the rest of Western Christianity. It could hardly have -been either of Roman or of Gaulish origin. Had it been Roman it would -have constituted a bond of union instead of being, as it was, a barrier -against which Augustine could not prevail; had it been Gaulish it would -probably have been attempered by intercourse with the source of its -inspiration. Possibly it came from the Mediterranean or from the East by -way of Marseilles. - ------ - -Footnote 95: - - _Hermits and Anchorites of England_, Methuen & Co. - -Footnote 96: - - Nancherrow and Carnyorth, two neighbouring hamlets in St. - Just-in-Penwith, denote respectively the _valley of the stag_ and _the - hill of the roebuck_. - -Footnote 97: - - Leland, _Collectanea_, i, 75. - -Footnote 98: - - Loth, _Les Noms des Saints bretons_, p. 48. - -Footnote 99: - - _Parochial History of Cornwall_, Supplement, pp. 102, 110. - -Footnote 100: - - The name of Neot’s predecessor, like that of Veronica, may have been - suggested to Asser by the reputed miracle; but, if so, it would not - invalidate the truth of the narrative so far as it relates to the - successive founders of the church. - -Footnote 101: - - Colemanshegg is probably Kelmonseg (1308)=Kilmonseg (1332)=Kilmonsek - (1427)=Kyllymansak (1442)=Calamansack (hodie), in Constantine parish, - which in the eleventh century was embraced in the forest of Morrois. - -Footnote 102: - - Inq. p.m., 28 Edw. I, 44 (4). - -Footnote 103: - - _Calendar of Close Rolls_, 20 May, 1301, p. 488. - -Footnote 104: - - Pat. R., 13 Edw. III, 1339. - -Footnote 105: - - _Ibid._, 9 Edw. II, 1316. - -Footnote 106: - - _Ibid._, 1 Rich. II, 1378, and _Reg. Brantyngham_, p. 387. - -Footnote 107: - - Pat. R., 3 Edw. VI, 1549. - -Footnote 108: - - Hermit (Gr. Eremites, L. Heremita), one who lives in the desert; - Anchorite (Gr. Anachoretes, L. Anchorita), one withdrawn from the - world; Monk (Gr. Monachos, L. Monachus), one who dwells alone. The - difference between a hermit and an anchorite was that the former was - free to move from place to place, the latter was confined. The monk - who had at first been a solitary soon became a member of an ordered - and celibate community. - - It is curious to notice that the impulse which created the hermit - produced the monastery, and that, at a later date, the monastery - incidentally produced the hermit. - -Footnote 109: - - _Register Stafford_, pp. 25, 251, 294. - -Footnote 110: - - _Ibid._, p. 391. - -Footnote 111: - - _Ibid._, pp. 25, 294. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - X - - ST. MICHAEL’S MOUNT - - -It is of little consequence to consider when and by whom the suggestion -was first put forward, but it was one which captivated all who were -anxious to endow their native county with a unique distinction. The -suggestion was that St. Michael’s Mount was identical with the island of -Ictis, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus about the beginning of the first -century before the Christian era. - -Assuming the truth of this hypothesis, for which, indeed, many cogent -arguments could be urged, historical writers were enabled to make a -better start in the case of Cornwall than in the case of any other -English county. - -It is therefore somewhat disquieting to find a distinguished geologist -staking a great reputation upon a counter-theory which, though promulged -so recently as the year 1905, has at the present moment the support of -the majority of those who are competent to form a judgment of its -scientific value. Mr. Clement Reid, F.R.S., basing his arguments upon -the evidence of geology and physical geography, has been able to -show[112] that, nineteen hundred years ago, the Isle of Wight was, at -high water, an island and, at low water, a peninsula answering exactly -to the description of the island of Ictis given by Diodorus, whereas St. -Michael’s Mount was at that time “an isolated rock rising out of a -swampy wood.” On the other hand, however, it is only fair to say that -Prof. Oman, who has doubtless examined and weighed, with his accustomed -acumen, Mr. Reid’s reasoning and conclusions, remains unconvinced. The -Rev. H. R. Coulthard has broached a new theory, which has perhaps not -yet received the attention it deserves; it is that Ictis was the entire -peninsula of Western Penwith. As against this, there is the evidence of -Pliny who, on the authority of Timæus, states that the island of Mictis, -apparently only another form of Ictis, was distant six days’ sail along -the British coast, a statement which is as fatal to the claims of -Penwith as to those of the Mount itself. - -The question can hardly be said to be finally decided, but the -prevailing opinion is in favour of the Isle of Wight. - -The Mount has had several names. In the life of St. Cadoc[113] it is -called Dinsul, which probably means the citadel of the sun. - -St. Cadoc is said to have visited his aunt St. Keyne there, and to have -miraculously provided the Mount with a supply of water. - -By the Cornish it was called Careg Cowse, or Karrek-luz-en-Kuz, which -William of Worcester correctly translates “Hoar Rock in the Wood.” It -would be interesting to discover earlier evidence of this name. Its -survival in the fifteenth century[114]—in spite of the monastic and -military occupation of the Mount for many centuries—is very remarkable -and seems to carry us back to the time when Mr. Reid’s description was -exactly realised. - -At some period, very difficult to determine, the Mount became known as -Mons Tumba.[115] A charter in the Otterton custumal recording the -reconstitution of St. Michael’s priory, in the reigns of Henry I, and -Stephen, enjoins that the Cornish monks shall receive the blessing of -their abbot at Monte Tumba unless, perchance, it shall please him to -come into Cornwall and bless them there; from which it may be inferred -that the religious house in Monte Tumba was at that time identified with -Mont St. Michel in Normandy, although the latter was then, at an earlier -date and long afterwards, commonly described as St. Michael in Periculo -Maris.[116] When dealing with the medley of notes collected by William -of Worcester it will be necessary to bear this in mind. - -The Mount was associated with St. Michael before the Norman Conquest, in -all probability before the Saxon invasion of Cornwall. - -As Professor Loth has pointed out,[117] the name-saints -(_hagio-onomastique_) of ancient Brittany are entirely national. “With -the exceptions of some apostles, of St. Michael, St. Matthew, of St. -Peter who has given his name to Ploubezre, it is useless to seek for -them in Gaul and the Roman Church: they are all of them insular (British -or Irish) or native Breton.” The same may be said of Cornwall with very -few exceptions. The position assigned to St. Michael was everywhere -unique. At some time subsequent to the Babylonish captivity St. Michael -came to be had in special veneration of the Jews. From apostolic times -in the East and from the fifth century, at least, in the West, he was -received into the devotional system of the Christian Church. Nothing -could have been more sane or scriptural than the honour paid to St. -Michael. As the Prince of God’s people and the Captain of the heavenly -hosts[118] (_militiae celestis signifer_) he, who had prevailed against -the Spirit of evil, might well be expected to lend his aid when the -wrestling was against the spiritual hosts of wickedness in heavenly -places. And what spot so worthy to be the site of an earthly fane for -one whose warring is in the regions above man’s head, as the lonely -mountain’s top. There is a sense of security felt by those who live on, -or surrounded by, hills even now when so many ages have run since they -were remotely responsible for it. The proper seat of the Archangel was -clearly on the hill-top. They “found him an house” accordingly on the -Cornish Mount, on Rowtor, on Rame Head, on Penkevil, on Caerhayes and on -the western Carn Brea. Whether the cult of St. Michael superseded some -earlier pagan cult in Cornwall it is impossible to say. Until some -evidence is forthcoming it can serve no useful purpose to dilate upon -the possible identity of Michael, Elias and Helios, or upon the -possibility of one whose most notable achievement was the destruction of -sun worship on Mount Carmel, being himself its personification to after -ages. - -That there was a religious community at the Mount bearing the name of -St. Michael before the Norman Conquest hardly admits of doubt. All the -saints, with three exceptions, found there by William of Worcester, in -the Calendar, were Celtic and insular. - -The late Professor Freeman and Mr. Horace Round have, however, expressed -a contrary opinion based upon the doubtful authenticity of two charters, -certain particulars of which, connected chiefly with their attestation, -are admittedly and obviously inaccurate. - -The first of these charters[119] purports to be a grant made by Edward -the Confessor, “King of the English, to Michael the Archangel for the -use of the brethren serving God in that place, of St. Michael near the -Sea, of the whole of the lands of Vennefire and of the port called -Ruminella with its mills and fisheries.” This charter bears the -signatures of Edward the King, Robert archbishop of Rouen, Herbert -bishop of Lisieux, Robert bishop of Coutances, Ralph, Vinfred, Nigell -the sheriff, Anschitill, Choschet and Turstin. The second charter[120] -claims to be a grant by Robert Count of Mortain to the monks of St. -Michael in Periculo Maris (Normandy), of St. Michael’s Mount in Cornwall -with half a hide of land and a market on Thursdays; and three (Cornish) -acres of land in Amaneth, namely Trevelaboth, Lismanoch, Trequaners and -Carmailoc, the signatories being King William (the Conqueror), Queen -Matilda, Count Robert, William Rufus the King’s son, Henry the Boy -(prince), Robert Count of Mortain, Matilda (his) countess, their son -William, William Fitz Osborn, Roger de Montgomery, Tossetin the sheriff, -Warin and Turulf. - -To the grant there are added, 1—a confirmation of it by Livric -(Leofric), bishop of Exeter, bearing date 1085; and 2—a postscript -signed by the bishop, exempting by command of Pope Gregory, the church -of St. Michael in Cornwall from episcopal