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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Slavery, by J. L. Baker
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-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
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-Title: Slavery
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-Author: J. L. Baker
-
-Release Date: January 7, 2017 [EBook #53904]
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-Language: English
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-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVERY ***
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-
-<div class="center"><a name="cover.jpg" id="cover.jpg"></a><img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" /></div>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>
-
-<h1>SLAVERY:</h1>
-
-<p class="bold space-above">BY</p>
-
-<p class="bold2">J. L. BAKER.</p>
-
-<p class="bold">AUTHOR OF "EXPORTS AND IMPORTS," "MEN AND THINGS," &amp;c.</p>
-
-<hr class="smler" />
-
-<p class="bold">PHILADELPHIA:</p>
-
-<p class="bold">JOHN A. NORTON,</p>
-
-<p class="bold">1860.</p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p>
-
-<p class="bold2">SLAVERY.</p>
-
-<hr class="smler" />
-
-<p>The recent attempt of John Brown to incite an insurrection at Harper's
-Ferry has created no little excitement throughout the country. Strange
-and desperate as the movement was, it seems to have been the natural and
-necessary result of the long twenty years' war, waged in the free States
-upon the institutions of the South, the culminating point, it is to be
-hoped, in a reform based on no sound principle, and which, like an
-epidemic, has swept over the land, fruitful only in bitter words, harsh
-recrimination, sectional hostility, and ending, like the last act of a
-tragedy, in violence and murder.</p>
-
-<p>The scene that has been enacted at Harper's Ferry will perhaps have the
-effect to open the eyes of the nation, so that they can see fully the
-yawning gulf, the brink of which they have at last reached, and lead
-them to examine the ground on which they stand; inquire what they have
-been doing, and what good cause can be served by a course of action
-which has led to such fatal results. Many lives have been sacrificed. A
-whole family has been ruined, and an old man has been led out to suffer
-the last and most terrible infliction of the law. He has been but an
-instrument in the hands of others, who have acted, with the exception of
-some political leaders, from honest convictions.</p>
-
-<p>The time has now come, however, for them to inquire, and for all to
-inquire with the utmost seriousness, if these convictions of duty have
-been just and commendable, or if they have been mistaken, and therefore
-to be condemned. Zeal without knowledge is a dangerous weapon, as all
-history has proved, and it is incumbent upon all, not only to do right,
-but to think right. It is an old maxim that ignorance of the law excuses
-no man, and it is equally true that we are not at liberty to follow our
-blind impulses, but are bound to inform ourselves, and to <i>know</i> whether
-a particular course of action, however well intended, is such as will
-not defeat the very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> purposes we have in view, while it brings misery
-and ruin to thousands of our fellow beings.</p>
-
-<p>Liberty has been in all ages of the world a most fruitful theme for the
-poet and the orator, and still its true nature and conditions are but
-imperfectly understood. Constitutional liberty, such as that of England
-and the United States, is possible only to a race that has a physical
-temperament that fits it for self-control or self-government, and to
-such a race only is it a blessing. But few such races have been known in
-history. One of them was the Grecian, and afterwards the Roman, but both
-became degenerated, and lost the capacity of self-government.</p>
-
-<p>In modern times the English nation has exhibited the same capacity,
-which belongs also to ourselves, who are of the same blood. No other
-people have those constitutional traits which fit them for
-self-government, which is but another name for self-restraint. The
-Frenchman is volatile, fickle, and fond of glory, and less free to-day
-than he was under Louis the Sixteenth. He has a government which answers
-to his wants and his genius, which exactly represents his condition, and
-contributes, therefore, most to his happiness. Should he, in the course
-of centuries, become changed in his physical and mental constitution, he
-will find, necessarily, a government that corresponds to the progress he
-has made. Governments are but the agents and representatives of the
-people. They reflect very nearly the condition of the governed, and
-change to meet the changes of those they represent. No mortal power can
-prevent any people from taking and enjoying that degree of freedom they
-are capable of enjoying, and which would, therefore, contribute to their
-happiness. What is true of France, is true of the other European
-nations, and of all nations; so that we never deceive ourselves more
-completely than when we talk of political liberty as something equally
-applicable to all, and attainable by all.</p>
-
-<p>Such liberty the Anglo-Saxon finds contributing to his happiness; but it
-may be the greatest curse, as it has often proved to those who have
-different blood in their veins, who have not the same capacity of
-self-control, and who enjoy, therefore, as much, if not more, under
-governments suited to their peculiar temperaments. An Italian Republic
-exists only in the dreams of Mazzini and Garibaldi, and yet if the sum
-of human happiness could be measured, there may be as much happiness in
-Italy, and perhaps more than is to be found in the two nations that are
-able to live under a constitutional government.</p>
-
-<p>It often happens, that among those nations which require a strong<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span>
-government, we find a larger amount of social freedom, than among those
-who are politically more free. A man is more free to express an opinion
-in Paris, upon any matter of science or religion, or other topic,
-excepting politics, than he is in Boston. He stands less in awe of his
-neighbors, feels less the pressure of public opinion, than do we, on
-whom government bears lightly, but who are, to a corresponding extent,
-the slaves of Public Sentiment. Where laws bear lightest, Public Opinion
-takes their place, and becomes, often, a dreadful tyrant, as is seen
-frequently in our western States, and on the borders of civilization. On
-the other hand, where there exists the least political freedom, we find
-the largest social liberty, as though one was incompatible with the
-other, which is probably the case, and for the reason that man must be
-governed to a certain extent in some way, and if he becomes politically
-more free, he becomes by necessity, socially, more enslaved.</p>
-
-<p>We shall find, if we look at the different nations of the world, that
-each enjoys that degree of liberty, either political or social, which
-most contributes to its happiness. If this were not the case with any
-nation, it is certain that its condition would be changed at once, to
-correspond to its wants and capacities. No government, however despotic,
-could for a moment prevent such a result; nor is it at all safe to judge
-of the real condition of a nation, by the excited harangues of such
-enthusiasts as Kossuth and Mazzini.</p>
-
-<p>As fast as a people become capable of self-control or self-government,
-just so fast the government becomes modified to meet their wants; for
-they are in fact the government, and rulers are but their
-representatives.</p>
-
-<p>This view of liberty will be considered, I am aware, by many as very
-heretical and not at all in accordance with the facts of history or the
-nature of man. To some it will, no doubt, appear new as well as strange,
-and very doubtful. That what we call constitutional liberty, however,
-depends mainly upon the peculiar physical and moral temperament of a
-people, I cannot doubt. Self-government is constitutional in more senses
-than one. Such at least is the result of my reflections upon the
-subject. The lesson I learn from history is, that no amount of physical
-or mental culture can materially change the peculiar temperament which
-belongs to each race. A nation may be educated to excel in all the arts
-and all the sciences, in oratory, philosophy, poetry, music, and
-painting, but not in the art of self-government, which implies a natural
-gift bestowed upon a very small portion of the human race. To judge of a
-people in this respect we must also<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> witness their capacity at home, and
-not be deceived by what happens to individuals or small communities when
-thrown into the midst of a self-controlling or self-governing race. Such
-is the case with our German population which constitutes an intelligent,
-useful, law-abiding portion of our citizens, and to all appearance
-capable of exercising the functions of self-government. But we must
-consider that they exist here surrounded and entirely controlled by our
-own people, and in some parts of the Union have been born and brought up
-under our institutions. If we wish to know the capacity of their race
-for self-government, we must go to Germany, and if possible find it
-there. The German race comes nearest to our own and excels it in some
-respects, though wanting the necessary political elements with which we
-are gifted. For many years the profoundest scholars and the greatest
-musical composers have been found in Germany, which has also produced in
-Goethe and Schiller, names worthy to rank with the greatest of modern
-times. We come from the same stock and the same northern hive, but have
-pursued different courses, and have not now the same blood in our veins.
-One race takes naturally to politics, for which it has an aptitude and
-capacity, the other as naturally to music and painting, to science and
-philosophy. In the lapse of centuries, the physical constitution of both
-may change. The English may lose by admixture the peculiar qualities of
-blood which now distinguish them, and so lose their capacity of
-self-control. They may become degenerated, like the Romans, by the
-enervating influence of luxury, and like that nation lose their
-constitutional liberty. So on the other hand, Germany may, in the
-progress of time, undergo changes equally great and in precisely the
-opposite direction. A union of the different races of that vast kingdom
-may produce a new result. A new race may arise which shall excel the
-present race of Englishmen, in the capacity of self-government. The
-present English race is the work of centuries, and contains the blood of
-Saxons, Danes, and Normans, blended in due proportion for the production
-of a certain result, and such a result as can nowhere else be witnessed.</p>
-
-<p>If the theory of human liberty, which I have thus so briefly and
-imperfectly suggested, is the true one, and is supported by the facts of
-history, then it will furnish us with a key to unlock some of those hard
-problems in human life and destiny which have so puzzled mankind, and
-which have resisted all attempts at solution.</p>
-
-<p>If we regard all nations as moving on in the sphere designed by
-Providence, each seeking and finding its happiness in its own
-way,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span>&mdash;some less capable of self-restraint than others, some enjoying a
-high degree of political liberty, and some, on the other hand, in
-possession of a high degree of social freedom; their happiness dependent
-not so much on the peculiar forms of their government as upon its
-adaptation to their peculiar wants and capacities,&mdash;we shall be relieved
-of much of that commiseration and misplaced sympathy which we have
-bestowed upon others, and which was, perhaps, more needed by ourselves.
