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R. W. Stephens - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Saint John Chrysostom, his Life and Times - A sketch of the church and the empire in the fourth century - -Author: W. R. W. Stephens - -Release Date: December 27, 2016 [EBook #53809] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SAINT JOHN CHRYSOSTOM, LIFE, TIMES *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/frontispiece.jpg" width="500" height="648" alt="" /> -<p><small>“COPIED FROM A FRONTISPIECE TO THE EDITION BY FRONTO DUCÆUS, A.D. -1636, OF ST. CHRYSOSTOM’S WORKS (IN THE CATHEDRAL LIBRARY, CHICHESTER). -THE ORIGINAL IS STATED TO HAVE BEEN ENGRAVED FROM AN EIKON OF GREAT -ANTIQUITY, AT CONSTANTINOPLE, AND AGREES WITH THE NOTICES OF CHRYSOSTOM’S -APPEARANCE BY GREEK WRITERS, WHO DESCRIBE HIM AS SHORT, WITH A -LARGE HEAD, AMPLE, WRINKLED FOREHEAD, EYES DEEP-SET BUT PLEASING, -HOLLOW CHEEKS, AND A SCANTY GREY BEARD.”</small></p> -</div> - -<hr /> -<h1>SAINT JOHN CHRYSOSTOM<br /> -<br /> -<small>HIS LIFE AND TIMES</small><br /><br /></h1> - -<p class="center"><i>A SKETCH OF THE CHURCH AND THE EMPIRE IN<br /> -THE FOURTH CENTURY.</i><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">By</span> W. R W. STEPHENS, M.A.<br /> - -<small><small>PREBENDARY OF CHICHESTER AND RECTOR OF WOOLBEDING; AUTHOR OF “LIFE AND LETTERS OF<br /> -WALTER FARQUHAR HOOK, D.D.,” “CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM,” ETC.</small></small><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="center">With Portrait.<br /><br /></p> - -<p class="center"><i>SECOND EDITION.</i><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="center">LONDON<br /> -JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET<br /> -1880.<br /> -<br /> -<i>The right of translation is reserved.</i> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<h2>PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.</h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> present edition of this Essay is substantially -a reproduction of the first. It is possible, indeed, -and I hope probable, that the fruits of nine years’ -more experience and study would have manifested -themselves in some marked improvements upon the -former work had I rewritten or recast the whole -of it. But after mature consideration it did not -seem to me that the defects of my original attempt -were sufficient to warrant such an expenditure of -time and toil.</p> - -<p>I have therefore contented myself with carefully -revising the text and references, and making here -and there a few slight alterations in the way either -of addition or omission.</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap"><small>Woolbeding Rectory</small></span>,<br /> -<span class="h">xxxxxx</span><small><i>Feby. 20, 1880</i>.</small><br /> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<h2>PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.</h2> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> considerations which induced me to undertake this -monograph are mentioned in the introductory chapter. -How far the design there indicated has been satisfactorily -fulfilled, it is for others to decide. I am of course conscious -of defects, for every workman’s ideal aim should be higher -than what he can actually accomplish. The work has -incurred a certain risk from having been once or twice -suspended for a considerable period; but I have always -returned to it with increased interest and pleasure, nor can -I charge myself with having wittingly bestowed less pains -on one part than another. I have endeavoured to make it -a trustworthy narrative by drawing from the most original -sources to which I could gain access; and where, as in -those portions which touch on secular history, the lead of -general historians, such as Gibbon or De Broglie has been -followed, I have, as far as possible, consulted the authorities -to which they refer. To modern authors from whom I have -derived valuable assistance for special parts of the work, -such as M. Amédée Thierry and Dr. Foerster, my obligations -are acknowledged in their proper place.</p> - -<p>Neander’s Life of St. Chrysostom has, of course, throughout -been frequently consulted. It is marked by the customary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">viii</a></span> -merits and defects of that historian. It is full of research, -information, thought, and refined religious sentiment; but -he fails to bring out strongly the personality of his subject. -We have abundance of Chrysostom’s sayings and opinions, -but somehow too little of Chrysostom himself. The fact is -that Neander seems always to be thinking more of those -views and theories about the growth of Christian doctrine -and the Church, which he wishes to impress upon men’s -minds, than of the person about whom he is writing. Thus, -the subject of his biography becomes too much a mere -vehicle for conveying Neander’s own opinions, and the -personality of the character fades away in proportion. -Some passages in the life of his subject are related at -inordinate length; others, because less illustrative of -Neander’s views, are imperfectly sketched, if not omitted.</p> - -<p>In extracts from the works of Chrysostom, the somewhat -difficult question of the comparative advantages of translation -and paraphrase has been decided, on the whole, in -favour of the latter. The condensation of matter gained by -a paraphrase is an important, indeed necessary, object, if -many specimens are to be given from such a very voluminous -author as Chrysostom. A careful endeavour, at the -same time, has been made to render faithfully the general -sense of the original; and wherever the peculiar beauty of -the language or the importance of the subject seemed to -demand it, a translation has been given.</p> - -<p>From an early date in the sixteenth century down to the -present time the works of Chrysostom have occupied the -attention of learned editors. The first attempts, after the -invention of printing, were mainly confined to Latin translations -of different portions. Afterwards appeared—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">ix</a></span></p> - -<p>(1.) In 1529 the Greek text of the Homilies on St. Paul, -published at Vienna, “typis Stephani et fratrum,” with a -preface by Maximus Donatus. This was followed by the -Commentaries on the New Testament, published by Commelin, -a printer at Heidelberg, four vols. folio, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 1591-1602.</p> - -<p>(2.) In 1612 appeared a magnificent edition of the whole -works, in eight thick folio volumes, printed at Eton, and -prepared by Sir Henry Savile. Savile, born in 1549, was -equally distinguished for his knowledge of mathematics and -Greek, in which he acted for a time as tutor to Queen -Elizabeth. He became Warden of Merton in 1585, and -Provost of Eton in 1596. Promotion in Church and State -was offered to him by James <span class="smcap">I.</span>, but declined, though he -accepted a knighthood in 1604. His only son died about -that time, and he devoted his fortune henceforth entirely to -the promotion of learning. The Savilian Professorships of -Geometry and Astronomy in Oxford were founded by him, -and a library furnished with mathematical books for the use -of his Professors. He spared no labour or expense to make -his edition of St. Chrysostom handsome and complete. He -personally examined most of the great libraries in Europe -for mss., and, through the kindness of English ambassadors -and eminent men of learning abroad, his copyists were -admitted to the libraries of Paris, Basle, Augsburg, Munich, -Vienna, and other cities. He used the Commelinian edition -as his printer’s copy, carefully compared with five mss., the -various readings of which are marked (by a not very distinct -plan) in the margin. The chief value of the work consists -in the prefaces and notes, contributed some of them by -Casaubon and other learned men, though by far the best are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">x</a></span> -Savile’s own. The whole cost of bringing out this grand -edition is said to have been £8000. Savile’s wife was so -jealous of her husband’s attachment to the work that she -threatened to burn it.</p> - -<p>(3.) Meanwhile, Fronton le Duc, a French Jesuit, had -been labouring independently, but in most amicable intercourse -with Savile, not only to edit the works of Chrysostom -complete, but accompanied by a Latin translation, which he -supplied himself for those pieces of which he failed to find -any good one already existing. His death arrested the -work, which was taken up, after a time, by the two brothers, -Frederick and Claude Morel, and completed by the latter in -1633. It was published in Paris in 1636, in twelve large -folio volumes. The Commelinian was again used as the -printer’s copy, with fewer alterations than in the edition of -Savile.</p> - -<p>(4.) We now come to the great Benedictine edition, -prepared under the care of Bernard de Montfaucon, who -deserted the profession of arms at the age of twenty to -become, as a member of the brotherhood of St Maur, one -of the most marvellously industrious workers in literature -that the world has ever seen. In 1698, when the Benedictines -had completed their editions of SS. Augustine and -Athanasius, they began to prepare for an edition of -Chrysostom, which they had intended to do for more than -thirty years. Montfaucon was sent to Italy, where he -spent three years in examining libraries; and, on his return, -obtained leave from the presidents of the congregation to -employ four or five of the brethren in collating mss. in the -Royal Library at Paris, and in those of Colbert and Coislin. -Their labours extended over thirteen years; more than 300<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">xi</a></span> -<span class="smcap">MSS.</span>, containing different portions of Chrysostom’s works, -having been discovered in those libraries. Montfaucon, -meanwhile, corresponded with learned men in all parts of -Europe, in order to procure materials and further collations. -His correspondents in England were Potter, Bishop of -Oxford, Bentley, and Needham; and in Ireland, Godwin, -Bishop of Kilmore. The result was that, after more than -twenty years of incessant toil, Montfaucon produced an -edition, in which several pieces saw the light for the first -time, and others, imperfect in previous editions, were presented -entire. The text after all is the least satisfactory -part of the work. Mr. Field has discovered that the eight -principal <span class="smcap">MSS.</span> employed were not very carefully collated, -and that, though Savile’s text is extremely praised, that of -Morel, by a curious inconsistency, is most closely followed, -which is little more than a reproduction of the original -Commelinian. The main value of the edition consists in -the prefaces, written by Montfaucon to every set of homilies -and every treatise, in which the chronology, contents, and -character of the composition are most fully and ably discussed. -The chronological arrangement also of the pieces -is a great improvement on the editions of Savile and -Fronton le Duc, who had made no attempt of that kind. -The last volume, the thirteenth, contains a life of St -Chrysostom, a most copious index, and dissertations on -the doctrine, discipline, and heresies prevalent in his age, -illustrated by notices collected from his works. On the -whole, the edition must be pronounced a marvellous monument -of ability and industry, especially when it is considered -that at the date of its completion, 1738, Montfaucon was -eighty-three years of age, and had been engaged for upwards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">xii</a></span> -of fifty years in literary work of a most laborious description. -He died in 1741.</p> - -<p>(5.) The last edition, which leaves little or nothing to be -desired, is that which I have used in preparing this volume—the -Abbé Migne’s, in 13 vols., Paris, 1863. It is substantially -a reproduction of the Benedictine, in a rather less -cumbrous size, and embodies some of the best corrections, -notes, and prefaces of modern commentators, especially those -of Mr. Field to the Homilies of St. Matthew, and some by -the learned editor himself.</p> - -<p>A brief sketch of the principal forms in which Chrysostom’s -works have appeared seemed an appropriate introduction to -the history of the man himself. If the perusal of that -history shall afford to readers half as much interest, pleasure, -and instruction as I have myself derived from the composition -of it, I shall feel amply rewarded for my labour; and I -gladly take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to -my father-in-law for originally suggesting a work of this -kind, and to many friends, and especially my wife, for -constant encouragement, without which a mixture of indolence -and diffidence might have prevented the completion of -my design.</p> - -<p><small><span class="smcap">Densworth Cottage, Chichester</span>,<br /> -<span class="h">xxxxxxxxx</span><i>All Saints Day 1871</i>.</small></p> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">xiii</a></span></p> - -<h2>CONTENTS.</h2> - -<table summary="contents" border="0"><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER I.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdr f06" colspan="2">PAGE</td></tr><tr> -<td class="tdl">Introductory,</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER II.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">From his Birth to his Appointment to the Office of Reader, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 345 -or <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 347 to <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 370,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER III.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Commencement of ascetic life-Study under Diodorus—Formation -of an ascetic Brotherhood—The Letters to Theodore, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 370,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER IV.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Chrysostom evades forcible Ordination to a Bishopric—The Treatise -“On the Priesthood.” <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 370, 371,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER V.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Narrow Escape from Persecution—His Entrance into a Monastery—The -Monasticism of the East. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 372,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER VI.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Works produced during his monastic life—The letters to Demetrius -and Stelechius—Treatises addressed to the Opponents of -Monasticism—Letter to Stagirius,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER VII.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Ordination as Deacon—Description of Antioch—Works composed -during his Diaconate. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381-386,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_86">86</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">xiv</a></span></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER VIII.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Ordination to the Priesthood by Flavian—Inaugural Discourse in -the Cathedral—Homilies against the Arians—Animadversions -on the Chariot Races, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 386,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER IX.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Homilies against Pagans and Jews—Condition of the Jews in -Antioch—Judaising Christians—Homilies on Christmas Day -and New Year’s Day—Censure of Pagan Superstitions. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -386, 387,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_120">120</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER X.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Survey of the first Decade of the Reign of Theodosius—His -Character—His Efforts for the Extirpation of Paganism and -Heresy—The Apologies of Symmachus and Libanius. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -379-389,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_139">139</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XI.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Sedition at Antioch—The Homilies on the Statues—The -Results of the Sedition, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 387,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XII.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Illness of Chrysostom—Homilies on Festivals of Saints and Martyrs—Character -of these Festivals—Pilgrimages—Reliques—Character -of Peasant Clergy in neighbourhood of Antioch. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 387,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_177">177</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIII.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Survey of Events between <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 387 and <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 397—Ambrose and -Theodosius—Revolt of Arbogastes—Death of Theodosius—The -Ministers of Arcadius—Rufinus and Eutropius,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_186">186</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIV.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Death of Nectarius, Archbishop of Constantinople—Eager Competition -for the See—Election of Chrysostom—His compulsory -Removal from Antioch—Consecration—Reforms—Homilies on -various subjects—Missionary Projects,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_212">212</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XV.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">The Fall of Eutropius—His Retreat to the Sanctuary of the Church—Right -of Sanctuary maintained by Chrysostom—Death of -Eutropius—Revolt of Gothic Commanders Tribigild and -Gaïnas—Demand of Gaïnas for an Arian Church refused by -Chrysostom—Defeat and Death of Gaïnas. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 399-401,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_240">240</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVI.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Chrysostom’s Visit to Asia—Deposition of six simoniacal Bishops—Legitimate -Extent of his Jurisdiction—Return to Constantinople—Rupture -and reconciliation with Severian, bishop of Gabala—Chrysostom’s -increasing unpopularity with the Clergy and -wealthy Laity—His Friends—Olympias the Deaconess—Formation -of hostile Factions, which invite the aid of Theophilus, -Patriarch of Alexandria. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 400, 401,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_265">265</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVII.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Circumstances which led to the interference of Theophilus with the -affairs of Chrysostom—Controversy about the Writings of -Origen—Persecution by Theophilus of the Monks called “The -Tall Brethren”—Their Flight to Palestine—To Constantinople—Their -Reception by Chrysostom—Theophilus summoned to -Constantinople. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 395-403,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_286">286</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVIII.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Theophilus arrives in Constantinople—Organises a Cabal against -Chrysostom—The Synod of the Oak—Chrysostom pronounced -contumacious for Non-appearance and expelled from the city—Earthquake—Recall -of Chrysostom—Ovations on his Return—Flight -of Theophilus. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 403,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_306">306</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIX.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">An Image of Eudoxia placed in front of the Cathedral—Chrysostom -denounces it—Anger of the Empress—The enemy returns -to the charge—Another Council formed—Chrysostom -confined to his Palace—Violent scene in the Cathedral and -other places—Chrysostom again expelled, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 403, 404,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_326">326</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XX.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Fury of the people at the removal of Chrysostom—Destruction of -the Cathedral Church and Senate-house by Fire—Persecution -of Chrysostom’s followers—Fugitives to Rome—Letters of -Innocent to Theophilus—To the Clergy of Constantinople—To -Chrysostom—Deputation of Western Bishops to Constantinople -repulsed—Sufferings of the Eastern Church—Triumph -of the Cabal. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 404, 405,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXI.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Chrysostom ordered to be removed to Cucusus—Perils encountered -at Cæsarea—Hardships of the Journey—Reaches Cucusus—Letters -written there to Olympias and other Friends. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 404,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_360">361</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">xvi</a></span></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXII.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Chrysostom’s Sufferings from the winter cold—Depredations of the -Isaurians—The Mission in Phœnicia—Letters to Innocent and -the Italian Bishops—Chrysostom’s enemies obtain an order -for his Removal to Pityus—He dies at Comana, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 407—Reception -of his Reliques at Constantinople, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 438,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_379">379</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdc padt1" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXIII.</td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl"><p class="indent">Survey of Chrysostom’s Theological Teaching—Practical tone of -his Works—Reason of this—Doctrine of Man’s Nature—Original -Sin—Grace—Free-will—How far Chrysostom Pelagian—Language -on the Trinity—Atonement—Justification—The -two Sacraments—No trace of Confession, Purgatory, or -Mariolatry—Relations towards the Pope—Liturgy of Chrysostom—His -character as a Commentator—Views on Inspiration—His -Preaching—Personal Appearance—References to Greek -Classical Authors—Comparison with St. Augustine,</p></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_390">390</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padt1">APPENDIX,</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_433">433</a></td> -</tr><tr> -<td class="tdl padt1">INDEX,</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#INDEX">435</a></td> -</tr></table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<p class="center"> -LIFE AND TIMES<br /> -<br /> -<small><small>OF</small></small><br /> -<br /> -<big><big>ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM.</big></big><br /><br /> -</p> - -<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> - -<p class="center f08">INTRODUCTORY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">I. There</span> are many great names in history which have -been familiar to us from almost our earliest years, but of -the personal character, the actual life of those who bore -them, we are comparatively ignorant. We know that they -were men of genius; industrious, energetic workers, who, as -statesmen, reformers, warriors, writers, speakers, exercised -a vital influence for good or ill upon their fellow-men. -They have achieved a reputation which will never die; -but from various causes their personality does not stand -out before us in clear and bold relief. We know something -about some of the most important passages in their -life, a few of their sayings, a little of their writings; but -the men themselves we do not know.</p> - -<p>Frequently the reason of this is, that though they occupy -a place, perhaps an important place, in the great drama -of history, yet they have not played one of the <em>foremost</em> -parts; and general history cannot spare much time or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span> -space beyond what is necessary to describe the main progress -of events, and the actions and characters of those -who were most prominently concerned in them. Other -men may have been greater in themselves; they may have -been first-rate in their own sphere, but that sphere was -too much secluded or circumscribed to admit of the extensive -and conspicuous public influence of which alone history -takes much cognisance. They are to history what -those side or background figures in the pictures of great -medieval painters are to the grand central subject of the -piece: they do but help to fill up the canvas, yet the -picture would not be complete without them. They are -notable personages, well worthy of being separately depicted, -though in the large historical representation they play a -subordinate part.</p> - -<p>To take out one of these side figures of history, and to -make it the centre of a separate picture, grouping round -it all the great events and characters among which it -moved, is the work of a biographer. And by many it will -be felt that nothing invests the general history of any -period with such a living interest as viewing it through -the light of some one human life. How was this individual -soul affected by the movement of the great forces with -which it was surrounded? How did it affect them, in its -turn, wherever in its progress it came into contact with -them? This one consideration will confer on many details -of history an importance and freshness of which they -seemed too trivial or too dull to be susceptible.</p> - -<p>II. Among these side characters in history, characters -of men in themselves belonging to the first rank, men -whose names will be renowned and honoured to the end of -time, but precluded, by disposition or circumstances, from -taking the foremost place in the larger canvas of general -history, must be reckoned many of the great ecclesiastics -of the first four or five centuries of Christianity. Every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span> -one recognises as great such names as Origen, Tertullian, -Cyprian, Basil, the two Gregories, and many more. Every -one would admit that the Church owes them a debt, but it -may be safely affirmed that here the acquaintance of many -with these eminent men begins and ends. A few scraps -from their writings quoted in commentaries, one or two -remarkable acts or sayings which have been thought worthy -to be handed down, a few passages in which their lives flit -across the stage of general history, complete the knowledge -of many more. Such men, indeed, as Athanasius and -Ambrose are to some extent exceptions. The magnitude -of the principles for which they contended, the energy and -ability which they displayed in the contest, were too conspicuous -to be passed over by the general historian, civil -or ecclesiastical. The proverbial expression “Athanasius -contra mundum” attests of itself the pre-eminent greatness -of the man. But with other luminaries of the Church, -whose powers were perhaps equally great, but not exercised -on so public a field or on behalf of such apparently vital -questions, history has not dealt, perhaps cannot consistently -with its scope deal, in any degree commensurate with -their merits. Nor does this remark apply entirely to civil -history. Ecclesiastical history also is so much occupied -with the consideration of subjects on a large scale and -covering a large space of time,—the course of controversies, -the growth of doctrines, the relations between Church and -State, changes in discipline, in liturgies, in ritual,—that the -history of those who lived among these events, and who by -their ability made or moulded them, is comparatively lost -sight of. The outward operations are seen, but the springs -which set them going are concealed. How can general -history, for instance, adequately set forth the character and -the work of such men as Savonarola or Erasmus, both in -their widely different ways men of such incomparable genius -and incessant activity? It does not; it only supplies a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span> -glimpse, a sketch, which make us long for a fuller vision, a -more finished picture.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">1</a></p> - -<p>III. It is designed to attempt, in the following pages, -such a supplementary chapter in ecclesiastical history. An -endeavour will be made not merely to chronicle the life and -estimate the character of the great preacher of Antioch -and Constantinople, but to place him in the centre of all -the great movements, civil as well as religious, of his time, -and see what light he and they throw upon one another.</p> - -<p>The age in which he lived was a troublous one. The -spectacle of a tempestuous sea may in itself excite our -interest and inspire us with awe, but place in the midst of -it a vessel containing human life, and how deeply is our -interest intensified!</p> - -<p>What was the general character and position of the -clergy in the fourth century? What was the attitude of -the Church towards the sensuality, selfishness, luxury, of -an effete and debased civilisation on the one hand, and the -rude ferocity of young and strong barbarian races on the -other? To what extent had Christianity leavened, or had -it appreciably leavened at all, popular forms of thought and -popular habits of life? What was the existing phase of -monasticism? what the ordinary form of worship in the -Catholic Church? what the established belief respecting the -sacraments and the great verities of the Christian faith? -In answer to such inquiries, and to many more, much useful -information may be extracted from the works of so prolific a -writer and preacher as Chrysostom. Being concerned also, -as a preacher, with moral practice more than with abstract -theology, his homilies reflect, like the writings of satirists, the -manners of the age. The habits of private life, the fashionable -amusements, the absurdities of dress, all the petty foibles, -as well as the more serious vices of the society by which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span>he was surrounded, are dragged out without remorse, and -made the subjects of solemn admonition, or fierce invective, -or withering sarcasm, or ironical jest.</p> - -<p>IV. Nor does secular history, from which not a single -chapter in ecclesiastical history can without injury be dissociated, -want for copious illustration. Not only from the -memorable story of the sedition at Antioch, and from the -public events at Constantinople, in which Chrysostom -played a conspicuous part, but from many an allusion or -incidental expression scattered up and down his works, we -may collect rays of light on the social and political condition -of the Empire. We get glimpses in his pages of a -large mass of the population hovering midway between -Paganism and Christianity; we detect an oppressive system -of taxation, a widely-spread venality in the administration -of public business, a general insecurity of life arising from -the almost total absence of what we understand by police -regulations, a depressed agriculture, a great slave population, -a vast turbulent army as dangerous to the peace of society -as the enemies from whom it was supposed to defend it, the -presence of barbarians in the country as servants, soldiers, or -colonists, the constantly-impending danger from other hordes -ever hovering on the frontier, and, like famished wolves, -gazing with hungry eyes on the plentiful prey which lay -beyond it. But in the midst of the national corruption we -see great characters stand out; and it is remarkable that -they belong, without exception, to the two elements which -alone were strong and progressive in the midst of the general -debility and decadence. All the men of commanding genius -in this era were either Christian or barbarian. A young -and growing faith, a vigorous and manly race: these were -the two forces destined to work hand in hand for the -destruction of an old and the establishment of a new order -of things. The chief doctors of Christianity in the fourth -century—Augustine, Chrysostom, Ambrose—are incompar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>ably -greater than their contemporary advocates of the old -religion and philosophy, Symmachus or Libanius; even as -the Gothic Alaric and Fravitta, and the Vandal Stilicho, were -the only generals who did not disgrace the Roman arms.</p> - -<p>V. Some remarks on the theology of Chrysostom will -be found in the concluding chapter. The appellation of -preacher,<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> by which he is most generally known, is a true -indicator of the sphere in which his powers were greatest. -It was in upholding a pure and lofty standard of Christian -morality, and in denouncing unchristian wickedness, that -his life was mainly spent, rather than, like Augustine’s, in -constructing and teaching a logical system of doctrine. -The rage of his enemies, to which he ultimately fell a -victim, was not bred of the bitterness of theological controversy, -but of the natural antagonism between the evil -and the good. And it is partly on this account that neither -the remoteness of time, nor difference of circumstances, -which separate us from him, can dim the interest with -which we read his story. He fought not so much for any -abstract question of theology or point of ecclesiastical discipline, -which may have lost its meaning and importance -for us, but for those grand principles of truth and justice, -Christian charity, and Christian holiness, which ought to be -dear to men equally in all ages.</p> - -<p>VI. But there is also in the struggle of Chrysostom with -the secular power an ecclesiastical and historical interest, as -well as a moral one. We see prefigured in his deposition -the fate of the Eastern Church in the Eastern capital of the -Empire. As the papacy grew securely by the retreat from -the old Rome of any secular rival, so the patriarchate of -the new Rome was constantly, increasingly depressed by the -presence of such a rival. Of all the great churchmen who -flourished in the fourth century, Athanasius, Basil, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>Gregories, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Chrysostom, -the last three alone survived into the fifth century. But the -glory of the Western Church was then only in its infancy; -the glory of the Eastern culminated in Chrysostom. From -his time the patriarchs of Constantinople fell more and more -into the servile position of court functionaries. The working -out of that grand idea, a visible organised Catholic -Church, uniform in doctrine and discipline, an idea which -grew more and more as the political disintegration of the -Empire increased, was to be accomplished by the more commanding, -law-giving spirit of the West. Intrepid in spirit, -inflexible of purpose, though Chrysostom was, he could not -subdue, he could only provoke to more violent opposition, -the powers with which he was brought into collision. -Ineffectual was his contest with ecclesiastical corruption -and secular tyranny, as compared with a similar contest -waged by his Western contemporary, Ambrose; ineffectual -also were the efforts, after his time, of the Church which he -represented to assert the full dignity of its position.</p> - -<p>VII. Chrysostom, and the contemporary fathers of the -Eastern Church, naturally seem very remote from us; but, -in fact, they are nearer to us in their modes of thought than -many who in point of time are less distant. They were -brought up in the study of that Greek literature with which -we are familiar. Philosophy had not stiffened into scholasticism. -The ethics of Chrysostom are substantially the same -with the ethics of Butler. So, again, Eastern fathers of the -fourth century are far more nearly allied to us in theology -than writers of a few centuries later. If we are to look to -“the rock” whence our Anglican liturgy “was hewn,” and -“to the hole of the pit” whence Anglican reformed theology -“was digged,” we must turn our eyes, above all other directions, -to the Eastern Church and the Eastern fathers. It -was observed by Mr. Alexander Knox,<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> that the earlier days -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>of the Greek Church seem resplendent with a glow of simple, -fervent piety, such as in a Church, as a whole, has never -since been seen; and that this character is strikingly in -harmony with our own liturgy, so overflowing with sublime -aspirations, so Catholic, not bearing the impress of any one -system of theology, but containing what is best in all. We -may detect in Chrysostom the germ of medieval corruptions, -such as the invocation of saints, the adoration of relics, and -a sensuous conception of the change effected in the holy -elements in the Eucharist; but these are the raw material -of error, not yet wrought into definite shape. The Bishop -of Rome is recognised, as will be seen from Chrysostom’s -correspondence with Innocent, as a great potentate, whose -intercessions are to be solicited in time of trouble and difficulty, -and to whose judgment much deference is to be paid, -but by no means as a supreme ruler in Christendom.</p> - -<p>Thus, the tone of Chrysostom’s language is far more akin -to that of our own Church than of the medieval or present -Church of Rome. In his habit of referring to Holy Scripture -as the ultimate source and basis of all true doctrine, -“so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved -thereby, is not to be required of any man as an article of -faith;” in his careful endeavour to ascertain the real meaning -of Scripture, not seeking for fanciful or mystical interpretations, -or supporting preconceived theories, but patiently -labouring, with a mixture of candour, reverence, and common -sense, to ascertain the exact literal sense of each passage;—in -these points, no less than in his theology, he bears an -affinity to the best minds of our own reformed Church, and -fairly represents that faith of the Catholic Church before the -disruption of East and West in which Bishop Ken desired to -die; while his fervent piety, and his apostolic zeal as a -preacher of righteousness, must command the admiration of -all earnest Christians, to whatever country, age, or Church, -they may belong.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> - -<p class="center f08">FROM HIS BIRTH TO HIS APPOINTMENT TO THE OFFICE OF READER, -A.D. 345 OR A.D. 347 TO A.D. 370.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">It</span> has been well remarked by Sir Henry Savile, in the -preface to his noble edition of Chrysostom’s works, published -in 1612, that, as with great rivers, so often with great -men, the middle and the close of their career are dignified -and distinguished, but the primary source and early progress -of the stream are difficult to ascertain and trace. No one, -he says, has been able to fix the exact date, the year, and -the consulship of Chrysostom’s birth. This is true; but at -the same time his birth, parentage, and education are not -involved in such obscurity as surrounds the earliest years of -some other great luminaries of the Eastern Church; his own -friend, for instance, Theodore, Bishop of Mopsuestia, and -yet more notably, the great Athanasius.</p> - -<p>There is little doubt that his birth occurred not later than -the year <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 347, and not earlier than the year <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 345; -and there is no doubt that Antioch in Syria was the place of -his birth, that his mother’s name was Anthusa, his father’s -Secundus, and that both were well born. His mother -was, if not actually baptized, very favourably inclined to -Christianity,<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> and, indeed, a woman of no ordinary piety. -The father had attained the rank of “magister militum” in -the Imperial army of Syria, and therefore enjoyed the title -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span>of “illustris.” He died when his son John was an infant, -leaving a young widow, about twenty years of age, in -comfortable circumstances, but harassed by the difficulties -and anxieties of her unprotected condition as mistress of -a household in days when servants were slaves, and life in -large cities altogether unguarded by such securities as are -familiar to us. Greatly did she dread the responsibility of -bringing up a son in one of the most turbulent and dissolute -capitals of the Empire. Nothing, she afterwards<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> declared -to him, could have enabled her to pass through such a -furnace of trial but a consoling sense of divine support, -and the delight of contemplating the image of her husband -as reproduced in his son. How long a sister older than -himself may have lived we do not know; but the conversation -between him and his mother, when he was meditating -a retreat into a monastery, seems to imply that he was the -only surviving child. All her love, all her care, all her -means and energies, were concentrated on the boy destined -to become so great a man, and exhibiting even in childhood -no common ability and aptitude for learning. But her chief -anxiety was to train him in pious habits, and to preserve -him uncontaminated from the pollutions of the vicious city -in which they resided. She was to him what Monica was -to Augustine, and Nonna to Gregory Nazianzen.</p> - -<p>The great influence, indeed, of women upon the Christianity -of domestic life in that age is not a little remarkable. -The Christians were not such a pure and single-minded -community as they had been. The refining fires of persecution -which burnt up the chaff of hypocrisy or indifference -were now extinguished; Christianity had a recognised position; -her bishops were in kings’ courts. The natural consequences -inevitably followed this attainment of security; there -were more Christians, but not more who were zealous; there -were many who hung very loosely to the Church—many -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span>who fluctuated between the Church and Paganism. In the -great Eastern cities of the Empire, especially Alexandria, -Antioch, Constantinople, the mass of the so-called Christian -population was largely infected by the dominant vices—inordinate -luxury, sensuality, selfish avarice, and display. -Christianity was in part paganised long before it had made -any appreciable progress towards the destruction of Paganism. -But the sincere and ardent piety of many amongst the -women kept alive in many a home the flame of Christian -faith which would otherwise have been smothered. The -Emperor Julian imagined that his efforts to resuscitate -Paganism would have been successful in Antioch but for -the strenuous opposition of the Christian women. He complains -“that they were permitted by their husbands to take -anything out of the house to bestow it upon the Galilæans, -or to give away to the poor, while they would not expend -the smallest trifle upon the worship of the gods.”