control and conveying a -remission of one-third of their penance to those who should enrich, -endow or visit the said church. - -With regard to Edward’s charter, it has been pointed out by more than -one writer that Edward probably did not assume the title of King of the -English until after the death of Hardicanute in 1042, and that Robert, -archbishop of Rouen, died in 1037. It is not stated whence Dugdale -obtained his copy of the charter, but a footnote by Oliver informs us -that the MSS. of the _abbey_ of St. Michael are preserved in the public -library at Avranches; and it is noteworthy that the charter in his -_Monasticon_ is labelled Carta Edwardi regis Anglorum pro _abbatia_ -Sancti Michaelis, and that the three episcopal signatories are _Norman_ -ecclesiastics. It is therefore possible that during his sojourn in -Normandy Edward who: - - ... loved the holy company - Of people of religion, - Who loved only all that was good; - Especially a monk who led - A high and heavenly life - -may have been induced to promise or to give Cornish lands to the Norman -St. Michael and that his friends may have styled him Rex Anglorum, -knowing that only when he became de facto King of the English could any -benefit accrue to the abbey. But it seems more probable that a gift of -lands was made by him to the Cornish St. Michael after Hardicanute’s -death and that after the Norman Conquest when the two religious houses -were united by the cession of the Cornish priory to the Norman abbey the -deed which may have borne the signature of Robert, archbishop of -Canterbury, was altered so as to bear that of Robert, archbishop of -Rouen. In that case the grant would have been made between 1050 and -1066. There were undoubtedly bold and fruitless attempts made on the -part of the Norman abbots to enrich the Norman at the expense of the -Cornish house, just as at a later period there were bold and successful -attempts made to enrich the latter by borrowing the legends and -traditions of the former. - -The substantial genuineness of Edward’s charter will be regarded as -probable when it is remembered that no ultimate advantage can be shown -to have accrued from it to either house. A spurious document would -hardly have been preserved in the face of facts witnessing to its -failure. Neither Domesday Book nor the _Inquisitio Geldi_ makes mention -of any possessions in Meneage belonging to St. Michael. - -The suggestion offered in Chapter VI, viz. that the Meneage was at an -early period monks’ land both in name and in fact, may possibly account -for the entire series of transactions. Grants to religious houses and -for religious purposes have not infrequently been a trifling recompense -made to Paul for the spoiling of Peter. It was notably so in the reign -of King Henry VIII. If in the early part of the eleventh century the -Meneage represented alienated, that is, usurped monastic land, no one -would have been more disposed than King Edward to make restoration or to -honour St. Michael by granting it to the Mount. It is not unlikely that -the grant remained inoperative owing to the difficulty of making terms -with the layfolk in possession. - -In the appendix[121] to volume iv. of his _Norman Conquest_, Mr. -Freeman, after referring to the doubtful authenticity of Edward the -Confessor’s charter, goes on: “doubtful as this charter is, the -spuriousness of that which accompanies it (the charter of Robert Count -of Mortain) is still more manifest.” He then recites the fact that -whereas the latter charter is dated 1085, it bears the signatures of -Queen Matilda, who died in 1083, and of Bishop Leofric, who died in -1072; also the exemption from ecclesiastical jurisdiction granted by -Leofric at the instance of Pope Gregory, who did not become Pope until -after Leofric’s death—altogether a most formidable indictment—and he -proceeds to quote from the Exeter Domesday, with a view of establishing -the real date of the foundation of St. Michael, the following passage -(which will also be found below labelled A.): - -“Sanctus Michahel habet i. mansionem quae vocatur Treiwal quam tenuit -Brismarus eâ die qua Rex E. fuit vivus et mortuus.... De hac mansione -abstulit Comes de Moritonio i. de praedictis ii. hidis quae erat de -dominicatu beati Michahelis.” - -“This,” he says, “is the only mention of the house I can find, and it -would seem to imply a foundation between 1066 and 1085. Brismar was a -man of large property in all the three shires. He is not unlikely to -have been the founder of the Cornish Saint Michael, and if so he must -have founded it, or at least have given the estate, after Edward’s -death.” “It seems plain ... that whoever was the founder of the Cornish -house it was not Earl Robert.” And he concludes, “a note in the -_Monasticon_ (vii. 989) speaks of another tradition as naming Robert’s -son William as the person who gave the Cornish house to the Norman one. -Here we most likely have the clue to the mistake.” - -When therefore Mr. Round is found endorsing Mr. Freeman’s opinion[122] -that “Treiwal was given to St. Michael between the death of Edward the -Confessor and the making of the great Survey,” and suggesting that Earl -Brian (who could have had no footing in England before the Conquest) may -have been the founder, it may seem presumption to express an opinion -clean contrary to both. But let Domesday Book tell its own story. There -are three references in the Exeter Book and two in the Exchequer Book -which bear upon the subject. They are given below and labelled A, B, C, -D, E for convenience of reference—those portions only being omitted -which do not concern the present discussion. The extensions are for the -use of those who are not familiar with the abbreviated Latin text. - - - A. Exeter Domesday, fol. 208b. (Ed. 1816, p. 189). - -TERRA SANCTI MICHAHELIS DE CORNUGALLIA. Sanctus Michahel habet unam -mansionem quae vocatur Treiwal quam tenuit Brismarus eâ die qua rex -Edwardus fuit vivus et mortuus. In ea sunt ii hidae terrae quae nonquam -reddiderunt gildam. Has possunt arare viii carrucae. Ibi habet Sanctus -Michahel i carrucam.... De hac mansione abstulit comes de Moritonio i de -praedictis ii hidis quae erat de dominicatu beati Michahelis. - - - B. _Ibid._, fol. 508 (Ed. 1816, p. 471). - -Sanctus Michael habet i mansionem quae vocatur Treiwal de qua abstulit -comes de Moritonio i hidam, quae erat in dominicatu Sancti die qua rex -Edwardus fuit vivus et mortuus. - - - C. _Ibid._, fol. 258b (Ed. 1816, p. 138). - -Comes habet i mansionem quae vocatur Treuthal quam tenuit Brismarus -sacerdos eâ die qua rex Edwardus fuit vivus et mortuus. In ea est i hida -terrae et reddit gildum (sic) Sancto Michaele (sic). Hanc abstulit comes -Sancto. Bluhidus Brito tenet eam de comite. - - - D. Exchequer Domesday, page ii, column 2. - -Terra Sancti Michaelis. Ecclesia Sancti Michaelis tenet Treiwal. Brismar -tenebat tempore Regis Edwardi. Ibi sunt ii hidae quae nunquam -geldaverunt.... De his ii hidis abstulit comes Moritoniensis i hidam. - - - E. _Ibid._, columns 1 and 2, 125 a and b. - -Idem (Blohiu) tenet Trevthal. Brismar tenebat tempore Regis Edwardi.... -Hanc terram abstulit comes aecclesiae Sancti Michaelis. - - * * * * * - -The very title which introduces extract A is suggestive. The land of St. -Michael “of Cornwall” implies another St. Michael just as “St. Ives in -Cornwall” implies a St. Ives elsewhere. And it is this St. Michael of -Cornwall and no other who “has one manor which is called Treiwal which -Brismar held at the time of Edward the Confessor’s death. There are two -hides of land which have never paid geld. From this manor the Earl of -Mortain has taken away one of the aforesaid two hides which was of -Blessed Michael’s demesne.” If St. Michael of Cornwall did not exist -before the Conquest it is difficult to understand how he could have had -lands in demesne in the time of the Confessor. But it may be objected -there is here no mention of the saint holding lands in the time of the -Confessor. Accepting the correction for what it is worth, which is -probably infinitesimal, because the whole tenor of the Domesday -assessment—both as regards its ruling principle and its literary -flavour—is found in the reiteration of the contrast or comparison of the -land values as determined in the days of King Edward and at the time of -the Survey, admitting the correction, let the reader refer to extract B. -This reads, “St. Michael has one manor, which is called Treiwal, from -which the Count of Mortain has taken away one hide which was in the -demesne of the saint on the day upon which King Edward was alive and -dead.” St. Michael (of Cornwall) was, therefore, quite as truly alive at -the decease of the Confessor as Edward was dead. In the light of what -has been said consider extract C. This is important, because it tells us -that Brismar was a priest and a very different person from the magnate -described by Mr. Freeman who held lands in three shires. - -Extract C also introduces us to Treuthal, which Brismar the priest held -at the Confessor’s death. “Therein is one hide and it renders geld to -St. Michael.” (The Domesday scribe, not the printer, is responsible for -“gildum” and “Michaele.”) “This the Count has taken away from the saint. -Bluhid Brito (Blohiu of Brittany) holds it of the Count.” No one who is -acquainted with the history of Treuthal, with its almost endless variety -of spellings, can doubt either where it was or what it was. It was the -patrimony and the place of residence in the parish of Ludgvan of the -Bloyou family, the descendants of Bluhid Brito (Ralph Bloyou was born -there[123] on the Feast of the Nativity of the B.V.M. 21 Edward I) until -1354, when Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Alan Bloyou, sold it to Sir -Nigel Loring.