-Viewed in the light I have suggested, and also in connection with the
-great facts, moral and physical, of which I am about to speak more
-particularly, the problem of negro slavery in the United States is not
-one so difficult of solution as has been generally supposed. The recent
-outbreak in Virginia brings home to us, with renewed and redoubled
-force, the question, What must become of the millions of slaves in our
-Southern States, could they be set free by some such movement as that of
-John Brown, urged on by those who have been for many years engaged in
-agitating the subject?</p>
-
-<p>This is the important matter for our consideration, or rather it should
-have been the matter to have been considered many years ago. This is the
-problem which should have been solved by those who have been so long
-dealing in such extravagant language and "glittering generalities" about
-the natural rights of man. They should have informed us what is to
-become of those millions, suddenly let loose from restraint and thrown
-upon their own resources, no longer to be protected by the white race,
-but to be met by competition, by undying prejudice, extreme social
-hardship, and the "irrepressible conflict" of incompatible races.</p>
-
-<p>Those of us who have attained to middle age have been taught by
-experience that no portion of those millions could exist for any length
-of time on the soil of Massachusetts. But for the occasional emigration
-from the South, a negro would now be a sight as rare in this State as
-that of a wild Indian, hardly a remnant being left of the families which
-we knew in our boyhood.</p>
-
-<p>From statistics gathered by the late Dr. Jesse Chickering, it appears
-that the blacks die in Massachusetts in a ratio of three to one as
-compared with the whites. This state of things is the result of both
-moral and physical causes. The depressing influence of extreme social
-hardship, which no philanthropy can alleviate, accounts in a great
-measure for this unequal mortality; while physical causes operate,
-perhaps, still more to the same effect. Of the latter, we may learn
-something from a paper read a few years since before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> the Boston Society
-of Natural History, by Dr. Samuel Kneeland, Jr., from which the
-following is an extract:&mdash;</p>
-
-<blockquote><p>"The mulatto is often triumphantly appealed to as a proof that
-hybrid races are prolific without end. Every physician who has seen
-much practice among the mulattoes knows that, in the first place,
-they are far less prolific than the blacks or whites,&mdash;the
-statistics of New York State and city confirm this fact of daily
-observation; and in the second place, when they are prolific, the
-progeny is frail, diseased, short-lived, rarely arriving at robust
-manhood or maturity. Physicians need not be told of the
-comparatively enormous amount of scrofulous and deteriorated
-constitutions found among those hybrids.</p>
-
-<p>"The Colonization Journal furnishes some statistics with regard to
-the colored population of New York city, which must prove painfully
-interesting to all reflecting people. The late census showed that,
-while other classes of our population in all parts of the country
-were increasing in an enormous ratio, the colored were decreasing.
-In the State of New York, in 1840, there were fifty thousand; in
-1850, only forty-seven thousand. In New York city, in 1840, there
-were eighteen thousand; in 1850, seventeen thousand. According to
-the New York City Inspector's report for the four months, ending
-with October, 1853:&mdash;</p>
-
-<table summary="Births deaths and marriages">
- <tr>
- <td>1.</td>
- <td class="left">&nbsp;&nbsp;The whites present marriages,</td>
- <td>2,230</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td class="left">&nbsp;&nbsp;The colored present marriages,</td>
- <td>26</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>2.</td>
- <td class="left">&nbsp;&nbsp;The whites present births,</td>
- <td>6,780</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td class="left">&nbsp;&nbsp;The colored present births,</td>
- <td>70</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td>3.</td>
- <td class="left">&nbsp;&nbsp;The whites deaths about</td>
- <td>6,000</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td class="left">&nbsp;&nbsp;(exclusive of 2,152 among 116,000 newly-arrived<br />
-emigrants, and others unacclimated.)</td>
- <td></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td></td>
- <td class="left">&nbsp;&nbsp;The colored exhibit deaths,</td>
- <td>160</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p>giving a ratio of deaths among acclimated whites to colored persons
-of thirty-seven to one; while the births are ninety-seven whites to
-one colored. The ratio of whites to colored, is as
-follows:&mdash;Marriages, 140 to 1; births, 97 to 1; deaths, 37 to 1.
-According to the ratio of the population, the marriages among the
-whites, during this time, are three times greater than among the
-colored; the number of births among the whites is twice as great.
-In deaths, the colored exceed the white not only according to ratio
-of population, but show one hundred and sixty-five deaths to
-seventy-six births, or seven deaths to three births,&mdash;more than two
-to one.</p>
-
-<p>"The same is true, of Boston, as far as the census returns will
-enable us to judge. In Shattuck's census of 1845, it appears that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span>
-in that year there were one hundred and forty-six less colored
-persons in Boston than in 1840; the total number being 1842. From
-the same work, the deaths are given for a period of fifty years,
-from 1725 to 1775, showing the mortality among the blacks to have
-been twice that among the whites. Of late years, Boston, probably,
-does not differ from itself in former times, nor from New York at
-present. In the compendium of the United States census for 1850, p.
-64, it is said that the 'declining ratio of the increase of the
-free colored in every section is notable. In New England, the
-increase is now almost nothing;' in the south-west and the Southern
-states, the increase is much reduced; it is only in the north-west
-that there is any increase, 'indicating a large emigration to that
-quarter.' What must become of the black population at this rate in
-a few years? What are the causes of this decay? They do not
-disregard the laws of social and physical well-being any more than,
-if they do as much as, the whites. It seems to me one of the
-necessary consequences of attempts to mix races; the hybrids cease
-to be prolific; the race must die out as mulatto; it must either
-keep black unmixed, or become extinct. Nobody doubts that a mixed
-offspring may be produced by intermarriage of different races,&mdash;the
-Griquas, the Papuas, the Cafuses of Brazil, so elaborately
-enumerated by Prichard, sufficiently prove this. The question is,
-whether they would be perpetuated if strictly confined to
-intermarriage among themselves? From the facts in the case of
-mulattoes, we say unquestionably not. The same is true, as far as
-has been observed, of the mixture of the white and red races, in
-Mexico, Central and South America. The well-known infrequency of
-mixed offspring between the European and Australian races, led the
-Colonial government to official inquiries, and to the result, that,
-in thirty-one districts, numbering fifteen thousand inhabitants,
-the half-breeds did not exceed two hundred, though the connection
-of the two races was very intimate.</p>
-
-<p>"If any one wishes to be convinced of the inferiority and tendency
-to disease in the mulatto race, even with the assistance of the
-pure blood of the black and white race, he need only witness what I
-did recently, viz.: the disembarkation from a steamboat of a
-colored pic-nic party, of both sexes, of all ages, from the infant
-in arms to the aged, and of all hues, from the darkest black to a
-color approaching white. There was no <i>old mulatto</i>, though there
-were several <i>old negroes</i>; many fine-looking mulattoes of both
-sexes, evidently the first offspring from the pure races; then came
-the youths and children, and here could be read the sad truth at a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span>
-glance. The little blacks were agile and healthy-looking; the
-little mulattoes, youths and young women, farther removed from the
-pure stocks, were sickly, feeble, thin, with frightful scars and
-skin diseases, and <i>scrofula</i> stamped on every feature and every
-visible part of the body. Here was hybridity of human races, under
-the most favorable circumstances of worldly condition and social
-position."</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>Such are the results of an unfavorable climate and the mixture of the
-blood of two races that can never intermarry. The union of such races
-produces the results described by Dr. Kneeland. Similar results are
-observed when the two races differ less and where marriage is possible,
-as for instance in Mexico and Central America, which are in ruins from
-the union of the Spanish and native blood. Union of different races is,
-on the other hand, often highly beneficial, our own blood being a
-fortunate result of such a union, but such races must be similar and not
-like those of Europe, Africa, and the natives of this country, wholly
-dissimilar or repugnant. At the South, the free black would suffer less
-from the effects of climate; but much more from the extreme prejudice
-existing there towards the black, when he assumes the position of an
-equal. To suppose he could exist under such a state of things is to
-ignore all experience, and the observation of every day. In Jamaica, the
-English Government have troops to protect the freed slaves from the
-encroachments of their old masters; but there it is stated, on the
-authority of the London Times, that the blacks are not only falling
-below the point of civilization attained during their servitude, but in
-many cases actually returning to their native barbarism, and the worship
-of idols. We have no such standing army here, but the slave, when free,
-must be left to the tender mercies of his former master. What would be
-the fate of the slave is as certain as is the fate of the North American
-Indian, the difference being that the Indian flies from civilization,
-which destroys him, while the imitative and mild-tempered African
-cling-to civilization which as certainly destroys <i>him</i>. How far he may
-rise in the scale of civilization if left to himself, whether the
-African is a self-sustaining and progressive race, or whether it will
-lose, when left to itself, what has been gained, and fall back in a
-state of barbarism, are questions not settled as yet by experiment. The
-attempt is making in Liberia, and it is to be hoped successfully, to
-solve this question in favor of the negro; but sufficient time has not
-yet elapsed, nor is the testimony which comes from the West Indies by
-any means such as could be wished.</p>
-
-<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span></p><p>From some of our Western States the colored man has been entirely
-excluded. This is a wise provision, and a merciful one, to the blacks,
-who come into the free States only to drag out a few years in some
-menial employment, and then disappear with their families, if they have
-any, leaving no trace behind. If history and experience teach us
-anything, it is this, that two races constituted like the Anglo-Saxon
-and the African, can never co-exist in a state of equality, which means
-competition. So long as the inferior race is in a dependent condition,
-and can claim support and protection from the white, it remains, with
-rare exceptions, contented and happy, the great burden of such a
-relation falling, in fact, upon the master, and not upon the slave. The
-moment that relation is changed, the negro thrown upon his own
-resources, and exposed to the withering and blasting effects of that
-ineradicable antipathy which exists towards all of African descent, that
-moment his fate is sealed; he perishes like the autumn leaves when comes
-a killing frost, and, in course of a very few generations, not a vestige
-remains to show that he has ever existed.</p>
-
-<p>This is a truth which experience and observation have taught us, and
-which could not have been taught in the same manner to Mr. Jefferson,
-and other founders of our government, whose opinions are quoted in favor
-of the abolition of slavery. That slavery was an evil, they knew, and we
-know it also, but that the evil is mainly to the white, and that the
-black could never co-exist with his master in a state of freedom, they
-did not know, because the experiment had not been tried. Sufficient time
-has now elapsed to settle that question, and in a manner which would
-seem to leave but small chance for doubt to a rational mind.</p>
-
-<p>Such, I suppose, to be the immutable law of Providence, regulating the
-intercourse of those races which he has made, and given to one a white
-skin, and to the other a dark one. The Creator of all things could,
-doubtless, have made all white, or all black, but, for some purpose
-which we cannot fathom, he has chosen not to do so. He has created some
-races near akin to each other, and some entirely incompatible and
-repugnant, and it is not for us to say that he has done wrong. If
-possible, we should ascertain what are the laws, physical and moral,
-which <i>he has established</i>, and then we shall do well to acquiesce in
-them as being right, without attempting to repeal or improve upon them,
-or to set up in opposition our own notions about what we call <i>abstract
-right</i>. Right is not an abstraction, but a reality, and, to find out
-what it is, we have to consult our experience, observation, revelation,
-expediency, divine laws and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> human laws, and every source from which we
-can gather the means of directing our limited capacities to the
-formation of just conclusions.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
-
-<p>Some may say, perhaps, better let them perish then, than remain in
-slavery. As the slaves do not say so themselves, I do not, for one, feel
-warranted in saying it for them. They may, in the designs of Providence,
-have an important mission to perform,&mdash;that mission being, for aught we
-know, to carry back from their long sojourn in a land of bondage the
-seeds of civilization to benighted Africa, the home of their fathers.