<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> The -efforts also of the Governor Alexander, who was left in -Antioch by the Emperor to carry forward his designs of -Pagan reformation, were principally baffled through this -female influence. He found that the men would often -consent to attend the temples and sacrifices, but afterwards -generally repented and retracted their adherence. This -relapse Libanius the sophist, in a letter<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> to the Governor, -ascribes to the home influence of the women. “When the -men are out of doors,” he says, “they obey you who give -them the best advice, and they approach the altars; but -when they get home, their minds undergo a change; they -are wrought upon by the tears and entreaties of their -wives, and they again withdraw from the altars of the -gods.”</p> - -<p>Anthusa did not marry again; very possibly she was -deterred from contracting a second marriage by religious -scruples which Chrysostom himself would certainly have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span>approved.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> The Pagans themselves admired those women -who dedicated themselves to a single life, or abstained from -marrying again. Chrysostom himself informs us that when -he began to attend the lectures of Libanius, his master -inquired who and what his parents were; and on being told -that he was the son of a widow who at the age of forty had -lost her husband twenty years, he exclaimed in a tone of -mingled jealousy and admiration: “Heavens! what women -these Christians have!”<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">9</a></p> - -<p>What instruction he received in early boyhood, beside -his mother’s careful moral and religious training; whether -he was sent, a common custom among Christian parents -in that age,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> to be taught by the monks in one of the -neighbouring monasteries, where he may have imbibed an -early taste for monastic retirement, we know not. He was -designed, however, not for the clerical but for the legal -profession, and at the age of twenty he began to attend -the lectures of one of the first sophists of the day, capable -of giving him that secular training and learning which -would best enable him to cope with men of the world. -Libanius had achieved a reputation as a teacher of general -literature, rhetoric, and philosophy, and as an able and -eloquent defender of Paganism, not only in his native city -Antioch, but in the Empire at large. He was the friend and -correspondent of Julian, and on amicable terms with the -Emperors Valens and Theodosius. He had now returned to -Antioch after lengthened residence in Athens (where the -chair of rhetoric had been offered to him, but declined), in -Nicomedia, and in Constantinople.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> In attending daily -lectures at his school, the young Chrysostom became conversant -with the best classical Greek authors, both poets -and philosophers. Of their teaching he in later life retained -little admiration,<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> and to the perusal of their writings he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>probably seldom or never recurred for profit or recreation, -but his retentive memory enabled him to the last to point -and adorn his arguments with quotations from Homer, -Plato, and the Tragedians. In the school of Libanius also -he began to practise those nascent powers of eloquence -which were destined to win for him so mighty a fame, as -well as the appellation of Chrysostomos, or the Golden -Mouth, by which, rather than by his proper name of John, -he will be known to the end of time.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Libanius, in a letter -to Chrysostom, praises highly a speech composed by him in -honour of the Emperors, and says they were happy in having -so excellent a panegyrist.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> The Pagan sophist helped to -forge the weapons which were afterwards to be skilfully -employed against the cause to which he was devoted. When -he was on his deathbed, he was asked by his friends who -was in his opinion capable of succeeding him. “It would -have been John,” he replied, “had not the Christians stolen -him from us.”<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> But it did not immediately appear that the -learned advocate of Paganism was nourishing a traitor; for -Chrysostom had not yet been baptized, and began to seek an -opening for his powers in secular fields of activity.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> He -commenced practice as a lawyer; some of his speeches -gained great admiration, and were highly commended by his -old master Libanius. A brilliant career of worldly ambition -was open to him. The profession of the law was at that -time the great avenue to civil distinction. The amount of -litigation was enormous. One hundred and fifty advocates -were required for the court of the Prætorian Prefect of the -East alone. The display of talent in the law-courts frequently -obtained for a man the government of a province, -whence the road was open to those higher dignities of vice-prefect, -prefect, patrician, consul, which were honoured by -the title of “illustrious.”<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">17</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span></p> - -<p>But the pure and upright disposition of the youthful -advocate recoiled from the licentiousness which corrupted -society; from the avarice, fraud, and artifice which marked -the transactions of men of business; from the chicanery and -rapacity that sullied the profession which he had entered.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> -He was accustomed to say later in life that “the Bible was -the fountain for watering the soul.” If he had drunk of the -classical fountains in the school of Libanius, he had imbibed -draughts yet deeper of the spiritual well-spring in quiet -study of Holy Scripture at home. And like many another -in that degraded age, his whole soul revolted from the -glaring contrast presented by the ordinary life of the world -around him to that standard of holiness which was held up -in the Gospels.</p> - -<p>He had formed also an intimate friendship with a young -man, his equal in station and age, by whose influence he was -diverted more and more from secular life, and eventually -induced altogether to abandon it. This was Basil, who will -come before us in the celebrated work on the priesthood. -He must not be confounded with the great Basil,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> Bishop of -Cæsarea, in Cappadocia, who was some fifteen years older -than Chrysostom, having been born in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 329, nor with -Basil, Bishop of Seleucia, who was present at the Council of -Chalcedon in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 451, and must therefore have been considerably -younger. Perhaps he may be identified with a -Basil, Bishop of Raphanea in Syria, not far from Antioch, -who attended the Council of Constantinople in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381.</p> - -<p>Chrysostom has described his friendship with Basil in -affecting language:<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> “I had many genuine and true friends, -men who understood and strictly observed the laws of -friendship; but one there was out of the many who exceeded -them all in attachment to me, and strove to leave -them all behind in the race, even as much as they themselves -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>surpassed ordinary acquaintances. He was one of those -who accompanied me at all times; we engaged in the same -studies, and were instructed by the same teachers; in our -zeal and interest for the subjects on which we worked, we -were one. As we went to our lectures or returned from -them, we were accustomed to take counsel together on the -line of life it would be best to adopt; and here, too, we -appeared to be unanimous.”</p> - -<p>Basil early determined this question for himself in favour -of monasticism; he decided, as Chrysostom expresses it, to -follow the “true philosophy.” This occasioned the first -interruption to their intercourse. Chrysostom, soon after -the age of twenty, had embarked on a secular career, and -could not immediately make up his mind to tread in the -footsteps of his friend. “The balance,” he says, “was no -longer even;” the scale of Basil mounted, while that of -Chrysostom was depressed by the weight of earthly interests -and desires.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> But the decisive act of Basil made a deep -impression on his mind; separation from his friend only -increased his attachment to him, and his aversion from life -in the world. He began to withdraw more from ordinary -occupations and pleasures, and to spend more of his time -in the study of Holy Scripture. He formed acquaintance -with Meletius, the deeply respected Catholic Bishop of -Antioch, and after three years, the usual period of probation -for catechumens, was baptized by him.</p> - -<p>A natural question arises: Why was he not baptized -before, since his mother was a Christian, and there is -abundant evidence that infant baptism was and had been -the ordinary practice of the Church?<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> In attempting a -solution of the difficulty, it will be proper to mention first -certain reasons for delaying baptism which were prevalent in -that age, and which may partially have influenced the mind -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span>of Chrysostom’s mother or himself. It may sound paradoxical -to say that an exaggerated estimation of the import -and effect of baptism contributed in two ways to its delay. -But such appears to have been the case. It was regarded -by many as the most complete and final purgation of past -sin, and the most solemn pledge of a new and purified life -for the future. To sin, therefore, before baptism was comparatively -harmless, if in the waters of baptism the guilty -stains could be washed away; but sin after the reception of -that holy sacrament was almost, if not altogether, unpardonable—at -least fraught with the most tremendous peril. -Hence some would delay baptism, as many now delay repentance, -from a secret or conscious reluctance to take a -decisive step, and renounce the pleasures of sin; and under -the comfortable persuasion that some day, by submitting to -baptism, they would free themselves from the responsibilities -of their past life. Others, again, were deterred from -binding themselves under so solemn a covenant by a distrust -of their ability to fulfil their vows, and a timorous dread -of the eternal consequences if they failed. Against these -misconceptions of the true nature and proper use of the -sacrament, the great Basil, the two Gregories, and Chrysostom -himself contend<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> with a vehemence and indignation -which proves them to have been common. Many parents -thought they would allow the fitful and unstable season of -youth to pass before they irrevocably bound their children -under the most solemn engagements of their Christian calling. -The children, when they grew up, inherited their -scruples, and so the sacrament was indefinitely deferred.</p> - -<p>It is not impossible that such feelings may have influenced -Chrysostom’s mother and himself; but considering the -natural and healthy character of his piety, which seems to -have grown by a gentle and unintermitting progress from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span>his childhood, they do not seem very probable in his case. -A more cogent cause for the delay may perhaps be found in -the distracted state of the Church in Antioch, which lasted, -with increasing complications, from <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 330, or fifteen years -prior to Chrysostom’s birth, up to the time of his baptism -by Meletius, when a brighter day was beginning to dawn.</p> - -<p>The vicissitudes of the Church in Antioch during that -period form a curious, though far from pleasing, picture of -the inextricable difficulties, the deplorable schisms, into -which the Church at large was plunged by the Arian controversy. -Two years after the Council of Nice, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 327, -the Arians, through the assistance of Constantia, the -Emperor’s sister, won the favour of Constantine. He lost -no time during this season of prosperity in procuring the -deposition of Catholic bishops. Eminent among these -was Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch. He was ejected by -a synod held in his own city on false charges of Sabellianism -and adultery.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> An Arian Bishop, Euphronius, was appointed, -but the Catholic congregation indignantly withdrew -to hold their services in another quarter of the town, -on the opposite side of the Orontes.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> The see remained for -some time entirely in the hands of the Arians. When the -Council of Sardica met in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 342, and the Arian faction -seceded from it to hold a Council of their own in Philippopolis, -Stephen, Bishop of Antioch, was their president. -He was deposed in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 349 by the Emperor Constantius, -having been detected as an accomplice in an infamous plot -against some envoys from the Western Church.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> But “uno -avulso non deficit alter;” he was succeeded by another -Arian, the eunuch Leontius.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> He tried to conciliate the -Catholics by an artful and equivocating policy, of which his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>manner of chanting the doxology was an instance. The -Arian form of it was “Glory be to the Father <span class="smcap">BY</span> the Son <em>in</em> -the Holy Ghost;” this the bishop was accustomed to slur in -such an indistinct voice that the prepositions could not be -clearly if at all heard, while he joined loudly in the second -part of the hymn where all were agreed.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> He died towards -the close of <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 357, when the see was fraudulently seized -by Eudoxius, Bishop of Germanicia. He favoured the -extreme Arians so openly that the Semi-Arians appealed -to the Emperor Constantius to summon a General Council. -Their request was granted; but the Arians, fearing that the -Catholics and Semi-Arians would coalesce to overwhelm -them, artfully suggested that Rimini, the place proposed for -the Council, was too distant for the Eastern prelates, and -that the Assembly should be divided, part meeting at Rimini, -and part at Nice.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> Their suggestion was accepted, and the -result is well known. Partly by arguments, partly by -artifices and delays which wore out the strength and patience -of the members, the Arians completely carried the day; the -creed of Rimini was ordered by the Emperor to be everywhere -signed, and in the words of Jerome, “the world -groaned and found itself Arian.”<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> An Arian synod sat at -Constantinople. Macedonius, the archbishop, being considered -too moderate, was deposed, and Eudoxius, the -usurper of Antioch, was elevated to the see in his stead;<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> -and Meletius, Bishop of Sebaste, in Armenia, was translated -to the vacant see of Antioch, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 361. But in him the -Arians had mistaken their man. He was one of those who -attended more to the practical moral teaching than to the -abstract theology of Christianity; and, being not perhaps -very precise in his language on doctrinal points, he had been -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>reckoned an Arian.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> After his elevation to the see of -Antioch, he confined himself in his discourses to those -practical topics on which all could agree. But this was not -allowed to last long. The Emperor Constantius paid a visit -to Antioch soon after the appointment of Meletius, and he -was instigated by the Arians to put the bishop to a crucial -test. He was commanded to preach on Proverbs viii. 22: -“The Lord <em>possessed</em> me” (Septuagint <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἔκτισε</span>, that was the -fatal word) “in the beginning,” etc. The interpretation put -on the word “formed” ἔκτισε would reveal the man. Two -other bishops discoursed first upon the same text: George -of Laodicea, Acacius of Cæsarea. The first construed the -passage in a purely Arian sense: the Word was a <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">κτίσμα</span>, -“a created being,” though the first in time and rank; the -second preacher took a more moderate line. Then came the -turn of Meletius; short-hand writers took down every word -as it fell. Meletius was a mild and temperate man, but he -had his convictions, and he was no coward. To the horror -of the Arians (the secret joy, perhaps, of those who disliked -him) he entirely dissented from the Arian interpretation. -The people loudly applauded his sermon, and called aloud -for some brief and compendious statement of his doctrine. -Meletius replied by a symbolical action: he held up three -fingers, and then closing two of them, he said: “Our minds -conceive of three, but we speak as to one.”<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> This was conclusive; -the objectionable prelate was banished to Melitene, -his native place in Armenia, thirty days after he had -entered Antioch. Euzoius, who had been an intimate friend -and constant associate of Arius himself, was put into the -see. The Church of Antioch now split into three parties: -the old and rigid orthodox set, who, ever since the deposition -of Eustathius in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 327, had adhered to his doctrine, and -were called after his name; the moderate Catholics, who -regarded Meletius as their bishop; and the Arians under -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>Euzoius. The synod which had deposed him published -a thoroughly Arian creed, which declared the Son to have -been created out of nothing, and to be unlike the Father -both in substance and will.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">34</a></p> - -<p>This first banishment of Meletius, which occurred in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -361, did not last long. Julian, who became Emperor -the same year, recalled all the prelates who had been -exiled in the two preceding reigns; partly, perhaps, from a -really liberal feeling, partly from a willingness to foment -the internal dissensions of the Church by placing the -rival bishops in close antagonism. Athanasius returned to -Alexandria amidst great ovations.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> One of the questions -which occupied the attention of a synod convened by him -was the schism of Antioch. Eusebius, Bishop of Vercelli, -a staunch Italian friend of Athanasius, was despatched to -Antioch in order to heal the division; but he had been -unhappily anticipated by another Western prelate, Lucifer -of Cagliari, in Sardinia, a brave defender of orthodoxy, -for which with Eusebius he had suffered exile, but a most -unskilful peacemaker. He only complicated the existing -confusion by consecrating as bishop a priest of the old -Eustathian party, named Paulinus, instead of strengthening -the hands of Meletius.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> The unhappy Church at Antioch, -where the whole Christian community amounted to not -more than 100,000 souls,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> was thus torn to tatters. There -were now three bishops: the Arian Euzoius, Meletius, generally -acknowledged by the Eastern Church, and Paulinus -by the Western. And, as if three rival heads were not -sufficient, the Apollinarians soon afterwards added a fourth. -But the mild, prudent, and charitable disposition of Meletius -procured for him the affection and esteem of the largest and -most respectable part of the population, as well as of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span>common people. Even when he was banished for the first -time after he had been only a month in Antioch, the populace -endeavoured to stone the prefect as he was conducting -the bishop out of the city. He was saved by Meletius -himself, who threw a part of his own mantle round him, to -protect him from their fury. And after he returned from -exile the popularity of Meletius increased. In paintings on -the walls of houses and engravings on signet rings, his face -was often represented, and parents gave his name to their -children both to perpetuate his memory and to remind them -of an example which was worthy of their imitation.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> Once -more in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 367, and yet again in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 370 or <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 371, when -the Arians recovered the favour of the Court under the -Emperor Valens, he was sent into exile, but he returned -after the death of Valens in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 378; and it was as Bishop -of Antioch that he presided over the Council of Constantinople -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381, and died during its session.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> His funeral -oration, pronounced by Gregory Nyssen, is extant. The -final reparation of that schism which he nobly and constantly -endeavoured to heal was not effected for nearly twenty -years, when Chrysostom, then Archbishop of Constantinople, -accomplished that good service for his native city.</p> - -<p>It is interesting to dwell at some length upon the history -of the Church in Antioch at this period, because it represents -the painful feuds in which the Church at large became -entangled through the baneful influence of the Arian controversy, -that first great blow to the unity of Christendom; -when bishop was set up against bishop, and rival councils -manufactured rival creeds, when violence, and intrigue, and -diplomatic arts were employed too often by both sides to -gain their ends. But the distracted state of the Church at -Antioch also supplies a possible answer to the question why -the baptism of Chrysostom was delayed so long. One of -the reasons frequently alleged for deferring the reception of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>that sacrament was the desire of the candidate to receive it -at the hands of some particular bishop.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Now who were -the bishops of Antioch during the infancy and boyhood of -Chrysostom? The Arians were in possession of the see at -the time of his birth, and retained it till <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 361, when -Meletius was appointed, but banished almost immediately. -The pious sensible mother and the well-disposed youth -would not unnaturally hold aloof from a Church over which -presided such prelates as Stephen, Leontius, Eudoxius, -Euzoius. Their minds may well have been so sorely perplexed -and suspended between the claims of opposing factions -as to delay the reception of baptism from the hands of any.</p> - -<p>But the prudent, conciliatory policy, the mild and amiable -disposition of Meletius, would engage the sympathy and -respect of an affectionate, pious, and sensible youth, such as -Chrysostom was. He was about twenty when Meletius was -banished in 367 by the Emperor Valens; but the bishop -returned in a short time, when Chrysostom’s friend Basil -had withdrawn into religious seclusion, and he himself was -feeling an increasing repugnance to the world. He presented -himself as a candidate for baptism to the bishop, and after -the usual three years of preparation as a catechumen, was -admitted into the Christian Church.</p> - -<p>There can be no doubt that baptism, from whatever cause -delayed, must on that very account have come home to the -recipient with a peculiar solemnity of meaning. It was an -important epoch, often a decisive turning-point in the life, -a deliberate renunciation of the world, and dedication of the -whole man to God. So Chrysostom evidently felt it; from -this point we enter on a new phase in his life. He becomes -for a time an enthusiastic ascetic, and then settles down into -that more tranquil and steady, but intense glow of piety and -love to God which burned with undiminished force till the -close of his career.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span></p> -<p>The wise Bishop Meletius, however, desired to employ his -powers in some sphere of active labour in the Church. As -a preliminary step to this end, he ordained him soon after -his baptism to the office of reader. This order appears not -to have been instituted in the Church before the third -century; at least there is no allusion to it in writers of the -first two centuries, and frequent references in writers of the -third and fourth.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> The duty of readers was to read those -portions of Scripture which were introduced into the first -service or “Missa Catechumenorum,” which preceded the -Communion, or “Missa Fidelium,” so called because only -the baptized were admitted to it. They read from the -Pulpitum or Tribunal Ecclesiæ, or Ambo, the reading-desk -of the Church, which must not be confounded with the -Bema, or Tribunal of the Sanctuary. This last was identical -with the altar, or rather the steps of the altar, and no rank -lower than that of deacon was permitted to read from this -position. By the Novells of Justinian,<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> eighteen was fixed -as the youngest age at which any one could be ordained to -this office. But previous to this limitation, it was not uncommon -to appoint mere children. Cæsarius of Arles is said -to have been made a reader at the tender age of seven, and -Victor Uticensis, describing the cruelties of the Vandalic -persecution in Africa, affirms that among 500 clergy or more -who perished by sword or famine, were many “infant readers.”<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">43</a></p> - -<p>The ceremony of ordination appears to have been very -simple. The Fourth Council of Carthage ordains that the -bishop should testify before the congregation to the purity, -the faith, and conversation of the candidate. Then in their -presence he is to place a Bible in his hands with these words: -“Take thou this book, and be thou a reader of the word of -God, which office if thou discharge faithfully and profitably -thou shalt have part with those who have ministered the -word of God.”<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">44</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">COMMENCEMENT OF ASCETIC LIFE—STUDY UNDER DIODORUS—FORMATION -OF AN ASCETIC BROTHERHOOD—THE LETTERS TO THEODORE. -A.D. 370.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> enthusiasm of minds newly awakened to a full perception -of Christian holiness, and a deep sense of Christian -obligations, was in early times seldom contented with anything -short of complete separation from the world. The -Oriental temperament especially has been at all times -inclined to passionate extremes. It oscillates between the -most abandoned licentiousness and intense asceticism. The -second is the corrective of the first; where the disease is -desperate, the remedies must be violent. Chrysostom, as -will be perceived throughout his life, was never carried to -fanatical extremes; a certain sober-mindedness and calm -practical good sense eminently distinguished him, though -mingled with burning zeal. But in his youth especially he -was not exempt from the spirit of the age and country in -which he lived. He irresistibly gravitated towards that kind -of life which his friend Basil had already adopted—a life of -retirement, contemplation, and pious study—“the philosophy” -of Christianity, as it was called at that time.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">45</a></p> - -<p>It does not appear that Basil had actually joined any -monastic community, but merely that he was leading a life -of seclusion, and practising some of the usual monastic -austerities. Chrysostom, indeed, distinctly asserts that, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>previous to his own baptism, their intercourse had not -been entirely broken off; only that it was impossible for -him, who had his business in the law-courts and found his -recreation in the theatre, to be so acceptable as formerly to -one who now never entered public places, and who was -wholly devoted to meditation, study, and prayer.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> Their -intercourse was necessarily more rare, though their friendship -was substantially unshaken. “When, however, I had -myself also lifted my head a little above this worldly flood, he -received me with open arms” (probably referring here to his -baptism or preparation for it); “but even then I was not -able to maintain my former equality, for he had the advantage -of me in point of time, and having manifested the -greatest diligence, he had attained a very lofty standard, and -was ever soaring beyond me.”<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">47</a></p> - -<p>This disparity, however, could not diminish their natural -affection for one another; and Basil at length obtained -Chrysostom’s consent to a plan which he had frequently -urged—that they should abandon their present homes and -live together in some quiet abode, there to strengthen each -other in undisturbed study, meditation, and prayer. But -this project of the young enthusiasts was for a time frustrated -by the irresistible entreaties of Chrysostom’s mother, -that he would not deprive her of his protection, companionship, -and help. The scene is described by Chrysostom -himself,<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> with a dramatic power worthy of Greek tragedy. -It reminds the reader of some of those long and stately, yet -elegant and affecting, narratives of the messenger who, at the -close of the play, <em>describes</em> the final scene which is not represented. -Certainly it bespeaks the scholar of a man who had -made his pupils familiar with the best classical writers in -Greek. “When she knew that we were meditating this -course, my mother took me by the right hand and led me -into her own chamber, and there, seating herself near the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>bed on which she had given birth to me, wept fountains of -tears; to which she added words of lamentation more -pitiable even than the tears themselves. ‘I was not long -permitted to enjoy the virtue of thy father, my child: so it -seemed good to God. My travail-pangs at your birth were -quickly succeeded by his death; bringing orphanhood upon -thee, and upon me an untimely widowhood, with all those -miseries of widowhood which those only who have experienced -them can fairly understand. For no description -can approach the reality of that storm and tempest which is -undergone by her who having but lately issued from her -father’s home, and being unskilled in the ways of the world, -is suddenly plunged into grief insupportable, and compelled -to endure anxieties too great for her sex and age. For she -has to correct the negligence, to watch against the ill-doings, -of her slaves, to baffle the insidious schemes of kinsfolk, to -meet with a brave front the impudent threats and harshness -of tax-collectors.’”<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">49</a></p> - -<p>She then describes minutely the expense, and labour, and -constant anxiety which attended the education of a son; -how she had refrained from all thoughts of second marriage, -that she might bestow her undivided energies, time, and -means upon him; how amply it had all been rewarded by -the delight of his presence, recalling the image of her husband;—and -now that he had grown up, would he leave her -absolutely forlorn? “In return for all these my services to -you,” she cried, “I implore you this one favour only—not to -make me a second time a widow, or to revive the grief -which time has lulled. Wait for my death—perhaps I shall -soon be gone; when you have committed my body to the -ground, and mingled my bones with your father’s bones, -then you will be free to embark on any sea you please.” -Such an appeal to his sense of filial gratitude and duty could -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>not be disregarded. Chrysostom yielded to his mother’s -entreaties, although Basil did not desist from urging his -favourite scheme.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">50</a></p> - -<p>At the same time he assimilated his life at home as much -as possible to the condition of a monk. He entirely withdrew -from all worldly occupations and amusements. He -seldom went out of the house; he strengthened his mind by -study, his spirit by prayer, and subdued his body by vigils -and fasting, and sleeping upon the bare ground. He maintained -an almost constant silence, that his thoughts might -be kept abstracted from mundane things, and that no irritable -or slanderous speech might escape his lips. Some of -his companions naturally lamented what they regarded as a -morose and melancholy change.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">51</a></p> - -<p>But the intercourse between him and Basil was more -frequent than before; and two other young men, who had -been their fellow-students at the school of Libanius, were -persuaded to adopt the same kind of secluded life. These -two were Maximus, afterwards Bishop of Seleucia, in -Isauria; and Theodore, who became Bishop of Mopsuestia, -in Cilicia.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> This little fraternity formed, with some others -not named, a voluntary association of youthful ascetics. -They did not dwell in a separate building, nor were they in -any way established as a monastic community, but (like -Wesley and his young friends at Oxford) they lived by rule, -and practised monastic austerities. The superintendence of -their studies and general conduct they submitted to Diodorus -and Carterius, who were presidents of monasteries in the -vicinity of Antioch.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> In addition to his own intrinsic merits -and eminence, Diodorus claims our attention, because there -can be no doubt that he exercised a great influence upon the -minds of his two most distinguished scholars, Chrysostom -and Theodore. Indeed, judging from the fragments of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span>works, and the notices of him by historians, it is not too -much to say that he was the founder of a method of Biblical -interpretation of which Chrysostom and Theodore became -the most able representatives.</p> - -<p>He was of noble family, and the friend of Meletius, who -confided to him and the priest Evagrius the chief care of his -diocese during his second exile under Valens about <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 370. -And one of the first acts of Meletius, on his return in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -378, was to make Diodorus Bishop of Tarsus. His writings -in defence of Christianity were sufficiently powerful and -notorious to provoke the notice of Julian, who, in a letter to -Photinus, attacks him with no small asperity.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> The Emperor -finds occasion for ridicule in the pale and wrinkled face -and the attenuated frame of Diodorus, wasted by his severe -labours and ascetic practices; and represents these disfigurements -as punishments from the offended gods against -whom he had directed his pen. Being well known as a -warm friend of Meletius, Diodorus was exposed to some risk -from the Arian party during the exile of the bishop from -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 370-378. But he was not deterred from frequenting -the old town on the south side of the Orontes, where the -congregation of Meletius held their assemblies, and diligently -ministering to their spiritual needs. He accepted -no fixed stipend, but his necessities were supplied by the -hospitality of those among whom he laboured.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> Of his -voluminous writings, a commentary on the Old and New -Testament is that most frequently quoted by ecclesiastical -writers. They expressly and repeatedly affirm that he -adhered very closely to the literal and historical meaning -of the text, and that he was opposed to those mystical and -allegorical interpretations of Origen and the Alexandrian -school, which often disguised rather than elucidated the true -significance of the passage.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> One evil of the allegorical -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>method was, that it destroyed a clear and critical perception -of the differences between the Older Revelation and the New. -The Old Testament was regarded as a kind of vast enigma, -containing <em>implicitly</em> the facts and doctrines of the New. -To detect subtle allusions to the coming of our Saviour, to -the events of his life, to his death and resurrection, in the -acts, speeches, and gestures of persons mentioned in the Old -Testament, was regarded as a kind of interpretation no less -satisfactory than it was ingenious. To believe indeed that -the grand intention running through Scripture from the -beginning to the end is to bring men to Jesus Christ; that -the history of the fall of man is given to enable us to -appreciate the need of a Restorer, and to estimate his work -at its proper value; that the history of a dispensation based -on law enables us to accept with more thankfulness a dispensation -of spirit; that the history of the Jewish system of -sacrifices is intended to conduct us to the one great Sacrifice -as the substance of previous shadows, the fulfilment of -previous types; that, alike in the law and the prophets, -intimations and hints and significant parallels of the subsequent -history to which they lead on are to be discerned;—this -may be reasonable, profitable, and true: but it can -be neither profitable nor true to see allusions, prophecies, -and parallels in every minute and trivial detail of that -earlier history.</p> - -<p>From this vital error Diodorus appears to have emancipated -himself and his disciples. He perceived, as we -shall see Chrysostom perceived, a gradual development in -Revelation: that the knowledge, and morality, and faith of -men under the Old Dispensation were less advanced than -those of men who lived under the New. One instance must -suffice. He remarks that the Mosaic precept, directing the -brother of a man who had died childless to raise up posterity -to his brother by marrying his wife, was given for the consolation -of men who had as yet received no clear promise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span> -respecting a resurrection from the dead.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> There is an -approach to what some might deem rationalistic criticism, -when he affirms that the speech of God to men in the Old -Testament was not an external voice, but an inward spiritual -intimation. When, for instance, it is said that God gave a -command to Adam, it is evident, he says, that it was not -made by a sound audible to the bodily ear, but that God -impressed the knowledge of the command upon him according -to his own proper energy, and that when Adam had -received it his <em>condition</em> was the same <em>as</em> if it had come to -him through the actual hearing of the ear. And this, he -observes, is what God effected also in the case of the -prophets.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> A similar rationalistic tendency is observable in -his explanation of the relation between the Divine and -human elements in the person of our blessed Lord. His -language, in fact, on this subject is Nestorian: a distinction -was to be made between Him who, according to his essence, -<em>was</em> Son of God—the Logos—and Him who through Divine -decree and adoption <em>became</em> Son of God. He who was born -as Man from Mary was Son according to grace, but God the -Logos was Son according to nature. The Son of Mary -became Son of God because He was selected to be the -receptacle or temple of God the Word. It was only in an -improper sense that God the Word was called Son of David; -the appellation was given to Him merely because the human -temple in which He dwelt belonged to the lineage of David.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> -It is clear that Diodorus would have objected equally with -Nestorius to apply the title of “God-bearer” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">Θεοτόκος</span>) to -the blessed Virgin. Sixty years later, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 429, the streets -of Constantinople and Alexandria resounded with tumults -excited by controversy about the subject of which this was -the watchword. But Diodorus happily lived too early for -these dreadful conflicts, and his scholar Theodore was not -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span>personally disturbed; though long after his death, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -553, his writings were condemned by the Fifth Œcumenical -Council, because the Nestorians appealed to them in confirmation -of their tenets, and revered his memory. The -practical element in Diodorus, his method of literal and -common-sense interpretation of Holy Scripture, was inherited -chiefly by Chrysostom; the intellectual vein, his -conceptions of the relation between the Godhead and Manhood -in Christ, his opinions respecting the final restoration -of mankind, which were almost equivalent to a denial of -eternal punishment, were reproduced mainly by Theodore.