[124] It is still the name of a village and the name of a -manor. While Treiwal, by which name the Domesday compiler seeks to -distinguish St. Michael’s land from Blohiu’s, is almost, if not quite, -forgotten, the variant Truthwall survives. But to revert to Brismar. -Comparing A, B, and C, it is clear that one hide was taken away from -Treiwal, that it was of Blessed Michael’s demesne in the time of King -Edward, that Brismar the priest held it in the time of King Edward, that -the Count of Mortain took it away from St. Michael, that it, -nevertheless, paid geld to St. Michael at the time of the Survey, that -Blohiu held it of the Count at the time of the Survey, and that it was -called Treuthal to distinguish it from Treiwal, the name of the parent -manor. With these facts before us it is impossible to doubt that for -fiscal purposes Brismar the priest and St. Michael the archangel were -regarded as identical in the time of King Edward—in other words, Brismar -was the visible representative of the invisible archangel. This explains -why in extract D Brismar held Treuthal in the time of Edward, and why in -extract E Brismar held, in Edward’s time, that which “the Earl has taken -away from the church of St. Michael.” - -There are two further considerations which may be adduced in support of -the contention that St. Michael of Cornwall was the name of a religious -community which was not, at the time of the Survey, identical with St. -Michael of Normandy. It will strike every careful reader of that part of -Domesday which relates to Cornwall that wherever a church or a saint is -mentioned the reference is to what we now call either a conventual or a -collegiate church. - -St. Aliquis holds a manor which is called Quidvis, the church of St. -Aliquis holds a manor which is called Quidvis—these are only different -ways of saying that the manor of Quidvis belongs to the community of St. -Aliquis. When, therefore, we read that one hide of Treiwal was of the -demesne of St. Michael in the days of the Confessor, we know that the -land belonged to a body of religious. - -The second consideration is this: It has been pointed out to me that the -phrase “nunquam geldaverunt” (have never paid geld) is also peculiar, in -Cornwall, to quasi-monastic lands. But St. Michael not only did not pay -geld, he received geld, and received it from that hide of land of which -he had been despoiled by the Count. - -Excluding St. German, who fared badly, the Count usurping all his -demesne lands, and whose only dues had consisted of a cask of beer and -30d. paid to the church, there were ten such communities in Cornwall at -the time of the Survey. Of these only three, St. Michael, St. Petrock -and St. Stephen, ever became affiliated to the larger monastic bodies. -The rest remained what they then were, collegiate churches, served by a -body of secular canons, who in course of time disappeared, giving place -to a rector. St. Buryan was apparently the last of these communities to -be dissolved. To sum up the results. It will, I think, be admitted that -extract A is not the only mention of the house of St. Michael to be -found in Domesday, that it was not founded between 1066 and 1085, that -Brismar—the Brismar of St. Michael—was not a man of large property but a -priest representing St. Michael, that if he founded the house it was -before and not after the Conquest, and, finally, that for reasons -already stated, Earl Brian was not the founder. Moreover, it is hardly -likely that a body of ecclesiastics, either at Mont Michel or at St. -Michael’s Mount, would have cited Edward as the patron of the Cornish -house if there had been some earlier patron to cite. It would rather -seem that what Mr. Round says of Count Robert’s charter is not far from -the truth, viz. “the fact that the form of the charter as we have it is -probably not genuine does not of necessity invalidate its substance.” - -In justice to Mr. Round it must be added that after reading the -arguments here put forward, he would, in support of his contention, read -the concluding words of extract B elliptically: “one hide which was in -(what became) the saint’s demesne on the day on which King Edward was -alive or dead (i.e. after the Confessor’s death).” It is clear that such -a method of interpreting Domesday Book can only be allowable when there -is overwhelming evidence in its favour. In this case the evidence does -not seem to warrant its application. - -As we have seen, Count Robert by his charter gives to the Norman house, -St. Michael’s Mount with half a hide of land and a market on Thursdays -and lands in Amaneth. Comparing this statement with that of Domesday -Book, it will be observed that in the latter there is no mention of -lands in Amaneth and no mention of the market, although in Domesday -markets are frequently mentioned, while on the other hand there is -mention made of two hides of land, one of which, Treuthal, the Count has -taken from St. Michael to be held of him by Bloyou, the other being held -by St. Michael in demesne. The question which arises is: Did the Count -restore one half of the usurped lands or, assuming the charter to have -been made before Domesday Book (1086) was compiled, did he by a later -instrument add half a hide, thereby endowing St. Michael with a moiety -of the hide held in demesne? We know from the subsequent history of the -lands under discussion that the Bloyous remained in possession of -Truthall, which never had a market, and we know that a market was held -at Marazion or thereabouts within the Domesday manor of Treiwal. We -therefore conclude that the Count’s gift to the Norman abbey was a -further act of spoliation, which by connivance of the Conqueror he was -allowed to practise against the Cornish monks, and also that his charter -was executed subsequent to 1086. The presence of Queen Matilda’s name -among the witnesses is the only invalidating element in what we have -every reason to regard as an authentic document. Its confirmation by -Bishop Leofric, and also the bishop’s postscript, are probably both of -them forgeries. To give them the appearance of genuineness the Queen’s -name may have been added to the authentic document. Be that as it may, -the alleged date, 1085, supposed to have been supplied by the bishop, is -impossible, inasmuch as the fourteenth year of indiction with which it -is made to synchronise would be either 1070 or 1094. - -In 1094 the Conqueror was dead, and in 1070 “Henricus puer” was in the -second year of his age. It must also be added that the date does not -occur in the charter, but is supplied from the cartulary. - -The composite character of the postscript to which also Leofric’s -signature is appended is seen in the wild statement to which it bears -witness. In it we are informed that by command and counsel of Pope -Gregory and of the King, Queen and Nobles of England, the bishop grants -immunity from all episcopal control to the church of Blessed Michael the -Archangel of Cornwall, and a remission of one-third of their penance to -all who shall enrich, endow or visit it. Pope Gregory (Hildebrand) was -not elected till 1073, the year after Leofric’s death, and the -indulgence which the postscript contains and which constitutes its -_raison d’être_ was manifestly only an expedient to foster pilgrimages -to St. Michael’s Mount which, supposing the monastery to have been -founded after the Conquest, would have been too obvious to achieve its -object. Something more will be said under this head when dealing with -the testimony of William of Worcester. - -When allowance has been made for clerical errors and for the -interpolations and additions to which attention has been drawn, there is -no sufficient reason to reject either the literal interpretation of -Domesday or the authenticity of Edward’s charter, or the substantial -accuracy of Count Robert’s. The date of the latter would probably be -1086, or a little later, probably in the last year of the Conqueror’s -reign. A third charter of the reign of William Rufus records the grant -to the Norman St. Michael, by Count Robert of Mortain and Almodis his -Countess of the manor of Ludgvan held by Richard Fitz Turold, also that -which Bloyou formerly held in Truthwall (Treiuhalo), and both the fairs -(_ferias_) of the Mount, the monks paying to the grantors the sum of -sixty pounds. - -Now it is worthy of remark that neither of these manors ever became -permanently attached to either religious house. Though it is impossible -to speak with certainty, it looks as if the Count had wrested Ludgvan -from Richard, had claimed Truthwall on the death of Bloyou and had sold -them both to the Norman abbot, who afterwards found it impossible to -resist the claims of the rightful heirs. - -The Cornish St. Michael had assuredly no cause to hold the Count in -grateful remembrance. From first to last he acted the part of a robber. -On this occasion one is inclined to suspect that the possessions of the -brethren serving God at the Mount were much more extensive before than -after the Norman Conquest. Assuming the Confessor’s charter to be -genuine it would almost appear that the Meneage district had, at a -remote period, become attached to a Celtic monastery at the Mount, and -that he was merely ratifying the title while perhaps limiting the extent -of its possessions. - -There is yet another document of great importance. It is described in -the Otterton custumal[125] as the Erection (_Constructio_) of the Priory -of St. Michael in Cornwall. It is, in reality, a notification by -Bernard, abbot of the Norman house, that the church of Blessed Michael -of Cornwall, built by him in 1135, was consecrated in his presence by -Robert (Chichester), bishop of Exeter, that, with the advice of the said -Pontiff and of Count Raner, and with the approbation of the barons of -the province, he has got together thirteen brethren and has made -provision for them out of old endowments and current contributions, that -he has enacted that he who shall be selected by the parent house to be -prior of St. Michael’s Mount shall not fail to make a return to it of 16 -marks yearly, that if he shall prove refractory he shall be degraded and -another prior appointed by the abbot with the abbey’s consent, and so -on. Moreover, the Cornish brethren are to receive the benediction of the -monastic order from the abbot _in Monte Tumba_ unless perchance it -please him to come to Cornwall and bless them there. At the end of the -instrument there is a list of the possessions of the Blessed Michael of -Cornwall, given to the archangel by Count Robert of Mortain, viz. -Tremaine, where there is sufficient land for two ploughs, Trahorabohc -for three, Listyahavehet for three, Treganeis for two, Carmahelech for -two. - -The entire document is needlessly defiant and menacing. The Cornish -house is reduced to a mere appanage of the abbey and the prior to a mere -collector of 16 marks for its benefit. Every vestige of independence is -swept away, and that, too, in subversion of the primary principle of the -saintly founder of the order. One hardly expected to find evidence in -Cornwall in confirmation of Dante’s description given more than a -century later. - - The walls, for abbey reared, turned into dens (of thieves), - The cowls to sacks, choked up with musty meal. - -It is therefore satisfactory to note that the priory could only reckon -among its possessions the lands given by the Count of Mortain, the rest -of St. Michael’s lands having either been confiscated or alienated -between the date of the Domesday Survey (1086) and that of the document -(1135). - -To identify the several grants of land a more or less careful -examination of the places mentioned in the charters becomes necessary. -Taking them in order of date, the Confessor by his charter gives to St. -Michael for the use of the brothers serving God the place known as St. -Michael, which is by the sea, with all that belongs to it, and he adds -the whole land of Vennefire, with its towns, vills and lands; also the -port of Ruminella, with its mills and fisheries. One of the witnesses is -Vinfred, or, as the name is commonly written, Winfred. We are therefore -justified in substituting “W” for “V” in Vennefire, and “s” for “f” -according to the Avranches cartulary. Vennefire becomes Wenneshire. A -glance at the Feudal Aids reminds us that the hundreds of Cornwall were -entered as Poudreschir (Powder), Pydrisire,[126] Pydar, Trigrishire, -etc. It is therefore safe to regard Vennefire as the equivalent of -Wenneshire. But the name of the hundred in Domesday Book is Wineton, a -correlative, in this case the equivalent of Wenneshire. Vennefire is -therefore the hundred of Kerrier. Ruminella is the diminutive or -feminine, not only in Latin but in Welsh,[127] of Rumin or Rumon. The -port of Ruminella thus becomes the port of Ruan Minor, i.e. Cadgwith. -One or more mills still exist in the valley and at no great distance -from the port. If, as we have already suggested, the Meneage district -was, like the hundred of Pydar, settled by Celtic monks, the Confessor’s -grant would mean little more than the confirmation to them of their -ancient patrimony, focussed at St. Michael’s Mount. - -Edward can hardly be supposed to have had an intimate knowledge of the -locality or of its conditions. Under the influence of men like Robert of -Jumièges he may well have given more than he had at his disposal. The -futility of the attempt is the best proof of its having been made. It is -certain that at the time of his death the monks of St. Michael had no -considerable holding in Kerrier. Earl Harold had become overlord of the -manor of Wineton, seventeen thegns holding eleven hides of him, the rest -being held by him in demesne. After the Conquest Wineton fell to the -King, who gave the whole to Robert Count of Mortain, to be held of the -Count by sub-tenants. It may have been in some measure as an act of -reparation, but it was chiefly in order to augment the influence and -revenue of St. Michael of Normandy that he granted to that abbey St. -Michael’s Mount in Cornwall, with half a hide of land and three -(Cornish) acres of land in Amaneth, to wit Trevelaboth, Lismanoch, -Trequaners and Carmailoc. No conditions of tenure are specified except -freedom from the King’s jurisdiction in all matters but homicide. It is -not stated, for example, whether the lands shall be held of the Cornish -or of the Norman St. Michael. In some sense no doubt the community at -the Mount became henceforth an alien priory of Mont St. Michel, but -there does not seem to have been any definition of the relations between -the two houses until 1135. - -The identification of the names Amaneth, Trevelaboth, Lismanoch, -Trequaners and Carmailoc is not free from difficulty. The word Amaneth -is probably for An-maneth, i.e. An-manech, the monastic (territory) and -equivalent to Meneage.[128] Manaccan the monk’s (church) (cf. -Plou-manach in Brittany, the monk’s parish) is situated in the northern -portion of what is still known as the Meneage district, which Leland -(1533-1552) calls the land of Meneke or Menegland. - -The next name—Trevelaboth—presents no difficulty. There is a continuous -chain of evidence to show that it is identical with Traboe, a small -manor in the parish of St. Keverne. In order to equate the three -holdings which remain, viz. Lismanoch, Trequaners and Carmailoc, it will -be necessary to refer to a document in the Otterton custumal[129] in -which they appear as Tremain, Listyavehet, Treganeis and Carmaheleck. -Carmailoc is obviously Carmaheleck or Carvallack, a holding in St. -Martin’s parish which derives its name from the prehistoric earthwork in -that parish. If we suppose the “n” in Trequaners and Treganeis to be a -false reading for “u”—a pardonable blunder of constant occurrence—we -have the modern tenement of Tregevas or Tregevis also in St. Martin’s. -We are thus left with Lismanoch as the equivalent of Tremain (the modern -Tremayne) and Listyavehet. Tremain calls for no remark in this -connection: everyone knows where it is. Lismanoch, of which it appears -to have formed a portion, presents some difficulty, because in that form -the name is now unknown. As Lesmanaoc it occurs in a grant of King Edgar -in 967 to Wulfnod Rumancant. In that grant its boundaries are minutely -described, but unfortunately to little purpose owing to the fact that -many of the place-names in it are either purely descriptive or have -become so altered during the ten centuries which have elapsed since the -grant was made as to be incapable of recognition. One or two points are -clear. Lesmanaoc was of considerable extent. For some distance it lay -along the river which empties itself at Porthallow. It must have reached -well towards the south of St. Keverne parish if “Castell Merit” and -“Crouswrah” (two places mentioned in the charter) are, as seems -probable, the modern tenement of Kestlemerris and Crousa Downs. At the -time of Count Robert’s charter its area had evidently been contracted, -otherwise it could hardly have escaped mention in Domesday Book. The -portion which had been lost was probably the southern portion, for no -mention is made of any possessions south of Traboe in the grants of the -priory lands after its dissolution. - -These considerations lend support to what is something more than a -conjecture of Mr. Henry Jenner, viz. that in the two tenements now known -as Lesneage we have the site of Lesmanaoc. Lesneage, as he points out, -may well be a contracted form of Lesmeneage, which in turn may be only -another form of Lesmanaoc, on the same principle as Treveneage in St. -Hilary can be shown by an unbroken series of documents to have been -derived from Trevanaek. - -It is worthy of remark that within a short distance of Lesneage is Mill -Mehal or St. Michael’s Mill. If this be the true etymology then the name -Listyavehet becomes less formidable than it looks. - -The final “t” is the only difficulty. If we may regard it as a false -reading for “l,” Listyavehet becomes Lis-ty-amehel, the “court of the -house of St. Michael,” Lesmanaoc being the “Monk’s Court,” and the -change of name easily accounted for by the transfer of the monks’ -possessions in Menegland (monastic land) to the house at St. Michael’s -Mount. - -The _Itinerary_ of William of Worcester deserves attention. It is a -curious assortment of undigested and ill-arranged odds and ends of -information compiled in the year 1478, that is to say about half a -century after the expulsion of the Benedictines from the Mount and the -introduction of the Bridgettines, only five years after the Mount was -seized by John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and surrendered by him to the -King’s troops after a siege of twenty-three weeks. The _Itinerary_ is -properly speaking a note-book. For the most part William confines -himself to matters of topography, genealogy and hagiology. - -Once and again he condescends to men of low estate, as, for example, -when he tells us that about the year 1476 one Thomas Clerk, of Ware, -left Ware on the Octave of St. John the Baptist and rode to the Mount -within ten days and then returned to Ware at the end of another ten -days, thereby covering, according to the route bill which is given, -something over thirty-two miles a day for twenty consecutive days. -William himself rode more leisurely. Leaving Norwich on the 16th of -August, 1478, travelling by way of Truro, he reached Marazion on the -16th of September. The next day he heard Mass at the Mount and in the -afternoon of the same day he began the return journey to Penryn. The -time spent by him in Cornwall was just over a week. - -That he should have gathered as much material as he did is therefore a -matter for surprise. Towards this harvest St. Michael’s Mount -contributed its full share, which is scattered without any regard for -convenience or context throughout the work. After describing the -tributaries of the river Fal, and à propos of nothing whatever, he -inserts a (supposed) indulgence of Pope Gregory, said to have been -granted by him in 1070, although Hildebrand did not become Pope until -three years later. The indulgence is addressed to the church of Mount -St. Michael in Tumba in the County of Cornwall, and of it, all but the -opening words are a verbatim copy of the spurious postscript to the -Count of Mortain’s charter, of which mention has been already made. It -is followed by a notice added by the Community at the Mount stating that -the document, having been recently discovered in the old registers, is -placed on the church door and, being unknown to most men, they, the -ministers and servants of God, require and beg all who have the guidance -of souls to do all in their power to publish it in their churches so -that their subjects may be moved to greater devotion and may, by -pilgrimage, frequent that place and obtain the said gifts and -indulgences. William next mentions the apparition of St. Michael in -Mount Tumba, formerly called the “Hore-rok