-Whatever may be their ultimate fate, I do not feel warranted in
-hastening and deciding it by exterminating them, or, in other words,
-dissolving the tie that binds them to those whose duty and interest it
-is to protect them. A heavy burden lies upon the backs of the masters,
-which they cannot throw off at will, and with which we are not burdened.
-They have a sad and perplexing duty to perform, and why should we, by
-our interference, increase those burdens which we can do nothing to
-lighten? All such interference is a positive injury to the slave, and
-insulting to those with whom we have formed a copartnership, and with
-whom we must live as one family, so long as we continue to be a free people.</p>
-
-<p>One who has a true respect for the colored man and a just regard for his
-interests, will not, I think, wish to see him placed in a false
-position, such as he occupies in the free States, hanging for a short
-time upon the skirts of a community which disowns him, and then sinking
-into the grave leaving no trace behind. For the negro there is,
-socially, no hope in the free States, and those who flatter him with
-such a prospect do him a most grievous wrong. A few of partly African
-descent and possessed of considerable intellectual endowments have been
-thus deceived, as they will no doubt have occasion to realize most fully.</p>
-
-<p>As lovers of their race how can they wish to see it occupy its present
-position in the free States? If they would improve its condition, why
-not lead out a colony to its native land, where it can live and not die,
-where it can be relieved from the destroying influence of the
-Anglo-Saxon, and stand up on its own<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> ground, conscious of no superior,
-feeling its own dignity, and with ample opportunity for the development
-of all the faculties with which it has been endowed. Such a work would
-be worthy of the best intellect and the highest powers that have been
-bestowed on either black or white; but those of the colored race who are
-content with delivering anti-slavery lectures, or writing for
-anti-slavery papers, so far from elevating their race are engaged in a
-work which can end only in ruin, to the blacks certainly, in the loss of
-life and entire extinction, and to the whites in the loss it may be of a
-Union which no art can restore to its original beauty and perfection
-when once destroyed. As the true friend of the negro, I would not
-flatter him with delusive hopes and false expectations that can never be
-realized as has been too often and constantly done by very excellent
-men, and with the very best intentions; but, I would endeavor, as far as
-possible, to tell him the truth, however unpalatable, in the full belief
-that in the end such truth will operate for the best interest of all,
-black and white, bond and free.</p>
-
-<p>The diversities and repulsions of race which have been ordained, no
-doubt, for some wise purpose, are intended, perhaps, only for this state
-of existence. Another life may present a new order of things in which no
-such distinctions exist. Men have been created to differ from each other
-physically, morally, and intellectually, but still all are equal before
-the Creator of all, entitled to an equal share in his bounty, and to the
-enjoyments of life best suited to the genius and capacity of each. In
-another world the genius and capacity of all may be alike, all finding
-happiness in the society of all&mdash;and in a mutual pursuit of the same
-objects, whether of knowledge or of taste, of study or of worship.</p>
-
-<p>It is much to be hoped that this subject will ere long be treated in a
-very different manner from what it has been for the last fifteen or
-twenty years. It is simply a question of races, and all the violent and
-bitter harangues that have been uttered have advanced not one step
-towards ameliorating the condition of the slave, or solving the problem
-of negro slavery in this country. Such harangues have only served to
-stir up strife and jealousy, to set one portion of the people against
-another portion, array in opposition members of the same family, and
-finally, when acting upon such fiery spirits and undisciplined minds as
-that of John Brown, to bring us to the brink of civil and servile war.</p>
-
-<p>In offering the above suggestions, it may be proper to say, that I have
-done so with entire respect for the personal character and motives of
-many of those who have been prominent in promoting and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> bringing upon us
-the present state of things. I have the best reason to know that some of
-them have acted from a high sense of duty, and such no doubt is the case
-with those colored men to whom I have referred. I yield to no one in my
-regard and sympathy for the colored man, wherever he may be found, and
-would therefore see him placed in a true position, not in a false and
-impossible one.</p>
-
-<p>Those who have been so long agitating this subject, however honestly,
-may still have done so under a mistaken sense of duty, and the time has
-now come when the subject should be viewed in every aspect and in all
-its relations, so that, if possible, we can know the ground whereon we
-stand. No attempt, however humble, to throw light on a subject of such
-momentous importance should be discouraged, and I cannot therefore feel
-that any apology is due from me for laying before the community some
-considerations which may present the subject, to many, in a somewhat new
-light. If it is true that the two races can never co-exist, in a state
-of freedom, it is a truth of the utmost importance, and should,
-therefore, be fully known and understood by all.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> If that proposition
-is not true, its fallacy can no doubt be shown, or at any rate
-demonstrated by the lapse of time. In my judgment, time has, thus far,
-proved and confirmed it. The reader will judge from his own experience
-and observation, and the evidence here presented, how far my conclusion
-is a just and reasonable one.</p>
-
-<p>When we consider that the slave is supported from birth until he can
-labor, and from the time when he can no longer work until he dies, and
-also that at best his services are not worth more than one-third as much
-as those of free labor, it is very easy to see that he is the best paid
-laborer in the world, as it is certainly true that a more happy and
-contented laboring population is not to be found among civilized or
-uncivilized nations. With rare exceptions, the relation of master and
-slave in our Southern States is a very happy one, at least to the slave.