</p> - -<p>It was inevitable that those who, in an access of religious -fervour, had renounced the world and subjected themselves -to the sternest asceticism, should sometimes find that they -had miscalculated their powers. The passionate enthusiasm -which for a time carried them along the thorny path would -begin to subside; a hankering after a more natural, if not -more worldly, life ensued; and occasionally the reaction -was so violent, the passions kept down in unnatural constraint -reasserted themselves with such force, that the -ascetic flew back to the pleasures and sometimes to the -sins of the world, with an appetite which was in painful -contrast to his previous abstinence. The youthful Theodore -was for a time an instance, though far from an extreme -instance, of such reaction: the strain was too great for -him; he relapsed for a season into his former habits of life; -he retired from the little ascetic brotherhood to which Chrysostom -and Basil belonged. There is no evidence that he -fell into any kind of sin; he simply returned to the occupations -and amusements of ordinary life. He was in love -with and desirous of marrying a young lady named Hermione. -But Chrysostom was at this period such an ardent -ascetic; he was so deeply impressed with the evil of the -world; and regarded an austere and absolute separation from -it as so indispensable to the highest standard of Christian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span> -life, that to him any divergence from that path, when once -adopted, seemed a positive sin. The relapse of Theodore -called forth two letters of lamentation, remonstrance, and -exhortation from his friend. They are the earliest of his -extant works, and exhibit a command of language which -does credit to the training of Libanius as well as to his own -ability, and an intimate acquaintance with Holy Scripture, -which proves how much time he had already spent in -diligent and patient study. Since these epistles have been -justly considered among the finest of his productions, and -represent his opinions at an early stage of his life respecting -repentance, a future life, the advantages of asceticism and -celibacy, some paraphrases from them will be presented to -the reader.</p> - -<p>He begins his first letter by quoting the words of Jeremiah: -“Oh that my head were waters, and mine eyes a -fountain of tears!”</p> - -<p>“If the prophet uttered that lamentation over a ruined -city, surely I may express a like passionate sorrow over the -fallen soul of a brother. That soul which was once the -temple of the Holy Spirit now lies open and defenceless -to become the prey of any hostile invader. The spirit of -avarice, of arrogance, of lust, may now find a free passage -into a heart which was once as pure and inaccessible to evil -as heaven itself. Wherefore I mourn and weep, nor will -I cease from my mourning until I see thee again in thy -former brilliancy. For though this may seem impossible to -men, yet with God it is possible, for He it is who lifteth -the beggar from the earth and taketh the poor out of the -dunghill, that He may set him with the princes, even with -the princes of his people.” An eminent characteristic of -Chrysostom is that he is always hopeful of human nature; -he never doubts the capacity of man to rise, or the willingness -of God to raise him. Theodore himself appears to have -been stricken with remorse, and to have drooped into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span> -despondency, to rouse him from which and lead him to repose -more trustfully on the goodness of God, was one main -purpose of Chrysostom’s letters. “Despair was the devil’s -work;” “it is he who tries to cut off that hope whereby -men are saved, which is the support and anchor of the soul, -which, like a long chain, let down from heaven, little by -little draws those who hold tightly to it up to heavenly -heights, and lifts them above the storm and tempest of -these worldly ills. The devil tries to extinguish that trust -which is the source and strength of prayer, which enables -men to cry, ‘as the eyes of a maiden look unto the hand of -her mistress, even so our eyes wait upon the Lord our God -until He have mercy upon us.’ Yet if man will only believe -it, there is never a time at which any one, even the most -abandoned sinner, may not turn and repent and be accepted -by God. For God being impassible, his wrath is not a -passion or an emotion; He punishes not in anger, since He -is unsusceptible by nature of injury from any insult or -wrong done by us, but in mercy, that He may bring men -back to Himself.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> The many instances of God’s mercy; his -relenting towards the Jews, and even to Ahab, when he -humbled himself; the repentance of Manasseh—of the -Ninevites—of the penitent thief—all accepted, although -preceded by a long course of sin, prove that the words ‘today -if ye will hear his voice’ are applicable to any time:—it -is always ‘to-day’ as long as a man lives; repentance is -estimated not by length of time, but by the disposition of -the heart.” He acutely observes that “despondency often -conceals moral weakness; a secret though perhaps unconscious -sympathy with the sin which the man professes to -deplore and hate.” “To fall is natural, but to remain -fallen argues a kind of acquiescence in evil, a feebleness -of moral purpose which is more displeasing to God than the -fall itself.”<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">61</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span></p> - -<p>But although he speaks in the most hopeful, encouraging -language of the efficacy of repentance, however late, if -sincere, in <em>this life</em>, no one can assert more strongly the -impossibility of restoration when the limits of this present -existence have once been passed. In this respect he -differs alike from Origen, Diodorus, and his fellow-student -Theodore, and from believers in the later developed doctrine -of purgatory. “As long as we are here, it is possible, even -if we sin ten thousand times, to wash all away by repentance; -but when once we have been taken to that other -world, even if we manifest the greatest penitence, it will -avail us naught, but however much we may gnash with our -teeth, and beat our breasts, and pour forth entreaties, no one -will be able even with the tip of his finger to cool us in the -flame; we shall only hear the same words as the rich man: -‘between us and you there is a great gulf fixed.’”<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> Nothing -is more remarkably characteristic of Chrysostom’s productions, -especially the earlier, than a frequent recurrence to -this truth: the existence of a great impassable chasm -between the two abodes of misery and bliss. Heaven and -hell were no distant dreamlands to him, but realities so -nearly and vividly present to his mind that they acted as -powerful motives, encouraging to holiness, deterring from -vice. He paints the two pictures in glowing colours, and -submits them to the contemplation of his friend. “When -you hear of fire, think not that the fire in that other world -is like it; for this earthly fire burns up and consumes -whatever it lays hold of, but that burns continually those -who are seized by it and never ceases, wherefore it is called -unquenchable. For sinners must be clothed with immortality, -not for honour, but merely to supply a constant -material for this punishment to feed upon; and how terrible -this is, a description would indeed never be able to present, -but from our experience of small sufferings it is possible -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>to form some little conception of those greater miseries. -If you should ever be in a bath which has been overheated, -then I pray you consider the fire of hell; or if ever you -have been parched by a severe fever, transfer your thoughts -to that flame, and you will be able clearly to distinguish the -difference. For if a bath or a fever so distress and agitate -us, what will be our condition when we fall into that -river of fire which flows past the terrible Judge’s throne.”<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> -“Heaven is, indeed, a subject which transcends the powers -of human language, yet we can form a dim image of what -it is like. It is the place ‘whence sorrow and sighing -shall flee away’ (Is. xxxv. 10); where poverty and sickness -are not to be dreaded; where no one injures or is injured, -no one provokes or is provoked; no one is harassed by -anxiety about the necessary wants, or frets over the loftier -ambitions, of life; it is the place where the tempest of -human passions is lulled; where there is neither night -nor cold nor heat, nor changes of season, nor old age; but -everything belonging to decay is taken away, and incorruptible -glory reigns alone. But far above all these things, -it is the place where men will continually enjoy the society -of Jesus Christ, together with angels and archangels and -all the powers above.”<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> “Open your eyes,” he cries in a -transport of feeling, “and contemplate in imagination that -heavenly theatre crowded not with men such as we see, -but with those who are nobler than gold or precious stones -or sunbeams, or any brilliant thing that can be seen; and -not with men only, but angels, thrones, dominions, powers -ranged about the King whom we dare not describe for his -transcendent beauty, majesty, and splendour. If we had -to suffer ten thousand deaths every day; nay, if we had -to undergo hell itself, for the sake of beholding Christ -coming in his glory, and being numbered among the band -of saints, would it not be well to submit to all these things? -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span> -‘Master, it is a good thing for us to be here:’ if such an -exclamation burst from St. Peter on witnessing a partial -and veiled manifestation of Christ’s glory, what are we -to say when the reality shall be displayed, when the royal -palace shall be thrown open and we shall see the King -Himself; no longer by means of a mirror, or as it were in -a riddle, but face to face; no longer through faith, but -actual sight.”<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> He passes on to some remarks upon the -soul, which are Platonic in character: “Man cannot alter -the shape of his body, but God has conceded to him a -power, with the assistance of Divine grace, of increasing -the beauty of the soul. Even that soul which has become -deformed by the ugliness of sin may be restored to its -pristine beauty. No lover was ever so much captivated -by the beauty of the body as God loves and longs for the -beauty of the human soul.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> You who are now transported -with admiration of Hermione’s beauty” (the girl whom -Theodore wished to marry) “may, if you will, cultivate a -beauty in your own soul as far exceeding hers as heaven -surpasses earth. Beauty of the soul is the only true and -permanent kind, and if you could see it with the eye, you -would admire it far more than the loveliness of the rainbow -and of roses, and other flowers which are evanescent -and feeble representations of the soul’s beauty.”<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> He tells -some curious stories of men who had relapsed from monastic -life and subsequently been reclaimed to it. One, a young -man of noble family and heir to great wealth, had thrown -up all the splendour which he might have commanded, and -exchanged his riches and his gay clothing for the poverty -and mean garb of a recluse upon the mountains, and had -attained an astonishing degree of holiness. But some of his -relations seduced him from his retreat, and once more he -might be seen riding on horseback through the forum -followed by a crowd of attendants. But the holy brethren -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>whom he had deserted ceased not to endeavour to recover -him; at first he treated them with haughty indifference, -when they met and saluted him, as he proudly rode through -the streets. But at last, as they desisted not day by day, -he would leap from his horse when they appeared, and -listen with downcast eyes to their warnings; till, as time -went on, he was rescued from his worldly entanglements, -and restored to his desert and the study of the true philosophy, -and now, when Chrysostom wrote, he bestowed his -wealth upon the poor, and had attained the very pinnacle -of virtue.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> Earnestly, therefore, does he implore Theodore -to recover his trust in God, to repent and return to the -brotherhood which was buried in grief at his defection. -“Now the unbelieving and the worldly rejoice; but return to -us, and our sorrow and shame will be transferred to the -adversary’s side.” “It was the beginning of penitence which -was arduous; the devil met the penitent at the door of the -city of refuge, but, if defeated there, the fury of his assaults -would diminish.” He warned him against an idle confession -of sinfulness not accompanied by any honest effort to amend. -“Such was no true confession, because not joined with the -tears of contrition or followed by alteration of life.”<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> But -of Theodore he hoped better things; as there were different -degrees of glory reserved for men, implied in our Lord’s -mention of “many mansions,” and his declaring that every -one should be rewarded according to his works, he trusted -that Theodore might still obtain a high place; that he might -be a vessel of silver, if not of gold or precious stone, in the -heavenly house.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">70</a></p> - -<p>In the second epistle Chrysostom expresses more distinctly -his view respecting the solemn obligations of those who -joined a religious fraternity. “If tears and groanings could -be transmitted through a letter, this of mine would be filled -with them; I weep that you have blotted yourself out of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span>catalogue of the brethren, and trampled on your covenant -with Christ.” “The devil assaulted him with peculiar fury, -because he was anxious to conquer so worthy an antagonist; -one who had despised delicate fare and costly dress, who had -spent whole days in the study of Holy Scripture, and whole -nights in prayer, who had regarded the society of the -brethren as a greater honour than any worldly dignity. -What, I pray you, is there that appears blessed and enviable -in the world? The prince is exposed to the wrath of the -people and the irrational outbursts of popular feeling—to -the fear of princes greater than himself—to anxieties about -his subjects; and the ruler of to-day is to-morrow a private -man: for this present life no way differs from a stage; as on -that, one man plays the part of a king, another of a general, -a third of a common soldier; but when evening has come -the king is no king, the ruler no ruler, the general no general; -so will it be in <em>that</em> day; each will receive his due reward, not -according to the character which he has enacted, but according -to the works which he has done.”<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> Theodore had clearly -expressed his intention of honourably marrying Hermione; -but though Chrysostom allows that marriage is an honourable -estate, yet he boldly declares that for one who like Theodore -had made such a solemn renunciation of the world, it was -equally criminal with fornication. He had wholly dedicated -himself to the service of God, and he had no right to bind -himself by any other tie: to marry would be as culpable as -desertion in a soldier. He points out the miseries, the -anxieties, the toils, often fruitless, which accompanied -secular life, especially in the married state. From all such -ills the life of the brotherhood was exempt: he alone was -truly free who lived for Christ; he was like one who, -securely planted on an eminence, beholds other men below -him buffeting with the waves of a tumultuous sea. For -such a high vantage-ground Chrysostom implores Theodore -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>to make. He begs him to pardon the length of his letter: -“nothing but his ardent love for his friend could have constrained -him to write this second epistle. Many indeed had -discouraged what they regarded as a vain task and sowing -upon a rock; but he was not so to be diverted from his -efforts: he trusted that by the grace of God his letters would -accomplish something; and if not, he should at least have -delivered himself from the reproach of silence.”<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">72</a></p> - -<p>These letters are the productions of a youthful enthusiast, -and as such, allowances must be made for them. They -abound not only in eloquent passages, but in very fine and -true observations upon human nature—on penitence—on -God’s mercy and pardon. It is only the application of them -to the case of Theodore which seems harsh and overstrained. -At a later period Chrysostom’s views on ascetic and monastic -life were modified; but in early life, though never fanatical, -they were what we should call extreme. His earnest efforts -for the restoration of his friend were crowned with success. -Theodore abandoned the world once more and his matrimonial -intentions, and retired into the seclusion of the -brotherhood. Some twenty years later, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 394, he was -made Bishop of Mopsuestia, which is pretty nearly all we -know about him, but the extant fragments of his voluminous -writings prove him to have been a man of no ordinary -ability, and a powerful commentator of the same sensible -and rational school as Chrysostom himself. We may be disposed -to say, What of Hermione? Had she no claims to be -considered? But the ascetic line of life was regarded by -the earnest-minded as so indisputably the noblest which a -Christian could adopt, that her disappointment would not -have been allowed to weigh in the balance for a moment -against what was considered the higher call.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">73</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> - -<p class="center f08">CHRYSOSTOM EVADES FORCIBLE ORDINATION TO A BISHOPRIC—THE -TREATISE “ON THE PRIESTHOOD.” A.D. 370, 371.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">We</span> now come to a curious passage in Chrysostom’s life; -one in which his conduct, from our moral standpoint, seems -hardly justifiable. Yet for one reason it is not to be -regretted, since it was the originating cause of his treatise -“De Sacerdotio;” one of the ablest, most instructive, and -most eloquent works which he ever produced.</p> - -<p>Bishop Meletius had been banished in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 370 or 371. -The Arian Emperor Valens, who had expelled him, was -about to take up his residence in Antioch. It was desirable -therefore, without loss of time, to fill up some vacant sees -in Syria. The attention of the bishops, clergy, and people -was turned to Chrysostom and Basil, as men well qualified -for the episcopal office.</p> - -<p>According to a custom prevalent at that time, they -might any day be seized and compelled, however reluctant, -to accept the dignity. So St. Augustine was dragged, weeping, -by the people before the bishop, and his immediate -ordination demanded by them, regardless of his tears.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> So -St. Martin, Bishop of Tours, was torn from his cell, and -conveyed under a guard to his ordination.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> The two friends -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>were filled with apprehension and alarm. Basil implored -Chrysostom that they might act in concert at the present -crisis, and together accept or together evade or resist the -expected but unwelcome honour.</p> - -<p>Chrysostom affected to consent to this proposal, but in -reality determined to act otherwise. He regarded himself -as totally unworthy and incompetent to fill so sacred and -responsible an office; but considering Basil to be far more -advanced in learning and piety, he resolved that the Church -should not, through his own weakness, lose the services -of his friend. Accordingly, when popular report proved -correct, and some emissaries from the electing body were -sent to carry off the young men (much, it would seem from -Chrysostom’s account, as policemen might arrest a prisoner), -Chrysostom contrived to hide himself. Basil, less wary, -was captured, and imagined that Chrysostom had already -submitted; for the emissaries acted with subtlety when he -tried to resist them. They affected surprise that he should -make so violent a resistance, when his companion, who had -the reputation of a hotter temper, had yielded so mildly to -the decision of the Fathers.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> Thus Basil was led to suppose -that Chrysostom had already submitted; and when he -discovered too late the artifice of his friend and his -captors, he bitterly remonstrated with Chrysostom upon his -treacherous conduct. “The character of them both,” he -complained, “was compromised by this division in their -counsels.” “You should have told us where your friend -was hidden,” said some, “and then we should have contrived -some means of capturing him;” to which poor Basil -was ashamed to reply that he had been ignorant of his -friend’s concealment, lest such a confession should cast a -suspicion of unreality over the whole of their supposed -intimacy. “Chrysostom, on his side, was accused of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>haughtiness and vanity for declining so great a dignity; -though others said that the electors deserved a still greater -dishonour and defeat for appointing over the heads of wiser, -holier, and older men, mere lads,<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> who had been but yesterday -immersed in secular pursuits; that they might now for -a little while knit their brows, and go arrayed in sombre -robes and affect a grave countenance.”<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> Basil begged -Chrysostom for an explanation of his motives in this proceeding. -“After all their mutual protestations of indivisible -friendship, he had been suddenly cast off and turned adrift, -like a vessel without ballast, to encounter alone the angry -tempests of the world. To whom should he now turn for -sympathy and aid in the trials to which he would surely be -exposed from slander, ribaldry, and insolence? The one -who might have helped him stood coldly aloof, and would -be unable even to hear his cries for assistance.”<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">79</a></p> - -<p>We may be strongly disposed to sympathise with the -disconsolate Basil. But the conscience of Chrysostom -appears to have been quite at ease from first to last in -this transaction. He regarded it as a “pious fraud.” -“When he beheld the mingled distress and displeasure of -his friend, he could not refrain from laughing for joy, and -thanking God for the successful issue of his plan.”<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> In the -ensuing discussion he boldly asserted the principle that -deceit claims our admiration when practised in a good cause -and from a good motive. The greatest successes in war, he -argues, have been achieved through stratagem, as well as -by fair fighting in the open field; and, of the two, the first -are most to be admired, because they are gained without -bloodshed, and are triumphs of mental rather than bodily -force.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> But, retorts poor Basil, I was not an enemy, and -ought not to have been dealt with as such. “True, my -excellent friend,” replies Chrysostom, “but this kind of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>fraud may sometimes be exercised towards our dearest -acquaintance.” “Physicians were often obliged to employ -some artifice to make refractory patients submit to their -remedies. Once a man in a raging fever resisted all the -febrifugal draughts administered to him, and loudly called -for wine. The physician darkened the room, steeped a -warm oyster shell in wine, then filled it with water, and -put it to the patient’s lips, who eagerly swallowed the -draught, believing it, from the smell, to be wine.”<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> In the -same category of justifiable stratagem he places, not very -discriminatingly, the circumcision of Timothy by St. Paul, -in order to conciliate the Jews, and St. Paul’s observance -of the ceremonial law at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 26), for the -same purpose. Such contrivances he calls instances, not of -treachery, but of “good management” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">οἰκονομία</span>). There -is something highly Oriental, and alien to our Western -moral sense, in the sophistical tone of this whole discussion. -If Basil really submitted to such arguments, he was easily -vanquished. He says, however, no more about the injustice -of his treatment, but, apparently accepting Chrysostom’s -position that for a useful purpose deceit is justifiable, he -begs to be informed “what advantage Chrysostom thought -he had procured for himself or his friend by this piece -of management, or good policy, or whatever he pleased to -call it.”</p> - -<p>The remaining books on the Priesthood are occupied with -the answer to this inquiry. The line which Chrysostom -takes is to point out the pre-eminent dignity, difficulty, -and danger of the priestly office, and then to enlarge upon -the peculiar fitness of his friend to discharge its duties.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> -“What advantage could be greater than to be engaged in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>that work which Christ had declared with his own lips to -be the special sign of love to Himself? For when He put -the question three times to the leader of the apostles -(<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">κορυφαῖος</span>), ‘Lovest thou me?’ and had been answered -by a fervent asseveration of attachment, he added each time, -‘Feed my sheep,’ or ‘Feed my lambs.’ ‘Lovest thou me -<em>more</em> than these?’ had been the question, and the charge -which followed it had been always, ‘Feed my sheep;’ not, -If thou lovest Me, practise fasting, or incessant vigils, and -sleep on the bare ground, or protect the injured and be to -the orphans as a father, and to their mother as a husband; -no, he passes by all these things, and says, ‘Feed my sheep.’ -Could his friend, therefore, complain that he had done ill -in compassing, even by fraud, his dedication to so glorious -an office?<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> As for himself, it was obvious that he could -not have refused so great an honour out of haughty contempt -or disrespect to the electors. On the contrary, it was -when he considered the exceeding sanctity and magnitude -of the position, and its awful responsibilities—the heavenly -purity, the burning love towards God and man, the sound -wisdom and judgment, and moderation of temper required -in those who were dedicated to it—that his heart failed -him. He felt himself utterly incompetent and unworthy -for so arduous a task. If some unskilled person were -suddenly to be called upon to take charge of a ship laden -with a costly freight, he would immediately refuse; and -in like manner he himself dared not risk by his present -inexperience the safety of that vessel which was laden -with the precious merchandise of souls.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> Vain-glory, indeed, -and pride would have induced him not to reject, but -to covet, so transcendent a dignity. The office of priest -was discharged indeed on earth, yet it held a place among -heavenly ranks. And rightly; for neither man, nor angel, -nor archangel, nor created power of any kind, but the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>Paraclete Himself, ordained this ministry. Therefore, it -became one who entered the priesthood to be as pure as if -he had already taken his stand in heaven itself among the -powers above. ‘When thou seest the Lord lying slain, -and the priest standing and praying over the sacrifice, -when thou seest all sprinkled with that precious blood, -dost thou deem thyself still among men, still standing -upon this earth? art thou not rather transported immediately -to heaven, and, every carnal imagination being -cast out, dost thou not, with soul unveiled and pure mind, -behold the things which are in heaven? O miracle! O -the goodness of God! He who is sitting with the Father -is yet at that hour held in the hands of all, and gives -Himself to be embraced and grasped by those who desire it. -And this all do through the eye of faith. Do these things -seem to you to merit contempt? does it seem possible to -you that any one should be so elated as to slight them?’<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">86</a></p> - -<p>“Human nature possessed in the priesthood a power -which had not been committed by God to angels or archangels; -for to none of <em>them</em> had it been said, ‘Whatsoever -ye shall bind on earth or loose on earth shall be bound or -loosed in heaven.’ Was it possible to conceive that any -one should think lightly of such a gift? Away with such -madness!—for stark madness it would be to despise so -great an authority, without which it was not possible for -man to obtain salvation, or the good things promised to -him. For if it were impossible for any one to enter into -the kingdom of heaven, except he were born again of water -and the Spirit; and if he who did not eat the flesh of the -Lord and drink his blood was ejected from life eternal, -and if these things were administered by none but the -consecrated hands of the priest, how would any one, apart -from them, be able to escape the fire of hell, or obtain the -crown laid up for him?”<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">87</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span></p> - -<p>There are, perhaps, no passages elsewhere in Chrysostom -expressed in such a lofty sacerdotal tone; but it must be -remembered that on any supposition as to the date of this -treatise, he was young when it was composed, holding -therefore, as on the subject of monasticism, more enthusiastic, -highly-wrought opinions than he afterwards entertained; -and moreover, that the whole treatise is written -in a somewhat vehement and excited style, as by one who -was maintaining a position against an antagonist.</p> - -<p>Having proved that his evasion of the episcopal office -could have arisen from no spirit of pride, but from a consciousness -of his infirmity and incapacity, he proceeds to -point out the manifold and peculiar dangers which encompassed -it. “Vain-glory was a rock more fatal than -the Sirens. Many a priest was shipwrecked there, and -torn to pieces by the fierce monsters which dwelt upon -it—wrath, despondency, envy, strife, slander, falsehood, -hypocrisy, love of praise, and a multitude more. Often -he became the slave and flatterer of great people, even -of women who had most improperly mixed themselves -up with ecclesiastical affairs, and especially exercised great -influence in the elections.”<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">88</a></p> - -<p>The scenes, indeed, which often took place about this -period at the elections to bishoprics occasioned much -scandal to the Church. In earlier times, when the Christians -were less numerous, more simple in their habits, -more unanimous,—when liability to persecution deterred -the indifferent, or pretenders, from their ranks,—the episcopal -office could be no object of worldly ambition. The -clergy and the people elected their bishop; and the fairness -and simplicity with which the election was usually -conducted won the admiration of the Emperor Alexander -Severus.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> But when Christianity was recognised by the -State, a bishopric in towns of importance became a position -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span>of high dignity; and warm debates, often fierce tumults, -attended the election of candidates. Up to the time of -Justinian at least, the whole Christian population of the -city or region over which the bishop was to preside possessed -a right to elect. Their choice was subject to the -approval of the bishops, and the confirmation of the metropolitan -of the province; but, on the other hand, neither -the bishops nor the metropolitan could legally obtrude a -candidate of their own upon the people. A charge brought -against Hilary of Arles was, that he ordained several -bishops against the will and consent of the people. A -just and legitimate ordination, according to Cyprian, was -one which had been examined by the suffrage and judgment -of all, both clergy and people. Such, he observes, -was the election of Cornelius to the see of Rome in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -251.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> If the people were unanimous, there were loud -cries of <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἄξιος</span>, <i>dignus</i>, <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἀνάξιος</span>, <i>indignus</i>, as the case might -be; but if they were divided, it was usual for the metropolitan -to give the preference to the choice of the majority; -or, if they appeared equally divided, the metropolitan and -his synod selected a man indifferent, if possible, to both -parties. Occasionally also, as in the case of Nectarius, the -predecessor of Chrysostom in the see of Constantinople, the -Emperor interposed, and appointed one chosen by himself. -Sanguinary often were the tumults which attended contested -elections. The greater the city, the greater the strife. In the -celebrated contest for the see of Rome in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 366, between -Damasus and Ursicinus, there was much hard fighting and -copious bloodshed. Damasus, with a furious and motley mob, -broke into the Julian Basilica, where Ursicinus was being -consecrated by Paul, Bishop of Tibur, and violently stopped -the proceedings. Frays of this kind lasted for some time. -On one occasion, one hundred and thirty dead bodies strewed -the pavement of the Basilica of Licinius till Damasus at -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span>last won the day. It is especially mentioned that the ladies -of Rome favoured his side.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> It seems scarcely possible to -doubt that as these events must have been fresh in Chrysostom’s -recollection, he must be specially referring to them -when, insisting on freedom from ambition as one grand -qualification for the priesthood, he says “that he will pass -by, lest they should seem incredible, the tales of murders -perpetrated in churches, and havoc wrought in cities by -contentions for bishoprics;” and when also he alludes indignantly -to the interference of women in the elections. “The -elections,” he says, “were generally made on public festivals, -and were disgraceful scenes of party feeling and intrigue. -The clergy and the people were never unanimous. The -really important qualifications for the office were seldom -considered. Ambitious men spared no arts of bribery or -flattery by which to obtain places for themselves in the -Church, and to keep them when obtained. One candidate -for a bishopric was recommended to the electors because he -belonged to a distinguished family; another because he was -wealthy, and would not burden the funds of the Church.”<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> -The provocations to ambition and worldly glory were so -great, both in the acquisition and in the exercise of the -episcopal office, that Chrysostom says he had “determined -partly for these reasons to avoid the snare.”<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> He shrank -also from many other trials incident to the office. There -were always persons ready to detect and magnify the -slightest mistake or transgression in a priest. One little -error could not be retrieved by a multitude of successes, but -darkened the man’s whole life; for a kind of immaculate -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span>purity was exacted by popular opinion of a priest, as if he -were not a being of flesh and blood, or subject to human -passions. Often his brethren, the clergy, were the most -active in spreading mischievous reports about him, hoping -to rise themselves upon his ruin; like avaricious sons waiting -for their father’s death. Too often St. Paul’s description -of the sympathy between the several parts of the Christian -body was inverted. ‘If one member suffered, all the others -rejoiced; if one member rejoiced, the others suffered pain.’ -A bishop had need be as impervious to slander and envy as -the three children in the burning fiery furnace.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> What a -rare and difficult combination of qualities was required for -the efficient discharge of his duties in the face of such -difficulties! ‘He must be dignified, yet not haughty; formidable, -yet affable; commanding, yet sociable; strictly -impartial, yet courteous; lowly, but not subservient; strong, -yet gentle; promoting the worthy in spite of all opposition, -and with equal authority rejecting the unworthy, though -pushed forward by the favour of all; looking always to one -thing only—the welfare of the Church; doing nothing out -of animosity or partiality.’<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> The behaviour also of a priest -in ordinary society was jealously criticised. The flock were -not satisfied unless he was constantly paying calls. Not the -sick only, but the sound desired to be ‘looked after’ -(<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἐπισκοπεῖσθαι</span>),—not so much from any religious feeling, as -because the reception of such visits gratified their sense of -their own importance. Yet if a bishop often visited the -house of a wealthy or distinguished man to interest him in -some design for the advantage of the Church, he would soon -be stigmatised as a parasitical flatterer. Even the manner -of his greetings to acquaintance in the streets was criticised: -‘He smiled cordially on Mr. Such-an-one, and talked much -with him; but to me he only threw a commonplace -remark.’”<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">96</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span></p> - -<p>It is amusing and instructive to read these observations. -They prove what important personages bishops had become. -The interests of the people were violently excited over their -elections. They were subjected to the mingled reverence, -deference, and court, criticism, scandal, and gossip, which -are the inevitable lot of all persons who occupy an exalted -position in the world.</p> - -<p>In the fourth book Chrysostom speaks of some of the -more mental qualifications indispensable for a priest. Foremost -among these was a power of speaking: “That was the -one grand instrument which enabled him to heal the diseases -of the body intrusted to his care. And, in addition to this, -he must be armed with a prompt and versatile wit, to -encounter the various assaults of heretics. Jews, Greeks, -Manichæans, Sabellians, Arians, all were narrowly watching -for the smallest loophole by which to force a breach in the -walls of the Church. And, unless the defender was very -vigilant and skilful, while he was keeping out the one he -would let in the other. While he opposed the blind deference -of the Jews to their Mosaic Law, he must take care not -to encourage the Manichæans, who would eliminate the Law -from the Scriptures. While he asserted the Unity of the -Godhead against the Arians, there was danger of slipping -into the Sabellian error of confounding the Persons; and, -while he divided the Persons against the Sabellians, he must -be careful to avoid the Arian error of dividing the substance -also. The line of orthodoxy was a narrow path hemmed in -by steep rocks on either side. Therefore it was of the -deepest importance that the priest should be a learned and -effective speaker, that he might not fall into error himself -or lead others astray. For, if he was seen to be worsted in -a controversy with heretics, many became alienated from -the truth, mistaking the weakness of the defender for a -weakness in the cause itself.”<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">97</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span></p> -<p>“But there was yet another task fraught with peril—the -delivery of sermons. The performances of a preacher were -discussed by a curious and critical public like those of -actors. Congregations attached themselves to their favourite -preachers. Woe to the man who was detected in plagiarisms! -He was instantly reprobated like a common thief.</p> - -<p>“To become an effective preacher two things were necessary: -first, indifference to praise; secondly, power of speech; -two qualities, the one moral, the other intellectual, which -were rarely found coexisting. If a man possessed the first -only, he became distasteful and despicable to his congregation; -for if he stood up and at first boldly uttered powerful -words which stung the consciences of his hearers, but, as he -proceeded, began to blush and hesitate and stumble, all the -advantage of his previous remarks would be wasted. The -persons, who had secretly felt annoyed by his telling reproofs -would revenge themselves by laughing at his embarrassment -in speaking. If, on the other hand, he was a weighty -speaker, but not indifferent to applause, he would probably -trim his sails to catch the popular breeze, and study to be -pleasant rather than profitable, to the great detriment of -himself and of his flock.”<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">98</a></p> - -<p>He makes some remarks eminently wise and true on the -necessity of study for the preparation of sermons. “It -might seem strange, but in truth study was even more indispensable -for an eloquent than for an ordinary preacher. -Speaking was an acquired art, and when a man had attained -a high standard of excellence he was sure to decline unless he -kept himself up by constant study. The man of reputation -was always expected to say something new, and even in -excess of the fame which he had already acquired. Men sat -in judgment on him without mercy, as if he were not a human -being subject to occasional despondency, or anxiety, or irritation -of temper; but as if he were an angel or some infallible -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span>being, who ought always to remain at the same high level -of excellence. The mediocre man, on the other hand, from -whom much was not expected, would obtain a disproportionate -amount of praise if he said a good thing now and -then.