in the Wodd,” which happened -at a time when woodland and meadow and plough land lay between the said -Mount and the islands of Scilly, and there were 240 parish churches now -submerged. - -He observes that the first apparition of St. Michael in Mount Gorgon in -the Kingdom of Apulia took place in A.D. 391; the second, in Tumba in -Cornwall, near the sea, about A.D. 710; the third, in the days of Pope -Gregory at a time of a great pestilence; the fourth being _in ierarchiis -nostrorum angelorum_. The next paragraph appears to be the fragment of a -description of Mont St. Michel and its foundation by St. Aubert, bishop -of Avranches. - -Then follow various measurements. The length of the church of Mount St. -Michael is stated to be 30 “steppys,” its breadth 12 steppys; the length -of the chapel newly built is 40 feet, i.e. 20 steppys; its breadth about -10 steppys; from the church to the foot of the Mount, to the sea-water, -14 times 60 steppys; the distance by sea between Marazion and the foot -of the Mount is estimated at 1200 (feet), i.e. 700 steppys, in English -10 times 70 steppys. It is difficult to reconcile the last of these -measurements with the former and to connect the “step” with a modern -equivalent. The “step” was not a “pace,” for speaking of the dimensions -of Bodmin Church, William says in length it is 57 paces (_passus_) and -in breadth 30 steppys. It was apparently two feet (_pedes_), but whether -two modern feet of 12 inches we are unable to say. A little further on -William tells us that the island of St. Michael’s Mount is about a mile -in diameter and is distant from the mainland the length of a bow-shot. -It lies north of the island of Ushant in Brittany. - -After dealing with the Bodmin martyrology, information given by Robert -Bracey at Fowey and the kalendar of Tavistock, he mentions the capture -and surrender of the Mount by the Earl of Oxford five years before the -time of his writing. A fuller notice occurs towards the end of his work -where, after some further details respecting the Mount’s geographical -position, he gives us the kalendar of the church. The saints -commemorated are, as has been already remarked, with three exceptions -all Celtic. Of one of them, Brokan (Brychan) and his twenty-four -children, he supplies an account taken, as it would seem, from the -Legenda. For in the enumeration the saint is described as Brokannus in -partibus Walliarum _regulus fide et morum_, and in the account of the -saint which follows the opening sentence is Fuit in ultinus (ultimis) -Walliarum partibus vir dignitate _regulus fide et morum_ honestate -praeclarus, nomine Brokannus. A similar explanation may account for the -fourth apparition of St. Michael being described by William as apparicio -in ierarchiis nostrorum angelorum, a phrase which is meaningless as it -stands, but assuming it to be a quotation from the Legenda may have been -familiar and intelligible to William’s readers. - -From the foregoing abstracts from the _Itinerary_ two conclusions appear -to be inevitable. In the first place, whether of design or by -inadvertence, the name Mons Tumba which had been exclusively used of the -Norman Mount came to be also applied to the Cornish Mount and, in the -second place, the associations of the former came to be adopted by the -latter. The postscript to the Count of Mortain’s charter and the newly -discovered indulgence mentioned by William, the one an almost verbatim -copy of the other, probably bear witness to a fact, namely, that an -indulgence was actually granted by Pope Gregory, but that it was granted -not to St. Michael’s Mount but to Mont St. Michel. When once the -indulgence had been appropriated by the Cornish house it became -necessary to account for the allusions contained in it. The ecclesia -quae ministerio angelico creditur et comprobatur consecrari et -sanctificari demanded some point d’appui, and this could only be -obtained by increasing the number of apparitions vouchsafed by St. -Michael. - -The three apparitions generally accepted by Western Christendom, viz. -the appearance in the fifth century to Garganus, that in the sixth -century to St. Gregory at Rome, and that in the eighth century (A.D. -706) to St. Aubert, bishop of Avranches (probably identical with the -apparicio in ierarchiis nostrorum angelorum), were supplemented by an -appearance (A.D. 710) in Tumba in Cornwall. It is impossible to say when -this claim was formulated, whether before or after the expulsion of the -Benedictines in the fifteenth century. The object was evidently to -stimulate pilgrimages, concerning which, however, very little is -recorded. Norden, writing in 1584, states that the Mount “hath bene -muche resorted unto by Pylgrims in devotion to St. Michaell whose chayre -is fabled to be in the Mount, on the south syde, of verie Daungerous -access.” - -When William of Worcester visited the Mount the priory was in possession -of Augustinian nuns known as Bridgettines. Of them William says nothing. - -So long as it was Benedictine and under the control of the abbot of Mont -St. Michel, successive Kings of England felt constrained, on the -declaration of war with France, to take it into their own hands and to -administer its preferment. From 1337 onwards the rolls contain numerous -entries dealing with the patronage of alien priories. During his war -with France Henry IV required the prior of St. Michael’s Mount to hold -the priory at farm for a yearly rent of £10. Henry V, having founded the -abbey of Syon in Middlesex, transferred the priory to it, the provost -and scholars of the college of St. Mary and St. Nicholas at Cambridge, -to whom an earlier grant of it seems to have been made, surrendering all -their rights in 1462. - -Thenceforth until 1536 it remained a Bridgettine nunnery. After the -suppression of the monasteries several grants were made of it for terms -of years. Eventually Queen Elizabeth sold it to Robert, Earl of -Salisbury, by whose son, the second earl, it was conveyed to Sir Francis -Basset. By his son, John Basset, it was sold in 1659 to Colonel St. -Aubyn. Since that time it has remained in the St. Aubyn family, its -present owner and occupier being General John Townshend St. Aubyn, -second Lord St. Levan. - -With its religious history alone are we here concerned. That the Mount -was the home of a Celtic religious community in pre-Norman times hardly -admits of doubt. As we have shown, there was some strong bond of -attachment between it and the Meneage, a bond which, though weakened and -attenuated, was not completely sundered until the dissolution of the -monasteries in the sixteenth century. The main proposition here advanced -is that the Mount was at a remote period, probably as early as the days -of St. Cadoc, the focus of Celtic religious activity for the greater -part, if not for the whole, of the Lizard peninsula. - ------ - -Footnote 112: - - Archæologia, LIX (2), 281 _et seq._ - -Footnote 113: - - Cott. MS. Vesp. A. XIV. - -Footnote 114: - - The name survived until the Cornish language was obsolete. Boson - (1702) uses it. - -Footnote 115: - - See dispensation granted by Thomas (Cranmer) to John Arscott, - archpriest of St. Michael _de Monte Tumba Exoniensis diocesis_ - (_Monasticon_, p. 30). - -Footnote 116: - - The statue of the Blessed Virgin in the parish church of Mont St. - Michel, known as the black virgin, also bears the name of Notre Dame - de Mont Tombe and the small island in the bay about two miles from - Mont St. Michel is called Tombelaine. Tumba (_twmp_ in Welsh from - Latin _tumulus_) and Tombelaine (the Teutonic diminutive of Tumba) are - probably derived from the prehistoric remains of which there is now no - trace. - -Footnote 117: - - _Les Noms des Saints bretons_, p. 5. - -Footnote 118: - - Dan. x. 13, 21; xii. 1; Rev. xii. 7. - -Footnote 119: - - See appendix, p. 172. - -Footnote 120: - - _Ibid._, p. 173. - -Footnote 121: - - _Norman Conquest_, pp. 766, 767. - -Footnote 122: - - _Genealogist, N.S._, XVII, 2. - -Footnote 123: - - Chan. inq. p.m., 12 Edw. II, No 16. - -Footnote 124: - - De Banco, 12 Henry VI, Hilary, m. 443. - -Footnote 125: - - Oliver, _Monasticon_, p. 414. - -Footnote 126: - - Feudal Aids, 1303, 1306, etc. - -Footnote 127: - - Loth, _Vie de Saint Samson_, p. 15. - -Footnote 128: - - Anmaneth may be an Anglicised form of An-manegh (cf. Carnyorth and - Respeth for Carnyorgh and Respegh), but it is more likely that Amaneth - is an adjectival form, viz. Manéghek or Menaghek, which became - successively Menéhek, Meneck, Menek, Meneage (cf. _infra_ Trevanaek). - I am indebted to Mr. Henry Jenner for this suggestion and for some - other notes on the derivation of Cornish place-names. - -Footnote 129: - - See appendix, p. 175. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - APPENDIX A - - EXTRACT FROM THE “LIFE OF ST. SAMSON” - (Ed. by Fawtier, pp. 143-5) - - -Quadam autem die, cum per quendam pagum quem Tricurium vocant -deambularet, audivit, ut verum esset, in sinistra parte de eo, homines -baccantum ritu quoddam phanum per imaginariam ludum adorantes; atque -ille annuens fratribus ut starent et silerent dumque quiete, et ipse de -curru ad terram descendens et ad pedes stans, intendensque in his qui -idolum colebant, vidit ante eos in cujusdam vertice montis, simulacrum -abominabile adsistere; in quo monte et ego fui, signumque crucis quod -sanctus Samson sua manu cum quodam ferro in lapide stante sculpsit -adoravi et mea manu palpavi; quod sanctus Samson, ut vidit, festine ad -eos, duos apud se tantum fratres eligens, properavit atque ne idolum, -unum Deum qui creavit omnia, relinquentes, colere deberent, suaviter -commonuit, adstante ante eos eorum comite Guediano; atque excusantibus -illis malum non esse mathematicum eorum parentum in ludo servare, aliis -furentibus, aliis deridentibus, non nullis autem quibus mens erat sanior -ut abiret hortantibus, continuo adest virtus Dei publice ostensa. Nam -puer quidam equos in cursu dirigens a quodam veloci equo ad terram -cecidit collumque ejus subtus se praecipitem plicans, exanimum paene -corpus in jecturam tantum remansit. - -Flentibus autem circa illum vicinis suis, sanctus Samson dixit “Videtis -quod simulacrum vestrum non potest huic mortuo adjutorium dare? Si autem -promittitis vos hoc