-Kindness and indulgence are the rule, while cruelty and harsh treatment
-are the exception. Our Northern patience would no doubt soon be
-exhausted, were we compelled to deal with and provide for a similar
-class of laborers.</p>
-
-<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span></p><p>At the same time, the slave is subject to occasional hardships. This is
-the fate of all, under whatever social system they may live. In some
-form or other, all men are called on to pay for the privileges they
-enjoy, nor could it be expected that the slave would be an exception to
-this general rule. If the marriage bond could be legalized and rendered
-more sacred, and families not allowed to be separated by sale, many
-cases of hardship would be prevented. This is a matter for the serious
-consideration of the slaveholder, if he would manifest to the world a
-desire to place the dependent race in the best possible condition,
-consistent with its safety.</p>
-
-<p>Of the possibility of such reforms, they are the best judges, however,
-who have the burden upon them, and are best acquainted with the wants
-and capacities of the African race. It is easy for those at a distance
-to give advice, in regard to a social system, the practical working of
-which they are quite ignorant of, but those who are born and bred under
-such system can only know the difficulties that lie in the way of
-reform, especially when those difficulties are aggravated by
-interference from abroad.</p>
-
-<p>Slavery may finally come to an end in the United States, by the
-operation of natural causes, such as the rapid increase and constant
-encroachment of free labor, and the fact that slave labor is so
-expensive and tends so greatly to the impoverishing of the soil. As
-Slavery dies out, the colored race will disappear from the scene
-forever. It is not for us, I think, to hasten that time by revolution
-and servile insurrection, to put torches and pikes into the hands of
-such a population to be used against the whites, in re-enacting all the
-horrors of a St. Domingo massacre, and at the same time sealing its own
-fate as suddenly and as rapidly as the dew disappears before the rising
-sun.</p>
-
-<p>Public sentiment has undergone a marked change in England, on the
-subject of Slavery, within the last few years. The Anti-Slavery
-sentiment, like an epidemic, swept over the whole length and breadth of
-Great Britain, and in its course swept away Slavery in the British West
-Indies. The natural and inevitable re-action has already taken place in
-England, and happy will it be for us if it comes in this country before
-it is too late. That such a re-action is already taking place in the
-United States, hastened by the foray of John Brown, there is great
-reason to believe.</p>
-
-<p>The following extracts from the London Times are very significant:&mdash;</p>
-
-<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Effect of Emancipation on the African Race.</span>&mdash;There is no blinking
-the truth. Years of bitter experience; years of hope deferred; of
-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span>self-devotion unrequited; of poverty; of humiliation; of prayers
-unanswered; of sufferings derided; of insults unresented; of
-contumely patiently endured,&mdash;have convinced us of the truth. It
-must be spoken out loudly and energetically, despite the wild
-mockings of "howling cant." The freed West India slave will not
-till the soil for wages; the free son of the ex-slave is as
-obstinate as his sire. He will not cultivate lands which he has not
-bought for his own. Yams, mangoes, and plantains&mdash;these satisfy his
-wants; he cares not for yours. Cotton, sugar and coffee, and
-tobacco&mdash;he cares but little for them. And what matters it to him
-that the Englishman has sunk his thousands and tens of thousands on
-mills, machinery and plants, which now totter on the languishing
-estate that for years has only returned beggary and debt. He eats
-his yams, and sniggers at "Buckra."</p>
-
-<p>We know not why this should be, but it is so. The negro has been
-bought with a price&mdash;the price of English taxation and English
-toil. He has been redeemed from bondage by the sweat and travail of
-some millions of hard-working Englishmen. Twenty millions of pounds
-sterling&mdash;one hundred millions of dollars&mdash;have been distilled from
-the brains and muscles of the free English laborer, of every
-degree, to fashion the West Indian negro into a "free and
-independent laborer." "Free and independent" enough he has become,
-God knows; but laborer he is not; and, so far as we can see, never
-will be. He will sing hymns and quote texts; but honest, steady
-industry he not only detests but despises. We wish to Heaven that
-some people in England&mdash;neither Government people nor parsons nor
-clergymen, but some just-minded, honest-hearted and clear-sighted
-men&mdash;would go out to some of the islands (say Jamaica, Dominica, or
-Antigua)&mdash;not for a month or three months, but for a year&mdash;would
-watch the precious <i>protege</i> of English philanthropy, the freed
-negro, in his daily habits; would watch him as he lazily plants his
-little squatting; would see him as he proudly rejects agricultural
-or domestic services, or accepts it only at wages ludicrously
-disproportionate to the value of his work. We wish, too, they would
-watch him while, with a hide thicker than that of a hippopotamus,
-and a body to which fervid heat is a comfort rather than an
-annoyance, he droningly lounges over the prescribed task on which
-the intrepid Englishman, uninured to the burning sun, consumes his
-impatient energy, and too often sacrifices his life. We wish they
-would go out and view the negro in all the blazonry of his
-idleness, his pride, his ingratitude, contemptuously sneering at
-the industry of that race which made him free, and then come home
-and teach the memorable lesson of their experience to the fanatics
-who have perverted him into what he is.</p>
-
-<p class="center">*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;
-*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;*</p>
-
-<p>The Abolitionists in America would have the population of the
-Southern States turned into a mixed race, whites, blacks, and
-mulattoes being on terms of equality, and constantly intermarrying;
-but if one thing more than another has tended to give to the
-Anglo-Saxon race in the New World the victory over the Spanish, it
-is that it has kept itself apart from the red and negro races, and
-lodged power constantly in the hands of men of European origin. It
-has been fully proved, not only on the American continent, but in
-our own colonies, that the enforced equality of European and
-African tends, not to the elevation of the black, but the
-degradation of the white<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> man. We cannot find any sympathy for
-those who would try, in the United States, the plan of a half-caste
-Republic, and we trust that the Federal Government and the
-right-thinking part of the community will protect the South from
-the repetition of such outrages as that at Harper's Ferry.</p></blockquote>
-
-<p>Our own race is boastful as well as intolerant and aggressive. This is
-especially true of the New England type, and hence it is that we are
-prone to regard ourselves in many, if not all respects, superior to the
-people of the South. In some respects, undoubtedly, we have the
-advantage of those who have been born and educated under a very
-different social system; but, on the other hand, according to the law of
-compensation, we lack much that is valuable in the Southern character
-and mental constitution.</p>
-
-<p>The nature of our climate and more especially of our institutions, has
-given to our English blood a new and most powerful stimulus, so that we
-develope an immense amount of intellectual energy and activity, which
-constantly seeks vent, and which constantly tends to run into some
-extreme or excess. Having lived for many years in a state of great
-material prosperity, we are prone to wax fat and kick. We have known no
-real evils, no invasion from without, or civil war within, and for want
-of any real danger we conjure up those that are imaginary. We torment
-ourselves with evils which have no existence but in our own brain. I
-think it was Judge Marshall who speaks of those imaginary evils, which
-as they are without cause, are also without remedy.</p>
-
-<p>The Southern mind is less active and more conservative, sometimes
-erratic, but generally disposed to take a common sense and rational view
-of things, and is, in some respects, more reliable than our own. It
-forms an admirable check in our political system, and preserves us from
-a natural tendency to run into the extreme of radicalism, and that
-spirit of agrarianism which has destroyed all former Republics.</p>
-
-<p>The constant tendency in a Republic is to remove all constitutional
-checks intended for the security of individual rights, and reduce
-everything to the rule of the majority. It is obvious that the Senate of
-the United States and the Supreme Court, though intended as checks upon
-popular impulse and outbreaks, are yet but very imperfect barriers when
-opposed to what is termed the will of the people. It requires but a few
-years to change the political character of the Senate so that it shall
-reflect the prevailing sentiments of the day, and the same is true of
-the Supreme Court. In some of our States the judges are already elected
-from year to year, and must become to a greater or less extent
-political<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> partizans. When these checks are removed and the rights of
-the individual are dependant on the bare will of the majority, then we
-have a pure democracy, which is pure despotism, and a despotism so
-dreadful that it soon gives way to despotism of a milder form in the
-person of a military Dictator. We have no landed aristocracy which, in
-England, stands between the people and the throne, keeping each from
-encroaching upon the other, nor any real check in our system of
-government, unless it is the fixed fact of a large number of States,
-whose population is naturally and necessarily conservative, and which
-stands like a rock against the surging waves of popular excitement of
-agrarianism and radicalism from whatever quarter they may come. The
-assertion that Slavery was the corner-stone of American liberty, made
-some years ago by a statesman from South Carolina, was looked upon with
-amazement as a most absurd paradox, but time may show that it contained
-a truth which we have as yet failed to see and comprehend.</p>
-
-<p>The Southern character is more impulsive, but also more open and genial
-than our own. If it shows a hasty spark, it is also soon cold and
-rational again. It is not brooding and intolerant, nor easily led away
-into excesses, such as too often befall us of a more Northern clime. One
-prominent cause for such difference is, no doubt, to be found in the
-fact that, while we, at the North, live in towns and cities where men
-are in a constant state of action and reaction upon each other, and the
-masses can be suddenly and extensively roused and excited, the Southern
-Planters live remote from each other, and, in many cases, in almost
-entire seclusion. Such a population is less in danger from these moral
-epidemics that from time to time sweep over communities, because it is
-sparse, and therefore not so much exposed to exciting causes; thus,
-while it loses many good influences which flow from a more compact
-society, escaping also many serious evils to which the latter is
-subject. It is not France, but Paris, the great centre of population,
-the seat of all that is luxurious and refined, of science and of art, of
-everything in short which can serve to adorn and embellish social life;
-it is this Paris alone that makes and unmakes kings and emperors, that
-overthrows one dynasty during the night and sets up another the next
-morning, and then gives the law to the nation which stands looking on.