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> The number of persons, however, in any congregation, -who were capable of appreciating a really learned and -powerful preacher, was very small; therefore a man ought -not to be much disheartened or annoyed by unfavourable -criticisms. He should be his own critic, aiming in all his -work to win the favour of God. Then, if the admiration of -men followed, he would quietly accept it; or, if withheld, -he would not be distressed, but seek his consolation in honest -work and in a conscience void of offence.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> But if a priest -was not superior to the love of admiration, all his labour -and eloquence would be wasted; either he would sacrifice -truth to popularity, or, failing to obtain so much applause as -he desired, he would relax his efforts. This last was a -common defect in men whose powers of preaching were only -second-rate. Perceiving that even the highly gifted could -not sustain their reputation without incessant study and -practice, while they themselves, by the most strenuous -efforts, could gain but a very slender meed of praise, if any, -they abandoned themselves to indolence. The trial was -especially great when a man was surpassed in preaching by -one who occupied an inferior rank in the hierarchy, and who -perhaps took every opportunity of parading his superior -powers. A kind of passion for listening to preaching possessed, -he says, both Pagans and Christians at this time; -hence it was very mortifying for a man to see a congregation -looking forward to the termination of his discourse, while to -his rival they listened with the utmost patience and attention, -and were vexed only when his sermon had come to an end.”<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">101</a></p> - -<p>In the sixth book, Chrysostom enlarges on the dangers -and trials which beset the priest as compared with the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>tranquillity and security of the monk—that life to which -he still felt himself powerfully attracted. “‘Who watch for -your souls as they that must give an account.’ The dread -of the responsibility implied in that saying constantly -agitated his mind. For if it were better to be drowned in -the sea than to offend one of the little ones of Christ’s flock, -what punishment must they undergo who destroyed not one or -two but a whole multitude?”<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> “Much worldly wisdom was -required in the priest; he must be conversant with secular -affairs, and adapt himself with versatility to all kinds of -circumstances and men; and yet he ought to keep his spirit -as free, as unfettered by worldly interests and ambitions as -the hermit dwelling on the mountains.”<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">103</a></p> - -<p>The trials, indeed, which beset the priest so far exceeded -those of the monk, that Chrysostom considered the monastery, -on the whole, a bad school for active clerical life. “The -monk lived in a calm; there was little to oppose or thwart -him. The skill of the pilot could not be known till he had -taken the helm in the open sea amidst rough weather. Too -many of those who had passed from the seclusion of the -cloister to the active sphere of the priest or bishop proved -utterly incapable of coping with the difficulties of their new -situation. They lost their head (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἰλιγγιῶσιν</span>), and, often, -instead of adding to their virtue, were deprived of the good -qualities which they already possessed. Monasticism often -served as a screen to failings which the circumstances of -active life drew out, just as the qualities of metal were -tested by the action of fire.”<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">104</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom concludes by saying that he was conscious of -his own infirmities; the irritability of his temper, his liability -to violent emotions, his susceptibility to praise and blame. -All such evil passions could, with the help of God’s grace, -be tamed by the severe treatment of the monastic life; like -savage beasts who must be kept on low fare. But in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>public life of a priest they would rage with incontrollable -fury, because all would be pampered to the full—vain-glory -by honour and praise, pride by authority, envy by the -reputation of other men, bad temper by perpetual provocations, -covetousness by the liberality of donors to the Church, -intemperance by luxurious living.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> He bids Basil picture -the most implacable and deadly contest between earthly -forces which his imagination could draw, and declares that -this would but faintly express the conflict between the soul -and evil in the spiritual warfare of the world. “Many -accidents might put an end to earthly combat, at least for a -time—the approach of night, the fatigue of the combatants, -the necessity of taking food and sleep. But in the spiritual -conflict there were no breathing spaces. A man must always -have his harness on his back, or he would be surprised by -the enemy.”<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">106</a></p> - -<p>It is not surprising that Basil, after the fearful responsibilities -and perils of his new dignity had been thus powerfully -set before him, should declare that his trouble now -was not so much how to answer the accusers of Chrysostom -as to defend himself before God. He besought his friend to -promise that he would continue to support and advise him -in all emergencies. Chrysostom replied that as far as it was -possible he would do so; but that he doubted not Christ, -who had called Basil to this good work, would enable him to -discharge it with boldness. They wept, embraced, and -parted. And so Basil went forth to the unwelcome honours -and trials of his bishopric, while Chrysostom continued to -lead that monastic kind of life which was only a preparatory -step to the monastery itself. His friendship with Basil is -curious and romantic. Their intercourse was brought to a -singular conclusion by the stratagem of Chrysostom. Basil -may have, according to his own earnest request, continued -to consult his friend in any difficulty or distress; but he is -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>never mentioned again. Although so intimately bound up -with this passage in Chrysostom’s life, there is something -indistinct and shadowy about his whole existence. He flits -across the scene for a few moments, and then disappears -totally and for ever.</p> - -<p>The books on the Priesthood may be regarded as containing -partly a real account of an actual conversation between -the two friends. But, as in the dialogues of Plato, far more -was probably added by the writer, so that in parts the -dialogue is only a form into which the opinions of the author -at the time of composition were cast. It is impossible to -decide with certainty the exact time at which the treatise -may have been written. It is not likely to have been later -than his diaconate in 381,<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> but more probably<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> the work -may be assigned to the six years of leisure spent in the -seclusion of the monastery and mountains—that is, to the -period between Basil’s election to the bishopric, and his own -ordination as deacon. The treatise reads like the production -of one who had acquired considerable experience of monastic -life; who had deliberately calculated its advantages on the -one hand, and, on the other, had keenly observed and -seriously weighed the temptations and difficulties which -attended the more secular career of priest or bishop. It is a -more mature work than the Epistles to Theodore, and is free -from such rapturous and excessive praise of the ascetic life -as they contain.</p> - -<hr /> - -<h3><span class="smcap">Note to foregoing Chapter.</span></h3> - -<p>It may excite surprise that men so young as Chrysostom -and Basil, the former at least being not more than twenty-five -or twenty-six, and not as yet ordained deacon, should have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>been designated to the highest office in the Church. The -Council of Neocæsarea (about <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 320—<i>vide</i> Hefele, vol. i., -Clark’s transl. p. 222) fixed thirty as the age at which men -became eligible for the priesthood. The same age, then, at -least, must have been required for a bishop.</p> - -<p>The Constitutions called Apostolical fix the age at fifty, but -add a clause which really lets in all the exceptions, “unless he -be a man of singular merit and worth, which may compensate -for the want of years.” And, in fact, there are numerous -instances of men, both before and after the time of Chrysostom, -who were consecrated as bishops under the age of thirty. -The Council of Nice was held not more than twenty years -after the persecution of Maximian, which Athanasius (Epist. -ad Solitar., p. 382, Paris edition) says he had only heard of -from his father, yet in five months after that Council he was -ordained Archbishop of Alexandria. Remigius of Rheims was -only twenty-two when he was made bishop, in<span class="smcap"> A.D.</span> 471. In -like manner, though it was enacted by the Council of Sardica, -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 343-344, that none should rise to the Episcopal throne -<i>per saltum</i>, yet there are not a few examples of this rule being -transgressed.</p> - -<p>Augustine, when he created a See at Fassula, presented -Antonius, a reader (the very position Chrysostom now filled) -to the Primate, who ordained him without scruple on Augustine’s -recommendation (Aug. Ep. 261, ad Cælest.). Cyprian, -Ambrose, and Nestorius are celebrated instances of the consecration -of laymen to bishoprics.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> - -<p class="center f08">NARROW ESCAPE FROM PERSECUTION—HIS ENTRANCE INTO A MONASTERY—THE -MONASTICISM OF THE EAST, A.D. 372.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">About</span> this time, 372-373, while Chrysostom was still residing -in Antioch, he narrowly escaped suffering the penalties -of an imperial decree issued by Valentinian and Valens -against the practisers of magical arts, or possessors even of -magical books. A severe search was instituted after suspected -persons; soldiers were everywhere on the watch to -detect offenders. The persecution was carried on with -peculiar cruelty at Antioch, where it had been provoked by -the detection of a treasonable act of divination. The twenty-four -letters of the alphabet were arranged at intervals round -the rim of a kind of charger, which was placed on a tripod, -consecrated with incantations and elaborate ceremonies. -The diviner, habited as a heathen priest, in linen robes, -sandals, and with a fillet wreathed about his head, chanted -a hymn to Apollo, the god of prophecy, while a ring in the -centre of the charger was slipped rapidly round a slender -thread. The letters in front of which the ring successively -stopped indicated the character of the oracle. The ring on -this occasion was supposed to have pointed to the first four -letters in the name of the future Emperor, <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">Θ Ε Ο Δ.</span> Theodorus, -and probably many others who had the misfortune to -own the fatal syllables, were executed. There were, of -course, multitudes of eager informers, and zealous judges, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span> -strove to allay the suspicious fears of the Emperors, and to -procure favour for themselves by vigorous and wholesale -prosecutions. Neither age, nor sex, nor rank was spared; -women and children, senators and philosophers, were dragged -to the tribunals, and committed to the prisons of Rome and -Antioch from the most distant parts of Italy and Asia. -Many destroyed their libraries in alarm—so many innocent -books were liable to be represented as mischievous or criminal; -and thus much valuable literature perished.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> It was during -this dreadful time, when suspicion was instantly followed by -arrest, and arrest by imprisonment, torture, and probably -death, that Chrysostom chanced to be walking with a friend -to the Church of the Martyr Babylas, outside the city. As -they passed through the gardens by the banks of the Orontes, -they observed fragments of a book floating down the stream. -Curiosity led them to fish it out; but, to their dismay, on -examining it, they found that it was inscribed with magical -formulæ, and, to increase their alarm, a soldier was approaching -at no great distance. At first they knew not how to act; they -feared the book had been cast into the river by the artifice -of an informer to entrap some unwary victim. They determined, -however, to throw their dangerous discovery back -into the river, and happily the attention or suspicions of the -soldier were not roused. Chrysostom always gratefully -looked back to this escape as a signal instance of God’s -mercy and protection.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">110</a></p> - -<p>It must have been soon after this incident and previous -to the edict of persecution against the monks issued by -Valens in 373, that Chrysostom exchanged what might be -called the amateur kind of monastic life passed in his own -home for the monastery itself. Whether his mother was -now dead or had become reconciled to the separation, or -whether her son’s passionate enthusiasm for monastic -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span>retirement became irresistible, it is impossible to determine. -His mother is not mentioned by him in his writings after -this point, except in allusion to the past, which is a strong -presumption that she was no longer living. Bishop Meletius -would probably have endeavoured to detain him for some -active work in the Church, but he was now in exile; and to -Flavian, the successor of Meletius, Chrysostom was possibly -not so intimately known.</p> - -<p>During the first four centuries of the Christian era, the -enthusiasm for monastic life prevailed with ever increasing -force. We are, perhaps, naturally inclined to associate -monasticism chiefly with the Western Christianity of the -Middle Ages. But the original and by far the most prolific -parent of monasticism was the East. There were always -ascetics in the Christian Church; yet asceticism is the -product not so much of Christianity as of the East; of the -oriental temperament, which admires and cultivates it; of -the oriental climate, which makes it tolerable even when -pushed to the most rigorous extremes. Asceticism is the -natural practical expression of that deeply-grounded conviction -of an essential antagonism between the flesh and -spirit which pervades all oriental creeds. Even the monastic -form of it was known in the East before Christianity. -The Essenes in Judæa, the Therapeutæ in Egypt, were -prototypes of the active and contemplative communities of -monks.</p> - -<p>The primitive ascetics of the Christian Church were not -monks. They were persons who raised themselves above -the common level of religious life by exercises in fasting, -prayer, study, alms-giving, celibacy, bodily privations of all -kinds. These habits obtained for them great admiration -and reverence. Such persons are frequently designated by -writers of the first three centuries as “an ascetic,” “a follower -of the religious ascetics.”<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> But they did not form a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>class distinctly marked off by dress and habitation from the -rest of the world, like the monks or even the anchorites of -later time. They lived in the cities or wherever their home -might be, and were not subject to any rules beyond those -of their own private making. Eusebius calls them <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">σπουδαῖοι</span>, -“earnest persons;” and Clemens Alexandrinus <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἐκλεκτῶν</span> -<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἐκλεκτότεροι</span>, “more elect than the elect.”<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> Midway between -the primitive ascetic and the fully-developed monk must be -placed the anchorite or hermit, who made a step in the direction -of monasticism by withdrawing altogether from the city -or populous places into the solitudes of mountain or desert. -Persecution assisted the impulse of religious fervour. Paul -retired to the Egyptian Thebaid during the persecution of -Decius in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 251, and Antony during that of Maximin in -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 312. They are justly named the fathers or founders -of the anchorites, because, though not actually the first, -they were the most distinguished; and the fame of their -sanctity, their austerities, their miracles, produced a tribe -of followers. The further Antony retired into the depths of -the wilderness the more numerous became his disciples. -They grouped their cells around the habitation of the saintly -father, and out of the clusters grew in process of time the -monastery. A number of cells ranged in lines like an encampment, -not incorporated in one building, was called a -“Laura” or street.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> This was the earliest and simplest kind -of monastic establishment. It was a community, though -without much system or cohesion.</p> - -<p>The real founder of the Cœnobia or monasteries in the -East was the Egyptian Pachomius; he was the Benedict -of the East. His rule was that most generally adopted, not -only in Egypt but throughout the oriental portions of the -Empire. He and Antony had now been dead about twenty -years, and Hilarius, the pupil and imitator of Antony, had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span>lately introduced monasticism on the Pachomian model into -Syria. In about fifty years more, the nomadic Saracens -will gaze with veneration and awe at the spectacle of Simeon -on his pillar, forty miles from Antioch. Thousands will -come to receive baptism at his hands; his image will have -been placed over the entrance of the shops in Rome.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> The -spirit had been already caught in the West. The feelings -of abhorrence with which the Italians first beheld the wild-looking -Egyptian monks who accompanied Athanasius to -Rome had soon been exchanged for veneration. The example -of Marcellina, and the exhortations of her brother -Ambrose of Milan, had induced multitudes of women to -take vows of celibacy.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> Most of the little islands on the -coasts of the Adriatic could boast of their monasteries or cells.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> -St. Martin built his religious houses near Poitiers and Tours, -and was followed to his grave by two thousand brethren.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> -But St. Jerome, perhaps, more than any one else, promoted -the advance of monasticism in the West. Born on the -borders of East and West,<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> he mingled with the Eastern -Church at Antioch and Constantinople, and in the desert -of Chalcis had inured himself to the most severe forms of -oriental asceticism, and returned to Rome eager to impart -to others a kindred spirit of enthusiasm for the ascetic life. -A little later, early in the fifth century, John Cassianus, -president of a religious establishment in Marseilles, propagated -monastic institutions of an oriental type in the -south of France, and made men conversant with the system -by his work on the rules of the cloister. These were the -scattered forces which in the West awaited the master mind -and strong hand of Benedict to mould and discipline them -into a mighty system. The nearest approach in the West -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>to the Egyptian system of Pachomius was among the Benedictines -of Camaldoli.</p> - -<p>There is every reason to suppose on general grounds, and -the supposition is corroborated by notices in the writings of -Chrysostom, that the monasteries near Antioch, like the -rest of the Syrian monasteries, were based on the Pachomian -model. Pachomius was a native of the Thebaid, born -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 292. He began to practise asceticism as a hermit, but, -according to the legend, was visited by an angel who commanded -him to promote the salvation of other men’s souls -besides his own, and presented him with a brazen tablet, -on which were inscribed the rules of the Order which he -was to found. He established his first community on -Tabennæ, an island in the Nile, which became the parent -of a numerous offspring. Pachomius had the satisfaction -in his lifetime of seeing eight monasteries, containing in all -3000 monks, acknowledging his rule; and after his death, -in the first half of the fifth century, their numbers had -swelled to 50,000.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> Chrysostom exulted with Christian -joy and pride over the spectacle of “Egypt, that land -which had been the mother of pagan literature and art, -which had invented and propagated every species of -witchcraft, now despising all her ancient customs, and -holding up the Cross, in the desert no less if not more -than in the cities: ... for the sky was not more beautiful, -spangled with its hosts of stars, than the desert of -Egypt studded in all directions with the habitations of -monks.”<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">120</a></p> - -<p>By the Pachomian rule no one was admitted as a full -monk till after three years of probation, during which period -he was tested by the most severe exercises. If willing, -after that period, to continue the same exercises, he was -admitted without further ceremony beyond making a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>solemn declaration that he would adhere to the rules of the -monastery. That no irrevocable vow was taken by the -members of the monastery near Antioch which Chrysostom -joined seems proved by his return to the city after a residence -in the monastery of several years’ duration. According -to Sozomen, the several parts of the dress worn by -Pachomian monks had a symbolical meaning. The tunic -(a linen garment reaching as far as the knees) had short -sleeves, to remind the wearers that they should be prompt -to do such honest work only as needed no concealment. -The hood was typical of the innocence and purity of infants, -who wore the same kind of covering; the girdle and scarf, -folded about the back, shoulders, and arms, were to admonish -them that they should be perpetually ready to do active service -for God. Each cell was inhabited by three monks. They -took their chief meal in a refectory, and ate in silence,<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> with -a veil so arranged over the face that they could see only -what was on the table. No strangers were admitted, except -travellers, to whom they were bound, by the rule of their -Order, to show hospitality. The common meal or supper -took place at three o’clock,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> up to which time they usually -fasted. When it was concluded, a hymn was sung, of which -Chrysostom gives us a specimen, though not in metrical -form:<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> “Blessed be God, who nourisheth me from my youth -up, who giveth food to all flesh: fill our hearts with joy and -gladness, that we, having all sufficiency at all times, may -abound unto every good work, through Jesus Christ our -Lord, with Whom be glory, and honour, and power to Thee, -together with the Holy Ghost, for ever and ever, Amen. -Glory to Thee, O Lord! Glory to Thee, Holy One! Glory -to Thee, King, who hast given us food to make us glad! -Fill us with the Holy Spirit, that we may be found well -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>pleasing in thy sight, and not ashamed when Thou rewardest -every man according to his works.”</p> - -<p>The whole community in a Pachomian monastery was -divided into twenty-four classes, distinguished by the letters -of the Greek alphabet; the most ignorant, for instance, -under class Iota, the more learned under Xi or Zeta, such -letters being in shape respectively the simplest and the -most complicated in the alphabet. Those hours which were -not devoted to services or study were occupied by manual -labour, partly to supply themselves with the necessaries of -life, partly to guard against the incursion of evil thoughts. -There was a proverbial saying attributed to some of the old -Egyptian fathers, that “a labouring monk was assaulted by -one devil only, but an idle one by an innumerable legion.” -They wove baskets and mats, agriculture was not neglected, -nor even, among the Egyptian monks, ship-building. Palladius, -who visited the Egyptian monasteries about the close -of the fourth century, found, in the monastery of Panopolis, -which contained 300 members, 15 tailors, 7 smiths, 4 carpenters, -12 camel-drivers, 15 tanners. Each monastery in -Egypt had its steward, and a chief steward stationed at the -principal settlement had the supervision of all the rest. All -the products of monkish labour were shipped under his -inspection on the Nile for Alexandria. With the proceeds -of their sale, stores were purchased for the monasteries, and -the surplus was distributed amongst the sick and poor.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">124</a></p> - -<p>A monastery founded on this model might be fairly -described as a kind of village containing an industrial and -religious population; and had the Eastern monks adhered -to this simple and innocent way of life, such communities -might have become more and more schools of learning, -centres of civilisation, and homes of piety. But they were -increasingly forgetful of the wholesome saying of Antony, -that a monk in the city was like “a fish out of water.” -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span> -Instead of attending exclusively to their pious and industrial -exercises, they mixed themselves up with the theological -and political contests which too often convulsed the cities -of the Eastern Empire. Their influence or interference was -frequently the reverse of peace-making, judicious, or Christian. -They would rush with fanatical fury into the city, to rescue -the orthodox, or to attack those whom they considered heretical. -The evil had grown to such a height by the reign of -Arcadius, that a law was passed by which monks were -strictly forbidden to commit such outrages on civil order, -and bishops were commanded to prosecute the authors of -such attempts.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> Eastern monasticism, in fact, partook of -the character which distinguished the Eastern Church as a -whole, and which we may regard as one principal cause of -its corruption and decay. A certain stability, sobriety, self-control, -a law-making and law-respecting spirit, as it is the -peculiar merit of the Western, so the want of it is the -peculiar defect of the Oriental temperament. Hence a -curious co-existence of extremes; the passions, unnaturally -repressed at one outlet by intense asceticism, burst forth -with increased fury at another. He who had subdued his -body in the wilderness or on the mountains by fastings and -macerations entertained the most implacable animosity -towards pagans and heretics, and fought them like a ruffian -(the word is not too strong for truth), when some tumult in -an adjacent city afforded him an opportunity for this robust -mode of displaying and defending his orthodoxy. Western -monasticism, on the other hand, is distinguished by more -gravity, more of the old Roman quality, a love of stern -discipline. It did not run to such lengths of fanatical -asceticism, and consequently was exempt from such disastrous -reactions. It never produced such a caricature of the -anchorite as Simeon Stylites, or such savage zealots as the -monkish bands who dealt their sturdy blows in the religious -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>riots of Constantinople and Alexandria. From the notices -scattered up and down Chrysostom’s writings of the monasteries -in the neighbourhood of Antioch, it appears that they -conformed in all essential respects to the Pachomian model. -We might anticipate, indeed, that, where such a man as -Diodorus was president or visitor, they would be conducted -on a simple and rational system.</p> - -<p>South of Antioch were the mountainous heights of Silpius -and Casius, whence rose the springs which in a variety of -channels found their way into the city, provided it with a -constant and abundant supply of the purest water, and -irrigated the gardens for which it was celebrated.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> In this -mountain region dwelt the communities of monks, in separate -huts or cells (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">κάλυβαι</span><a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">127</a>), but subject to an abbot, and a common -rule. Chrysostom has in more passages than one furnished -us with a description of their ordinary costume, fare, -and way of life. He is fond of depicting their simple, frugal, -and pious habits, in contrast to the artificial and luxurious -manners of the gay and worldly people of the city. They -were clad in coarse garments of goat’s hair or camel’s hair, -sometimes of skins, over their linen tunics, which were worn -both by night and day.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> Before the first rays of sunlight, the -abbot went round, and struck those monks who were still -sleeping with his foot, to wake them. When all had risen,—fresh, -healthy, fasting, they sang together, under the precentorship -of their abbot, a hymn of praise to God. The -hymn being ended, a common prayer was offered up (again -under the leadership of their abbot), and then each at sunrise -went to his allotted task, some to read, others to write, others -to manual labour, by which they made a good deal to supply -the necessities of the poor. Four hours in the day, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>third, the sixth, the ninth, and some time in the evening, -were appointed for prayers and psalms. When the daily -work was concluded, they sat down, or rather reclined, on -strewn grass, to their common meal, which was sometimes -eaten out of doors by moonlight, and consisted of bread and -water only, with occasionally, for invalids, a little vegetable -food and oil. This frugal repast was followed by hymns, -after which they betook themselves to their straw couches, -and slept, as Chrysostom observes, free from those anxieties -and apprehensions which beset the worldly man. There -was no need of bolts and bars, for there was no fear of -robbers. The monk had no possession but his body and -soul, and if his life was taken he would regard it as an -advantage, for he could say that to live was Christ, and to -die was gain.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> Those words “mine and thine,” those fertile -causes of innumerable strifes, were unknown.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> No lamentations -were to be heard when any of the brethren died. -They did not say, “such a one is dead,” but, “he has been -perfected” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">τετελείωται</span>), and he was carried forth to burial -amidst hymns of praise, thanksgiving for his release, and -the prayers of his companions that they too might soon see -the end of their labours and struggles, and be permitted to -behold Jesus Christ.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> Such was the simple and industrial -kind of monastic body to which Chrysostom for a time -attached himself; and to the end of his life he regarded such -communities with the greatest admiration and sympathy. -But he never failed to maintain also the duty of work -against those who represented the perfection of the Christian -life as consisting in mere contemplation and prayer. Such a -doctrine of otiose Christianity he proved to be based on a too -exclusive attention to certain passages in the New Testament. -If, for instance, our blessed Lord said to Martha, “Thou art -careful and troubled about many things, but one thing is -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>needful;” or again, “Take no thought for the morrow;” -or, “Labour not for the meat that perisheth”—all such -passages were to be balanced and harmonised by others, as, -for example, St. Paul’s exhortation to the Thessalonians to -be “quiet and to do their own business,” and “let him that -stole steal no more, but rather let him labour, working with -his hands that which is good, that he may have to give to -him that needeth.” He points out that the words of our -Lord do not inculcate total abstinence from work, but only -censure an undue anxiety about earthly things, to the -exclusion or neglect of spiritual concerns. The contemplative -form of monasticism, based on misconception of -Holy Scripture, had, he observes, seriously injured the cause -of Christianity, for it occasioned practical men of the world -to deride it as a source of indolence.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">132</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">WORKS PRODUCED DURING HIS MONASTIC LIFE—THE LETTERS TO -DEMETRIUS AND STELECHIUS—TREATISES ADDRESSED TO THE -OPPONENTS OF MONASTICISM—LETTER TO STAGIRIUS.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Several</span> treatises were composed by Chrysostom during his -monastic life. Among the first must be placed two books -addressed to Demetrius and Stelechius. Of these the former -was evidently written soon after the commencement of his -retreat, for he speaks of having recently determined to take -the step, and of the petty anxieties about food and other -personal comforts which had at first unsettled his purpose a -little. But he had soon conquered these hankerings after -the more luxurious life which he had abandoned. It seemed -to him a disgrace that one to whom heaven and celestial joys -were offered, such as eye had not seen nor ear heard, should -be so hesitating and timorous, when those who undertook -the management of public affairs did not shrink from dangers -and toil, and long journeys, and separation from wife and -children, and perhaps unfavourable criticism, but only -inquired whether the office were honourable and lucrative.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">133</a></p> - -<p>The aim of the books is to animate torpid characters to -a warmer piety, first by drawing a lively picture of the -depravity of the times, secondly by a glowing description of -the fervent energy of apostles and apostolic saints, and -insisting that those lofty heights of Christian holiness were -not unattainable by the Christian of his own day, if he bent -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>the whole energy of his will, aided by Divine grace, to the -attempt.</p> - -<p>“So great,” he observes, “was the depravity of the times -that if a stranger were to compare the precepts of the Gospel -with the actual practice of society, he would infer that men -were not the disciples, but the enemies of Christ. And the -most fatal symptom was their total unconsciousness of this -deep corruption. Society was like a body which was outwardly -vigorous, but concealed a wasting fever within; or -like an insane person who says and does all manner of shocking -things, but, instead of being ashamed, glories in the -fancied possession of superior wisdom.”<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> Chrysostom applies -the test of the principal precepts of morality in the -Sermon on the Mount to the existing state of Christian -morals. Every one of them was shamelessly violated. A -kind of regard, superstitious or hypocritical, was paid to the -command in the letter, which was broken in the spirit. -Persons, for instance, who scrupled to use the actual expressions -“fool” or “Raca,” heaped all kinds of opprobrious -epithets on their neighbours.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> So the command to be -reconciled with a brother before approaching the altar was -really broken though formally kept. Men gave the kiss of -peace at the celebration of Holy Communion when admonished -by the deacon so to do, but continued to nourish -resentful feelings in the heart all the same.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> Vainglory -and ostentation robbed prayer, fasting and almsgiving of -their merit; and as for the precept “Judge not,” a most -uncharitable spirit of censoriousness pervaded every class of -society, including monks and ecclesiastics.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> Contrast with -this false and hollow religion of the world the condition -of one in whom a deep compunction for sin, and a genuine -love of Jesus Christ, was awakened. The whole multitude -of vain frivolous passions was dispersed like dust before -the wind. So it was with St. Paul. Having once turned -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>the eye of his soul towards heaven, and being entranced by -the beauty of that other world, he could not stoop to earth -again. As a beggar, in some gloomy hovel, if he saw a -monarch glittering with gold and radiant with jewels, might -altogether for a time forget the squalor of his dwelling-place -in his eagerness to get inside the palace of the king, so -St. Paul forgot and despised the poverty and hardship of this -present world because the whole energy of his being was -directed to the attainment of that heavenly city.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> But men -objected to the citation of apostolic examples. Paul and -Peter, they said, were superhuman characters; models -beyond our limited powers. “Nay,” Chrysostom replies, -“these are feeble excuses. The Apostles were in all essential -points like ourselves. Did they not breathe the same kind -of air? eat the same kind of food? were not some of them -married men? did they not follow mechanical trades? nay -more, had not some of them deeply sinned? Men at the -present day did not indeed receive grace at baptism to work -miracles, but they received enough to enable them to lead a -good and holy Christian life.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> And the highest blessing of -Christ—his invitation to those who were called ‘blessed -children’ to inherit the kingdom prepared for them—was -addressed, not to those who had wrought miracles, but to -those who had ministered to himself through feeding the -hungry, entertaining the stranger, visiting the sick and the -prisoners, who were his brethren. But grace, though undoubtedly -given by God, required man’s own co-operation -to become effectual. Otherwise, since God is no respecter -of persons, it would have resided in equal measure in all -men; whereas we see that with one man it remains, from -another it departs; a third is never affected by it at all.”<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> -The second book on the same subject, addressed to another -friend, named Stelechius, is an expression of more rapturous -and highly-wrought feeling, and is more rhetorical in style. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span> -His description in the beginning of the blessed freedom of -the monk’s life from secular vanities and cares, his remarks -on David and St. Paul,<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> two of his most favourite characters, -and still more his masterly enumeration of the -manifold ways in which God manifests his providential care -for man,<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> well deserve to be read. They are too long to be -translated here in full, and a paraphrase would very inadequately -represent such passages, of which the peculiar beauty -consists in the language more even than in the ideas. One -special interest of these books, written immediately after his -retirement from the world, is that they put clearly before us -what it was which drove him and many another to the -monastic life. It was a sense of the glaring and hideous -contrast between the Christianity of the Gospel and the -Christianity of ordinary society. A kind of implacable -warfare,<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> as he expresses it, seemed to be waged in the -world against the commands of Christ; and he had therefore -determined, by seclusion from the world, to seek that -kind of life which he saw exhibited in the Gospels, but -nowhere else.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">144</a></p> - -<p>But the largest and most powerful work which Chrysostom -produced during this period was occasioned by the decree of -the Emperor Valens in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 373—a decree which struck -at the roots of monasticism. It directed that monks should -be dragged from their retreats, and compelled to discharge -their obligations as citizens, either by serving in the army, -or performing the functions of any civil office to which they -might be appointed.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> The edict is said to have been enforced -with considerable rigour, and in Egypt this seems to have -been the case. But it was evidently far from complete or -universal in its operation. None of Chrysostom’s brethren -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>appear to have been compelled to return to the city; certainly -he himself was not. But they were liable, of course, to the -persecution which, under the shelter of the decree, all the -enemies of their order directed against them. These enemies -of monasticism were of several kinds. There were the -zealous adherents of the old paganism; men like Libanius, -who were opposed to Christianity on principle, and especially -to the monastic form of it, as encouraging idleness, and the -dereliction of the duties of good citizens. There were also -the more worldly-minded Christians who had adopted Christianity -more from impulse or conformity than from conviction, -and who disliked the standing protest of monastic life -against their own frivolity. They were irritated also by the -influence which the monks often acquired over their wives -and children, sometimes alluring the latter from that lucrative -line of worldly life which their fathers had marked out -for them. And lastly, there were those who regretted that -some men should have taken up a position of direct antagonism -to the world, instead of mingling with it, and infusing good -leaven into the mass of evil. The treatise of Chrysostom -addressed “to the assailants of monastic life” was intended -to meet most of these objections.