idolum penitus destruere et non amplius adorare ego -illum, Deo in me operante, redivivum resuscitabo.” Adquiescentibus autem -illis, jussit eos paulo longius secedere, atque illo orante super -exanimem per binas ferme horas, illum qui expiratus fuerat redivivum -palam omnibus atque incolumem redidit. Videntibus autem illis, unanimes -omnes una cum supradicto comite, procidentes ad sancti Samsonis pedes, -idolum penitus destruxerunt. - - * * * * * - -The Reverend F. W. Paul, M.A., whose friendship it has been my privilege -to share for half a century, has revised the translation on page 33. He -has done so under protest. Incompetence, ignorance of monkish Latin and -the corruptness of the text have been his pleas. The first no one will -allow who knows him; the second is by no means uncommon; the third -everyone will admit. L’Abbé Duine truly says of the _Vita Samsonis_ that -_plusieurs constructions grammatical sont absolument barbares_. Mr. Paul -has suggested the following emendations of the passage before us. -Although drastic they appear worthy of consideration, unless they can be -shown to run clean contrary to the habits of thought, the terminology -and the rules of composition observed by writers of the seventh century. -For quoddam phanum he would read _quendam phallum_; for mathematicum, -_matrimonium_; for injecturam, _jecturâ_. We should then have in the -latter part of the first sentence “he saw men worshipping a certain -phallus after the custom of the Bacchantes by means of a lewd play,” and -for _atque excusantibus illis malum non esse mathematicum eorum parentum -in ludo servare_, “and when they said that there was no harm in their -commemorating their parents’ wedlock in a play.” I have accepted -_jecturâ_ for in jecturam and his translation of it. It is unfortunate -that a critical edition of the _Vita Samsonis_ has not yet been -prepared. L’Abbé Duine has indeed furnished some useful notes—only too -few—on the syntax and the peculiar use of certain pronouns, prepositions -and adjectives.[130] But, as Professor Loth truly observes, to produce -such an edition a minute study of the syntax is required and also a -glossary of all the words which in form or in meaning are peculiar—a -glossary in which all the idioms should be exhibited. The task requires -special qualifications and will not perhaps appeal strongly to those who -have them. Sooner or later someone will doubtless be found to undertake -it, someone, it is hoped, who is not only a scholar but who is familiar -with the religious literature of the seventh and eighth centuries. - ------ - -Footnote 130: - - Duine, _Saints de Domnonée_, pp. 5-12. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - APPENDIX B - - EDWARD THE CONFESSOR’S CHARTER - (Oliver’s _Monasticon_, p. 31) - - -_Carta Edwardi regis Anglorum pro abbatiâ sancti Michaelis_ (Ex -autographo apud S. Michaelem in Normannia). - -In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, ego Edwardus Dei gratia -Anglorum rex, dare volens pretium redemptionis animae meae, vel parentum -meorum, sub consensu et testimonio bonorum virorum, tradidi sancto -Michaeli archangelo in usum fratrum Deo servientium in eodem loco -sanctum Michaelem qui est juxta mare, cum omnibus appendenciis, villis -scilicet, castellis, agris et caeteris attinentibus. Addidi etiam totam -terram de Vennefire,[131] cum oppidis, villis, agris, pratis, terris -cultis et incultis, et cum horum redditibus. Adjunxi quoque datis portum -addere qui vocatur Ruminella cum omnibus quae ad eum pertinent, hoc est -molendinis et piscatoriis et cum omni territorio illius culto et -inculto, et eorum redditibus. - -Si quis autem his donis conatus fuerit ponere calumpniam anathema -factus, iram Dei incurrat perpetuam. Utque nostrae donationis auctoritas -verius firmiusque teneatur in posterum, manu meâ firmando subterscripsi, -quod et plures fecere testium. - - * * * * * - -Signum regis Edwardi ✠ Signum Roberti archiepiscopi Rothomagensis ✠ -Hereberti episcopi Lexoviensis. Roberti episcopi Constantiensis. Signum -Radulphi ✠ Signum Vinfredi ✠ Nigelli vicecomitis. Anschitilli. Choschet. -Turstini. - ------ - -Footnote 131: - - “Vennesire” in the cartulary at Avranches. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - APPENDIX C - - CHARTER OF COUNT ROBERT OF MORTAIN - (_Monasticon_, p. 31) - - -_Carta Roberti, Comitis, pro monachis S. Michaelis._ - -In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus -Sancti, amen. Ego Robertus Dei gratiâ Moritonii comes, igne divini -amoris succensus, notifico omnibus sanctae ecclesiae matris nostrae -filiis, habens in bello sancti Michaelis vexillum, quoniam pro animae -meae salute atque meae conjugis, seu pro salute, prosperitate, -incolumitate Gulielmi gloriosissimi regis, atque pro adipiscendo vitae -aeternae premio, do et concedo Montem Sancti Michaelis de Cornubia Deo -et monachis ecclesiae Sancti Michaelis de Periculo Maris servientibus, -cum dimidiâ terrae hidâ, ita solutam et quietam ac liberam, ut ego -tenebam, ab omnibus consuetudinibus querelis et placitis; et constituo -etiam ut ipsi monachi, concedente domino meo rege, ibidem mercatum die -quintae feriae habeant. Postea autem, ut certissimè comperi beati -Michaelis meritis monachorumque suffragiis michi a Deo ex propriâ -conjuge meâ filio concesso, auxi donum ipsi beato militiae celestis -Principi, dedi et dono in Amaneth tres acras terrae, Trevelaboth -videlicet, Lismanoch, Trequaners, Carmailoc, annuente piissimo domino -meo Gulielmo rege cum Mathilde reginâ atque nobilibus illorum filiis -Roberto comite, Gulielmo Rufo, Henrico adhuc puero, ita quietam ac -liberam de omnibus placitis querelis atque forisfactis, ut de nullâ re -regiae justitiae monachi respondebunt nisi de solo homicidio. Hanc autem -donationem feci ego Robertus comes Moritonii, quam concesserunt -gloriosus rex Anglorum Willielmus atque regina et filii eorum, sub -testimonio istorum. - - * * * * * - -Signum Willielmi regis ✠. Signum reginae Mathildis ✠. Roberti comitis ✠. -Willielmi Rufi filii regis ✠. Henrici pueri ✠. Roberti comitis Moritonii -✠. Matildis Comitissae ✠. Willielmi filii eorum ✠. Signum Willielmi -filii Osberni ✠. Signum Rogeri de Monte-gomeri ✠. Tossetini vicecomitis -✠. Guarini ✠. Turulfi ✠. - - * * * * * - -Firmata atque roborata est hec carta, anno millessimo octuagesimo quinto -ab incarnatione Domini indictione decimâ quartâ, concurrente tertiâ, -lunâ octavâ, apud Pevenesel. - -Signum Liurici Essecestriae Episcopi ✠. - - * * * * * - -Ego quidem Liuricus Dei dono Essecestriae episcopus, jussione et -exhortatione domini mei reverentissimi Gregorii (VI) papae regisque -nostri et reginae omniumque optimatum totius regni Angliae exhortatus ut -ecclesiam beati Michaelis archangeli de Cornubia, utpote quae officio et -ministerio angelico creditur atque comprobatur consecrari ac -sanctificari, quatenus eam ab omni episcopali jure, potestate, seu -subjectione liberarem atque exuerem, quod et facere totius cleri nostri -consensu et hortatu non distuli, libero igitur eam et exuo ab omni -episcopali dominatione, subjectione, inquietudine, et omnibus illis qui -illam ecclesiam suis cum beneficiis et elemosinis expetierint, et -visitaverint, tertiam partem penitentiarum condonamus. Et ut hoc -inconcussum et immobile et etiam inviolabile fine tenus permaneat, ex -authoritate Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti omnibus nostris -successoribus interdicimus ne aliquid contra hoc decretum usurpare -praesumant. - -Signum ejusdem Liurici Essecestriae episcopi ✠. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - APPENDIX D - - ERECTION OF THE PRIORY OF ST. MICHAEL IN CORNWALL - (_Monasticon_, p. 414) - - -_Prioratûs St. Michaelis in Cornubiâ constructio_ (Ex custumali -Prioratûs de Otterton, fol. 58). - -Omnibus Sancte Dei ecclesie filiis notificare dignum duximus quod -ecclesia beati Michaelis de Cornubia a venerabili Bernardo, ecclesie -prefati archangeli de Periculo Maris abbate, in anno quo hominem exuit -rex Henricus constructa, et in anno regis Stephani a religioso viro -Roberto Exoniensi presule prestito abbate, qui presens aderat, id -impetrante, Domino est consecrata. Idem vero abbas sagaci mente -pertractans celestis militie principem locum eundem Deo ad serviendum et -sibi ad inhabitandum delegisse, predicti pontificis consilio et comitis -Raneri et baronum provincie suffragio, ut divinitati honor perpetuus -impenderetur, officinas religioni idoneas construere et fratres xiii in -honorem Christi Jhesu et apostolorum ejus, ut, videlicet, pro modulo suo -in fide que per dilectionem operatur et spe in cultura vinee Domini -Sabbaoth desudantis denarium mereretur retributionis, aggregare curavit; -de redditibus ecclesie tam antiquitus datis quam a viris provincie in -presentia sua ad hoc attributis victui eorum necessario sufficienter -providens. - -Constituit autem ut vel per se vel per alium e fratribus ecclesiam de -Monte in Normannia qui ex abbatis loci ejusdem precepto prioris in -Cornubia fungetur officio annis singulis invisere non negligat, et -argenti marchas xvi finetenus reddat. Quod si constitutioni huic -obviare, vel contra abbatem suum vel conventum in aliquo presumpserit -contraire, de prioratu suo degradetur, et alius pro abbatis arbitrio et -conventus abbatie consilio subrogetur. Si vero superbus fuerit et -contumax et prelatis ecclesie de Monte in Normannia inobediens -extiterit, omni participatione totius beneficii ecclesie totius dicte, -omniumque ecclesiarum ipsi societate aliqua connexarum, excommunicationi -se deleat. Frates quidem, qui in Cornubia sancte conversationis habitum -susceperint, monochatus jura in Monte Tumba profitentes, benedictionem -monastici ordinis ab abbate suo ibidem suscepturos se noverint, nisi -forte ei in Cornubiam venienti eos illuc benedicere placuerit. Hoc -itaque tam justa Dei dispensatione tamque virorum sapientum discretione -patratum, quicunque sive princeps sive potestas aliquam infringere -presumpserit, videlicet, monachorum numerum qui pro facultatum -ampliatione, et ipse ampliandus est, imminuat, et jam dicti loci -possessiones in usus alteros convertat, ipsum, in quantum nobis a Domino -collata est potestas, anathematis innodamus vinculo et hujus -retributionem sceleris a justo judice suscipiat in futuro. Quicunque -autem possessiones easdem conservare et pro suarum modulo facultatum, -quia valuit Zachee rerum suarum multa distributio, valuerunt etiam vidue -minuta duo, et regnum Dei tantum valet quantum homines, augmentare -curaverunt, omnium se orationum totiusque beneficii ecclesie beate -Michaelis de Monte in Normannia participes esse sciant. - -He sunt possessiones quas ex dono comitis Roberti de Mortenio ecclesia -beati Michaelis de Cornubia tenet: Tremaine, ubi ad duas carucas terra -sufficiens habetur: Trahorabohc, ubi ad tres; Listyavehet, ubi ad tres; -Treganeis, ubi ad duas; Carmahelech, ubi ad duas. Adjacet terra preter -pascua ad omnia animalia necessaria; que simul caruce xii faciunt. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - GENERAL INDEX - - - Aethelred, Bp., 67 - - Aethelred, King, 68 - - _Age of the Saints_, 38 - - Agnes, St., 111, 115 - - Aldestow (Padstow), 56 - - Aldhelm, St., 56, 57, 80 - - Alet, 78 n. - - Alfred, King, 56, 64, 82, 128 - - Allen, St. (Alun), 90, 91, 92 - - Almodis, Countess, 157 - - Aluuarton (Alverton), 67 n. - - Amaneth, 82, 145, 154, 160, 173 - - Amber traffic, 23, 26 - - Ancestors, direct and collateral, 16 - - Angers, 113 - - Anglesey, 32, 80 - - Anne, St., d’Auray, 48 - - Annunciation, Feast of, 13 n. - - Anschitill, 145, 172 - - Anthony, St., in R., 81, 105, 115 - - Anwyl, Prof., 31 n. - - Apollo, 29 - - Apparitions of St. Michael, 165, 167 - - Aqua, De, Roger, 136 - - Armorica, 44, 50, 51, 52, 82, 95 - - Armorican parishes, 54 - - Arscott, John, 143 n. - - Arthurian romances, 42. - - Ascension, Feast of, 13 n. - - Asser, 64, 81, 129 n. - - Athelgeard, Bp., 67 - - Athelstan, King, 65, 66, 85, 88, 94, 108 - - Athens, 95 - - Attis, 6 - - Aubert, St., 167 - - Aubyn, St., Col., 168 - - Augustine, St., of Canterbury, 58 - - Augustinian Order, 58, 60, 60 n., 107, 108, 115, 116 - - Australia, 9 - - Avebury, Lord, 26 n. - - Avranches, 146, 167 - - Axe, sacred, 23, 24 - - Aztec communion, 5 - - - Bacchantes, 33 - - Bacchus, St., 115 - - Baltic, 26 - - Bangor in Ireland, 71 - - Bangor Iscoed, 53, 58 - - Baring-Gould, S., 80 - - Basset, Sir Francis, 168 - - Bayeux, 115 - - Bayon, Le, Abbé, 49 - - Beaulieu, Convent of, 109 - - Bede, 50, 53, 57 - - Beltane, 6 - - Benedictine Order, 58, 59, 114, 116, 163, 167 - - Berewyk, De, John, 119 - - Bernard, Abbot, 157, 175 - - Berner, 110 - - Berrien, 95 - - Bertrand, Alexandre, 29 - - Bethel, 21 - - _Beunans Meriasek_, 46, 47 - - Birch, Dr., 28 - - Black Canons, 60 - - Bleu Bridge, 39 - - Blohiu (Bloyou), 41, 150, 152, 155 - - Bodinnick, 126 - - Bodmin, 42, 60, 125, 137, 165 - - Bodmin Gospels, 67 - - Bodmin prebend, 116 - - Bodrugan family, 116 - - _Boéh-er-goèd_, 48 - - Bonevylle, Sir W., 137 - - Borlase, Dr. W., 37, 131, 132 - - Borlase, W. C., 22 n., 38, 85, 132 - - Boson, John, 134, 142 n. - - Botreaux, Wm., 113 - - Bracey, Robt., 126, 165 - - Breage, St., 77, 85 - - Brendan, St., 111 - - Breock, St., 73 - - Breton immigrants, 43-45 - - Breton nobles, 41 - - Brian, Earl, 154 - - Bridget, St., 60 - - Bridget, St., Convent of, 137 - - Bridgettines, 163, 168 - - Brient, 41 - - Brismar, 148, 150, 151, 154 - - British saints, 52 - - Brittany, 37-49, 82, 86 - - Britton, surname, 45 - - Briwer, Bp., 109, 112, 113 - - Bronescombe, Bp., 88, 107, 109, 112, 115, 116, 117 - - Bronze Age, 20, 24 - - Bronze bull, 24, 28 - - Bronze celts, 22 - - Bronze disc, 23 - - Brychan, St. (Brokan), 166 - - Budock, 39, 73 - - Bulgaroo, 10 - - Bull, sacred, 23, 24 - - Burgald, Bp., 114 - - Burhwold (Burthwold), 67, 68, 75, 76, 76 n. - - Burneir, 71, 73 - - Buryan, St., 21, 22 n., 47, 65, 66, 85, 90, 91, 93, 94, 105, 108, 154 - - Buttel-Reepen, Dr., 11 - - - Cadgwith, 159 - - Cadoc, St., 30 n., 142, 148 - - Caer, 70 - - Caerhayes, 144 - - Calamansack (Colemanshegg), 130 - - Callestock, 65 n. - - Callington, 65 - - Camborne, 44 - - Cambridge, 168 - - Canterbury, 64, 147 - - Cardinan, 41, 92 - - Cardynham, 126 - - Careg Cowse, 142 - - Carew, Richard, 7, 47 - - Cargol, 72 - - Carnarvon, 92 - - Carnyorth, 125 n., 161 n. - - Carthage, 28 - - Carvallack (Carmailoc), 145, 158, 160, 161, 173, 176 - - Carzou (Carthew), 44 - - Cassiterides, 28 - - Ceen Cruaich, 33 - - Celtic invasion, 25 - - Celtic monastery, 63 - - Celts, the, 18-30 - - Ceolnoth, Abp., 64, 79 - - Ceres, 94 - - Chad, St., 62 - - Chapel Carn Brea, 131, 132, 133, 144 - - Chapel Uny, 124 - - Cheus, St., 105, 110 n., 118 - - Chichester, Bp. Robert, 158 - - Chittlehampton, 91 - - Choschet, 145, 172 - - Christianisation of stones, 35 - - Christmas, 12 - - Chûn Quoit, 20 - - Church and foreign rites, 16 - - Chysauster, 63 n. - - Clay, R. M., 122, 132 - - Clement, St., of Alexandria, 13 - - Clerk, Thomas, 163 - - Clether, St., 125 - - Clonard, 53, 59 - - Cnut, King, 67, 68, 69, 75, 76, 76 n. - - Coelling, 64, 65 - - Coincidence, 1-17 - - Columba, St., 52 - - Comoere, Bp., 63, 67 - - Conan, Bp., 63, 65, 66 - - Conarton, 84 - - Constantine, St., 105, 118 - - Corentin, St. (Cury), 53, 85 - - Corlay (Côtes du Nord), 92 - - Cornish dedications, 55 - - Cornish drama, 39 - - _Cornish Grammar_, 39 - - Cornish language, 51 - - Cornouaille, 52, 93 - - Cornwall, Royal Institution of, 38, 48 n. - - Côtes du Nord, 51, 91 - - Coulthard, Rev. H. R., 142 - - Coutances, Robert, Bp. of, 145, 172 - - Cranmer, Abp., 143 n. - - Crantock, St., 105, 108, 109 - - Crediton, 64, 67, 68, 73, 74, 76, 87, 88 - - Cromwell, T., 44 - - Cross, 35 - - Crosses, Cornish, 36 - - Crousa Downs, 162 - - Crows-an-Wra, 134 - - Cuby, St., 80, 115 - - Cypris, 94 - - Cyprus, 95 - - Cyriacus Priory, St., 105, 113 - - - Daniel, Bp., 63 - - Dante, 158 - - David, St., 58 - - Davies Gilbert, 138 - - Déchelette, M. Joseph, xii, xiii, 24, 26 n., 29, 35 n. - - Deduction, 4 - - _De Excidio_, 62 - - Denmark, 23 - - Dennis, Little, 85 n. - - Dennis (Denys), St., 90, 91, 92 - - Derbyshire Dedications, 55 - - Dê Zil, 30 - - Dinan, 92 - - Dinan, De, Roland, 42 - - Dinas, 91 - - Dinoot, 58 - - Diusul, 30 n., 142 - - Dinuurrin (Dingerein), 64, 79, 80 - - Diodorus Siculus, 23, 141 - - Dionysius, 92 - - Dis Pater, 29 - - Dissolution of religious houses, 108 - - Docco, 33, 119 - - Dol, 59 - - Dollebeare, Walter, 136 - - Domesday Book, 59, 76, 77, 79, 81, 83, 90, 105, 112, 147 - - Donan, Bp., 66 - - Druidical worship, 32 - - Druids, 31, 57 - - Drycarn, 21 - - Duchesne, Mgr., 97 - - Dugdale, Sir W., 104, 146 - - Duine, L’Abbé, 97 n., 170 - - Dumnonia, 51, 52, 56, 80 - - Dumnonian exodus, 41, 51 - - - Eadulf, Bp., 64, 65, 73 - - Ealdred, Bp., 67, 68 - - Easter, 8 - - Easter controversy, 56, 80 - - Ebenezer, 21 - - Edgar, King, 119, 162 - - Edmund, Earl, 134 - - Edward the Confessor, 69, 75, 76, 77, 81, 82, 85, 88, 109, 112, 145, - 172 - - Edward the Elder, 73 - - Edward, King, 114 - - Egbert, King, 54, 64 - - Eglos, 39 - - Eglosberria (Eglosveryan), 93, 94 - - Egloshayle, 73, 74, 91 - - Egloskerry, 39 - - Eglosrôs, 91 - - Eglostudic, 79 n., 90 - - Egyptians, 30 - - Endellion, 105, 116, 117 - - Epiphany, 13 - - Eponyms, 94 - - Erth, St., 86, 91, 121 - - Ervan, St., 73 - - Escop, 39 - - Eucharist, 5 - - Eval, St., 73, 79 - - Evans, Sir A., 21 - - Evolution, 3 - - Evolution of Dio. B’pric., 70-89 - - Exeter, 64, 65, 69, 112 - - Exeter, D. and C. of, 72, 77, 78, 111 - - Eynesbury, 128 - - Ezekiel, 27 n. - - - Falmouth, 73 - - Fauna, pre-glacial, 11 - - Fawtier, M., 33 n., 96 n., 97 n., 169 - - Fentongollen, 72 - - Fetich, 35 - - Finistère, 51, 91, 99 - - Finnian, St., 53 - - Fisherman’s proverb, 2 - - Fitz Ive family, 77 - - Fitz Turold, R., 41, 71, 115 - - Forsnewth, 74 - - Fowey, 165 - - Freeman, Prof., 145, 148 - - Fulcard, 72, 78 - - - Gades, 27 - - Galatia, 25 - - Galicia, 57 - - Garganus, 167 - - Gasquet, Card., 60 - - Gennys, St., 120, 126 - - Gerecrist (Kergrist), 44, 45 - - German, St., 58, 59, 69, 139 - - Germans, St., 65, 66, 68, 71, 74, 75, 79, 81, 87, 88, 105, 107, 153 - - Gerrans, 72, 73, 79, 80, 81, 87, 105, 115, 116 - - Geruntius (Geraint, Gerennius), 56, 79, 80 - - Gildas, 50, 58, 62 - - Glasney, 105, 117 - - Glastonbury, 116, 127 - - Gluvias, St., 73 - - Godfrey, 72 - - Godman, Roger, 135 - - Godric the priest, 118 - - Goran, St. (Guron), 105 - - Gorgon, Mount, 165 - - Gougaud, Dom, 26 n., 33 n., 39 - - Grade, 82 - - Grandisson, Bp., 107 - - Gregory, Pope, 146, 148, 156, 164, 165, 166 - - Gregory, St., 167 - - Guenoc, St., 84 - - Guerir, St., 82, 128 - - Gulval, 63 n., 75, 77, 86, 121 - - Gunwalloe (_see_ Winwaloe), 85 - - Guron (Goran), 125 - - Gwavas, Lake, 93 - - Gwethnoc (Guethnoc), 98, 99 - - Gwinear, 22 - - Gwithian, 63 - - - Haddan, Mr., 38, 62, 76 n. - - Haddan and Stubbs, 66, 67, 78 n. - - Hadton, Dom, 46 - - Hals, 131 - - Hamelin, 75 - - Hamstoke, 75 - - Hardicanute, 146 - - Harold, Earl, 82, 160 - - Hartland, Abbot Philip of, 136 - - Hecatæus, 25, 26 - - Helston, 105, 117 - - Hengestisdun, 66 - - Henoc, 33 - - Henry I, 112, 113, 119, 145, 156, 173, 174 - - Henry II, 112, 120 - - Henry IV, 168 - - Henry V, 168 - - Heresy, 17 - - Hermit of Chapel Carn Brea, 133 - - Hermits, 122-140 - - Hilary, St., 22, 30 n., 40, 139 - - Hingeston-Randolph, F. C., 38, 76 n. - - Houl, 30 - - Hyperboreans, 25 - - - Ia, St., 86, 90, 91 - - Iberians, 23 - - Ictis, 141 - - Illogan, 86 - - Iltut, 58, 92 - - Induction, 4 - - Ingunger, St., 124 - - _Inquisitio Geldi_, 93, 147 - - _Inquisitio Nonarum_, 92, 108, 116 - - _Inspeximi_, 104 n. - - Iona, 60 - - Ireland, 61, 64 - - Irish influence, 85 - - Irish missionaries, 86 - - Iron Age, 24 - - Issey, St., 73 - - Ives, St., 91, 95 - - - Jacobstow, 56 - - Jenner, H., 30 n., 37, 39, 63 n., 84, 133, 162 - - Jetwells, 124 - - John, King, 112 - - John the Baptist, St., 13 - - Jordan, 21 - - Jovin, 41 - - Judhel, 41 - - Julius Cæsar, 29 - - Jumièges, Robert of, 160 - - Just, St., in Penwith, 22, 30 n., 47, 48, 86, 121, 124, 131 - - Just, St., in Roseland, 73, 80 - - - Kea, St., 121 - - Kenstec, Bp., 63, 64, 79, 80, 87, 88 - - Kerrier, 84, 159, 160 - - Kestlemerris, 162 - - Keverne, St., (Achebran), 82, 85, 109, 110, 162 - - Kew, St., 33, 98, 105, 119, 120 - - Keyne, St., 125, 142 - - Kieran, St., 85, 111 - - Kildare, 60 - - Kilter’s insurrection, 85 n. - - - Lafrowda, 86, 121 - - Lagge, Richard, 136 - - Laminster, 113 - - Lammana, 116 - - Lamprobus (Lanbrabois), 112 - - Lan, 40, 53, 70, 121 - - Lanadleth, 78 n. - - Landegy, 53, 121 - - Landévennec, 71, 