-Some editor or some orator touches that sympathetic telegraphic chord
-which passes through each individual of this vast living mass, and in an
-instant, as it were, the gutters run with blood, a ferocious mob rushes
-through every avenue, seeking vengeance for wrongs, which, if they have
-no existence, in fact,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> exist not the less really in the excited and
-inflamed imagination. Then comes a satiety of blood, then a re-action,
-and then a state of things too often far worse than the first. Our own
-city of New York is considered by many to have become incapable of
-intelligent self-government, and to exhibit those evils which,
-especially under a government like our own, flow from the collection of
-a very large population at one point. A sparse and widely scattered
-population, which is also by necessity highly consecutive, may supply
-the very check we most need and which is not to be found in paper
-constitutions, courts or senates.</p>
-
-<p>In the gradual progress of time, free labor will doubtless overrun the
-more Northern Slave States, bringing fertility to the soil, and
-improving in many respects the condition of the white race, though
-fraught with ruin to all of African descent. My sympathies are with the
-latter as well as the former, and I cannot wish to see our swelling,
-aggressive, Northern Anglo-Saxon tide, overflowing the Southern States,
-sweeping away perhaps the most conservative and useful element in our
-republican system, and at the same time utterly destroying in its course
-that helpless race which, in the providence of God, has been cast upon
-our shores. There is room enough for us all to live together in peace
-and harmony. The two races can co-exist in their present relative
-condition, but in no other way. This is the great lesson of history,
-experience, statistics, and the observation of every day.</p>
-
-<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Our English common law is said to be the perfection of
-human wisdom. It is founded in right, and its object is to ascertain and
-establish the right. The sources from which it is drawn have been thus
-enumerated. "The law of nature; the revealed law of God; Christianity,
-morality, and religion; common sense, legal reason, justice, natural
-equity, humanity."</p></div>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Since the above was written, I find that the same theory is
-advanced by Mr. Buckle, in his History of Civilization, a very obvious
-theory, it would seem, and the result of the most common observation,
-viz: that where two distinct races come together there can be no
-amalgamation, but the inferior must die out in presence of the
-superior.</p></div>
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Slavery, by J. L. Baker
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
-
-
-Title: Slavery
-
-Author: J. L. Baker
-
-Release Date: January 7, 2017 [EBook #53904]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ASCII
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVERY ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Larry B. Harrison, Martin Pettit and the Online
-Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
-file was produced from images generously made available
-by The Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-SLAVERY:
-
-
-BY
-
-J. L. BAKER.
-
-AUTHOR OF "EXPORTS AND IMPORTS," "MEN AND THINGS," &c.
-
-PHILADELPHIA:
-
-JOHN A. NORTON,
-
-1860.
-
-
-
-
-SLAVERY.
-
-
-The recent attempt of John Brown to incite an insurrection at Harper's
-Ferry has created no little excitement throughout the country. Strange
-and desperate as the movement was, it seems to have been the natural and
-necessary result of the long twenty years' war, waged in the free States
-upon the institutions of the South, the culminating point, it is to be
-hoped, in a reform based on no sound principle, and which, like an
-epidemic, has swept over the land, fruitful only in bitter words, harsh
-recrimination, sectional hostility, and ending, like the last act of a
-tragedy, in violence and murder.
-
-The scene that has been enacted at Harper's Ferry will perhaps have the
-effect to open the eyes of the nation, so that they can see fully the
-yawning gulf, the brink of which they have at last reached, and lead
-them to examine the ground on which they stand; inquire what they have
-been doing, and what good cause can be served by a course of action
-which has led to such fatal results. Many lives have been sacrificed. A
-whole family has been ruined, and an old man has been led out to suffer
-the last and most terrible infliction of the law. He has been but an
-instrument in the hands of others, who have acted, with the exception of
-some political leaders, from honest convictions.
-
-The time has now come, however, for them to inquire, and for all to
-inquire with the utmost seriousness, if these convictions of duty have
-been just and commendable, or if they have been mistaken, and therefore
-to be condemned. Zeal without knowledge is a dangerous weapon, as all
-history has proved, and it is incumbent upon all, not only to do right,
-but to think right. It is an old maxim that ignorance of the law excuses
-no man, and it is equally true that we are not at liberty to follow our
-blind impulses, but are bound to inform ourselves, and to _know_ whether
-a particular course of action, however well intended, is such as will
-not defeat the very purposes we have in view, while it brings misery
-and ruin to thousands of our fellow beings.
-
-Liberty has been in all ages of the world a most fruitful theme for the
-poet and the orator, and still its true nature and conditions are but
-imperfectly understood. Constitutional liberty, such as that of England
-and the United States, is possible only to a race that has a physical
-temperament that fits it for self-control or self-government, and to
-such a race only is it a blessing. But few such races have been known in
-history. One of them was the Grecian, and afterwards the Roman, but both
-became degenerated, and lost the capacity of self-government.
-
-In modern times the English nation has exhibited the same capacity,
-which belongs also to ourselves, who are of the same blood. No other
-people have those constitutional traits which fit them for
-self-government, which is but another name for self-restraint. The
-Frenchman is volatile, fickle, and fond of glory, and less free to-day
-than he was under Louis the Sixteenth. He has a government which answers
-to his wants and his genius, which exactly represents his condition, and
-contributes, therefore, most to his happiness. Should he, in the course
-of centuries, become changed in his physical and mental constitution, he
-will find, necessarily, a government that corresponds to the progress he
-has made. Governments are but the agents and representatives of the
-people. They reflect very nearly the condition of the governed, and
-change to meet the changes of those they represent. No mortal power can
-prevent any people from taking and enjoying that degree of freedom they
-are capable of enjoying, and which would, therefore, contribute to their
-happiness. What is true of France, is true of the other European
-nations, and of all nations; so that we never deceive ourselves more
-completely than when we talk of political liberty as something equally
-applicable to all, and attainable by all.
-
-Such liberty the Anglo-Saxon finds contributing to his happiness; but it
-may be the greatest curse, as it has often proved to those who have
-different blood in their veins, who have not the same capacity of
-self-control, and who enjoy, therefore, as much, if not more, under
-governments suited to their peculiar temperaments. An Italian Republic
-exists only in the dreams of Mazzini and Garibaldi, and yet if the sum
-of human happiness could be measured, there may be as much happiness in
-Italy, and perhaps more than is to be found in the two nations that are
-able to live under a constitutional government.
-
-It often happens, that among those nations which require a strong
-government, we find a larger amount of social freedom, than among those
-who are politically more free. A man is more free to express an opinion
-in Paris, upon any matter of science or religion, or other topic,
-excepting politics, than he is in Boston. He stands less in awe of his
-neighbors, feels less the pressure of public opinion, than do we, on
-whom government bears lightly, but who are, to a corresponding extent,
-the slaves of Public Sentiment. Where laws bear lightest, Public Opinion
-takes their place, and becomes, often, a dreadful tyrant, as is seen
-frequently in our western States, and on the borders of civilization. On
-the other hand, where there exists the least political freedom, we find
-the largest social liberty, as though one was incompatible with the
-other, which is probably the case, and for the reason that man must be
-governed to a certain extent in some way, and if he becomes politically
-more free, he becomes by necessity, socially, more enslaved.
-
-We shall find, if we look at the different nations of the world, that
-each enjoys that degree of liberty, either political or social, which
-most contributes to its happiness. If this were not the case with any
-nation, it is certain that its condition would be changed at once, to
-correspond to its wants and capacities. No government, however despotic,
-could for a moment prevent such a result; nor is it at all safe to judge
-of the real condition of a nation, by the excited harangues of such
-enthusiasts as Kossuth and Mazzini.
-
-As fast as a people become capable of self-control or self-government,
-just so fast the government becomes modified to meet their wants; for
-they are in fact the government, and rulers are but their
-representatives.
-
-This view of liberty will be considered, I am aware, by many as very
-heretical and not at all in accordance with the facts of history or the
-nature of man. To some it will, no doubt, appear new as well as strange,
-and very doubtful. That what we call constitutional liberty, however,
-depends mainly upon the peculiar physical and moral temperament of a
-people, I cannot doubt. Self-government is constitutional in more senses
-than one. Such at least is the result of my reflections upon the
-subject. The lesson I learn from history is, that no amount of physical
-or mental culture can materially change the peculiar temperament which
-belongs to each race. A nation may be educated to excel in all the arts
-and all the sciences, in oratory, philosophy, poetry, music, and
-painting, but not in the art of self-government, which implies a natural
-gift bestowed upon a very small portion of the human race. To judge of a
-people in this respect we must also witness their capacity at home, and
-not be deceived by what happens to individuals or small communities when
-thrown into the midst of a self-controlling or self-governing race. Such
-is the case with our German population which constitutes an intelligent,
-useful, law-abiding portion of our citizens, and to all appearance
-capable of exercising the functions of self-government. But we must
-consider that they exist here surrounded and entirely controlled by our
-own people, and in some parts of the Union have been born and brought up
-under our institutions. If we wish to know the capacity of their race
-for self-government, we must go to Germany, and if possible find it
-there. The German race comes nearest to our own and excels it in some
-respects, though wanting the necessary political elements with which we
-are gifted. For many years the profoundest scholars and the greatest
-musical composers have been found in Germany, which has also produced in
-Goethe and Schiller, names worthy to rank with the greatest of modern
-times. We come from the same stock and the same northern hive, but have
-pursued different courses, and have not now the same blood in our veins.
-One race takes naturally to politics, for which it has an aptitude and
-capacity, the other as naturally to music and painting, to science and
-philosophy. In the lapse of centuries, the physical constitution of both
-may change. The English may lose by admixture the peculiar qualities of
-blood which now distinguish them, and so lose their capacity of
-self-control. They may become degenerated, like the Romans, by the
-enervating influence of luxury, and like that nation lose their
-constitutional liberty. So on the other hand, Germany may, in the
-progress of time, undergo changes equally great and in precisely the
-opposite direction. A union of the different races of that vast kingdom
-may produce a new result. A new race may arise which shall excel the
-present race of Englishmen, in the capacity of self-government. The
-present English race is the work of centuries, and contains the blood of
-Saxons, Danes, and Normans, blended in due proportion for the production
-of a certain result, and such a result as can nowhere else be witnessed.
-
-If the theory of human liberty, which I have thus so briefly and
-imperfectly suggested, is the true one, and is supported by the facts of
-history, then it will furnish us with a key to unlock some of those hard
-problems in human life and destiny which have so puzzled mankind, and
-which have resisted all attempts at solution.