</p> - -<p>A friend had brought the terrible tidings to his retreat of -the authorised persecution which had just broken out. He -heard it with indescribable horror. It was a sacrilege far -worse than the destruction of the Jewish Temple. That an -Emperor (an Arian, indeed, yet professing himself Christian) -should organise the persecution, and that some actually -baptized persons should take, as his friend informed him, a -part in it, was an intolerable aggravation of the infliction. -He would rather die than witness such a calamity, and was -ready to exclaim with Elijah, “Now, O Lord, take away my -life!” His friend roused him from this state of despondency -by suggesting that, instead of giving way to useless lamentations, -he should write an admonitory treatise to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span> -originators and abettors of this horrible persecution. At first -Chrysostom refused, partly from a feeling of incompetency, -partly from a dread of exposing to the pagans by his writings -some of the internal corruptions, dissensions, and weaknesses -of the Church. His friend replies that these were already -but too notorious; and as for the sufferings of the monks, -they formed the topic of public conversation, too often of -public jest. In the market-place and in the doctors’ shops -the subject was freely canvassed, and many boasted of the -part which they had taken against the victims. “I was the -first to lay hands on such a monk,” one would cry, “and to -give him a blow;” or, “I was the first to discover his cell;” -or, “I stimulated the judge against him more than any one.” -Such was the spirit of cruelty and profanity by which even -Christians were animated; and, as for the pagans, they -derided both parties. Roused by these dreadful communications, -the indignation of Chrysostom no longer hesitated -to set about the task.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">146</a></p> - -<p>His pity, he says, was excited chiefly for the persecutors; -they were purchasing eternal misery for themselves, while -the future reward of their victims would be in proportion to -the magnitude of their present sufferings, since “Blessed -were those whom men should hate, persecute, and revile for -Christ’s sake, and great was to be their reward in heaven.”<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">147</a></p> - -<p>To persecute monks was to hinder that purity of life to -which Christ attached so deep an importance. It might be -objected, Cannot men lead lives uncontaminated at home? -to which Chrysostom replies that he heartily wishes they -could, and that such good order and morality might be -established in cities as to make monasteries unnecessary. -But at present such gross iniquity prevailed in large towns, -that men of pious aspirations were compelled to fly to the -mountain or the desert. The blame should fall, not on those -who escaped from the city, but on those who made life there -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>intolerable to virtuous men. He trusted the time might -come when these refugees would be able to return with -safety to the world.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">148</a></p> - -<p>If it was objected that on this principle of reasoning the -mass of mankind was condemned, he could only reply, in the -words of Christ himself, “Narrow is the way which leadeth -unto life, and few there be that find it.” We must not -honour a multitude before truth. If all flesh was once -destroyed except eight persons, we cannot be surprised if -the number of men eventually saved shall be few. “I see,” -he says, “a constant perpetration of crimes which are all -condemned by Christ as meriting the punishment of hell—adultery, -fornication, envy, anger, evil speaking, and many -more. The multitude which is engaged in this wickedness -is unmolested, but the monks who fly from it themselves, -and persuade others to take flight also, are persecuted without -mercy.” So much for the Christianity of the world.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">149</a></p> - -<p>In Book II. he expresses his astonishment that fathers -should so little understand what was best for their sons as -to deter them from studying “the true philosophy.” But -in combating this error he will put forward all that can be -urged on their side. He imagines the case of a pagan father, -possessed of great worldly distinction and wealth. He has -an only son, in whom all his pride and hopes are centred; -one whom he expects to surpass himself in riches and honour. -Suddenly this son becomes converted to monasticism; this -rich heir flies to the mountains, puts on a dress coarser than -that of the meanest servant, toils at the menial occupations -of gardening and drawing water, becomes lean and pale. All -the schemes of his father for the future are frustrated, all -past efforts for his education seem to have been squandered. -The little vessel which was his pride and pleasure is wrecked -at the very mouth of the harbour from which it was setting -out on the voyage of life. The parent has no longer any -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span>pleasure in life; he mourns for his son as for one already -dead.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">150</a></p> - -<p>Having thus stated the case on his adversary’s side as -strongly as possible, Chrysostom begins his own defence by -asking which would be best: that a man should be subject -to thirst all his life, or wholly exempt from it? Surely to -be exempt from it. Apply this to the moral appetites—love, -avarice, and the rest. The monk is exempt from them; -the man of the world is distracted by them, if not overwhelmed. -Again, if the monk has no wealth of his own, -he exercises a powerful influence in directing the wealth of -others. Religious men will part with much of their riches -according to his suggestions; if one refuses, another will -give. The resources, in fact, of the monk are quite inexhaustible; -many will subscribe to supply his wants or to -execute his wishes, as Crito said that he and his friends -would subscribe for Socrates. It is impossible to deprive -the monk of his wealth or of his home; if you strip him of -everything he has, he rejoices, and thanks you for helping -him to live the life which he desires; and as for his home, -the world is his home; one place is the same as another to -him; he needs nothing but the pure air of heaven, wholesome -streams, and herbs. As for high place and rank, -history suffices to teach us that the desert does not destroy, -and the palace does not give, true nobility. Plato—planting, -watering, and eating olives—was a far nobler personage -than Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily, amidst all the wealth and -splendour of a monarch. Socrates—clad in a single garment, -with his bare feet and his meagre fare of bread, and dependent -upon others for the mere necessaries of life—was a far more -illustrious character than Archelaus, who often invited him, -but in vain, to court. Real splendour and distinction consisted -not in fine raiment, or in positions of dignity and -power, but only in excellence of the soul and in philosophy.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">151</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span></p> - -<p>He then proceeds to maintain that the influence of the -monk was more powerful than that of the man of the world, -however distinguished he might be. If he descended from -his mountain solitude, and entered the city, the people -flocked round him, and pointed him out with reverence and -admiration, as if he were a messenger from heaven. His -mean dress commanded more respect than the purple robe -and diadem of the monarch. If he was required to interfere -in matters of public interest, his influence was greater -than that of the powerful or wealthy; for he could speak -before an emperor with boldness and freedom, and without -incurring the suspicion of self-interested or ambitious -motives. He was a more effectual comforter of the mourners -than any one in a prosperous worldly condition was likely -to be. If a father had lost his only son, the sight of other -men’s domestic happiness only revived his grief; but the -society of the monk, who disdained the ties of home and -family, and who talked to him of death as only a sleep, -soothed his grief. Thus the man who wished his son to -possess real honour and power would permit him to become -a monk; for monks who were once mere peasants had been -visited in their cells and consulted by kings and ministers of -state.</p> - -<p>Chrysostom concludes this book by relating the history -of one of his own brethren in the monastery, who, when first -he desired to become a monk, had been disowned by his -father, a wealthy and distinguished pagan, who threatened -him with imprisonment, turned him out of doors, and allowed -him almost to perish with hunger. But, finding him inflexible -in his purpose, the father at last relented, and, at the time -when Chrysostom wrote, honoured, he might say venerated, -that son, considering the others, who occupied distinguished -positions in the world, scarcely worthy to be his servant.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">152</a></p> - -<p>As the second book was intended to meet the objections -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>of a pagan father, so the third contains admonitions to one -who was professedly Christian, but worldly-minded, on the -duty of parents in regard to the moral and religious education -of their children.</p> - -<p>It appeared to him that the fathers of that day gave their -sons none but worldly counsel, inculcated none but worldly -industry and prudence, and encouraged to the emulation -of none but worldly examples.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> The force of habit was -intensely strong, especially when pleasure co-operated with -it, and parents, instead of counteracting habits of worldliness, -promoted them by their own example. God led the Israelites -through the wilderness as a kind of monastic training, to -wean them from the luxurious and sensual habits of an -Egyptian life; yet even then they hankered after the land -of their bondage. How, then, could the children of parents -who left them in the midst of the Egypt of vice, escape -damnation? If they achieved anything good of themselves, -it was speedily crushed by the flood of worldly conversation -which issued from the parent. All those things which were -condemned by Christ—as wealth, popularity, strife, an evil -eye, divorce—were approved by parents of that day, and -they threw a veil over the ugliness of these vices, by giving -them specious names. Devotion to the hippodrome and -theatre was called fashionable refinement; wealth was -called freedom; love of glory, high spirit; folly, boldness; -prodigality, benevolence; injustice, manliness. Virtues, on -the contrary, were depreciated by opprobrious names: temperance -was called rusticity; equity, cowardice; justice, -unmanliness; modesty, meanness; endurance of injury, -feebleness. He truly remarks, that nothing contributes so -much to deter men from vice as calling vices plainly by -their proper names.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">154</a></p> - -<p>“How can children escape moral ruin, when all the labour -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span>of their fathers is bestowed on the provision of superfluous -things—fine houses, dress, horses, beautiful statues, -gilded ceilings—while they take no pains about the soul, -which is far more precious than any ornament of gold?”<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> -And there were worse evils behind: vice too monstrous -and unnatural to be named, but to which he was constrained -to allude, because he felt that it was poisoning with deadly -venom the very vitals of the social body. “Well,” but -worldly men reply, “Would you have us all turn philosophers, -and let our worldly affairs go to ruin? Nay,” says -Chrysostom, “it is the want of the philosophic spirit and rule -which ruins everything now; it is your rich men—with -troops of slaves and swarms of parasites, eager for wealth and -ambitious of distinction, building fine houses, adding field -to field, lending money at a usurious rate of interest—who -propagate the strife and litigation, and envy, and murder, -and general confusion, by which life is distracted. These -are they who bring down the vengeance of Heaven, in the -shape of droughts, and famines, and inundations, and earthquakes, -and submersion of cities, and pestilences. It is not -the simple monk, or the philosophic Christian, who is contented -with a humble dwelling, a mean dress, a little plot of -ground. These last, shining like bright beacons in a dark -place, hold up the lamp of philosophy on high, and endeavour -to guide those who are tossing on the open sea in a -dark night into the haven of safety and repose.”<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">156</a></p> - -<p>“In spite of law, disorder prevailed to such an extent, -that the very idea of God’s providence was lost. Men -assigned the course of events to fate, or to the stars, or to -chance, or to spontaneous force. God did, indeed, still rule; -but He was like a pilot in a storm, whose skill in managing -and conducting the vessel in safety was not perceived or -appreciated by the passengers, owing to the confusion -and fright caused by the raging of the elements. In the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>monastery, on the other hand, all was tranquillity and peace -as in a community of angels. He strenuously combated -the error of supposing that sin was more pardonable in a man -of the world than in a monk. Anger, uncleanness, swearing, -and the like, were equally sinful in all. Christ made no -distinctions, but propounded one standard of morality for -all alike. Nothing had inflicted more injury on the moral -tone of society than the supposition that strictness of life -was demanded of the monk only.”<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> He strongly urges -the advantage of sending youths for education to monasteries, -even for so long a period as ten or twenty years. -Men consented, he says, to part with their children, for the -purpose of learning some art or trade, or even so low an -accomplishment as rope-dancing; but when the object was -to train their souls for heaven, all kinds of impediments -were raised. To object that few attained through residence -in a monastery that perfection of spiritual life which some -expected of them, was a mere excuse. In the case of -worldly things, on which men’s hearts were set, they thought -of getting as much as they could, not of reaching absolute -perfection. A man did not prevent his son from entering -military service because the chances of his becoming a -prefect were small; why, then, hesitate to send your son to -a monastery because all monks do not become angels?<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">158</a></p> - -<p>These treatises are remarkable productions, and deserve -to be read, not only because they exhibit Chrysostom’s best -powers of argument and style, but also because they throw -light upon the character of the man and the times in which -he lived. He pleads his cause with the ingenuity, as well -as eloquence, of a man who had been trained for the law -courts. We find, indeed, that his opinions on the advantages -of the monastic life were modified as he grew older; but -his bold condemnation of worldliness, his denunciation of a -cold secularised Christianity, as contrasted with the purity -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>of the Gospel standard, the deep aspirations after personal -holiness, the desire to be filled with a fervent and overflowing -love of Christ, the firm hold on the idea of a superintending -Providence, amidst social confusion and corruption; -these we find, as here, so always, conspicuous characteristics -of the man, and principal sources of his influence.</p> - -<p>From the frightful picture here drawn of social depravity, -we perceive the value—we might say, the necessity—of -monasteries, as havens of refuge for those who recoiled in -horror from the surrounding pollution. It is clear also -that the influence of the monks was considerable. Monasteries -were recognised places of education, where pious -parents could depend on their children being virtuously -brought up. The Christian wife of a pagan or worldly -husband could here find a safe home for her boy, where he -could escape the contamination of his father’s influence or -example. Chrysostom relates, in chapter 12, how a Christian -lady in Antioch, being afraid of the wrath of a harsh and -worldly-minded husband if she sent away her son to school -at the monastery, induced one of the monks, a friend -of Chrysostom’s, to reside for a time in the city, in the -character of pedagogue. The boy, thus subjected to his -training, afterwards joined the society of the monks; but -Chrysostom, fearing the consequences both to the youth and -to the monastic body, should his father detect his secession, -persuaded him to return to the city, where he led an ascetic -life, though not habited in monkish dress. Out of these -monastic schools, after years of discipline and prayer, and -study of the Word, there issued many a pastor and preacher, -well-armed champions of the truth, strong in the Lord, and -in the power of His might; like Chrysostom himself, instant -in season and out of season; stern denouncers of evil, -even in kings’ courts; holding out the light of the Gospel -in the midst of a dark and crooked generation.</p> - -<p>The foregoing extracts and paraphrases from these treatises<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span> -prove also that as philosophy was considered the highest -flight in the intellectual culture of the pagan, so was asceticism -regarded as the highest standard of Christian life; it -was to the education of the soul what philosophy was to -the education of the mind, and hence it was called by the -same name. Possessed by this idea, Chrysostom threw -himself at this period of his life into the system with all -the ardour of his nature. If asceticism was good, it was -right to carry it as far as nature could bear it. He adopted -the habits of an old member of the brotherhood named Syrus, -notorious for the severity of his self-inflicted discipline. -The day and greater part of the night were spent in -study, fastings and vigils. Bread and water were his only -habitual food. At the end of four years he proceeded a -step further. He withdrew from the community to one of -those solitary caves with which the mountains overhanging -Antioch on its southern side abounded. In fact, he exchanged -the life of a monk for that of an anchorite. His -frame endured this additional strain for nearly two years, -and then gave way. His health was so much shattered -that he was obliged to abandon monastic life, and to return -to the greater comfort of his home in Antioch.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">159</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile a friend of his, Stagirius by name—a person -of noble birth, who, in spite of his father’s opposition, had -embraced monasticism—was reduced to a more deplorable -condition. While Chrysostom was confined to his house by -illness, a friend common to him and Stagirius brought him -the sad intelligence that Stagirius was affected with all the -symptoms of demoniacal possession—wringing of the hands, -squinting of the eyes, foaming at the mouth, strange inarticulate -cries, shiverings, and frightful visions at night.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> We -shall perhaps find little difficulty in accounting for these -distressing affections, as the consequence of excessive -austerities. The young man, who formerly lived a gay -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>life in the world, and in the midst of affluence, had in the -monastery fared on bread and water only, often kept vigil -all night long, spent his days in prayer and tears of penitence, -preserved an absolute silence, and read so many hours -continuously, that his friends and brother monks feared -that his brain would become disordered.<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> Very probably -it was, and hence his visions and convulsions; but those -were not days in which men readily attributed any strange -phenomena, mental or bodily, to physical causes. We may -believe in the action of a spirit-world on the inhabitants of -this earth; but we require good evidence that any violent -or strange affection of mind or body is due to a directly -spiritual agency, rather than to the operation of God according -to natural law. The cases of demoniacs in the Gospel -stand apart. Our Lord uses language which amounts to a -distinct affirmation that those men were actually possessed -by evil spirits. To use such expressions as “come out of -him,” “enter no more into him,” and the like, if there was -no spirit concerned in the case at all, would have been, to -say the least, a mere unmeaning piece of acting, of which it -would be shocking to suppose our Lord capable. But to -admit the direct agency of spirit, when confirmed by such -authoritative testimony, is widely different from the hasty -ascription to spiritual agency, by an uncritical and unscientific -age, of everything which cannot be accounted for by the -most superficial knowledge and observation. Chrysostom, of -course, not being beyond his age in such matters, did not for -a moment dispute the supposition that Stagirius was actually -possessed by a demon, but he displays a great deal of good -sense in dealing with the case. As the state of his own -health did not permit him to pay Stagirius a visit in person, -he wrote his advice instead. He perceived the fatal temptation -to despair in a man who imagined that the devil had -got a firm hold upon him, and that every evil inclination -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>proceeded directly from this demoniacal invader. He will -not allow that the suggestion to suicide, of which Stagirius -complained, came direct from the demon, but rather from -his own despondency,<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> with which the devil had endeavoured -to oppress him, that he might, under cover of that, work his -own purposes more effectually, just as robbers attack houses -in the dark. But this was to be shaken off by trust in God; -for the devil did not exercise a compulsory power over the -hearts of men; there must be a co-operation of the man’s -own will. Eve fell partly through her own inclination to -sin: “When she saw that the tree was good for food, and -pleasant to the eyes, she took of the fruit thereof and did -eat;” and if Adam was so easily persuaded to participate in -her sin, he would have fallen even had no devil existed.</p> - -<p>Chrysostom endeavours also to console his friend by going -through the histories of saints in all times who have been -afflicted. His sufferings were not to be compared to those of -Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, David, and St. Paul. “These -afflictions were sent for remedial, purgatorial purposes—that -the soul might be saved in the day of the Lord. It was not -easy to say why such a person was tried by this or that form -of suffering, but if we knew exactly God’s motives, there -would be no test of faith. The indispensable thing was to -be firmly convinced that whatever God sent was right. -Some men were disturbed because the good were often -troubled, and the wicked prosperous; but such inequality in -the distribution of reward and punishment in this life suggested -a future state where they would be finally adjusted. -The wicked who had here received his good things would -there receive his evil.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> Stagirius had not been attacked by -any demon when he was living in carelessness and worldly -pleasure, but when he had buckled on his armour and -appeared as an antagonist, then the devil descended to the -assault. Hence he had no need to be ashamed of his afflic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span>tion; -the only thing to be ashamed of was sin, and it was -owing to his renunciation of sin that the devil assailed him. -The real demoniacs were those who were carried away by -the impulses of unregulated passions.” His summaries of -the lives of the Old Testament saints, which fill the rest of -the second book and most of the third, are very masterly, -and display most intimate acquaintance with Holy Scripture -in all its parts. A powerful mind and retentive memory -had profited by six years of retirement largely devoted to -study.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> - -<p class="center f08">ORDINATION AS DEACON—DESCRIPTION OF ANTIOCH—WORKS COMPOSED -DURING HIS DIACONATE. A.D. 381-386.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Probably</span> one of the last acts of Bishop Meletius before -he left Antioch to attend the Council of Constantinople in -381, was to ordain Chrysostom a deacon. The bishop -never returned. He died during the session of the council -of which he was president, leaving both that and the see of -Antioch distracted by the most deplorable factions. It will -be remembered<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> that the Catholics of Antioch had, ever -since the ill-judged mission of Lucifer of Cagliari, been -divided between allegiance to Paulinus, a priest of the old -Eustathian party, who had been consecrated bishop by -Lucifer, and Meletius, bishop of the more moderate party. -With the laudable purpose of healing this schism, it is said -that several of the clergy at Antioch, who were considered -most likely to succeed to a vacancy, bound themselves under -an oath, that in the event of either bishop dying, they would -decline the offer of the see, if made, and acknowledge the survivor. -But on the death of Meletius, their plan was frustrated. -Either the Asiatics, who generally favoured Meletius, refused -to submit to the authority of Paulinus, because he had been -ordained by a Western prelate, or the Eustathians who acknowledged -Paulinus were unwilling on their side to admit -Meletians into their fold. In any case, the earnest endeavours -of Gregory of Nazianzum, now President of the Council, to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>unite the two factions under one prelate were unsuccessful.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> -The Meletians elected Flavian to be their bishop, one of -the very priests who had, under oath, renounced their pretensions -to the see. This appointment of course exposed -Flavian to the imputation of perjury, but we may hope that, -like Gregory, he yielded to a pressing necessity only, and to -a conviction that the dissension would have been aggravated -and protracted if he had obdurately refused.<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> At any rate, -as will hereafter appear, his conduct, wherever it comes -before us, is worthy of all admiration, and Chrysostom must -have filled the office of deacon with happiness under his -administration. A greater contrast than the initiation of -Chrysostom into clerical life, and that of a young deacon in -modern times, can scarcely be imagined. He was in his -thirty-seventh year, and had supplemented the good liberal -education of his youth by several years of devotion to close -study of Scripture, to rigorous mortification of the body, to -prayer and meditation, and to every means of promoting the -culture of the soul. After this long and careful training, he -enters the subordinate ranks of the clergy, not to discharge, -like a modern deacon, duties as laborious, and often as -responsible, as those which pertained to the priest, but such -light and irresponsible tasks as were suitable to men who -might be young, and were necessarily inexperienced in -pastoral work. The deacons were sometimes called the -Levites of the Christian Church.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> It was their office to take -care of the holy table and its furniture, to administer the -cup to the laity, but not to a priest or a bishop, and occasionally -to read the Gospel.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> They were in most churches -permitted to baptize.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> But their peculiar duty in the services -of the Church was to call the attention of the people to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>every fresh movement, to use a musical expression, in the -progress of the service. Thus at the close of the sermon, -the deacon’s voice was heard crying: “Let the hearers [<i>i.e.</i> the -second order of catechumens who were permitted to hear the -sermon, but not the conclusion of the Eucharistic service] -and the unbelievers depart!”<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> Then he bid the remaining -orders of the catechumens, <i>i.e.</i> the energumens, the competentes, -and the penitents to pray for one another, and the -people also to pray for them; <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἐκτενῶς δεηθῶμεν</span>, “let us -ardently pray for them”—such was the form. Again when -they were dismissed by the command <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἀπολύεσθε</span>, “disperse,” -the faithful were invited by the deacon to pray for the whole -state of Christ’s Church.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> Thus the deacons were the sacred -criers or heralds of the Church; they “proclaimed or bid -prayer,” they announced each part as it was unfolded in the -sacred drama of the Liturgy. The frequent recurrence in -our own Liturgy, without much apparent significance, of the -form “Let us pray,” is a remnant of these old diaconal invitations. -The deacons were not permitted to preach except -by a special direction of the bishop. Their duty in part -corresponded to that of our churchwardens; they were to -reprove any improper behaviour during divine service,<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> to -bring cases of poverty and sickness before the notice of the -bishop, to distribute the alms under his direction, and also -to report to him grave moral offences.<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> They were essentially, -as the name implies, ministers to the bishops and -priests, and were often styled, in symbolical language, “the -bishop’s eyes,” or “ears,” or “right hand.” The attitude of respect, -which they were bound to maintain in church towards -bishops and priests was in keeping with the servitorial -character of their office as a whole. While the priests had -their chairs ranged on either side of the central chair of -the bishop in the choir, the deacons stood humbly by, as if -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span>ready to receive and execute the directions of their superiors.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> -Even the Roman deacons, who rose rather above the natural -lowliness of their office, did not presume to sit in the church.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">175</a></p> - -<p>The duties of the diaconate must have brought Chrysostom -into constant intercourse with the Christian population of -Antioch, and especially with the poorer portion of it. The -whole population of the city amounted, according to Chrysostom’s -statement, to 200,000,<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> and the Christians to 100,000,<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> -of whom 3000 were indigent, and mainly supported by the -bounty of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> The deacon’s function of searching -out and relieving the necessitous by distribution of alms -must have been peculiarly congenial to him. There is no -Christian duty on which he more constantly and earnestly -insists than that of almsgiving, not only in order to alleviate -the sufferings of poverty, but as a means of counteracting -the inordinate avarice and selfish luxury which were the -prevailing vices in the higher ranks of society, both in -Antioch and Constantinople. His hold upon the affections -of the common people, partly no doubt through his sympathy -with their needs, partly by his bold denunciation of the -vices of the wealthy, partly by his affectionate and earnest -plain-speaking of Christian truth, was remarkably strong -throughout his life. As during the secluded leisure of his -monastic life he had acquired a profound intimacy with -Holy Scripture, so in the more active labours of his diaconate -he enlarged his knowledge of human nature, and stored up -observations on the character and manners of the people -among whom he moved; qualifications no less important for -the formation of a great and effective preacher.</p> - -<p>It may not be uninteresting to take a brief glance at the -character of the city and its inhabitants among whom he was -destined to labour for the next seventeen years of his life.</p> - -<p>Both nature and art combined to make Antioch one of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>most delectable and luxurious residences in the world. The -advantages of its situation, in some most important respects, -could scarcely be exceeded. The river Orontes, connecting it -with the sea about three miles distant, was the throat through -which the city was fed with merchandise from all parts of -the world. The wooded shores of the large lake of Antioch -some miles above the city, supplied the inhabitants with -fuel, and its waters yielded fish in great abundance. The -hills which impended over the town on the southern side -sent down numerous and copious streams, whose water, -unsurpassed in purity, bubbled up through the fountains -which stood in the court of every house. Northwards extended -a fertile plain between the Orontes and Mount Coryphæus. -The northern winds were occasionally keen and -searching, but the prevailing western breezes coming up -from the sea were so delicately soft, yet refreshing, that the -citizens delighted in summer to sleep upon the flat roofs of -their dwellings. These advantages, however, were in some -degree balanced by a liability to inundations and earthquakes. -Those hill-streams, the blessing and delight of the -inhabitants in summer, were sometimes swollen in winter -by excessive rains into torrents of incontrollable fury, and -caused much damage to the buildings which were situated -near their course. But far more destructive were the earthquakes. -More than once, indeed, especially in the reigns of -Caligula, Claudius, and Trajan, the whole city was almost -shattered to pieces; but on each occasion, through public -and private exertions, it arose from its ruins in new and, if -possible, increased magnificence. The peculiar glories of -Antioch were its gardens, and baths, and colonnaded streets. -As in its population, and religion, and customs, so also in its -architecture, it presented, as time went on, a remarkable -mixture of Asiatic, Greek, and Roman elements. The aim -of each Greek king and Roman emperor was to leave it more -beautiful than he had received it from the hands of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span> -predecessor. Each marked his reign by the erection of a -temple or basilica, or bath, or aqueduct, or theatre, or column. -The church in which Chrysostom officiated, usually called -“the great Church,” to distinguish it from the smaller and -older church, called the Church of the Apostles, was begun -by Constantine and finished by Constantius. In the main -principles of structure, we may find some parallel to it in -St. Vitale at Ravenna. It stood in the centre of a large -court, and was octangular in shape; chambers, some of them -subterranean, were clustered round it; the domed roof, of an -amazing height, was gilded on the inside; the floor was -paved with polished marbles; the walls and columns were -adorned with images, and glistened with precious stones; -every part, indeed, was richly embellished with bronze and -golden ornament.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> Among the principal wonders of Antioch -was the great street constructed by Antiochus Epiphanes, -nearly four miles in length, which traversed the city from -east to west; the natural inequalities of the ground were -filled up, so that the thoroughfare was a perfect level from -end to end; the spacious colonnades on either side were -paved with red granite. From the centre of this magnificent -street, where stood a statue of Apollo, another street, similar -in character, but much shorter, was drawn at right angles, -leading northwards in the direction of the Orontes. Many -of the other streets were also colonnaded, so that the inhabitants, -as they pursued their errands of business or pleasure, -were sheltered alike from the scorching sun of summer and -the rains of winter. Innumerable lanterns at night illuminated -the main thoroughfares with a brilliancy which almost -rivalled the light of day, and much of the business, as well -as the festivity, of the inhabitants was carried on by night.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">180</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span></p> - -<p>The character of the inhabitants partook of the various -elements—Asiatic, Syrian, Greek, Jewish, Roman—which -composed the whole population. But the impulsive oriental -temperament, subject at times to fits of gloomy despondency, -and to outbursts of wild ferocity, was undoubtedly the most -dominant. When not driven under the pressure of excitement -to either of these extremes, they abandoned themselves -very freely to those voluptuous recreations for which the -character of their city and climate afforded every facility -and inducement. The bath, the circus, the theatre, were the -daily amusements of the citizen; the Olympic games (instituted -in the time of Commodus), which were celebrated in -the grove of Daphne, and the festivities held at particular -seasons in honour of different deities, were the greater -occasions to which he looked forward with all the eagerness -of a pleasure-loving nature.</p> - -<p>These main characteristics of the people are abundantly -illustrated in detail, as will be seen hereafter, in the homilies -of Chrysostom. He is ever, in them, labouring with indefatigable -industry and earnestness to lift the Christians above -the frivolity and vices of the rest of the population. His -opportunities for investigating the condition of the Christian -community were great during his diaconate. He did not as -yet preach; but by observations on life and manners, he laid -up copious materials for preaching. And he was not idle in -the use of his pen, for to this period may be assigned the -treatise on Virginity; a letter addressed to a young widow; -a book on the martyr Babylas; and, perhaps, though this -cannot certainly be determined, the six books on the Priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">181</a></p> - -<p>The letter to a young widow must have been written soon -after the destruction of the Emperor Valens and his army by -the Goths in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 378, since it contains a reference to that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>event as a recent occurrence,<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> yet it must have been antecedent -to the crushing defeats inflicted on them by Theodosius -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 382, because the writer implies that at the -time of composition the Goths were overrunning large tracts -of the empire with impunity, and mocking the helplessness -and timidity of the imperial troops.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> The whole book is -penetrated with that profound sense of the misery and instability -of things human, which the corruption of society -and recent calamities of the empire impressed with peculiar -force on the minds of reflecting persons; which produced -among pagans either melancholy or careless indifference, but -made Christians cling with a more earnest and tenacious -trust to the hopes and consolations of the Gospel.</p> - -<p>Therasius, the husband of the young widow, had died -after five years of married life. He is described by Chrysostom -as having been distinguished in rank, in ability, and, -above all, in virtue; as having held a high position in the -army, with a reasonable expectation of soon becoming a -prefect. But these very excellencies and brilliant prospects, -which seemed to aggravate the sense of his loss, “ought,” -Chrysostom observes, “to be regarded as sources of consolation. -If death were a final and total destruction, then -indeed it would have been reasonable to lament the extinction -of one so benevolent, so gentle, so humble, prudent, and -devout, as her late husband. But if death was only the -landing of the soul in a tranquil haven, only a transition -from the worse to better, from earth to heaven, from men -to angels and archangels, and to Him who is the Lord -of angels, then there was no place left for tears. It was -better that he should depart and be with Christ, his true -King, serving Whom in that other world, he would not be -exposed to the dangers and animosities which attended the -service of an earthly monarch. They were, indeed, separated -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>in body, but neither length of time nor remoteness of place -could sunder the friendship of the soul. Endure patiently -for a little time, and you will behold again the face of your -desire; perhaps even now, in visions, his form will be permitted -to visit you.”<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> If it was the loss of the prefecture -that she specially deplored, let her think from what dangerous -ambitions her husband had been preserved; think of the -fate of Theodorus, who was tempted by his high station to -lay a plot against the Emperor, and suffered capital punishment -for his treason.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> The loftier a man’s ambitions in life, -the more probable a disastrous fall. Look at the tragical -fate of the Emperors in the course of the past fifty years. -Two only, out of nine, had died natural deaths; of the other -seven, one had been killed by a usurper,<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> one in battle,<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> one -by a sedition of his domestic guards,<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> one by the man who -had invested him with the purple.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> Julian had fallen in -battle in the Persian expedition. Valentinian <span class="smcap">I.</span> died in a -fit of rage, and Valens had been burnt, together with his -retinue, in a house to which the Goths set fire. And of -the widows of these Emperors, some had perished by -poison, others had died of despair and broken hearts. Of -those who yet survived, one was trembling for the safety of -an orphan son,<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> another had with difficulty obtained permission -to return from exile.