84 - - Landewednack, 82, 84 - - Landithy, 53, 86, 121 - - Landivick, 82 - - Landrake, 68, 75 - - Land’s End, 81, 132 - - Landulph, 75 - - Langorock, 109 - - Languihenoc, 98, 99, 105 - - Langunnet, 121 - - Langweath, 82 - - Lanhadron, 121 - - Lanherne (Lanherneu), 53, 71, 72, 78, 121 - - Lanhydrock, 53, 79 - - Lanisley (Landicla), 53, 71, 75, 77, 78, 86, 87, 121 - - Lanlivery, 135 - - Lanow (Landoho, Tohou), 119, 120 - - Lanpiran, 110 - - Lanreath, 126 - - Lanteglos-by-Fowey, 26, 39 - - Lantenning, 82 - - Lanudno, 86, 121 - - Lanverrien, 95 - - Lanyhorne, 121 - - Lanyon Quoit, 20 - - Lawhitton (Landuuithan), 64, 65, 71, 74, 79, 81 - - Leland, 65, 109, 125, 161 - - Lelant (Lananta), 22, 91, 95, 121 - - Leo III, Pope, 60 n. - - Leofric, Bp., 57, 69, 75, 76, 76 n., 78, 107, 146, 148, 156, 174 - - Leoghaire, 14 - - Léon, 59, 95 - - Lerins, 139 - - Lesneage (_see_ Lismanoch), 162 - - Levan, St., 86, 125 - - Levan, St., Lord, 168 - - Lezant (Lansant), 74, 121 - - Ligurians, 23 - - Lisieux, Herbert, Bp. of, 145, 172 - - Liskeard, 105, 117, 135 - - Lismanoch, 145, 160, 161, 162, 173 - - Listyavehet, 161, 163, 176 - - Lives of the Saints, 95-99 - - Lizard, 81, 82, 85 - - Llantwit, 58, 70 - - Looe Island, 116 - - Loring, Sir Nigel, 152 - - Lostwithiel, 7 - - Loth, J., 37, 39, 42, 51, 54, 82 n., 91, 94, 96 n., 97 n., 119, 143, - 171 - - Lucy, St., 68 - - Ludgvan, 152, 157 - - Lunaire, 52 - - Lupus, St., 139 - - Lyfing, Bp., 67, 68, 76 - - Lysons, Messrs., 113 - - - Mabe, 73 - - Maclean, Sir J., 58, 60 n., 107 - - Madron, 44, 45, 63, 86, 121, 125 - - Magloire, 52 - - Magpie, 1 - - Mainen Escop, 39 - - Maitland, F. W., 84 - - Malmesbury, William of, 67 - - Malo, St., 52, 97 - - Manaccan, 82, 105, 119, 161 - - Mancant (Maucant), 66 - - Mancus, St., 126 - - Manumissions, 67 - - Map of Bishop’s manors, 83 - - Marazion, 132, 155, 165 - - Marhamchurch, 136, 137 - - Marnarch, St., 127 - - Marny’s prebend, 116 - - Mars, 29 - - Marseilles, 28, 140 - - Martin of Ossory, St., 111 - - Martin in Meneage, St., 161 - - Matilda, Queen, 145, 148, 155, 173, 174 - - Matthews, J. H., 43 n. - - Mawgan, St., in M., 22 - - Mawgan, St., in P., 78 - - Mawnan (Minster), 105, 116, 119 - - May-day, 6 - - Megalithic remains, 20 - - Melyn, 126 - - Meneage, 82, 85, 147, 161 - - Men-er-Hroeck, 21 - - Mercury, 29 - - Meriasek, St., 46, 53 - - Merther, 73 - - Merthian, St., 113 - - Merton Priory, 115 - - Methleigh (Matela), 71, 72, 77, 85 - - Methodism, 102 - - Mewan, St., 42, 52 - - Michael of Lammana, St., 105, 116 - - Michael Penkevil, St., 105, 117, 144 - - Michael in Periculo Maris, St., 143, 145 - - Michael’s Mount, St., 30 n., 82, 85, 105, 107, 130, 141-168, 172-176 - - Midsummer fires, 13 - - Mill Mehal, 163 - - Minerva, 29 - - Minoan symbolism, 35 - - Minster (Talkarn), 105, 113 - - Modret family, 116 - - Monastery-bishoprics, 58-69 - - _Monasticon_, 76 n., 104, 172-176 - - Mons Tumba, 143 - - Montacute Priory, 109, 113 - - Montgomery, De, Roger, 146, 174 - - Mont St. Michel, 143, 146, 158 - - Moreske, 129 - - Mortain, Count Robert of, 75, 82, 84, 108, 109, 118, 145, 149, 157, - 160, 173, 174 - - Mortain, Count William of, 109, 113, 145, 148, 149, 174 - - Mortain, Countess Matilda of, 145, 174 - - Morwinstow, 56 - - Moys, Cecilia, 136; - Lucy, 137 - - Mybbard, St., 126 - - Mylor, 73 - - Mystery and miracle plays, 46, 47 - - - Nan, 53 - - Nancekuke (Lancichuc), 53, 74, 86 - - Nancherrow, 125 n. - - Nansladron (_see_ Lanhadron), 53, 77 - - Nature worship, 22, 22 n. - - Neolithic period, 20 - - Neot, St., 81, 82, 105, 118, 127, 128 - - Neotstou, 56, 118 - - Newlyn, 72 - - Nigell the sheriff, 145, 172 - - Nodens, 29 - - Nominoë, 64 - - Nonn, St., 113 - - Norden, John, 138, 167 - - Norris, E., 39 - - Norwich, 163 - - Norwich, Walter Bp. of, 126 - - Noyal-Pontivy, 47 - - - Odo, 110 - - Ogrin, 129 - - Oliver, Dr., 104, 146 - - Olympus, 29 - - Oman, Prof., 32 n., 35 n. - - _Ordinalia_, 46 - - Osborn, Fitz, Wm., 146, 174 - - Otterton, 143, 161, 175 - - - Pace eggs, 8 - - Padstow, 73 - - Palæolithic age, 19 - - Pallas Athene, 94 - - Pares, 40 - - Parish Registers, 38 - - Pascha, 7 - - Paschal fire, 14 - - Pask-bian, 6 - - Passover, the Christian, 5-9 - - Passover, the Jewish, 7 - - Patrick, St., 33, 53, 58, 59 - - Patrick’s fire, St., 14 - - Paugan, Andrew, 131 - - Paul (Pol Aurelian), St., 52, 58, 86, 90, 91, 93, 97 - - Paul, Rev. F. W., 170 - - Pawton (Pollton), 64, 65, 71, 73, 74, 79, 81, 87, 117 - - Pedngwinion, 84 - - Pelagian heresy, 139 - - Pelyn (Penlyn), 135 - - Pelynt (Plunent), 39, 113 - - Penmargh, Thomas, 131 - - Pennight (Penkneth), 135 - - Penryn, 72, 77, 79, 80, 164 - - Pentecost, 13 n. - - Penwerris (Camwerris), 72 - - Penwith, 43-45, 85, 86 - - Penzance, 92 - - Peran (Piran), St., 59, 85, 105, 110 - - Perranuthnoe, 86 - - Perranzabuloe, 47, 63, 65 n. - - Peter, Thurstan C., 47, 48 n., 117 n. - - Petherick, Little, 73 - - Petherwyn, South, 74, 75 - - Petrock, St., 42, 59, 60 n., 68, 69, 73, 78, 79, 84, 88, 98, 105-107, - 125, 153 - - Philip, St., of Restormel, 134, 135 - - Philleigh, 91 - - Phœnicians, 27, 30 - - Pilgrims, 167 - - Piran, St. (_see_ St. Peran) - - Plegmund, Abp., 64, 88 - - Pleu, 39 - - Plevin, 91, 95 - - Pliny, 142 - - Ploubezre, 143 - - Plougasnou, 47 - - Plouyé, 95 - - Plumergat, 47 - - Pluneret, 47 - - Pluvathack, 39 - - Pluvigner, 47 - - Plympton, 116, 119, 120 - - Polycarp, 8 - - Porthallow, 162 - - Poundstock, 126 - - Powder, 72, 126 - - Prah Sands, 19 - - Pridden, 22 n. - - Probus, St., 59, 105, 112 - - Propithecanthropi, 11 - - Proteus animalcule, 2 - - Pydar (Pider), 74, 81 - - Pytheas, 26 - - - Queensland, 10 - - _Quia emptores_, 77 - - Quivel, Bp., 115 - - - Ralph, 145, 172 - - Rame Head, 144 - - Raner, Count, 158 - - Redon cartulary, 92 - - Redruth, 47, 91 - - Reginald, Earl of C., 108 - - Reid, Clement, 19, 141, 142 - - Relics of St. Piran, 111 - - Resemblance, 1-17 - - Respeth (Respegh), 161 n. - - Restormel, 135 - - _Revue Celtique_, 38 - - Rhys, Sir John, 31 - - Rialton, 73 n. - - Richard, hermit, 130 - - Richard, King of the Romans, 108, 109, 116 - - Richard II, 76 n. - - Rillaton (Rieltone), 73 - - Robert of Pelyn, St., 134, 135 - - Roche Rock, 137, 138 - - Rolland, Archdn., 77 - - Roman milestone, 30 n. - - Rome, 95 - - Romulus, 94 - - Roseworthy, 86 n. - - Rouen, Robert, Abp. of, 145, 146, 172 - - Round, J. H., 145, 149, 154 - - Rowtor, 144 - - Ruan Lanyhorne, 73 - - Ruan Minor, 159 - - Ruminella, 145, 159, 172 - - - Sainguilant, 90 - - Sainguinas, 90 - - Saints, Cornish, 90-103 - - Saints, Lives of, 96-99 - - Salisbury, Earl of, 168 - - Salvation Army, 3 - - Sampson, St., 33, 52, 58, 59, 93, 97, 98, 119, 169 - - Sancreed, 22 n. - - Saxon invasion, 50, 51 - - Scandinavia, 23 - - Scilly, 28, 39, 105, 113, 114, 133 - - Selyf, 80, 86 - - Sergius, St., 113, 115 - - Shepherd’s proverb, 2 - - Sherborne, 64 - - Sicily, 95 - - Solenny, De, John, 116 - - Southill, 136 - - Stafford, Bp., 136 - - Stephen’s in B., St., 92 - - Stephen’s by L., St., 59, 74, 79, 82, 105, 107, 108, 153 - - Stephens, W. J., 43 n. - - Stival, 47 - - Stokes, Whitley, 37 - - Stubbs, W., 38 - - Subsidy Roll, 43 - - Suetonius Paulinus, 32 - - Sunday, 30 - - Sun worship, 23, 26, 30, 95 - - Swan, 23 - - Swastika, 35 - - - Tacitus, 32 - - Talkarn or Minster, 105 - - Talland, 116 - - Tammuz, 6, 9 - - Tara, 14 - - Tarshish, 27 - - Tavistock abbey, 114, 165 - - _Taxatio_ of Pope Nicholas IV., 72, 75, 77, 78, 79, 81, 115 - - Teath, St., 105, 117, 137 - - Tedinton, 84 - - Teilo, St., 80 - - Thegns, 84, 160 - - Theodore, Abp., 54 - - Thirteen, the number, 1 - - Timæus, 142 - - Tiniel, 68, 75 - - Tinten, 71, 79 - - Tol Pedn Penwith, 133 - - Tolverne, 72 - - Tombelaine, 143 n. - - Tonsure controversy, 56, 80 - - Traboe (Trevelaboth), 145, 158, 160, 161, 173, 176 - - Treganeis (_see_ Trequaners), 158, 161, 176 - - Tregeare (Tregaher, Trocair), 72, 79, 80 - - Tregebri, 110 - - Tregeseal, 30 n. - - Tregevas (_see_ Trequaners), 161 - - Tregony, 105, 114, 115 - - Tréguier, 52, 59 - - Trehaverock prebend, 116 - - Treiwal, 149, 150, 151, 152 - - Trejagu, De, Sir John, 117 - - Trelew, 22 n. - - Trelonk, 72 - - Treluswell (Treliuel), 71, 72 - - Tremaruustel, 118 - - Trematon Castle, 75 - - Tremayne (Tremaine), 158, 161, 176 - - Trengwainton, 86 n. - - Trenuggo, 22 n. - - Trequaners, 145, 160, 161, 173 - - Trescobeas, 39 - - Trethewell, 79 - - Treveneage (Trevanaek), 82 n., 162 - - Trevennal, 72 - - Trewell (Tregel), 71, 72 - - Trigg, 33, 56, 64, 98 - - Tripcony, John, 77 - - _Tristan and Iseult_, 42, 129 - - Truro, 105, 106 - - _Truro Diocesan Kalendar_, 63 - - Truthall (Treuthal, Truthwall), 151, 155, 157 - - Tucoyes, 118 - - Tudy, St., 79 - - Turold of Tavistock, 114 - - Turstin, 145, 146, 172, 174 - - Turulf, 146, 174 - - Tutwal, St., 52, 59, 93, 97 - - Tyre, 27 - - Tyttesburry, Richard, 137 - - Tywardreath, 105, 115 - - - Udno (Goueznou), 86 - - Uny, St., 90, 91, 124 - - Ushant, 165 - - - Valle, De, abbey of, 115 - - Valletort, Reginald, 75 - - _Valor Ecclesiasticus_, 75, 78 - - Vannes, 47 - - Veep, St., 113 - - Vennefire, 145, 159, 172 - - Venton—east, 125 - - Vere, De, John, 163 - - Veryan, St., 94 - - Vinfred, 145, 159, 172 - - Vyvyan, Sir Richard, 85 n. - - - Wales, 64 - - Ware, 163 - - Warelwast, Bp. Robert, 72 - - Warelwast, Bp. Wm., 60, 107, 108, 119 - - Warin, 146, 174 - - Wessex, kingdom of, 52, 57, 62 - - Wihumar, 41, 118 - - Wilfrid, St., 81 - - William the Conqueror, 145, 173, 174 - - William Rufus, 145, 156, 173, 174 - - William of Worcester, 126, 142, 143, 145, 163-167 - - Willow, St. (Vylloc), 126 - - Wini, Bp., 62 - - Winniau, St., 119, 120 - - Winnington (Wineton, Winianton), 84, 159, 160 - - Winnow, St. (Winnuc), 71, 78 - - Winwaloe, St., 84, 86, 97 - - Woodward, Dr. A. S., 12, 19 n. - - Wulfnod Rumancant, 162 - - Wulfsige, Bp., 67 - - -WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON, LTD., PLYMOUTH, ENGLAND - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Celtic Christianity of Cornwall, by -Thomas Taylor - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CELTIC CHRISTIANITY OF CORNWALL *** - -***** This file should be named 53985-0.txt or 53985-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/9/8/53985/ - -Produced by Chris Curnow, ellinora and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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