-
-If we regard all nations as moving on in the sphere designed by
-Providence, each seeking and finding its happiness in its own
-way,--some less capable of self-restraint than others, some enjoying a
-high degree of political liberty, and some, on the other hand, in
-possession of a high degree of social freedom; their happiness dependent
-not so much on the peculiar forms of their government as upon its
-adaptation to their peculiar wants and capacities,--we shall be relieved
-of much of that commiseration and misplaced sympathy which we have
-bestowed upon others, and which was, perhaps, more needed by ourselves.
-Viewed in the light I have suggested, and also in connection with the
-great facts, moral and physical, of which I am about to speak more
-particularly, the problem of negro slavery in the United States is not
-one so difficult of solution as has been generally supposed. The recent
-outbreak in Virginia brings home to us, with renewed and redoubled
-force, the question, What must become of the millions of slaves in our
-Southern States, could they be set free by some such movement as that of
-John Brown, urged on by those who have been for many years engaged in
-agitating the subject?
-
-This is the important matter for our consideration, or rather it should
-have been the matter to have been considered many years ago. This is the
-problem which should have been solved by those who have been so long
-dealing in such extravagant language and "glittering generalities" about
-the natural rights of man. They should have informed us what is to
-become of those millions, suddenly let loose from restraint and thrown
-upon their own resources, no longer to be protected by the white race,
-but to be met by competition, by undying prejudice, extreme social
-hardship, and the "irrepressible conflict" of incompatible races.
-
-Those of us who have attained to middle age have been taught by
-experience that no portion of those millions could exist for any length
-of time on the soil of Massachusetts. But for the occasional emigration
-from the South, a negro would now be a sight as rare in this State as
-that of a wild Indian, hardly a remnant being left of the families which
-we knew in our boyhood.
-
-From statistics gathered by the late Dr. Jesse Chickering, it appears
-that the blacks die in Massachusetts in a ratio of three to one as
-compared with the whites. This state of things is the result of both
-moral and physical causes. The depressing influence of extreme social
-hardship, which no philanthropy can alleviate, accounts in a great
-measure for this unequal mortality; while physical causes operate,
-perhaps, still more to the same effect. Of the latter, we may learn
-something from a paper read a few years since before the Boston Society
-of Natural History, by Dr. Samuel Kneeland, Jr., from which the
-following is an extract:--
-
-
- "The mulatto is often triumphantly appealed to as a proof that
- hybrid races are prolific without end. Every physician who has seen
- much practice among the mulattoes knows that, in the first place,
- they are far less prolific than the blacks or whites,--the
- statistics of New York State and city confirm this fact of daily
- observation; and in the second place, when they are prolific, the
- progeny is frail, diseased, short-lived, rarely arriving at robust
- manhood or maturity. Physicians need not be told of the
- comparatively enormous amount of scrofulous and deteriorated
- constitutions found among those hybrids.
-
- "The Colonization Journal furnishes some statistics with regard to
- the colored population of New York city, which must prove painfully
- interesting to all reflecting people. The late census showed that,
- while other classes of our population in all parts of the country
- were increasing in an enormous ratio, the colored were decreasing.
- In the State of New York, in 1840, there were fifty thousand; in
- 1850, only forty-seven thousand. In New York city, in 1840, there
- were eighteen thousand; in 1850, seventeen thousand. According to
- the New York City Inspector's report for the four months, ending
- with October, 1853:--
-
-
- 1. The whites present marriages, 2,230
- The colored " " 26
- 2. The whites " births, 6,780
- The colored " " 70
- 3. The whites " deaths about 6,000
- (exclusive of 2,152 among 116,000 newly-arrived
- emigrants, and others unacclimated.)
- The colored exhibit deaths, 160
-
-
- giving a ratio of deaths among acclimated whites to colored persons
- of thirty-seven to one; while the births are ninety-seven whites to
- one colored. The ratio of whites to colored, is as
- follows:--Marriages, 140 to 1; births, 97 to 1; deaths, 37 to 1.
- According to the ratio of the population, the marriages among the
- whites, during this time, are three times greater than among the
- colored; the number of births among the whites is twice as great.
- In deaths, the colored exceed the white not only according to ratio
- of population, but show one hundred and sixty-five deaths to
- seventy-six births, or seven deaths to three births,--more than two
- to one.
-
- "The same is true, of Boston, as far as the census returns will
- enable us to judge. In Shattuck's census of 1845, it appears that
- in that year there were one hundred and forty-six less colored
- persons in Boston than in 1840; the total number being 1842. From
- the same work, the deaths are given for a period of fifty years,
- from 1725 to 1775, showing the mortality among the blacks to have
- been twice that among the whites. Of late years, Boston, probably,
- does not differ from itself in former times, nor from New York at
- present. In the compendium of the United States census for 1850, p.
- 64, it is said that the 'declining ratio of the increase of the
- free colored in every section is notable. In New England, the
- increase is now almost nothing;' in the south-west and the Southern
- states, the increase is much reduced; it is only in the north-west
- that there is any increase, 'indicating a large emigration to that
- quarter.' What must become of the black population at this rate in
- a few years? What are the causes of this decay? They do not
- disregard the laws of social and physical well-being any more than,
- if they do as much as, the whites. It seems to me one of the
- necessary consequences of attempts to mix races; the hybrids cease
- to be prolific; the race must die out as mulatto; it must either
- keep black unmixed, or become extinct. Nobody doubts that a mixed
- offspring may be produced by intermarriage of different races,--the
- Griquas, the Papuas, the Cafuses of Brazil, so elaborately
- enumerated by Prichard, sufficiently prove this. The question is,
- whether they would be perpetuated if strictly confined to
- intermarriage among themselves? From the facts in the case of
- mulattoes, we say unquestionably not. The same is true, as far as
- has been observed, of the mixture of the white and red races, in
- Mexico, Central and South America. The well-known infrequency of
- mixed offspring between the European and Australian races, led the
- Colonial government to official inquiries, and to the result, that,
- in thirty-one districts, numbering fifteen thousand inhabitants,
- the half-breeds did not exceed two hundred, though the connection
- of the two races was very intimate.
-
- "If any one wishes to be convinced of the inferiority and tendency
- to disease in the mulatto race, even with the assistance of the
- pure blood of the black and white race, he need only witness what I
- did recently, viz.: the disembarkation from a steamboat of a
- colored pic-nic party, of both sexes, of all ages, from the infant
- in arms to the aged, and of all hues, from the darkest black to a
- color approaching white. There was no _old mulatto_, though there
- were several _old negroes_; many fine-looking mulattoes of both
- sexes, evidently the first offspring from the pure races; then came
- the youths and children, and here could be read the sad truth at a
- glance. The little blacks were agile and healthy-looking; the
- little mulattoes, youths and young women, farther removed from the
- pure stocks, were sickly, feeble, thin, with frightful scars and
- skin diseases, and _scrofula_ stamped on every feature and every
- visible part of the body. Here was hybridity of human races, under
- the most favorable circumstances of worldly condition and social
- position."
-
-
-Such are the results of an unfavorable climate and the mixture of the
-blood of two races that can never intermarry. The union of such races
-produces the results described by Dr. Kneeland. Similar results are
-observed when the two races differ less and where marriage is possible,
-as for instance in Mexico and Central America, which are in ruins from
-the union of the Spanish and native blood. Union of different races is,
-on the other hand, often highly beneficial, our own blood being a
-fortunate result of such a union, but such races must be similar and not
-like those of Europe, Africa, and the natives of this country, wholly
-dissimilar or repugnant. At the South, the free black would suffer less
-from the effects of climate; but much more from the extreme prejudice
-existing there towards the black, when he assumes the position of an
-equal. To suppose he could exist under such a state of things is to
-ignore all experience, and the observation of every day. In Jamaica, the
-English Government have troops to protect the freed slaves from the
-encroachments of their old masters; but there it is stated, on the
-authority of the London Times, that the blacks are not only falling
-below the point of civilization attained during their servitude, but in
-many cases actually returning to their native barbarism, and the worship
-of idols. We have no such standing army here, but the slave, when free,
-must be left to the tender mercies of his former master. What would be
-the fate of the slave is as certain as is the fate of the North American
-Indian, the difference being that the Indian flies from civilization,
-which destroys him, while the imitative and mild-tempered African
-cling-to civilization which as certainly destroys _him_. How far he may
-rise in the scale of civilization if left to himself, whether the
-African is a self-sustaining and progressive race, or whether it will
-lose, when left to itself, what has been gained, and fall back in a
-state of barbarism, are questions not settled as yet by experiment. The
-attempt is making in Liberia, and it is to be hoped successfully, to
-solve this question in favor of the negro; but sufficient time has not
-yet elapsed, nor is the testimony which comes from the West Indies by
-any means such as could be wished.
-
-From some of our Western States the colored man has been entirely
-excluded. This is a wise provision, and a merciful one, to the blacks,
-who come into the free States only to drag out a few years in some
-menial employment, and then disappear with their families, if they have
-any, leaving no trace behind. If history and experience teach us
-anything, it is this, that two races constituted like the Anglo-Saxon
-and the African, can never co-exist in a state of equality, which means
-competition. So long as the inferior race is in a dependent condition,
-and can claim support and protection from the white, it remains, with
-rare exceptions, contented and happy, the great burden of such a
-relation falling, in fact, upon the master, and not upon the slave. The
-moment that relation is changed, the negro thrown upon his own
-resources, and exposed to the withering and blasting effects of that
-ineradicable antipathy which exists towards all of African descent, that
-moment his fate is sealed; he perishes like the autumn leaves when comes
-a killing frost, and, in course of a very few generations, not a vestige
-remains to show that he has ever existed.