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> Of the wives of the present -Emperors, one was racked by constant anxiety on account of -the youth and inexperience of her husband,<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> the other was -subject to no less anxiety for her husband’s safety, who -ever since his elevation to the throne had been engaged in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>incessant warfare with the Goths.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> Human ambition was a -hard taskmistress, who employed arrogance and avarice as -her agents; “do not then, mourn that your husband has been -emancipated from her tyranny.” Most of the wisest and -noblest characters even of the pagan world had resisted the -allurements of ambition—Socrates, Epaminondas, Aristides, -Diogenes, Crates. Shall the Christian then complain, if -God takes one away from these temptations? He who -cared least about glory, who was natural and modest, and -unambitious, often acquired most glory, whereas he who was -most eager and anxious to secure it, often obtained nothing -but derision and reproach. She believed that her husband -might have obtained the prefecture; it was a reasonable -hope, but there was many a slip betwixt the cup and the lip, -and he who was king to-day was dead to-morrow. “Strive, -then, to equal and even surpass your husband in piety and -goodness, that you may be admitted into the same home, -and reunited to him in a bond far more lovely and enduring -than that of earthly wedlock.”</p> - -<p>In the long treatise “De Virginitate,” Chrysostom boldly -declares his preference for celibacy, but at the same time -he exposes and denounces the mischievous error of Marcionites -and Manichæans, who condemned marriage altogether -as positive sin. “They were mistaken in supposing that -abstinence from marriage would procure them a high place -in heaven, because, even if it were granted that marriage -was a positive sin, it must be remembered that not those -who abstained from sin, but those who did positive good, -would receive the highest rewards; not one who abstained -from calling his brother ‘Raca,’ but he who loved -his enemies. The celibacy of heretics, such as the Manichæans, -was based on the false conception that all created -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span>matter was evil, and that the Creator Himself was an -inferior being to the Supreme Deity. Hence their celibacy -was the work of the devil; they belonged to those mentioned -only to be condemned in 1 Tim. iv. 1-3 ‘as forbidding -to marry.’<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> Chastity of body was worthless, if the -soul within was depraved; but celibacy rightly cultivated, -to preserve the purity of the soul towards God, was better -than marriage, better as heaven was better than earth, and -angels better than men.” He confronts the common objection: -if all men embraced celibacy, how would the race be -propagated? “Myriads of angels inhabit heaven, yet we -believe they are not propagated by matrimony, and it was -only by the special provision and will of God, that matrimony -itself produced offspring. Sarah was barren till God -vouchsafed her Isaac. Marriage was the inferior state to -conduct us to the higher; it was to celibacy as the Law to -the Gospel, it was a crutch to support those who would -otherwise fall into sin, but to be dispensed with when -possible. Let those, then, who reproached and derided -celibacy, put a restraint upon their lips, lest like Miriam, -or the children who mocked Elisha, they should be severely -punished for pouring contempt on so holy a state.”<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">195</a></p> - -<p>We are enabled to understand from this work why the -best Christianity in the East was so disparaging of the -married state. The woman had not attained her proper -place in society. She seems to have been ill-educated, to -have been kept, especially before marriage, in a state of -unnatural seclusion, which she broke when she could, and -was too often treated by the husband like a slave, with -severity and distrust. This degrading position was partly -a remnant of a pagan state of society, partly the offspring -of oriental character and habits of life. Christianity perceived -the evil, but had not effected much towards a remedy. -Instead of endeavouring to elevate, to soften, and refine the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>relation of one sex to the other, it encouraged rather a total -separation. The treatise now under notice presents curious -pictures of domestic life, if such it can be called, in that -age. Matrimonial matches were arranged entirely by the -parents, the attentions of the suitors were paid to the parents, -not to the maiden herself. She suffered an agony of suspense, -while the favourite of yesterday was supplanted by -the superior charms of some rival of to-day, who in his turn -was superseded by a third. Sometimes, on the very eve of -marriage, the suitor whom she herself preferred was dismissed, -and she was finally handed over to another whom -she disliked. The suitors also, on their side, were racked -by anxiety; for it was difficult to ascertain what the real -character, personal appearance, and manners were of the -maiden, who was always kept in the strictest seclusion. -Then there was often great difficulty in getting the dowry -paid by the father-in-law, which was an annoyance to each -of the newly-married pair.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">196</a></p> - -<p>He draws a highly-wrought picture, with some caustic -humour, of the miseries of jealous wives and husbands. -When a man constantly suspects “his dearest love,”<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> for -whom he would willingly sacrifice life itself, what can console -him? By day and night he has no peace, and is irritable -to all. Some men have even slain their wives, without succeeding -in cooling their own jealous rage. The trials of the -wife were more severe; her words, her very looks and sighs, -were watched by slaves, and reported to her husband, who -was too jealous to distinguish false tales from the true. The -poor woman was reduced to the wretched alternative of -keeping her own apartment, or, if she went out, of rendering -an exact account of her proceedings. Untold wealth, sumptuous -fare, troops of servants, distinguished birth, amounted -to nothing when placed in the balance against such miseries -as these. If it was the woman who was jealous, she -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>suffered more than the man, for she could not keep him at -home, or set the servants to watch him. If she remonstrated -with him, she would be told that she had better hold her -tongue, and keep her suspicions to herself. If the husband -instituted a suit against the wife, the laws were favourable -to him, and he could procure her condemnation, and even -death; but if she were the petitioner, he would escape.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">198</a></p> - -<p>It was very natural that the woman, who, before marriage, -was cooped up like a child in the parental home, should -break out afterwards into extravagance, dissipation, and -frivolity, if not worse. An inordinate amount of time and -money was bestowed upon dress, though perhaps not more -than by the fashionable ladies of modern times. Women -loaded themselves with ornaments, under the delusion that -these added to their charms, whereas, Chrysostom observes, -if the woman was naturally beautiful, the ornaments only -concealed and detracted from her charms. If she was ugly, -they only set off her ugliness by the glaring contrast, and -the effect on the spectator was ludicrous or painful. But -the adornment of the virgin who had dedicated herself to -God was altogether spiritual. She arrayed herself in gentleness, -modesty, poverty, humility, fasting, vigils. Incorporeal -graces and incorporeal beauty were the objects of her love -and contemplation. She treated enemies with such perfect -courtesy and forbearance, that even the depraved were put -to shame in her presence. The goodness of the soul within -overflowed into all her outer actions.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> From this rapturous -description of a highly spiritual kind of life, Chrysostom -passes, with versatile quickness, to a somewhat ludicrous -picture of the petty cares of life in the world. “The worldly -lady thinks it a fine thing to drive round the Forum; how -much better to be independent, and use her feet for the -purpose for which God gave them! There was always some -difficulty about the mules: she and her husband wanted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span>them at the same time; one or both were lame or turned -out to grass. A quiet and modestly-dressed woman needed -no carriage and attendants to protect her in her passage -through the streets, but might walk through the Forum, free -from any annoyance. Some might say it was pleasant to be -waited on by a troop of handmaids; but, on the contrary, such -a charge was attended with much anxiety. Not only had the -sick to be taken care of, but the indolent to be chastised, -mischief, quarrels, and all kinds of evil doings to be corrected; -and if there happened to be one distinguished by personal -beauty, jealousy was added to all these other cares, lest the -husband should be so captivated by her charms as to pay -more attention to her than to her mistress.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> If it was -replied to all these objections against married life, that -Abraham and other saints in the Old Testament were all -married men, it must be remembered that a much higher -standard was required under the New Dispensation. There -were degrees of perfection. When Noah was said to be -‘perfect in his generation,’ it meant relatively to that age in -which he lived, for what is perfect in relation to one era -becomes imperfect for another. Murder was forbidden by -the Old Law, but hatred and wrath under the New. A -larger effusion of the Holy Spirit rendered Christian men -fully grown as compared with the children of the Old -Dispensation. Degrees of virtue, impossible then, were -attainable now; and as the moral standard under the Old -Dispensation was lower, so the rewards of obedience were -less exalted. The Jews were encouraged to obedience by -the promise of an earthly country, Christians by the prospect -of heaven. The Jews were deterred from sin by menaces -of temporal calamity; the Christian, of eternal punishment. -Let us, therefore, not spend our care upon money-getting -and wives and luxurious living, else how shall we ever -become men rather than children, and live in the spirit? for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>when we have taken our journey to that other world, the -time for contest will have passed; then those who have not oil -in their lamps will be unable to borrow it from their neighbours, -or he who has a soiled garment to exchange it for -another robe. When the Judge’s throne has been placed, -and He is seated upon it, and the fiery stream is ‘coming -forth from before Him’ (Dan. vii. 10), and the scrutiny of -past life has begun: though Noah, Daniel, and Job were to -implore an alteration of the sentence passed upon their own -sons and daughters, their intercession would not avail.”<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">201</a></p> - -<p>The long treatise “De S. Babyla contra Julianum et -Gentiles” presents several interesting subjects for consideration. -In the history of the grove of Daphne we have a -singular instance of the way in which Grecian legend was -transplanted into foreign soil. Daphne, the daughter of the -Grecian river-god Ladon, was, according to the Syrian version -of the myth, overtaken by Apollo near Antioch. Here it -was, on the banks, not of the Peneus, but of the Orontes, -that the maiden prayed to her mother earth to open her -arms and shelter her from the pursuit of the amorous god, -and that the laurel plant sprang out of the spot where she -disappeared from the eyes of her disappointed lover. The -horse of Seleucus Nicator, founder of the Syrian monarchy, -was said to have struck his hoof upon one of the arrows -which Apollo had dropped in the hurry of his chase; in consequence -of which the king dedicated the place to the god. -A temple was erected in his honour, ample in proportions, -and sumptuous in its adornments; the interior walls were -resplendent with polished marbles, the lofty ceiling was of -cypress wood. The colossal image of the god, enriched with -gold and gems, nearly reached the top of the roof; the -draped portions were of wood, the nude portions of marble. -The fingers of the deity lightly touched the lyre which hung -from his shoulders, and in the other hand he held a golden -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>dish, as if about to pour a libation on the earth, “and -supplicate the venerable mother to give to his arms the cold -and beauteous Daphne.”<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> The whole grove became consecrated -to pleasure, under the guise of festivity in honour of -the god. A more beautiful combination of delights cannot -well be conceived. The grove was situated five miles to the -south-west of Antioch, among the outskirts of the hills, -where many of the limpid streams, rushing down towards -the valley of the Orontes, mingled their waters. The road -which connected the city with this spot was lined on the -left hand with large gardens and groves, baths, fountains, -and resting-places; on the right were villas with vineyards -and rose-gardens irrigated by rivulets. Daphne itself was, -according to Strabo,<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> eighty stadia, or about ten miles, in -circumference. It contained everything which could gratify -and charm the senses; the deep impenetrable shade of cypress -trees, the delicious sound and coolness of falling waters, -the fragrance of aromatic shrubs. Such a combination of -all that was voluptuous told with fatal and enervating effect -upon the morals of a people who were at all times disposed -to an immoderate indulgence in luxurious pleasures. Roman -troops, and even Roman emperors, fell victims to the allurements -of the spot.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> The annual celebration of the Olympian -games instituted here by Commodus was especially the -occasion of shocking excesses of every kind. But by the -order of Gallus Cæsar an attempt was made to introduce a -pure association into the spot hitherto abandoned to the -licentiousness of pagan rites. The remains of Babylas, the -Bishop of Antioch, who had suffered martyrdom in the reign -of Decius, were transferred from their resting-place in the -city to the grove of Daphne. The chapel or martyry erected -over the bones of the Christian saint stood hard by the -temple of the pagan deity. Here it confronted the Christian -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span>visitor, as a warning to him not to take part in pagan and -licentious rites, abhorrent to the faith for which the Bishop -had died. But the remains of the martyr were not permitted -to rest in peace. When Julian visited Antioch, he consulted -the oracle of Apollo at Daphne respecting the issue of the -expedition which he was about to make into Persia. But -the oracle was dumb. At length the god yielded to the -importunity of repeated prayers and sacrifices so far as to -explain the cause of his silence. He was disturbed by the -proximity of a dead body: “Break open the sepulchres, take -up the bones, and remove them hence.” The demand was -interpreted as referring to the remains of Babylas, and the -wishes of the crestfallen oracle were complied with.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> But -the insult done to the Christian martyr was speedily avenged. -Soon after the accomplishment of the impious act, a violent -thunderstorm broke over the temple, and the lightning consumed -both the roof of the building and the statue of the -deity. At the time when Chrysostom wrote, some twenty -years after the occurrence, the mournful wreck was yet -standing; but the chapel again contained the relics of the -saint and martyr, and conferred blessings on the pilgrims -who resorted thither in crowds. The ruined and deserted -temple, side by side with the carefully-preserved church of -the martyr, thronged by devotees, presented a striking -emblem of the fate of paganism, crumbling and vanishing -away before the presence of the new faith, blasted by the -lightning flash of a mightier force. A great portion of the -treatise of Chrysostom is occupied by an analysis of his old -master Libanius’s elegy over the fate of the stricken shrine -of pagan worship. The affected and inflated tone of the -sophist’s composition deserves the sarcasm and scorn which -his pupil unsparingly pours upon it.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">ORDINATION TO THE PRIESTHOOD BY FLAVIAN—INAUGURAL DISCOURSE -IN THE CATHEDRAL—HOMILIES AGAINST THE ARIANS—ANIMADVERSIONS -ON THE CHARIOT RACES. A.D. 386.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Chrysostom</span> had used the office of a deacon well. The lofty -tone of Christian piety, the boldness, the ability, the command -of language manifested in his writings, marked him -out as eminently qualified for a preacher. His treatises, -indeed, are distinguished by a vehemence and energy which -belong more to the fervour of the orator than to the calmness -of the writer. No doubt also men had not forgotten the -talent for speaking which he had displayed when he began -to practise, nearly twenty years before, as a lawyer. The -Bishop Flavian ordained him a priest in 386, and immediately -appointed him to be one of the most frequent -preachers in the church. The bishop of a see like Antioch -at that time rather resembled the rector of a large town -parish than the bishop of modern times. He resided in -Antioch, and discharged the duties of a chief pastor, assisted -by his staff of priests and deacons. Where the whole -Christian population amounted to not more than 100,000 -souls, as in Antioch,<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">206</a> that division into distinct districts, -such as were formed in Alexandria,<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> Rome, and Constan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>tinople, -with separate churches, served by members of the -central staff in rotation, or by pastors especially appropriated -to them, does not seem to have been made. Chrysostom -officiated and preached in the great church, where the -bishop also officiated. The less learned and less able priests -were appointed to the less responsible duties of visiting the -sick and the poor, and administering the sacraments. The -vocation of Chrysostom, however, was especially that of -a teacher. It will be readily acknowledged how difficult, -how delicate an office preaching was, in an age when Christianity -and Paganism were still existing side by side, and -when the opinions of many men were floating in suspense -between the old faith and the new, and were liable to be -distracted from a firm hold upon the truth by Judaism and -heresies of every shade.</p> - -<p>Either on the occasion of his ordination, or very soon after -it, Chrysostom preached an inaugural discourse, in the presence -of the bishop. It is distinguished by that flowery and -exaggerated kind of rhetoric which he occasionally displays -in all its native oriental luxuriance, and which is due to the -school in which he was brought up, rather than to the man. -On such a public and formal occasion he appears less as the -Christian teacher than as the scholar of Libanius the -Rhetorician. His self-disparagement at the opening of his -discourse, and his flattering encomiums on Flavian and -Meletius at the close, would to modern, certainly at least to -English, ears sound intolerably affected. No doubt, however, -they were acceptable to the taste of his audience at -Antioch; and, indeed, the whole discourse contains nothing -more overstrained or ornate than is to be found in some of the -most celebrated performances of the great French preachers -in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.</p> - -<p>A few paraphrases will suffice to illustrate the character -of his discourse.</p> - -<p>“He could scarcely believe what had befallen him, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span> -he, an insignificant and abject youth,<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> should find himself -elevated to such a height of dignity. The spectacle of so -vast a multitude hanging in expectation on his lips quite -unnerved him, and would have dried up fountains of eloquence, -had he possessed such. How, then, could he hope -that his little trickling stream of words would not fail, and -that the feeble thoughts which he had put together with so -much labour would not vanish from his mind?</p> - -<p>“Wherefore he besought them to pray earnestly that he -might be inspired with courage to open his mouth boldly in -this hitherto unattempted work.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> He wished to offer the -first-fruits of his speech in praise to God. As the tiller of -the ground gave of his wheat, grapes, or olives, so he would -fain make an offering in kind; he would ‘praise the name -of God with a song, and magnify it with thanksgiving.’ But -the consciousness of sin made him shrink from the task, for -as in a wreath not only must the flowers be clean, but also -the hands which wove it, so in sacred hymns not only must -the words be holy, but also the soul of him who composed -them. The words of the wise man who said, ‘praise is not -becoming in the mouth of a sinner,’<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> sealed up his lips, and -when David invited all creation, animate and inanimate, -visible and invisible, to ‘praise the Lord of Heaven, to praise -him in the height,’ he did not include the sinner in the -invitation. He would rather therefore dilate on the merits -of some of his fellow-men who were worthier than himself. -The mention of their Christian virtues would be an indirect -way, legitimate for a sinner, of paying glory and honour -to God himself. And to whom should he address his praises -first but to their bishop, whom he might call the teacher of -their country, and through their country of the world at -large? To enter fully, however, into his manifold virtues -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>was to dive into so deep a sea that he feared he should lose -himself in its profundities. To do justice to the task would -require an inspired and apostolic tongue. He must confine -himself to a few points. Although reared in the midst of -affluence, Flavian had surmounted the difficulties which -impeded the entrance of a rich man into the kingdom of -heaven. He had been distinguished from youth by perfect -temperance and control over the bodily appetites, by contempt -of luxury and a costly table. Though untimely -deprived of parental care, and exposed to the temptations -incident to wealth, youth, and good birth, yet had he -triumphed over them all. He had assiduously cultivated his -mind, and had put the bridle of fasting on his body sufficient -to curb excess, without impairing its strength and usefulness; -and though he had now glided into the haven of a calm old -age, yet he did not relax the severity of this personal discipline. -The death of their beloved father Meletius had caused -great distress and perplexity to the Church, but the appearance -of his successor had dispersed it, as clouds vanished -before the sun. When Flavian mounted the episcopal throne, -Meletius himself seemed to have risen from his tomb.”</p> - -<p>All that can be collected from history respecting Flavian’s -character confirms and justifies these eulogiums, though -English taste would prefer them to have been uttered after -his death rather than in his actual presence. Chrysostom concludes -by saying that he had prolonged his address beyond the -bounds which became his position, but the flowery field of -praise had tempted him to linger. “He would conclude his -task by asking their prayers: prayers that their common -mother the Church might remain undisturbed and steadfast, -and that the life of their father, teacher, spiritual shepherd, -and pilot, might be prolonged; prayers finally that he, the -preacher, might be strengthened to bear the yoke which was -laid upon him, might in the great day restore safely the -deposit which his Master had committed to his trust, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span> -obtain mercy for his sins through the grace and goodness of -the Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be glory, and power, and -worship for ever and ever.”</p> - -<p>We now enter on a period of ten years, during which -Chrysostom constantly resided in Antioch, and was occupied -in the almost incessant labour of preaching. The main bulk -of those voluminous works which have been preserved to -our times belongs to this period; yet there can be no doubt -that, numerous as are the extant works, they represent but a -fraction of the discourses which he actually delivered. For -we know, on his own authority, that he frequently preached -twice, occasionally oftener, in the course of a week.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">211</a></p> - -<p>It does not fall within the scope of this essay to determine -how many of the homilies which we possess were delivered -in each year, or to enter into a critical examination of every -set. But an attempt will be made to extract from them -whatever seems to throw light upon the life and times of -their author, upon events in which he played a conspicuous -part, or which were of great public importance; whatever -also illustrates the special condition of the Church,—her -general practice, her merits and defects, the dangers and -difficulties with which, from dissension within or heresy -without, she had at this era to contend.</p> - -<p>The field of subjects on which the preacher was called to -exercise his powers was varied and extensive. Christianity -was imperilled by corruption of morals and corruption of -faith. Not the laity only, but the clergy also, at least in the -great towns, had become deeply infected by the prevalent -follies and vices of the age. Again, between the orthodox -Christian and the Pagan every variety of heresy intervened. -The Arian, the Manichæan, the Marcionite, the Sabellian, the -Jew,—all were, so to say, touching and fraying the edge of -pure Christianity; the danger was, lest they should gradually -so wear it away as to injure the very vitals of the faith. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span> -Such were the evils which Chrysostom bent his energies to -redress, such the enemies whom he manfully endeavoured to -repel. He is alternately the champion of a pure morality -and of a sound faith.</p> - -<p>Among the discourses which belong to the first year of his -priesthood falls one delivered in commemoration of Bishop -Meletius, the predecessor of Flavian.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> He had died at Constantinople -about the end of May <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381, and Chrysostom -in the commencement of his homily remarks, that five years -had now elapsed since the bishop had taken his journey to -the “Saviour of his longings.” The tone of the discourse -illustrates a characteristic of the times; a passionate devotion -to the memory of departed saints which was rapidly passing -into actual adoration; a subject on which more will be said -hereafter. The shrine which contained the reliques of -Meletius was placed in the sight of the preacher and the -congregation, who swarmed round it like bees.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> When -Chrysostom looked at the great multitude assembled he congratulated -the holy Meletius on enjoying such honour after -his death, and he congratulated the people also on the endurance -of their affection to their late spiritual father. Meletius -was like the sound root which though invisible proved its -strength by the vigour of its fruit. When he had returned -from his first banishment the whole Christian population -had streamed forth to meet him. Happy those who succeeded -in clasping his feet, kissing his hand, hearing his -voice. Others who beheld him only at a distance felt that -they too had obtained a blessing from the mere sight. A -kind of spiritual glory emanated from his holy person, even -as the shadows of St. Peter and St. John had healed the sick -on whom they fell. “Let us all, rulers and ruled, men and -women, old and young, free men and slaves, offer prayer, -taking the blessed Meletius into partnership with this our -prayer (since he has more confidence now in offering prayer, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>and entertains a warmer affection towards us), that our love -may be increased and that as now we stand beside his -shrine, so one day we may all be permitted to approach his -resting-place in the other world.”</p> - -<p>The discourses of Chrysostom against Arians and Jews fall -within the first year of his priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> They are among the -finest of his productions, and deserve perusal on account of -their intrinsic merit no less than of the important points of -doctrine with which they are concerned. Antioch, indeed, -may in some sort be regarded as the cradle of Arianism. -Paul of Samosata, who was deposed from the see of Antioch -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 272, advocated doctrines of a Sabellian character, but -that sophistical dialectical school of thought of which the -Arians were the most conspicuous representatives may be -traced to him. His original calling had been that of a -sophist, and he was therefore by training more fitted to attack -established doctrines than to build up a definite system of -his own. Hence it is not surprising that, though his own -tendency was to Sabellian opinions, Lucian, his intimate -friend and fellow-countryman, held doctrines diametrically -opposite, or what were afterwards called Arian.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">215</a> Lucian, -when presbyter at Antioch, was the teacher of Eusebius, -Bishop of Nicomedia, of Leontius, the Arian Bishop of -Antioch, and perhaps also of Arius himself.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> Aëtius, and his -pupil Eunomius, originators of the most extreme and undisguised -form of Arianism, resided in the beginning of their -career at Antioch. Eunomius, in fact, was the founder of -a sect which was called Eunomian after him; or sometimes -Anomœan, because it denied not only equality but even -similarity (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ὁμοιότης</span>) between the Father and the Son in the -Holy Trinity. It was the most materialistic phase which -Arianism developed. Mystery was to be eliminated from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span>revelation as much as possible, sacramental grace was little -recognised, asceticism disparaged. Adherents of this school -seem to have existed still in some force at Antioch. A -system marked by so much of cold intellectual pride was -especially repugnant to the fervid and humble faith of -Chrysostom. Yet in his assaults upon it he was neither -precipitate nor harsh. In his first homily “On the incomprehensible -Nature of God,” he says that, having observed -several persons who were infected by this heresy listening to -his discourses, he had abstained from attacking their errors, -wishing to gain a firmer hold upon their interest before -engaging with them in controversy. But having been invited -by them to undertake the contest, he could not decline -it, but would endeavour to conduct it in a spirit of gentleness -and love, since “the servant of the Lord must not strive, but -be gentle towards” all, as well as “apt to teach.” He urges -all disputants to remember our Lord’s answer when He was -buffeted, “If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil; -but if well, why smitest thou me?”<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">217</a></p> - -<p>He dilates on the arrogance of the Anomœans in pretending -to understand and to define the exact nature of God. -“Professing themselves wise they only discovered their folly. -Imperfect knowledge on so profound a subject was an inevitable -part of the imperfection of our human state. The -condition of our present knowledge was this: we know many -things <em>about</em> God, but we do not know <em>how</em> they are or take -place. For example, we may know that He is everywhere -and without beginning or end, but <em>how</em> He is thus, we know -not. We know that He begat the Son, and that the Holy -Spirit proceeded from Him, but <em>how</em> these things can be we -are unable to tell. This is analogous to our knowledge of -many things which are called natural. We eat various kinds -of food, but <em>how</em> they nourish us and are transmuted into -the several humours of the body we do not understand.”<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">218</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span></p> - -<p>“Again, if the wisest and holiest men have confessed -themselves incompetent to fathom the <em>purposes</em> and <em>dispensations</em> -of God, how far more inscrutable must His <em>essence</em> be! -If David exclaims ‘Such knowledge is too wonderful and -excellent for me, I cannot attain unto it;’ and St. Paul, -‘Oh the depth of the riches and wisdom of God! how unsearchable -are His judgments, how untraceable His ways!’ -if the very angels do not presume to discuss the nature of -God, but humbly adore Him with veiled faces, crying ‘Holy, -Holy, Holy,’ how monstrous is the conceit and irreverence -of those who curiously investigate and pretend to define the -exact nature of the Godhead!”<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">219</a></p> - -<p>He proceeds to dwell upon the littleness and feebleness of -man, as contrasted with the amazing and boundless power -of God. The Eunomians maintained that man could know -the nature of God as much as God Himself knew it. “What -mad presumption was this! The Prophets exhaust all available -metaphors to express the insignificance of man as compared -with God. Men are ‘dust and ashes,’ ‘grass,’ and the -‘flower of grass,’ ‘a vapour,’ ‘a shadow.’ Inanimate creation -acknowledges the irresistible supremacy of His power; ‘if -He do but touch the hills they shall smoke,’ ‘He shaketh -the earth out of her place, and the pillars thereof tremble’ -(Job ix. 6).” “Seest thou not yon sky, how beautiful it is, -how vast, spangled with what a choir of stars? Five -thousand years and more has it stood, yet length of time has -left no mark of old age upon it: like a youthful vigorous -body it retains the beauty with which it was endowed at -the beginning. This beautiful, this vast, this starry, this -ancient firmament, was made by that God into whose nature -you curiously pry, was made with as much ease as a man -might for pastime construct a hovel: ‘He established the -sky like a roof, and stretched it out like a tent over the -earth’ (Isa. xl. 22). The solid, durable earth He made, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span>all the nations of the world, even as far as the British Isles, -are but as a drop in a bucket; and shall man, who is but an -infinitesimal part of this drop, presume to inquire into the -nature of Him who made all these forces and whom they -obey?”<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> “God dwells in the light which no man can -approach unto. If the light which surrounds Him be inaccessible, -how much more God Himself who is within it? -St. Paul rebukes those who presume to question the dispensation -of God. ‘Nay but, O man, who art thou that repliest -against God? Shall the thing formed say unto him that -formed it, Why hast thou made me thus?’ How much more, -then, would he have reproved dogmatic assumptions respecting -the nature of the great Dispenser?<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> The declaration of -St. John, that no man had seen God at any time, might -appear at variance with the descriptions in the prophets of -visions of the Deity. As: ‘I saw the Lord sitting on His -throne, high and lifted up’ (Isa. vi. 1). ‘I saw the Lord -standing above the altar’ (Amos ix. 1). ‘I beheld till the -thrones were cast down, and the Ancient of days did sit, -whose garment was white as snow,’ etc. (Dan. vii. 9). But -the very variety of forms under which God is said to have -appeared proves that these manifestations were merely -condescensions to the weakness of human nature, which -requires something that the eye can see and the ear can hear. -They were only manifestations of the Deity adapted to man’s -capacity; not the Divine Nature itself, which is simple, -incomposite, devoid of shape. So also, when it is said of -God the Son that He is ‘in the bosom of the Father,’ when -He is described as standing, or sitting, on the right hand of -God, these expressions must not be interpreted in too -material a sense; they are expressions accommodated to -our understandings, to convey an idea of such an intimate -union and equality between the two Persons as is in itself -incomprehensible.”<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">222</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span></p> - -<p>And this leads him on to consider the second error of the -Arians—their denial of absolute equality between the three -Persons in the Godhead. His arguments are based, as usual, -entirely on an appeal to Holy Scripture. He makes a -skilful selection and combination of texts to prove his point: -that the titles “God” and “Lord” are common to the first -two Persons in the Trinity—the names Father and Son being -added merely to distinguish the Personality. Had the -Father alone been God, then it would have been superfluous -to add the name Father at all: “there is one God” would -have been sufficient. But, as it was, the titles “God” and -“Lord” were applied to both Persons to prove their equality -in respect of Godhead. That the appellation of Lord no -way indicated inferiority was plain, because it was frequently -applied to the Father. “The Lord our God is one Lord,” -Exod. xx. 2. “Great is our Lord, and great is his power,” -Ps. cxlvii. 5. On the other hand, Christ is frequently -entitled <em>God</em>, e.g. “Immanuel—<em>God</em> with us.” “Christ -according to the flesh, who is over all, <em>God</em> blessed for ever.” -In some instances the Father and the Son are both called -Lord, or both God, in the <em>same</em> passage; as, for example, -“The Lord said unto my Lord, ... Thy throne, O God -(the Son), is for ever and ever; ... wherefore God (the -Father), even thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of -gladness,” etc.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">223</a></p> - -<p>The reason why Christ sometimes acted and spoke in a -manner which implied human infirmity and inferiority to -the Father was twofold: First, that men might be convinced -that He did really, substantially, exist in the truth of our -human nature; that He was not a mere phantom—the error -of Marcion, Manes, and Valentinus—an error which would -have been still more prevalent had He not so clearly manifested -the reality of his humanity. On the other hand, He -was reserved and cautious in declaring the highest mystery<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>—his -divine union and equality with the Father—out of -condescension to the weakness of man’s intellect, which -recoiled from the more recondite mysteries. When He told -them that “Abraham rejoiced to see his day,” that “before -Abraham was He was,” “that the bread from heaven was -his flesh, which He would give for the life of the world,” -that “hereafter they should see the Son of Man coming in -the clouds,” they were invariably offended. But, on the -contrary, He was chiefly accepted when He spoke words -implying more humiliation—for example, “I can of my own -self do nothing, but as my Father taught me, even so I -speak.” “As He spake these words,” we are told, “many -believed on Him.”<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">224</a></p> - -<p>Two other reasons might be assigned for this language -of self-abasement. One was, that He came to teach us -humility,—“Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly of heart.” -He “came not to be ministered unto but to minister.” He -who bids others be lowly must first and pre-eminently be -lowly himself. Therefore He performed such acts as washing -his disciples’ feet; and the Incarnation itself was no -sign, as the Arian maintained, of inferiority, but only the -highest expression of that great principle of self-sacrificing -love which He came to teach. Lastly, by such language He -directs our minds to the apprehension of a clear distinction -between the Persons in the Godhead. If his sayings about -Himself had all been of the same type as “I and my -Father are one,” the Sabellian error of confounding the -Persons would have become yet more prevalent than it was. -Thus, we find throughout our Lord’s life, in his acts and -language, a careful mixture and variation of character in -order to present the two elements—the human and divine—in -equal proportions. He predicts his own sufferings and -death, yet quickly afterwards He prays the Father that He -might be, if possible, spared undergoing them. In the first -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>act is pure divinity; in the second, humanity shrinking from -that pain which is abhorrent to human nature.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">225</a></p> - -<p>This very fact, however, of our Lord’s praying, was laid -hold of by the Arians to prove the inferiority of his nature. -This argument Chrysostom meets in Homilies <span class="smcap">IX.</span> and <span class="smcap">X.</span> -The raising of Lazarus had been read in the Gospel for the -day. “I perceive,” he says, “that many of the Jews and -heretics will find an excuse, in the prayer offered by Christ -before performing this miracle, to impugn his power, and -say He could not have done it without the Father’s assistance.” -But this fell to the ground, because on most other -occasions our Lord wrought his miracles without any prayer -at all. To the dead maiden he simply said, “Talitha cumi,” -and she arose; the woman with an issue of blood was healed -without any word or touch from Him. In the case of -Lazarus He prayed, as He Himself declared, for the sake of -the people, that they might perceive that God heard his -prayers—that there was a perfect unanimity between the -Father and the Son. Martha, in fact, had asked for a -prayer—“I know whatsoever thou shalt ask of God, God will -give it thee;” therefore He prayed; just as, when the centurion -said, “Speak the word only,” He spake the word and -the servant was healed. If He had needed help He would -have invoked it before all his miracles. In fact there was -no kind of sovereign power which He hesitated to exercise. -“Son, be of good cheer, thy sins be forgiven thee” ... “the -Son of man hath power on earth to forgive sins;”—to an evil -spirit, “<em>I</em> charge thee, come out of him, and enter no more -into him;” ... “to them of old it was said, Thou shalt -not kill; but <em>I</em> say, whosoever is angry with his brother -without a cause,” etc. He represents Himself as saying on -the final day, “Come, ye blessed;” or “Depart, ye cursed.” -Thus He claims authority to absolve, to judge, to legislate.</p> - -<p>Homilies <span class="smcap">XI.</span> and <span class="smcap">XII.</span>, against the Anomœans, were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>delivered some ten years later at Constantinople, but as they -contain no special references to the events of that time, the -continuity of this subject may be maintained by extracting -from them the argument there employed to prove the -equality of the Son with the Father. It is based on the -passage, “My Father worketh hitherto, and I work” (St. -John v. 17); by which our Saviour justified Himself from -the accusation of breaking the Sabbath when He healed the -paralytic. The words “My Father worketh,” Chrysostom -observes, refer to the daily operations of God’s providence, -by which he sustains in being those things which he commanded -into existence.</p> - -<p>This upholding energy, our Lord declares, is active at all -times and on all days alike; and if it were not, the fabric of -the universe would fall to pieces. He claims a similar right -to providential rule, which implies equality with the Father. -“My Father worketh, <em>and I</em> work.” If the Son had been -inferior, such a method of justifying Himself would only -have added force to the charges of his enemies. If a subject -of the Emperor were to put on the imperial diadem and -purple, it would be no excuse to say that he wore them -<em>because</em> the Emperor wore them—“the Emperor wears them, -<em>and I</em> wear them;”—on the contrary, it would augment the -offensiveness of his presumption and arrogance. If Christ -were not equal with the Father, it was the height of presumption -to use those words, “My Father worketh hitherto, -and I work.”</p> - -<p>In dealing with such lengthy homilies, it has been impossible -to do more than give specimens in a very condensed -form of the main lines of argument which Chrysostom -adopts. They vary greatly in value; but two points cannot -fail to arrest the notice of any one who reads these homilies -through:—First, the profound acquaintance of their author -with Holy Scripture; extending apparently with equal force -to every part of the sacred volume. Old and New Testament<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span> -and Apocrypha are almost equally employed for argument, -illustration, adornment; he is at home everywhere. Secondly, -upon Scripture all his arguments are based: in none of his -controversial homilies does Chrysostom take his stand upon -the platform of existing tradition, or rely on the authority of -the Church alone; “to the law and to the testimony” is -always the way with him. And this was a test at that time -universally accepted. The dispute with the most rationalistic -and critical Arians seems never to have turned on the -<em>authority</em>, but only on the <em>interpretation</em> of Scripture. Scripture -is appealed to as the supreme court for trying all their -differences; the only question was, as to the exact meaning -of its decisions.</p> - -<p>Again, we cannot fail to be struck by the ease and -rapidity with which he glances off from the most controversial -and theological parts of his discourse to practical -reproof and exhortation. Nothing provoked him more than -to see the bulk of that large concourse of people, who had -been listening with profound attention to his address, leave -the church just as the celebration of the Eucharist was -about to commence. “Deeply do I groan to perceive that -when your fellow-servant is speaking, great is your earnestness, -strained your attention, you crowd one upon another, -and stay till the very end; but that, when Christ is about -to appear in the holy mysteries, the church is empty and -deserted.... If my words had been laid up in your hearts -they would have kept you here, and brought you to the -celebration of these most solemn mysteries with greater -piety; but as it is, my speech seems as fruitless as the performance -of a lute-player, for as soon as I have finished -you depart. Away with the frigid excuse of many: I can -say prayers at home, but I cannot at home hear homilies -and doctrine. Thou deceivest thyself, O man; you may -indeed pray at home, but it is impossible to pray <em>in the same -manner</em> as at church, where there is so large an assembly of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span> -your spiritual fathers, and the cry of the worshippers is -sent up with one accord; where there is unanimity and -concert in prayer; and where the priests preside, that the -weaker supplications of the multitude being supported by -theirs, which are more powerful, may ascend together with -these to heaven. First prayer, then discourse; so say the -Apostles—“But we will give ourselves to <em>prayer and</em> to the -ministry of the word.”<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">226</a></p> - -<p>Again, as frequently in other discourses, he reproves the -congregation for testifying their admiration of his words by -applause. “You praise what I have said, you receive my -exhortation with tumults of applause; but show your approbation -by obedience; that is the praise which I seek, the -applause which comes through deeds.”<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">227</a></p> - -<p>His hearers, in fact, were so closely packed, and so much -absorbed in listening to his discourse, that pickpockets often -practised on them with some success. Chrysostom advises -them, therefore, to bring no money or ornaments about their -persons to church. It was a device of the devil, who hoped -by means of this annoyance to chill their zeal in attending -the services, just as he stripped Job of everything, not -merely to make him poor but to rob him if possible of his -piety.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">228</a></p> - -<p>But the most inveterate enemy with which Chrysostom -had to contend was the circus. Against this he declaims -with all the vehemence of Evangelical invectives against -horse-racing in modern times. The indomitable passion -for the chariot-races, and the silly eagerness displayed about -them by the inhabitants of Rome, Constantinople, and -Antioch, are among the most remarkable symptoms of the -depraved state of society under the later Empire. The -whole populace was divided into factions distinguished by -the different colours adopted by the charioteers, of which -green and blue were the two chief favourites. The ani<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span>mosity, -the sanguinary tumults, the superstitions,<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> folly, -violence of every kind, which were mixed up with these -popular amusements, well deserved the unsparing severity -with which they were lashed by the great preacher.</p> - -<p>A few specimens shall be collected here from other -homilies, as well as from those immediately under consideration.</p> - -<p>“Again we have the horse-races; again our assembly is -thinned. There were many indeed whose absence he little -regretted: they were to the faithful amongst the congregation -only as leaves to fruit.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> Sometimes, however, the church -was deserted by those of whom he had expected more fidelity. -He felt disheartened, like a sower who had scattered good -seed plentifully, but with no adequate result. Gladly and -eagerly would he continue his exertions could he see any -fruit of his labours; but when, forgetful of all his exhortations -and warnings, and solemn remindings of the terrible -doom, the unquenchable fire, the undying worm, they again -abandoned themselves to the diabolical exhibitions of the race-course, -with what heart could he return to the unthankful -task? They manifested, indeed, by applause, the pleasure -with which they heard his words, and then they hurried off -to the circus, and, sitting side by side with Jew or Pagan, -they applauded with a kind of frenzied eagerness the efforts -of the several charioteers; they rushed tumultuously along, -jostling one another, and shouting, ‘that horse didn’t -run fairly,’ ‘that was tripped up and fell,’ and the like.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> -Various excuses were pleaded for absence from church—the -exigencies of business, poverty, ill health, lameness; but -these impediments never prevented attendance at the Hippodrome. -In the church the chief places even were not -always all occupied, but <em>there</em> old and young, rich and poor, -crowded every available space for standing or sitting; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>pushing, and squeezing, and trampling on one another’s feet, -while the sun poured down on their heads: yet they appeared -thoroughly to enjoy themselves, in spite of all these discomforts; -while in the church the length of the sermon, -or the heat, or the crowd, were perpetual subjects of complaint.”<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">232</a></p> - -<p>Such are a few illustrations of one, but perhaps the most -notable, form among many in which the impulsiveness and -frivolity of the people of Antioch were displayed. “The building -which the preacher had so laboriously and industriously -reared in the hearts of his disciples was thus cruelly dashed -down and levelled to the very ground by a few hours of -dissolving pleasure and iniquitous frivolity.”<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">233</a></p> - -<p>Truly indeed might the lamentation of the prophet over -the evanescent piety of Ephraim and Judah have been -applied to these people: “Your goodness is as a morning -cloud, and as the early dew it goeth away” (Hos. vi. 4).</p> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER IX.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">HOMILIES AGAINST PAGANS AND JEWS—CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN -ANTIOCH—JUDAISING CHRISTIANS—HOMILIES ON CHRISTMAS DAY AND -NEW YEAR’S DAY—CENSURE OF PAGAN SUPERSTITIONS. A.D. 386, 387.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> dealing with the Arians, the contest mainly turned, as -has been pointed out in the previous chapter, on the interpretation -of Scripture; but in doing battle with Pagans and -Jews, with the former especially, Chrysostom had of course -to take up a different attitude. The method which he adopts -towards the Jew is to demonstrate the fulfilment of Old -Testament prophecy in the person and work of Jesus Christ, -and to insist on the consequent abrogation of the Jewish -dispensation. The ground on which he mainly relies against -the Pagan is the miraculous establishment and progress of -Christianity in the face of unprecedented opposition, as an -evidence of its divine origin.</p> - -<p>The treatise addressed to Jews and Gentiles combined -exhibits a powerful application of both these methods.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> -“He would first of all enter the lists against the Pagan. -And here caution was requisite. He would not say, when -the Pagan asked how the divinity of Christ was to be -proved, that Christ created the world, raised the dead, healed -the sick, expelled demons, promised a resurrection and a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>heavenly kingdom, because these were the very questions -upon which they joined issue. But he would start from a -ground which even the Pagan would accept: no one would -venture to deny that the Christian religion was founded by -Jesus Christ, and from this simple fact he would undertake -to prove that Christ could be no less than God. No mere -man could, in so short a time, with such feeble instruments, -and in the face of such opposition arising from inveterate -custom and forms of faith, have subdued so many and such -various races of mankind.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> How contrary to the common -course of events, that He who was despised, weak, and put -to an ignominious death, should now be honoured and adored -in all regions of the earth! Emperors who have made laws, -and altered the constitution of states, who have ruled nations -by their nod, in whose hands was the power of life and -death, pass away; their images are in time destroyed, their -actions forgotten, their adherents despised, their very names -buried in oblivion:—present grandeur is succeeded by -nothingness. In the case of Jesus Christ all is reversed. -During his lifetime, all seemed failure and degradation, but -a career of glory and triumph succeeded his death.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> Before -his death Judas betrayed him, St. Peter denied him; after -his death, St. Peter and the rest of the Apostles traversed -the world to bear witness to his truth, and thousands of -people have died rather than utter what the chief of the -Apostles once uttered from fear of a maid-servant’s taunts. -‘His rest shall be glorious:’—this was true, not only of the -Master, but also of his disciples. In that most royal city -of Rome, monarchs, prefects, generals, flocked to the sepulchres -of the fisherman and the tent-maker; and in Constantinople -they who wore the diadem were content to lay their -bones in the porch of the Apostles’ Church, and to become -as it were the door-keepers of humble fishermen.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> Christ -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span>had made the most ignominious death, and the instrument of -it, glorious. It was written, ‘Cursed is he that hangeth on a -tree,’ yet the cross had become the object of desire and love; -it was more honourable than the whole world, for the -imperial crown itself was not such an ornament to the head: -princes and subjects, men and women, bond and free, all -delighted to wear it imprinted on the brow. It was conspicuous -on the Holy Table, and in the ceremony of ordaining -priests; in houses, in market-places, by the wayside, -and on mountain sides, on couches and on garments, on -ships, on drinking vessels, in mural decorations, the cross -was depicted. Whence all this extraordinary honour to a -piece of wood, unless the power of him who died upon it -was divine?”<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">238</a></p> - -<p>Christ had declared that the gates of hell should not -prevail against his Rock-founded Church. How far had -this prediction been verified? In a short space of time -Christianity had abolished ancestral customs, plucked up -deeply-rooted habits, overturned altars and temples, caused -unclean rites and ceremonials to vanish away. Christian -altars had been erected in Italy, in Persia, in Scythia, in -Africa. “What say I? even the British Isles, which lie -outside the boundaries of our world and our sea, in the -midst of the ocean itself, have experienced the power of the -Word, for even there churches and altars have been set up.” -Thus the world had been, so to say, cleared of thorns, and -purified to receive the seed of godliness. What a proof of -superhuman power! The progress of the Church had been -encountered by customs which were not only venerated but -pleasant; yet these traditions, handed down through long -lines of ancestors, were abandoned for a religion far more -severe and laborious, a religion which substituted fasting -for enjoyment, poverty for money-getting, temperance for -lasciviousness, meekness for wrath, benevolence for ill-will. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span> -Men who had long been enervated by luxury, and accustomed -to the broad way, had been converted into the narrow, -rugged path, not by tens or twenties, but by multitudes -under the whole heaven. By whose agency had these -mighty results been wrought? By a few unlearned obscure -men, without illustrious ancestors, without money, without -eloquence.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> And all this in the teeth of opposition of the -most varied kind. For where the new doctrine penetrated, -it excited divisions and strife; children were set at variance -with parents, brother with brother, husband with wife, -master with servant. Yet, in spite of persecution and disruption -of social ties, the new faith grew and flourished. -How could such unprecedented marvels have come to pass -but through the divine power, and in obedience to that Word -of God which is creative of actual results? Just as, when -He said “Let the earth bring forth grass,” the wilderness -became a garden, so when the expression of His purpose had -gone forth, “I will build my Church,” straightway the process -began, and though tyrants and people, sophists and -orators, custom and religion, had been arrayed against it, -yet the Word, going forth like fire, consumed the thorns, -and scattered the good seed over the purified soil.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">240</a></p> - -<p>In attempting to convince the Jews of the divinity of -Jesus Christ by proving the exact fulfilment of Old Testament -prophecy in his person and work, Chrysostom displays -that intimate familiarity with every part of Scripture which -is his eminent characteristic.</p> - -<p>The passages are, on the whole, most judiciously selected; -some corresponding passage from the New Testament being -placed, if possible, against each, with a careful attention even -to verbal parallelism. For instance, against the passage in -Isaiah, “The Spirit of the Lord shall <em>rest</em> upon him,” he -places the verse from St. John i. 32, “I beheld the Spirit -descending like a dove, and it <em>abode</em> upon him.”<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> He refers -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>each event in Christ’s life, his Incarnation, his rejection by -the Jews, his betrayal, crucifixion, burial, resurrection, the -descent of the Holy Ghost, and the beginning of the Apostolic -labours to some corresponding prediction.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> He sometimes, -however, falls into the error, less common in him than in -other patristic interpreters, of seeing direct references to the -Messiah and the Messianic kingdom, to the almost total -exclusion of any other meaning. For instance, such passages -as “Their sound is gone out into all lands,” “That thou -mayest make princes in all lands,” are cited as if exclusively -predictive of the propagation of Christianity. In such words -as “The virgins that be her fellows shall bear her company,” -he sees a distinct foreshadowing of the honour to be paid to -virginity under Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> In other passages, again, he is -misled by ignorance of the Hebrew, and a too literal adherence -to the Septuagint translation. In the passage, “I will -make thy officers peace,” thine “exactors” being rendered in -the Septuagint bishops or overseers, he extracts from this -word a direct reference to the Christian priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> “He -shall descend like rain into a fleece of wool” is interpreted -as significant of the extreme secrecy of Christ’s birth, and -the noiseless gentleness with which his kingdom was founded.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> -Whereas, the strict translation being “like rain upon new-mown -grass,” it is rather illustrative of the fruitful results of -Christ’s advent.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">246</a></p> - -<p>Such occasional defects, however, will not prevent us from -according the praise due to the great skill with which, on -the whole, he has worked out this method of argument, and -the noble vindication of Christianity in this treatise has -seldom if ever been surpassed by Chrysostom elsewhere. The -several parts of his argument are unfolded in orderly procession, -and expressed with an eloquence at once luminous and -earnest, and which, though at times copious and ornate, does -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>not degenerate into the mere redundancy, still less into the -affectations and flowery artifices, of rhetoric; he is always -real and earnest, he is sometimes sublime.</p> - -<p>Closely connected with this treatise in subject, and not far -distant in time of composition, are the Homilies directed -against Jews and Judaising Christians. The Jews, ever since -the time of Antiochus the Great, were a considerable body in -Antioch, and over the Christian population exerted a seriously -pernicious influence. Their position, indeed, in the Empire -at large had been increasingly favourable from the reign of -Hadrian to Constantine. Though they were not permitted -to approach Jerusalem, yet the worship in their synagogues -was freely tolerated; they were permitted to circumcise their -own children though not the children of proselytes; and their -religious organisation in the Empire was held together under -the sway of the Patriarch of Tiberias.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> After the recognition -of Christianity by the Empire, the Jews, as a natural consequence, -were less favourably treated. The statutes of -Constantine and Constantius were severe. Those Jews who -attempted the life of a Christian were to be burned. No -Christians were to become Jews, under pain of punishment. -Jews were forbidden to marry Christian women or to possess -Christian slaves. The national character of the Jew seems to -have deteriorated, as the race became more widely dispersed, -and as their wealth and importance increased. They were no -longer indeed so morosely and sullenly proud as when they -gloried in the possession of a holy city and distinct religious -ordinances, and a geographical position which isolated them -from the rest of mankind, but neither were their faith or -morals so pure. Self-indulgence, sensualism, and low cunning -corrupted their life; a superstitious and material cast of -thought depraved their faith. Their habits harmonised too -well with that propensity to luxury and licentiousness which -was the besetting vice of the people of Antioch; their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>materialism worked hand in hand with the prevailing Arianism, -if, indeed, Arianism may not be regarded as in some -sort its product. Certainly, whenever popular insurrections -caused by religious dissensions occurred either in Antioch or -in Alexandria, the Jews ranged themselves on the Arian side, -as if the spirit and character of the Arian sect were the most -congenial to their own.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">248</a></p> - -<p>Allowing for some exaggerations in the preacher, carried -away by the impulse of the moment, the invectives of -Chrysostom must be permitted to prove that the Jewish -residents in Antioch were of a low and vicious order. They -seem to have been regarded by the common people with a -mixture of dislike and awe; the age was superstitious, and -the Jews availed themselves of superstitious terrors to make -a livelihood, especially through a kind of quackery in medicine. -Their quarters are denounced by Chrysostom as dens of -robbers and habitations of demons.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> A whole day would not -suffice to tell the tale of their extortions, their thefts, their -deceptions, their base methods of traffic, such as the sale of -amulets and charms.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> Their priests were no better than -counterfeits, because they had not gone through all the -elaborate rites of consecration. They had no sacred ephod, -no Urim and Thummim, no altar, no sacrifice, no prophecy.</p> - -<p>The Festival of Trumpets was a scene of great debauchery, -more iniquitous than the proceedings in the theatre. Any -catechumen who was detected attending that festival was to -be excluded from the porch of the church; any communicant -so detected was to be denied access to the Holy Table. The -booths erected at the Feast of Tabernacles were like taverns, -crowded with flute-players and ill-conditioned women. The -synagogues were frequented by the most abandoned charac<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span>ters -of both sexes, and dancers, actors, and charioteers were -largely drawn from the Jewish population. In spite of this, -many Christians were seduced to attend the Jewish festivals -and fasts, and even to swear Jewish oaths in the synagogues, -under the superstitious impression that such were -more solemn and binding than any Christian forms. He had -himself, only three days ago, rescued a woman being dragged -off, against her will, to take an oath of this kind, by a man -who professed himself a Christian. On stopping to rebuke -him in the sternest language, Chrysostom was shocked to -learn that the practice was extremely common among -Christians. He passionately exhorts the faithful to reclaim -their deluded brethren from these pernicious ways:—If -twelve Apostles had converted the larger part of the world, -it would be a shame that the Christians, who were the -majority in the population of Antioch, should fail to allay -the plague of Judaism. What treason! what inconsistency, -that they, who worshipped the Crucified One, should associate -with the race which crucified Him.<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> The synagogue ought -not to be an object of reverence because it contained the -Books of the Law and the Prophets, but rather of abhorrence, -because those who possessed the Prophets refused to recognise -Him of whom their writings spoke. Was the temple of -Serapis holy because it contained the Septuagint, deposited -there by Ptolemy Philadelphus?<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">252</a></p> - -<p>Christians seem to have attended Jewish services much -in that spirit of curiosity with which Protestants sometimes -go to Roman Catholic churches, to be entertained by music, -incense, and a grand ritual. They maintained that the -effect was solemnising; but, observes Chrysostom, the value -of the offering to God depends not on the nature of the -offering, but on the heart of the offerers. The worshippers -sanctify the temple, not the temple the worshippers. You -would not touch or address the murderer of your own son, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>and will you court the society of those who slew the Son of -God?<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> Let them consider that cry uttered by the deacon -from time to time in the celebration of the holy mysteries: -“Discern one another.”<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> So let them do. “If you discern -any one Judaising, hold him fast and expose him, that you -may not yourself participate in the danger.”</p> - -<p>“In military camps, if any soldier be detected sympathising -with the barbarian or the Persian, not only does he -himself run a risk of his life, but also any of his comrades -who were conscious of his defection, but did not represent it -to the general. Since, then, you are the army of Christ, -search diligently whether any stranger has intruded into -your camp, and expose him, not that we may put him to -death, but that we may punish him, deliver him from his -error and impiety, and render him wholly our own; but if -you willingly conceal him, be well assured that you will -sustain the same punishment with him.” This homily is -concluded by a solemn adjuration: “In the words of Moses, -I call heaven and earth to record against you this day, that -if any of you now present or absent attend the Feast of -Trumpets, or enter a synagogue, or observe a fast, or a -sabbath, or any Jewish rite whatever, I am guiltless of your -blood. These discourses will rise up for both of us in the -great day of our Lord: if you shall have obeyed them, they -will give you confidence; but if otherwise, they will stand -as severe accusers against you.” Therefore he implored -them to institute the most rigorous search after the Judaising -brethren. When their mother the Church had lost a -child, it was criminal to conceal either the captor or the -captured; let the men seek out the men, the women the -women, the slave his fellow-servant, and present the culprit -to him before the next assembly.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span></p> - -<p>Another Judaising practice, which he condemns in the -severest language, was the custom of keeping Easter on -the 14th day of the month, according to Jewish calculation, -irrespective of the week-day on which it might fall; -thus sometimes feasting when the rest of the Church was -fasting, or fasting when the rest was feasting. The existence -of such a practice at this time was a remarkable instance of -the increasing influence of the Jews in Antioch and the -neighbouring regions. For up to the year <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 276, the -Antiochene patriarchate had observed Easter in conformity -with the Catholic usage; the adoption of the Jewish calculation -was made after that date, when most of the rest of -Christendom had dropped it, and was therefore the subject -of special condemnation at the Council of Nice.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> Such a -discrepancy in practice was regarded as a most serious rent -in the unity of the Church. Chrysostom denounces it -especially as a contumacious disregard of the Council of -Nice, which had distinctly ordained by the mouths of three -hundred bishops that Easter should be kept at one and -the same time throughout Christendom. He implores the -Judaisers to desist from the idle inquiry into the exact -dates of seasons; to follow the Church, and to place harmony -and charitable peace before all things. It was impossible, -in fact, to fix the actual day on which Christ rose; therefore -let them observe that day which the Church through her -bishops had prescribed. It was a less offence to fast on the -wrong day than to rend the unity of the Church. “How -long halt ye between two opinions?” if Judaism be true, -embrace it altogether, and “cease to annoy the Church; if -Christianity be true, abide in it, and follow it.”<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">256</a></p> - -<p>The Jews themselves could not, in Chrysostom’s opinion, -legally perform sacrifices, or observe festivals of any kind. -Jerusalem was the only place in which such observances -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>were commanded; and Jerusalem being destroyed they -became void.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> They had been suspended during the Captivity, -to be resumed when the people returned to the holy -soil. If the Jews of the present day also expected restoration, -let them likewise suspend their rites; but, in fact, this -never would occur. The Temple never would be rebuilt, -and restoration was a vain hope. Jerusalem was to be -trodden down of Gentiles till the times of the Gentiles were -fulfilled; and by the fulfilment of those times Chrysostom -understood the end of the world.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> All four Captivities of -the Jews—their subjection to the Egyptians, Babylonians, -Antiochus, and the Romans—had been distinctly foretold. To -each of the <em>first three</em> prophecy had assigned a limit; but to -the last <em>none</em>—it reached into all time; there was no sign or -intimation of any probable cessation.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> The revolt of the -Jews under Hadrian, and under Constantine,<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">260</a> had ignominiously -failed; the attempt of Julian to rebuild the Temple -had been frustrated by portents: fire issuing from the -foundations had consumed some of the workmen, and scared -the spectators; the naked substructions, left just as they -were when the work was abandoned, presented a visible -monument of the divinely-arrested work.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">261</a></p> - -<p>The eager exhortation reiterated in his last homily, that -the faithful should seek out their brethren who had been -caught in the Jewish snare, is a powerful rush of indignant -eloquence, and a wholesome admonition on the responsibility -of all for the spiritual welfare of their fellow-men. “Say -not within thyself, I am a man of the world; I have a wife -and children; these matters belong to the priests and the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span>monks. The Samaritan in the parable did not say, Where -are the priests? where are the Pharisees? where are the -Jewish authorities? but seized the opportunity of doing a -good deed, as if it was a great advantage. In like manner, -when you see any one requiring bodily or spiritual care, say -not within thyself, Why did not this or that man attend to -him?—but deliver him from his infirmity. If you find a -piece of gold in your path, you do not say, Why did not -some other person pick it up? but you eagerly anticipate -others by seizing it yourself. Even so, in the case of your -fallen brethren, consider that you have found a treasure in -them and give the attention necessary for their wants.” -He besought them not to proclaim the calamity of the -Church by idly gossiping about the numbers of those who -had observed some Jewish custom, but to search them out; -and, if necessary, to enter their houses, tax them with their -guilt, and solemnly warn them against the iniquity of consorting -with the enemies of Jesus Christ. “Listen not to -any excuses which they may plead on the ground of cures -effected by the Jews; expose their impostures, their incantations, -their amulets, their charms, their drugs.” Even if -they really effected cures, it would be better to die and save -the soul, than resort to the enemies of Christ to heal the -body. Let them rather appeal to the assistance of the -martyrs and saints who were His friends, and had great -confidence in addressing Him. “Why did the Son of Man -Himself enter the world? Was it not to seek and to save -wandering sheep? This do thou, according to thy ability. -I will not cease to speak, whether you hear or whether you -forbear. If you heed not, I shall do it, but with grief; if -you listen and obey, I shall do it, but with joy.”<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">262</a></p> - -<p>It is difficult for us, in our altered position towards Jews -and heretics of all kinds, to sympathise with the vehemence -of Chrysostom’s feelings and language. Yet there can be no -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span>doubt that such dabbling, if the word may be used, in the -customs, the observances, the ritual of an obsolete dispensation, -and a debased people, did seriously imperil purity of faith -and morals, and unity of discipline, in the Christian Church.</p> - -<p>Towards dissentient Christians, not infected by Judaism, -Chrysostom adopts a milder tone, and indeed restrains the -immoderation of party feeling in others with wholesome -censure. He laments<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">263</a> the distracted state of the Church -in Antioch, which was now divided into the three sections -of Meletians, Eustathians, and Arians; but he denounces -the practice of anathematising. It was uncharitable and -presumptuous. St. Paul anathematised once only; the casting -off of a heretic ought to be as painful as plucking out an -eye or cutting off a limb. A holy man before their times, -one of the successors of the Apostles, and judged worthy of -the honour of martyrdom, used to say, that to assume the -right to anathematise was as great a usurpation of Christ’s -authority as for a subject to put on the Imperial purple. -In dealing with erring brethren, the Christian should “in -meekness instruct those that oppose themselves, if God, -peradventure, will give them repentance to the acknowledging -of the truth.” “If a man accepts your counsel and -confesses his error, you have saved him, and delivered your -own soul also; but if he will not, do you nevertheless continue -to testify with long-suffering and kindness, that the -Judge may not require his soul at thy hand. Hate him not; -turn not from him; persecute him not, but catch him in the -net of sincere and genuine charity. The person whom you -anathematise is either living or dead; if living, you do -wrong to cut off one who may still be converted; if dead, -much more you do wrong; ‘to his own master he standeth -or falleth;’ and ‘who hath known the mind of the Lord, or -who hath been his counsellor?’ You may anathematise -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>heretical dogmas, but towards the persons who hold them -show the greatest possible forbearance, and pray for their -salvation.”</p> - -<p>In the winter of 386, Chrysostom preached a sermon on -Christmas Day, which, though not distinguished by any -unusual merit, possesses an interest of its own. We learn -from it, that this festival was not originally celebrated in -the Eastern Church; it had been adopted from the West, -and, in Antioch at least, less than ten years before the year -of Chrysostom’s discourse. It had gradually increased in -popularity, and this year Chrysostom rejoiced to observe -that the church was crowded to overflowing. Rome had -fixed the observance of the 25th of December, and this was -the day kept throughout Christendom from Thrace to Gades; -but the propriety of the date was much debated in the -Eastern Churches, and the observance of the festival at all -was considered by some as a questionable innovation. -Chrysostom energetically vindicates the dignity of the -festival and the correctness of the date.<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> It was the metropolis, -so to say, of all other festivals, and as such it was the -most solemn and awful. For the incarnation of Christ was -the necessary condition of all the succeeding events of His -career on earth, and in the profundity of its mystery it -exceeded them all. That Christ should die was a natural -consequence of human nature once assumed; but that He, -being God, should have stooped so low as to assume that -nature, was a mystery unfathomable to the mind of man! -“Wherefore I specially welcome and belove this day, and -desire to make you partakers in my affection. I pray and -implore you all to come with zeal and alacrity, every man -first purging his own house, to behold our Lord wrapped in -swaddling clothes and lying in a manger; for if we come -with faith, we shall indeed behold Him lying in the manger; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>for this Table supplies the place of the manger, and here -also the body of the Lord will lie, not wrapped in swaddling -clothes, but invested on all sides by the Holy Spirit. The -initiated (or the baptized) understand what I mean.”<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> But -he warns his hearers against crowding in a tumultuous and -disorderly manner to partake of the holy feast. “Approach -with fear and trembling, with fasting and prayer, not making -an uproar, hustling and jostling one another: consider, O -man, what kind of sacrifice thou art about to handle; consider -that thou, who art dust and ashes, dost receive the -body and blood of Christ.”<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> This irreverent conduct at the -reception of the Eucharist frequently provoked the indignation -and censure of Chrysostom. It occurred especially -at the greater festivals, because on those days multitudes -received the Eucharist who did not enter the church at -other times. “How,” he cries in the homily on the Epiphany, -“shall we teach you what is necessary concerning your soul, -immortality, the kingdom of heaven, the long-suffering and -mercy of God, and a future judgment, when you come to us -only once or twice in the year?” Many of those who pushed -and kicked one another in the eagerness of each to get -foremost to the holy Table, withdrew from the church -before the final thanksgiving. “What,” Chrysostom cries, -“when Christ is present, and the angels are standing by, -and this awe-inspiring Table is spread before you, and your -brethren are still partaking of the mysteries, will you hurry -away?” Too often they who thronged the church on these -great occasions led worldly and even vicious lives; they -hurried away before the sacred feast was ended, like Judas, -to do the devil’s work.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> Such is one among many examples -which may be elicited from Chrysostom’s works of that -Pagan grossness and superstition which was mingled -with the faith and the most solemn observances of Chris<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>tianity. -The vitality of superstitious customs, the subtlety -with which they have grafted themselves upon Christianity, -the tenacity with which they have clung to men in spite of -it late into modern times, is indeed extraordinary; but for -centuries their existence and influence were not appreciably -if at all affected by Christianity. A half Oriental, half -Greek, partly Jewish population, like that of Antioch, whose -purer feelings and nobler reason were seriously impaired by -habits of licentiousness and luxury, was naturally liable to -superstitious terrors, and addicted to superstitious practices -of all kinds. Chrysostom is frequently reproving his people -for being anxious and afraid where there was no cause, while -they abandoned themselves to vice, the only worthy cause -for fear, without scruple or alarm. If Christmas Day was -observed as a Christian festival, though without becoming -reverence, New Year’s Day was given up to riotous festivity, -thoroughly Pagan in character. The houses were festooned -with flowers, the inns were scenes of the most disgraceful -intemperance; men and women drinking undiluted wine -there from an early hour in the morning; auguries and -omens were consulted by which the horoscope of the year -was cast. Good luck in the coming year was supposed to -depend (how is not clearly stated) on the manner in which -the first day was spent. This is the theme of the preacher’s -righteous indignation. The real happiness of the year was -determined, not by the observation of particular feasts, but -by the amount of goodness which we put into it. Sin was -the only real evil, virtue the only real good; therefore, if a -man practised justice, almsgiving, and prayer, his year could -not fail to be propitious; for he who had a clean conscience -carried about with him a perpetual holy day, and without -this, the most brilliant and joyous festival was obscured by -darkness. “When thou seest the year completed, thank -God that He has brought thee safely to the conclusion of -the cycle: prick thine heart, reckon up the time of thy life,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span> -and say to thyself, The days are hurrying along, the years -are being fulfilled, I have advanced far on the road, the -judgment is at the doors, my life is pressing on towards old -age: well! what good have I done? shall I depart hence -destitute and empty of all righteousness?”