-
-This is a truth which experience and observation have taught us, and
-which could not have been taught in the same manner to Mr. Jefferson,
-and other founders of our government, whose opinions are quoted in favor
-of the abolition of slavery. That slavery was an evil, they knew, and we
-know it also, but that the evil is mainly to the white, and that the
-black could never co-exist with his master in a state of freedom, they
-did not know, because the experiment had not been tried. Sufficient time
-has now elapsed to settle that question, and in a manner which would
-seem to leave but small chance for doubt to a rational mind.
-
-Such, I suppose, to be the immutable law of Providence, regulating the
-intercourse of those races which he has made, and given to one a white
-skin, and to the other a dark one. The Creator of all things could,
-doubtless, have made all white, or all black, but, for some purpose
-which we cannot fathom, he has chosen not to do so. He has created some
-races near akin to each other, and some entirely incompatible and
-repugnant, and it is not for us to say that he has done wrong. If
-possible, we should ascertain what are the laws, physical and moral,
-which _he has established_, and then we shall do well to acquiesce in
-them as being right, without attempting to repeal or improve upon them,
-or to set up in opposition our own notions about what we call _abstract
-right_. Right is not an abstraction, but a reality, and, to find out
-what it is, we have to consult our experience, observation, revelation,
-expediency, divine laws and human laws, and every source from which we
-can gather the means of directing our limited capacities to the
-formation of just conclusions.[1]
-
-Some may say, perhaps, better let them perish then, than remain in
-slavery. As the slaves do not say so themselves, I do not, for one, feel
-warranted in saying it for them. They may, in the designs of Providence,
-have an important mission to perform,--that mission being, for aught we
-know, to carry back from their long sojourn in a land of bondage the
-seeds of civilization to benighted Africa, the home of their fathers.
-Whatever may be their ultimate fate, I do not feel warranted in
-hastening and deciding it by exterminating them, or, in other words,
-dissolving the tie that binds them to those whose duty and interest it
-is to protect them. A heavy burden lies upon the backs of the masters,
-which they cannot throw off at will, and with which we are not burdened.
-They have a sad and perplexing duty to perform, and why should we, by
-our interference, increase those burdens which we can do nothing to
-lighten? All such interference is a positive injury to the slave, and
-insulting to those with whom we have formed a copartnership, and with
-whom we must live as one family, so long as we continue to be a free
-people.
-
-One who has a true respect for the colored man and a just regard for his
-interests, will not, I think, wish to see him placed in a false
-position, such as he occupies in the free States, hanging for a short
-time upon the skirts of a community which disowns him, and then sinking
-into the grave leaving no trace behind. For the negro there is,
-socially, no hope in the free States, and those who flatter him with
-such a prospect do him a most grievous wrong. A few of partly African
-descent and possessed of considerable intellectual endowments have been
-thus deceived, as they will no doubt have occasion to realize most
-fully.
-
-As lovers of their race how can they wish to see it occupy its present
-position in the free States? If they would improve its condition, why
-not lead out a colony to its native land, where it can live and not die,
-where it can be relieved from the destroying influence of the
-Anglo-Saxon, and stand up on its own ground, conscious of no superior,
-feeling its own dignity, and with ample opportunity for the development
-of all the faculties with which it has been endowed. Such a work would
-be worthy of the best intellect and the highest powers that have been
-bestowed on either black or white; but those of the colored race who are
-content with delivering anti-slavery lectures, or writing for
-anti-slavery papers, so far from elevating their race are engaged in a
-work which can end only in ruin, to the blacks certainly, in the loss of
-life and entire extinction, and to the whites in the loss it may be of a
-Union which no art can restore to its original beauty and perfection
-when once destroyed. As the true friend of the negro, I would not
-flatter him with delusive hopes and false expectations that can never be
-realized as has been too often and constantly done by very excellent
-men, and with the very best intentions; but, I would endeavor, as far as
-possible, to tell him the truth, however unpalatable, in the full belief
-that in the end such truth will operate for the best interest of all,
-black and white, bond and free.
-
-The diversities and repulsions of race which have been ordained, no
-doubt, for some wise purpose, are intended, perhaps, only for this state
-of existence. Another life may present a new order of things in which no
-such distinctions exist. Men have been created to differ from each other
-physically, morally, and intellectually, but still all are equal before
-the Creator of all, entitled to an equal share in his bounty, and to the
-enjoyments of life best suited to the genius and capacity of each. In
-another world the genius and capacity of all may be alike, all finding
-happiness in the society of all--and in a mutual pursuit of the same
-objects, whether of knowledge or of taste, of study or of worship.
-
-It is much to be hoped that this subject will ere long be treated in a
-very different manner from what it has been for the last fifteen or
-twenty years. It is simply a question of races, and all the violent and
-bitter harangues that have been uttered have advanced not one step
-towards ameliorating the condition of the slave, or solving the problem
-of negro slavery in this country. Such harangues have only served to
-stir up strife and jealousy, to set one portion of the people against
-another portion, array in opposition members of the same family, and
-finally, when acting upon such fiery spirits and undisciplined minds as
-that of John Brown, to bring us to the brink of civil and servile war.
-
-In offering the above suggestions, it may be proper to say, that I have
-done so with entire respect for the personal character and motives of
-many of those who have been prominent in promoting and bringing upon us
-the present state of things. I have the best reason to know that some of
-them have acted from a high sense of duty, and such no doubt is the case
-with those colored men to whom I have referred. I yield to no one in my
-regard and sympathy for the colored man, wherever he may be found, and
-would therefore see him placed in a true position, not in a false and
-impossible one.
-
-Those who have been so long agitating this subject, however honestly,
-may still have done so under a mistaken sense of duty, and the time has
-now come when the subject should be viewed in every aspect and in all
-its relations, so that, if possible, we can know the ground whereon we
-stand. No attempt, however humble, to throw light on a subject of such
-momentous importance should be discouraged, and I cannot therefore feel
-that any apology is due from me for laying before the community some
-considerations which may present the subject, to many, in a somewhat new
-light. If it is true that the two races can never co-exist, in a state
-of freedom, it is a truth of the utmost importance, and should,
-therefore, be fully known and understood by all.[2] If that proposition
-is not true, its fallacy can no doubt be shown, or at any rate
-demonstrated by the lapse of time. In my judgment, time has, thus far,
-proved and confirmed it. The reader will judge from his own experience
-and observation, and the evidence here presented, how far my conclusion
-is a just and reasonable one.
-
-When we consider that the slave is supported from birth until he can
-labor, and from the time when he can no longer work until he dies, and
-also that at best his services are not worth more than one-third as much
-as those of free labor, it is very easy to see that he is the best paid
-laborer in the world, as it is certainly true that a more happy and
-contented laboring population is not to be found among civilized or
-uncivilized nations. With rare exceptions, the relation of master and
-slave in our Southern States is a very happy one, at least to the slave.
-Kindness and indulgence are the rule, while cruelty and harsh treatment
-are the exception. Our Northern patience would no doubt soon be
-exhausted, were we compelled to deal with and provide for a similar
-class of laborers.
-
-At the same time, the slave is subject to occasional hardships. This is
-the fate of all, under whatever social system they may live. In some
-form or other, all men are called on to pay for the privileges they
-enjoy, nor could it be expected that the slave would be an exception to
-this general rule. If the marriage bond could be legalized and rendered
-more sacred, and families not allowed to be separated by sale, many
-cases of hardship would be prevented. This is a matter for the serious
-consideration of the slaveholder, if he would manifest to the world a
-desire to place the dependent race in the best possible condition,
-consistent with its safety.
-
-Of the possibility of such reforms, they are the best judges, however,
-who have the burden upon them, and are best acquainted with the wants
-and capacities of the African race. It is easy for those at a distance
-to give advice, in regard to a social system, the practical working of
-which they are quite ignorant of, but those who are born and bred under
-such system can only know the difficulties that lie in the way of
-reform, especially when those difficulties are aggravated by
-interference from abroad.
-
-Slavery may finally come to an end in the United States, by the
-operation of natural causes, such as the rapid increase and constant
-encroachment of free labor, and the fact that slave labor is so
-expensive and tends so greatly to the impoverishing of the soil. As
-Slavery dies out, the colored race will disappear from the scene
-forever. It is not for us, I think, to hasten that time by revolution
-and servile insurrection, to put torches and pikes into the hands of
-such a population to be used against the whites, in re-enacting all the
-horrors of a St. Domingo massacre, and at the same time sealing its own
-fate as suddenly and as rapidly as the dew disappears before the rising
-sun.
-
-Public sentiment has undergone a marked change in England, on the
-subject of Slavery, within the last few years. The Anti-Slavery
-sentiment, like an epidemic, swept over the whole length and breadth of
-Great Britain, and in its course swept away Slavery in the British West
-Indies. The natural and inevitable re-action has already taken place in
-England, and happy will it be for us if it comes in this country before
-it is too late. That such a re-action is already taking place in the
-United States, hastened by the foray of John Brown, there is great
-reason to believe.
-
-The following extracts from the London Times are very significant:--
-
-
- EFFECT OF EMANCIPATION ON THE AFRICAN RACE.--There is no blinking
- the truth. Years of bitter experience; years of hope deferred; of
- self-devotion unrequited; of poverty; of humiliation; of prayers
- unanswered; of sufferings derided; of insults unresented; of
- contumely patiently endured,--have convinced us of the truth. It
- must be spoken out loudly and energetically, despite the wild
- mockings of "howling cant." The freed West India slave will not
- till the soil for wages; the free son of the ex-slave is as
- obstinate as his sire. He will not cultivate lands which he has not
- bought for his own. Yams, mangoes, and plantains--these satisfy his
- wants; he cares not for yours. Cotton, sugar and coffee, and
- tobacco--he cares but little for them. And what matters it to him
- that the Englishman has sunk his thousands and tens of thousands on
- mills, machinery and plants, which now totter on the languishing
- estate that for years has only returned beggary and debt. He eats
- his yams, and sniggers at "Buckra."
-
- We know not why this should be, but it is so. The negro has been
- bought with a price--the price of English taxation and English
- toil. He has been redeemed from bondage by the sweat and travail of
- some millions of hard-working Englishmen. Twenty millions of pounds
- sterling--one hundred millions of dollars--have been distilled from
- the brains and muscles of the free English laborer, of every
- degree, to fashion the West Indian negro into a "free and
- independent laborer." "Free and independent" enough he has become,
- God knows; but laborer he is not; and, so far as we can see, never
- will be. He will sing hymns and quote texts; but honest, steady
- industry he not only detests but despises. We wish to Heaven that
- some people in England--neither Government people nor parsons nor
- clergymen, but some just-minded, honest-hearted and clear-sighted
- men--would go out to some of the islands (say Jamaica, Dominica, or
- Antigua)--not for a month or three months, but for a year--would
- watch the precious _protege_ of English philanthropy, the freed
- negro, in his daily habits; would watch him as he lazily plants his
- little squatting; would see him as he proudly rejects agricultural
- or domestic services, or accepts it only at wages ludicrously
- disproportionate to the value of his work. We wish, too, they would
- watch him while, with a hide thicker than that of a hippopotamus,
- and a body to which fervid heat is a comfort rather than an
- annoyance, he droningly lounges over the prescribed task on which
- the intrepid Englishman, uninured to the burning sun, consumes his
- impatient energy, and too often sacrifices his life. We wish they
- would go out and view the negro in all the blazonry of his
- idleness, his pride, his ingratitude, contemptuously sneering at
- the industry of that race which made him free, and then come home
- and teach the memorable lesson of their experience to the fanatics
- who have perverted him into what he is.
-
- * * * * * * * *
-
- The Abolitionists in America would have the population of the
- Southern States turned into a mixed race, whites, blacks, and
- mulattoes being on terms of equality, and constantly intermarrying;
- but if one thing more than another has tended to give to the
- Anglo-Saxon race in the New World the victory over the Spanish, it
- is that it has kept itself apart from the red and negro races, and
- lodged power constantly in the hands of men of European origin. It
- has been fully proved, not only on the American continent, but in
- our own colonies, that the enforced equality of European and
- African tends, not to the elevation of the black, but the
- degradation of the white man. We cannot find any sympathy for
- those who would try, in the United States, the plan of a half-caste
- Republic, and we trust that the Federal Government and the
- right-thinking part of the community will protect the South from
- the repetition of such outrages as that at Harper's Ferry.
-
-
-Our own race is boastful as well as intolerant and aggressive. This is
-especially true of the New England type, and hence it is that we are
-prone to regard ourselves in many, if not all respects, superior to the
-people of the South. In some respects, undoubtedly, we have the
-advantage of those who have been born and educated under a very
-different social system; but, on the other hand, according to the law of
-compensation, we lack much that is valuable in the Southern character
-and mental constitution.
-
-The nature of our climate and more especially of our institutions, has
-given to our English blood a new and most powerful stimulus, so that we
-develope an immense amount of intellectual energy and activity, which
-constantly seeks vent, and which constantly tends to run into some
-extreme or excess. Having lived for many years in a state of great
-material prosperity, we are prone to wax fat and kick. We have known no
-real evils, no invasion from without, or civil war within, and for want
-of any real danger we conjure up those that are imaginary. We torment
-ourselves with evils which have no existence but in our own brain. I
-think it was Judge Marshall who speaks of those imaginary evils, which
-as they are without cause, are also without remedy.
-
-The Southern mind is less active and more conservative, sometimes
-erratic, but generally disposed to take a common sense and rational view
-of things, and is, in some respects, more reliable than our own. It
-forms an admirable check in our political system, and preserves us from
-a natural tendency to run into the extreme of radicalism, and that
-spirit of agrarianism which has destroyed all former Republics.
-
-The constant tendency in a Republic is to remove all constitutional
-checks intended for the security of individual rights, and reduce
-everything to the rule of the majority. It is obvious that the Senate of
-the United States and the Supreme Court, though intended as checks upon
-popular impulse and outbreaks, are yet but very imperfect barriers when
-opposed to what is termed the will of the people. It requires but a few
-years to change the political character of the Senate so that it shall
-reflect the prevailing sentiments of the day, and the same is true of
-the Supreme Court. In some of our States the judges are already elected
-from year to year, and must become to a greater or less extent
-political partizans. When these checks are removed and the rights of
-the individual are dependant on the bare will of the majority, then we
-have a pure democracy, which is pure despotism, and a despotism so
-dreadful that it soon gives way to despotism of a milder form in the
-person of a military Dictator. We have no landed aristocracy which, in
-England, stands between the people and the throne, keeping each from
-encroaching upon the other, nor any real check in our system of
-government, unless it is the fixed fact of a large number of States,
-whose population is naturally and necessarily conservative, and which
-stands like a rock against the surging waves of popular excitement of
-agrarianism and radicalism from whatever quarter they may come. The
-assertion that Slavery was the corner-stone of American liberty, made
-some years ago by a statesman from South Carolina, was looked upon with
-amazement as a most absurd paradox, but time may show that it contained
-a truth which we have as yet failed to see and comprehend.
-
-The Southern character is more impulsive, but also more open and genial
-than our own. If it shows a hasty spark, it is also soon cold and
-rational again. It is not brooding and intolerant, nor easily led away
-into excesses, such as too often befall us of a more Northern clime. One
-prominent cause for such difference is, no doubt, to be found in the
-fact that, while we, at the North, live in towns and cities where men
-are in a constant state of action and reaction upon each other, and the
-masses can be suddenly and extensively roused and excited, the Southern
-Planters live remote from each other, and, in many cases, in almost
-entire seclusion. Such a population is less in danger from these moral
-epidemics that from time to time sweep over communities, because it is
-sparse, and therefore not so much exposed to exciting causes; thus,
-while it loses many good influences which flow from a more compact
-society, escaping also many serious evils to which the latter is
-subject. It is not France, but Paris, the great centre of population,
-the seat of all that is luxurious and refined, of science and of art, of
-everything in short which can serve to adorn and embellish social life;
-it is this Paris alone that makes and unmakes kings and emperors, that
-overthrows one dynasty during the night and sets up another the next
-morning, and then gives the law to the nation which stands looking on.
-Some editor or some orator touches that sympathetic telegraphic chord
-which passes through each individual of this vast living mass, and in an
-instant, as it were, the gutters run with blood, a ferocious mob rushes
-through every avenue, seeking vengeance for wrongs, which, if they have
-no existence, in fact, exist not the less really in the excited and
-inflamed imagination. Then comes a satiety of blood, then a re-action,
-and then a state of things too often far worse than the first. Our own
-city of New York is considered by many to have become incapable of
-intelligent self-government, and to exhibit those evils which,
-especially under a government like our own, flow from the collection of
-a very large population at one point. A sparse and widely scattered
-population, which is also by necessity highly consecutive, may supply
-the very check we most need and which is not to be found in paper
-constitutions, courts or senates.
-
-In the gradual progress of time, free labor will doubtless overrun the
-more Northern Slave States, bringing fertility to the soil, and
-improving in many respects the condition of the white race, though
-fraught with ruin to all of African descent. My sympathies are with the
-latter as well as the former, and I cannot wish to see our swelling,
-aggressive, Northern Anglo-Saxon tide, overflowing the Southern States,
-sweeping away perhaps the most conservative and useful element in our
-republican system, and at the same time utterly destroying in its course
-that helpless race which, in the providence of God, has been cast upon
-our shores. There is room enough for us all to live together in peace
-and harmony. The two races can co-exist in their present relative
-condition, but in no other way. This is the great lesson of history,
-experience, statistics, and the observation of every day.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] Our English common law is said to be the perfection of human wisdom.
-It is founded in right, and its object is to ascertain and establish the
-right. The sources from which it is drawn have been thus enumerated.
-"The law of nature; the revealed law of God; Christianity, morality, and
-religion; common sense, legal reason, justice, natural equity,
-humanity."
-
-[2] Since the above was written, I find that the same theory is advanced
-by Mr. Buckle, in his History of Civilization, a very obvious theory, it
-would seem, and the result of the most common observation, viz: that
-where two distinct races come together there can be no amalgamation, but
-the inferior must die out in presence of the superior.
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Slavery, by J. L. Baker
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