<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">268</a></p> - -<p>There is a fuller notice, in some of his homilies on the -Epistle to the Ephesians, of the many gross and senseless -forms of superstition which prevailed even among the communicants -in the Christian Church. He laments the decay -of discipline, by which a more rigorous scrutiny was once -instituted into the characters of those who came to the holy -feast. If any one were to examine the lives of all those who -partake of the mysteries on Easter Day, he would find -amongst them persons who consulted auguries, who used -drugs, and omens, and incantations; even the adulterer, -curser, and drunkard, dared to partake. Iniquitous men -had crept into the Church, the highest places of command -were bought and sold, till the pure livers had betaken themselves -to the mountains to escape from the contamination.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> -Some of the vulgar superstitions of the day were ludicrously -puerile. “This or that man was the first to meet me as I -walked out; consequently innumerable ills will certainly -befall me: that confounded servant of mine, in giving me -my shoes, handed me the left shoe first; this indicates dire -calamities and insults: as I stepped out, I started with the -left foot foremost; this too is a sign of misfortune: my right -eye twitched upwards as I went out; this portends tears.”<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> -To strike the woof with the comb in a particular way, the -braying of a donkey, the crowing of a cock, a sudden sneeze,—all -these were indications of something or other. “They -suspect everything, and are more in bondage than if they -were slaves many times over. But let not us, brethren, fear -such things, but laughing them to scorn as men who live in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>the light, and whose citizenship is in heaven, and who have -nothing in common with this earth, let us regard one thing -only as terrible,—and that is, sin.”<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">271</a></p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER X.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">SURVEY OF THE FIRST DECADE OF THE REIGN OF THEODOSIUS—HIS -CHARACTER—HIS EFFORTS FOR THE EXTIRPATION OF PAGANISM AND -HERESY—THE APOLOGIES OF SYMMACHUS AND LIBANIUS. A.D. 379-389.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Before</span> Chrysostom had laboured two full years in “confirming -the souls of the disciples” at Antioch, that city -became the scene of events memorable in history; and -events in which the great preacher played an honourable -and distinguished part.</p> - -<p>The foremost man of the age, not only by position but -also to a great extent in character, was Theodosius the -Emperor; Theodosius the Great, deservedly so called in spite -of one prominent defect in character, and a few glaring -misdeeds which tarnish his reputation. The military exploits -of his father, Theodosius the elder, had provoked the jealousy -of the court<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> and cost him his life, and the son, who had -manifested ability almost equal, in serving under him both -by land and sea against Scots and Saxons, Moors and Goths, -was glad to escape a similar ungrateful return for his -services, by retiring to the obscurity of his native village -in Spain. He was disgraced when the Empire had been -liberated from danger by the exertions of his father and -himself; but in the hour of its utmost jeopardy, and direst -distress, he was recalled to more than his former position. -The total defeat and death of Valens, and the almost -extermination of his army before Hadrianople in <span class="smcap">A.D</span>. 378, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>placed the Empire at the mercy of victorious barbarians -within the frontier, and on the edge of the horizon more -storm-clouds of Gothic or Hunnish invasion were lowering. -There was but one person to whom the mind of Gratian, -the young Emperor of the West, and his advisers, overwhelmed -by the prospect of impending calamity, instinctively -turned as capable of saving the State in this crisis. -For three years Theodosius had been quietly cultivating -his farm between Valladolid and Segovia, when he was -summoned to accept the title of Augustus, together with all -the responsibilities and perils which attended the possessor, -at such a time, of that venerable name. He was equal to -the situation; handsome with a manly beauty, courageous -and determined of purpose, just and politic in intention if -not always in act, he was endowed with some of the noblest -qualities of a soldier and a statesman, by which to rescue -and reorganise a panic-stricken and crumbling State. This -is not the place to narrate the military achievements of -Theodosius. The original materials for information respecting -them are scanty; but they have been collected and -arranged by that historian whose indefatigable industry -brings order out of confusion, and whose luminous style lights -up with interest even the darkest and most meagre annals.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> -It is sufficient to remind the reader of Gibbon, that Theodosius -subdued the Goths, not in any one or two great -battles, but by frequent and skilfully contrived engagements -on a smaller scale. He thus gradually revived the -drooping courage and discipline of the imperial troops, and -wore out the enemy. The several tribes, on their submission, -were settled in the waste tracts of country, which they were -to occupy free of taxation, on the wise condition that they -kept the land in a state of cultivation. So a numerous -colony of Visigoths was established in Thrace, and of Ostrogoths -in Phrygia and Lydia. The ability of Theodosius is -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>proved more by the results of his energy than by anything -that we know of the manner in which he accomplished -them. He not only vanquished the Goths, but arrested the -progress of the usurper Maximus in the West, who was -leading his victorious legions to Italy, flushed with success -after the ignominious flight and assassination of Gratian. -Theodosius was not in a position, surrounded as he was -by half-vanquished barbarians, to dispute the passage of the -conqueror; but by assuming a firm tone in negotiations, he -secured for Valentinian, Gratian’s brother and successor, the -sovereignty of Italy, Africa, and Western Illyricum, surrendering -for the present to the usurper the regions north -of the Alps.</p> - -<p>Theodosius was a Christian; as a Spaniard he was a -Trinitarian, and as a soldier he was anxious to establish one -uniform type of religious faith and ecclesiastical discipline -throughout the Empire. But such a task proved more -impracticable than the reduction of military foes. Neither -Paganism nor Arianism could be extinguished in a few -years by suppressive edicts. Theodosius himself had been -baptized in the first year of his reign, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 380, when his -life was threatened by a severe illness, and he had then -announced his will and pleasure that his own solemn -declaration of faith should be accepted by his subjects -also. That faith which was “professed by the Pontiff -Damasus, and Peter, Bishop of Alexandria” was to be the -faith of the Empire. “Let us believe the sole deity of the -Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, under an equal -majesty and a pious Trinity. We authorise the followers -of this doctrine to assume the title of Catholic Christians, -and as we judge that all others are extravagant madmen, -we brand them with the infamous name of heretics.”<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> Their -places of assembly were not to enjoy the title of churches, -and they themselves were to expect severe civil penalties -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>as well as the Divine condemnation. Damophilus, the -Arian Bishop of Constantinople, preferred exile to signing -the creed of Nice; and Gregory of Nazianzus was conducted -by the Emperor in person through the streets of -Constantinople (though not without a strong guard) to -occupy the episcopal throne. A project for another general -council (after the Council of Constantinople, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381) was -entertained but abandoned, for the factious demeanour of the -several prelates and their partisans on their arrival did not -augur a very successful settlement of differences by that -method. The Emperor fell back, for the accomplishment -of his object, on his own authority. On July 25, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 383, -an edict was posted in Constantinople, prohibiting all the -heretics therein named, Arians, Eunomians, Macedonians, -and Manichæans, from holding any kind of assembly, public -or private, either in the cities or in the country. Any -ground or building used for such illegal purpose was to be -confiscated to the State; and the penalty of banishment was -pronounced against those who allowed themselves to be -ordained priests or bishops of the heretical sects. Historians -concur in the opinion that few of these penalties were -actually enforced. The heretical sects were not animated -by a spirit of martyrdom; the intimidation was generally -sufficient.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> The hypocrite or the indifferent conformed, the -more conscientious retired into obscurity. There seem to -have been few if any Arian prelates of great and commanding -ability. All the leading ecclesiastics of the day—Chrysostom, -Jerome, Basil, the two Gregories, and Ambrose—were -by conviction on the side of the Emperor, and added -all the weight of their influence to his decrees.</p> - -<p>When measures had been taken for the suppression of -heresy, it was the Pagan’s turn to suffer. The spectacle of -temples standing open for worship side by side with Chris<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>tian -churches was a painful incongruity in the eyes of -Theodosius, with his soldier-like ideas of uniformity and -discipline. The first blow was directed against those disloyal -sons of the Church who had seceded to Paganism. -They were deprived of the power to make wills or to receive -bequests.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> The second step was absolutely to prohibit all -sacrifices in those temples which were still open. Nearly -twenty years before, the sacrifice of animals had been -forbidden by Valentinian and Valens, owing to their connection -with arts of divination, which were used for political -purposes. As long as such sacrifices were permitted, the -priests could not refrain from consulting the entrails of the -victims, and pretending to read therein future events: the -death of this Emperor, the elevation of that, the success or -failure of expeditions, and the like, were intimated to the -people, always eager to know what is beyond the limits of -human knowledge. Such divinations encouraged a restless -spirit in the subjects, and often disaffected them towards the -ruling power. That these laws of Valentinian were renewed -by Theodosius in 381, and again in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 385, proves that -they had been imperfectly obeyed.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">277</a></p> - -<p>They were followed up by a yet more decisive step in -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 392. Cynegius, the Prætorian Prefect of the East, the -Counts Jovinus and Gaudentius in the West, were commissioned -to shut up the temples, to destroy their contents, -images, and vessels, and to confiscate their property. In -many instances the executors of the edict, aided by the -fanatical fury of monks, seem to have exceeded their instructions. -The great temple of Jupiter, at Apamea, in -Syria, of which the roof was supported on sixty massive -columns, fell, but not unavenged; for the Bishop Marcellus, -who headed the assailants, fell a victim to the rage of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span>exasperated rustics who defended it.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> The safety of the -universe was represented by Pagans to depend on the preservation -of the colossal gold and silver image of Serapis at -Alexandria. Even Christians beheld with some trepidation -an audacious soldier deal a blow with a battle-axe on the -cheek of this awful deity; but as the only result of the gash -was the issue of a swarm of rats who had harboured in the -sacred head, instead of the avenging thunders which had -been expected, a revulsion of feeling was experienced. The -huge idol was hewn to pieces, the limbs were dragged -through the streets, and the remains of the carcase burned -in the amphitheatre, amidst the derision of the populace.</p> - -<p>These were shattering blows to Paganism. But the -religion of sentiment and custom long survives the extinction -of more solid if not reasonable convictions. Chrysostom’s -homily on New Year’s Day is only one among many -illustrations of the way in which Pagan rites and superstitions -lingered, especially in connection with public festivals. All -the Pagan concomitants of these festivals in the country -districts—hymns, libations, garlands, incense, lights—were -strictly prohibited, under heavy penalties, by Theodosius in -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 392, but, in the West especially, the extirpation was -very incomplete. The Bishops of Verona and of Brescia -protested, but in vain, against the proprietors of land indulging -their tenantry in these practices. Sicily, Corsica, -and Sardinia, were strongholds of Paganism as late as -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 600. Sacrifices were offered to Apollo on Monte Casino -till the establishment of St. Benedict’s monastery in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -529.</p> - -<p>The riotous populace of towns, and the simple country folk -attached to old customs, thus evinced some spirit in their -resistance to repressive enactments. But the hold which -Paganism retained upon intellectual people was feeble indeed. -Two apologists only, with any pretensions to ability, stepped -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span>forward to plead for the sinking cause: Symmachus<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> in the -West, and Libanius in the East; and their intercessions are -addressed to sentiments of affection for antiquity, and compassion -for oppressed weakness, rather than to the reason. -Symmachus, as is well known, pleaded twice for the retention -of the altar and statue of Victory in the senate-house at -Rome. Eloquent and touching, his appeal is directed to -patriotic feeling and a sense of political expediency, not to -religious conviction. He does not profess to <em>believe</em> in the -Pagan deities, but regards with a philosophic eye the various -kinds of faith in the world as so many forms of homage to -the great unknown Being who presides over the universe. -“It is right to recognise that what all adore can be at bottom -but one Being only. We contemplate the same stars; the -same sky covers us; the same universe encloses us. What -matters it by what reasonings each seeks the truth? a single -path cannot conduct us to the grand secret of nature. As -an individual, a man may be a worshipper of Mithras, or -of Christ, but as a citizen it is his duty to conform to -that worship which is bound up with the history and -glory of his country; to part from it is heartless and disloyal.”<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">280</a></p> - -<p>The memorial of Symmachus got into the hands of Ambrose, -and was rather rudely treated by him. He subjects it to a -stern test of facts. Had the national gods indeed protected -the Romans from disaster? It was maintained that by their -aid the conquest of Italy by Hannibal had been averted. -Why then did they permit the invader to inflict such ravages -as he had done? Would not the Gauls also have captured -the Capitol, but for the timely cry of the goose? Where was -Jupiter <em>then?</em> but perhaps he was speaking through the -goose. The Carthaginians worshipped some of the same -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>deities as the Romans. If then the gods conquered with the -Romans they yielded with the Carthaginians. Paganism -declined, notwithstanding support; the Church flourished, in -spite of opposition. As to the abandonment of ancient -customs, was not progress the law of improvement? The -glimmering dawn gradually brightened into the full and -perfect day; the riches of harvest and vintage came in the -maturity of the year; even so the faith of Christ had gradually -planted itself on the ruins of a worn-out creed, and was now -reaping an abundant harvest among all nations of the earth.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> -The whole reply of Ambrose is pitched in the positive, confident, -authoritative tone of one who speaks from a conviction -that he stands on the platform of absolute truth, and that his -cause is therefore inevitably destined to win.</p> - -<p>If the appeal of Symmachus was addressed to the sentiment -of reverence for <em>national</em> antiquity, that of Libanius was -directed to a sentiment of attachment to <em>classical</em> antiquity. -The citizen mourns over the suppression of a worship which -was bound up with the history and the glory of his country; -the scholar sighs over the degradation of that which was -connected with all that was most beautiful in the literature -and life of the olden time—with the poetry of Homer and -the tragedians—with the festive song and dance—with the -hills, and fountains, and groves of Greece. He clings to the -past with the love of the antiquarian. Though his actual -belief in the myths of the classical era may not have been -very deep or earnest, there is no doubt that he entertained a -genuine animosity towards the new faith which was usurping -their place. A flowery description of the origin and antiquity -of the honour paid to the gods is followed by a vehement -invective against the monks, “those black-robed creatures, -more voracious than elephants, who rush upon the temples, -armed with stones, wood, and fire; who break up the roofs, -destroy the walls, throw down the statues, raze the altars.” -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span> -They glaringly exceeded the edicts of the Emperor, which had -forbidden the offering of sacrifice in the temples, but had not -commanded the actual destruction of the buildings.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> There -is real feeling also in his description of the distress caused in -country districts by the demolition of the temples. “They -were the centres round which human habitations and civilisation -grew; in them the labourer placed all his hopes; to them -he commended his wife, his children, his plantation, his crops. -Deprived of the gods, from whom he expected the rewards -of toil, he felt as if henceforth his labours would be vain. -Sometimes the very land was wrested from them on the -pretext that it had been consecrated to gods; if the poor -despoiled owners sought redress from the pastor (<i>i.e.</i> the -bishop) of the neighbouring town (falsely called pastor, since -there was no gentleness in his nature), he praised the robber -and dismissed the complainers.” No doubt to a great extent -this was a true picture, and such harshness and injustice -must have retarded (as always happens when an attempt is -made to coerce opinion) the cause of Christianity, which the -law was intended to promote.</p> - -<p>Theodosius, however, was in principle far too upright to -treat the Church with a blind partiality. Cynegius, the -Prefect, was ordered to enforce the law at Alexandria with -full rigour against those despicable beings who sought to -make traffic by informing against Pagans. Constantine had -exempted the clergy from serving in curial offices; Theodosius -compelled them to pay for substitutes, and renounce -their claims to patrimony. They were to enjoy immunity -from torture when brought to trial, but if detected in falsehood -were to be visited with penalties of peculiar severity, -because they had abused the shelter of the law which -favoured them.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">283</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span></p> - -<p>Such was Theodosius—a prudent and skilful general, a -firm and upright ruler; a sincere and simple-minded believer -in Christianity, who did his best, as head at once of the -army, the civil government, and the Church, to consolidate -the fabric of the Empire. The barbarians were repelled, or -held down; taxes were collected with honesty and firmness,—some -of the most burdensome were taken off; Paganism -and heresy languished, however far from being extinguished, -and the Emperor fondly hoped that uniformity in faith and -discipline would soon be established throughout Christendom.</p> - -<p>The good genius of his life was the Empress Flacilla; she -was a Christian of a pure and noble type; imperial state -had not corrupted the simplicity or hardened the tenderness -of her disposition. She was accustomed to visit the hospitals -in Constantinople, not attended by a single slave or waiting-woman; -administered food and medicine to the patients, -and dressed their wounds with her own hands. She was -wont to remind her husband of the great change in their -worldly position, as a motive to humility and gratitude to -God. “It behoves thee to consider what thou wert and -what thou hast become; by constantly reflecting on this -thou wilt not be ungrateful to thy benefactor, but wilt guide -the kingdom which thou hast received with a due regard to -law, and by so doing wilt pay homage to Him who gave it -thee.”</p> - -<p>She, we may well believe, restrained the impulses of that -choleric temper which was the principal defect in the -Emperor’s character, and which occasionally after her death -burst forth into acts of deplorable violence. This wise and -pious monitress was taken from him in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 385. She died -at a watering-place in Thrace, whither she had gone to -recover her health after the shock caused by the death of the -infant Princess Pulcheria. Her body was brought back to -Constantinople on a melancholy day in autumn, when the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span> -skies poured down a gentle rain, as if mingling their tears -with those of the disconsolate people.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">284</a></p> - -<p>This condensed survey of the character and work of -Theodosius, during the first ten years of his reign, will assist -us in forming a proper estimate of his conduct in that -memorable occurrence which brings his life into contact -with the life of Chrysostom.</p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XI.</h2> - -<p class="center f08">THE SEDITION AT ANTIOCH—THE HOMILIES ON THE STATUES—THE -RESULTS OF THE SEDITION. A.D. 387.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> wise counsel and softening influence of the Empress -were removed from her husband at an inopportune season. -Political storms were approaching, and the passionate temper -of Theodosius was soon to be subjected to a most severe -trial.</p> - -<p>The year 388 would have completed the first decade of -his reign. The year 387 was the fifth of the reign of his son -Arcadius, whom he had nominally associated with himself -in the government. The celebration of these two events -Theodosius, from motives of prudent economy and convenience, -resolved to combine. The army on such occasions -claimed a liberal donative, five gold pieces to each man. It -was obviously desirable, therefore, to avoid, if possible, the -repetition of such a donative within a short space of time. -It was always a strain on the royal treasury, and at the present -juncture the strain was increased, for the Goths were -assuming a menacing attitude on the Danubian frontier. It -was necessary to mass troops in that direction, and, with a -view to provide for these expenses, it was proposed to raise -a special subsidy from the opulent cities of the Eastern -empire. But the inhabitants of Alexandria and Antioch -were loath to part with any of the wealth which they had -accumulated during nearly ten years of peace and exemption -from onerous taxation. Large meetings were held by -the citizens of Alexandria in the theatres and other public<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span> -places; inflammatory and seditious speeches were made. -“If we are to be treated thus,” they cried, “a simple remedy -is open: we will appeal to Maximus in the West; he knows -how to shake off a troublesome tyrant.” Fortunately the -Prefect Cynegius was a man of firmness and promptitude; -he made some arrests of the most conspicuous leaders of the -mutinous faction, and enforced an immediate payment of the -tribute, and by these decisive measures public order was -restored. Either the people of Antioch were more deeply -disaffected, or no such energetic officer was in that city to -nip the spirit of rebellion in the bud. It is said that the -inhabitants entertained a grudge against the Emperor, -because he had never visited their city, which had been -frequently graced by the royal presence of his predecessors.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">285</a></p> - -<p>The edict which enjoined the levying of the tribute was -proclaimed by a herald on February 26. Large numbers -of the people assembled on the spot, collected chiefly into -groups, amongst which were some persons of distinction, -senators and other civic functionaries, noble ladies, and -retired soldiers. An ominous silence succeeded the announcement -of the edict. The crowd then dispersed, but -reassembled about the prætorium, where the governor -resided.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> There they stood in gloomy silence, save that -the women, from time to time, raised a wailing lamentation, -crying that the ruin of the city was determined, and -that since the Emperor had abandoned them, God alone -from henceforth could come to their succour. At last a -little band detached itself from the mass, shouting that -they must go and seek the Bishop Flavian, and constrain -him to intercede with the Emperor on their behalf. -Flavian, by accident or design, was absent from the episcopal -residence, and the mob returned to the prætorium, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span>crying that the governor must do them justice. The people -appear to have been excited to violence chiefly by those -turbulent foreign adventurers who abounded in Antioch, -sordid venal creatures, often hired by actors to get up -applause in the theatres, or by great men not over popular -to raise cheers when they appeared in public places. But -however stimulated, the passions of the mob were thoroughly -roused, and their fury vented itself in a tumultuous rush -into one of the great public baths, where they soon tore -everything to pieces. Having completed this work of destruction, -they hurried back once more to the hall of the -unfortunate governor. Here they were kept at bay by a -guard for a sufficient time to enable the governor to escape -by a back-door, and when they at last succeeded in bursting -in, the vacancy of the place aggravated their rage. The -governor was not seated in the judicial chair, but they found -themselves face to face with the statues of the imperial -family, which as emblems of authority were ranged above it. -They paused for a few moments; highly excited as they -were, imperial majesty, even so represented, had some deterrent -influence upon their fury.</p> - -<p>But, unfortunately, there were boys in the crowd; the -love of stone-throwing without respect of persons was as -ardent in boy nature fifteen hundred years ago as it is now. -A stone was cast by one of these juvenile hands, which hit -one of the sacred statues. The momentary feelings of reverence -which had arrested the people were dissipated. The -images were mutilated, almost battered to pieces, and the -fragments dragged through the streets. Other images of the -imperial family with which the city was adorned were -treated in the same manner; the equestrian statue of Count -Theodosius, father of the Emperor, was dislodged from its -pedestal and hacked about, amidst derisive shouts of “Defend -thyself, grand cavalier!”<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">287</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span></p> -<p>The unrestrained fury of the people was inflamed by -success; they began to bring up torches and actually set -fire to one of the principal buildings of the city, when the -governor, who had escaped their hands, returned at the head -of a company of archers. As usual with disorderly mobs, -however furious, they were unable to face the discipline of -military force; the soldiers were no sooner drawn up and -preparing to fix their weapons than rage turned to panic, -and the mob, lately so formidable, melted away.</p> - -<p>The whole tumult had not lasted more than three hours; -before noon, every one had returned to his home, the streets -and squares were empty, and a death-like stillness pervaded -the city. Remorse was mingled with great terror respecting -the consequences of the outrage which had been perpetrated. -The Emperor, indeed, was humane and forgiving of wrongs -which concerned himself alone, but how would he brook the -insults done to the memory of his father and his tenderly -beloved Empress? One hope remained: Flavian, the bishop, -was a favourite at court; his intercessions might avail; the -people besought him with tears to stand their friend in this -distress. From Antioch to Constantinople was a long and -perilous journey of 800 miles, and the winter was not yet -ended. Flavian was old, his only sister was seriously ill, -and the approaching season of Lent required his presence at -Antioch, but a sense of the emergency prevailed over all -these obstacles. Animated by the spirit of the Good Shepherd -the intrepid old man was ready to lay down his life -for his flock, and set out upon his errand of mercy with all -possible speed, in the hope of overtaking the messengers -who had started before him, but had been detained at -the foot of Mount Taurus by a fall of snow.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">288</a></p> - -<p>During the absence of Flavian all the powers of Chryso<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>stom -as an orator, a pastor, and a citizen, were called forth -in attempting to calm the fears and revive the deeply-dejected -spirits of the people. Perseveringly did he discharge -this anxious and laborious task; almost every day, -for twenty-two days, that small figure was to be seen either -sitting in the Ambo, from which he sometimes preached on -account of his diminutive stature, or standing on the steps -of the altar, the preacher’s usual place;<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> and day after day, -the crowds increased which came to listen to the stream of -golden eloquence which he poured forth. With all the -versatility of a consummate artist, he moved from point to -point. Sometimes a picture of the city’s agony melted his -hearers to tears, and then again he struck the note of encouragement -and revived their spirits by bidding them take -comfort from the well-known clemency of the Emperor, the -probable success of the mission of Flavian, and, above all, -from trust in God.</p> - -<p>“The gay and noisy city, where once the busy people -hummed like bees around their hive, was petrified by -fear into the most dismal silence and desolation; the -wealthier inhabitants had fled into the country, those who -remained shut themselves up in their houses, as if the town -had been in a state of siege. If any one ventured into the -market-place, where once the multitude poured along like -the stream of a mighty river, the pitiable sight of two or -three cowering dejected creatures in the midst of solitude -soon drove him home again. The sun itself seemed to veil -its rays as if in mourning. The words of the prophet were -fulfilled, ‘Their sun shall go down at noon, and their earth -shall be darkened in a clear day’ (Amos viii. 9). Now they -might cry, ‘Send to the mourning women, and let them come, -and send for cunning women that they may come’ (Jer. ix. -17). Ye hills and mountains, take up a wailing, let us invite -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>all creation to commiserate our woes, for this great city, this -capital of Eastern cities, is in danger of being destroyed out -of the midst of the earth, and there is no man to help her, -for the Emperor, who has no equal among men, has been -insulted; therefore let us take refuge with the King who is -above, and summon Him to our aid.”<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">290</a></p> - -<p>The chief reason of the people’s extreme dejection was, -that the governor and magistrates, probably to disarm any -suspicion at court of their own complicity in the sedition, -were daily seizing real or supposed culprits, and punishing -them with the utmost rigour. Even those who might have -been pardoned on account of their tender age were mercilessly -handed over to the executioner. Chrysostom speaks -of some even having been burnt, and others thrown to wild -beasts. The weeping parents followed their unhappy offspring -at a distance, powerless to help but fearing to plead, -like men on shore beholding with grief shipwrecked sailors -struggling in the water, but unable to rescue them.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">291</a></p> - -<p>But the object of Chrysostom was, not to utter ineffectual -lamentations. He aimed at rousing the people from their -profound dejection, and printing, if possible, on their hearts, -humbled and softened by distress, deep and lasting impressions -of good. He told them that there was everything to -be hoped for from the embassy of Flavian. “The Emperor -was pious, the bishop courageous, yet prudent and adroit; -God would not suffer his errand to be fruitless. The very -sight of that venerable man would dispose the royal mind -to clemency. Flavian would not fail to urge how especially -suitable an act of forgiveness was to that holy season, in -which was commemorated the Death of Christ for the sins -of the whole world. He would remind the Emperor of the -parable of the two debtors, and warn him not to incur the -risk of being one day addressed by the words, ‘Thou wicked -servant, I forgave thee all that debt; shouldest not thou also -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>have had compassion on thy fellow-servants?’ He would -represent that the outrages had not been committed by the -whole community, but chiefly by some lawless strangers. -He would plead that the inhabitants, even had they all -offended, had already undergone sufficient punishment in -the anxiety and alarm which they endured. It would be -unreasonable to visit the crime of a few by the extirpation -of a whole city, a city which was the most populous capital -of the East, and dear to Christians as the place where they -had first received that sweet and lovely name.”<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">292</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile he earnestly calls upon the people to improve -this season of humiliation by a thorough repentance and -reformation in respect of the prevailing vices and follies. -The words of St. Paul in writing to the Philippians, “To -write the same things to you, to me indeed is not grievous, -and for you it is safe,” might be aptly applied to Chrysostom. -He is never tired of denouncing special sins and exhorting -to the renunciation of them in every variety of language. -Ostentatious luxury, sordid avarice, religious formalism, a -profane custom of taking rash oaths, were the fashionable sins -against which he waged an incessant and implacable warfare.</p> - -<p>His exhortations are generally based on some passage -read in the lesson of the day. “What have we heard today? -‘Charge them that are rich in this world, that they -be not high-minded.’ He who says ‘the rich in this world’ -proves thereby that there are others rich in regard to a -future world, like Lazarus in the parable.” Wealth of this -world was a thankless runaway slave, which, if bound with -thousands of fetters, made off, fetters and all. Not that he -would quarrel with wealth; it was good in itself, but became -evil when inordinately desired and paraded, just as the evil -of intoxication lay not in wine itself, but in the abuse of it. -The Apostle did not charge those who were rich to become -poor, but only not to be high-minded. “Let us adorn our -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>own souls before we embellish our houses. Is it not disgraceful -to overlay our walls with marbles and to neglect -Christ, who is going about unclothed? What profit is -there, O man, in thy house? Wilt thou carry it away with -thee? Nay, thou must leave thy <em>house</em>; but thy <em>soul</em> thou -wilt certainly take with thee. Lo! how great the danger -which has now overtaken us: let our houses, then, be our -defenders; let them rescue us from the impending peril;—but -they will not be able. Be those witnesses to my words -who have now deserted their houses, and hurried away to -the wilderness as if afraid of nets and snares. Do you wish -to build large and splendid houses? I forbid you not, only -build them not upon the earth; build yourselves tabernacles -in heaven—tabernacles which never decay. Nothing is more -slippery than wealth, which to-day is with thee and to-morrow -is against thee; which sharpens the eyes of the envious on all -sides; which is a foe in your own camp, an enemy in your -own household. Wealth makes the present danger more intolerable; -you see the poor man unencumbered and prepared -for whatever may happen, but the rich in a state of great -embarrassment, and going about seeking some place in which -to bury his gold, or some person with whom to deposit it. -Why seek thy fellow-servants, O man? Christ stands ready -to receive and guard thy deposits—yea, not only to guard, -but also to multiply and to return with rich interest. No -man plucks out of His hand; men, when they receive a -deposit from another, deem that they have conferred a favour -upon him; but Christ, on the contrary, declares that He -receives a favour, and, instead of demanding a reward, -bestows one upon you.”<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">293</a></p> - -<p>He entreated them to make the present Lent a season of -spiritual renovation. Lent fell in the spring, when the -stream of industry which the winter had frozen began to -flow again. The sailor launched his vessel, the soldier -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>furbished his sword, the farmer whetted his scythe, the -traveller set out confidently on his long journey, the athlete -stripped for the contest. “Even so let this fast be to us a -spiritual spring-tide; let us polish our spiritual armour, let -us breast the waves of evil passions, set out like travellers -on our journey heavenwards, and prepare like athletes for -the combat. For the Christian is both husbandman, and -pilot, and soldier, and athlete, and traveller. Hast thou seen -the athlete? hast thou seen the soldier? if thou art an -athlete thou must strip to enter the lists; if thou art a -soldier thou must put on armour before taking thy place in -the ranks. How then to the same man can both these -things be possible? How, dost thou ask? I will tell -thee. Strip thyself of thy worldly business, and thou hast -become an athlete; clothe thyself with spiritual armour, and -thou hast become a soldier. Strip thyself, for it is a season -of wrestling; clothe thyself, for we are engaged in a fierce -warfare with devils. Till thy soul, and cut away the thorns; -sow the seed of piety, plant the good plants of philosophy, -and tend them with much care, and thou hast become a -husbandman, and St. Paul will say to thee, ‘The husbandman -which laboureth must first be a partaker of the fruits.’ -Whet thy sickle which thou hast blunted by surfeiting; -sharpen it, I say, by fasting. Enter on the road which leads -to heaven, the rugged and narrow road, and travel along it. -And how shalt thou be able to set out and travel? By -buffeting thy body and bringing it into subjection; for where -the road is narrow, obesity, which comes from surfeiting, is -a great impediment. Repress the waves of foolish passions, -repulse the storm of wicked imaginations, preserve the vessel, -display all thy skill, and thou hast become a pilot.”<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">294</a> The -originator and instructor of all these arts was abstinence; -not the vulgar kind of abstinence, not abstinence from food -only, but also from sins. “If thou fastest, show me the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>results by thy deeds. What deeds, do you ask? If you see -a poor man, have pity on him; if an enemy, be reconciled; -if a friend in good reputation, regard him without envy. -Fast not only by thy mouth, but with thine eyes, thine ears, -thy hands, thy feet; avert thine eyes from unlawful sights, -restrain thy hands from deeds of violence, keep thy feet from -entering places of pernicious amusement, bridle thy mouth -from uttering, and stop thine ears from listening to tales of -slander.” This kind of fast would be acceptable to God, -only it should be co-extensive with life. To spend a few -days in penance and then to relapse into the former course -of life was only an idle mockery.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> He disparaged that -rigorous kind of fasting which some had carried to the -extent of taking no food but bread and water. Many boasted -of the number of weeks they had fasted; this excessive -abstinence was likely to be followed by a reaction. Let -them seek rather to subdue evil passions and habits; let one -week be devoted to the suppression of swearing, another of -anger, a third of slander, and so gradually advancing they -might at last attain the consummation of virtue, and propitiate -the displeasure of God.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> “Let us not do now what -we have so often done, for frequently when earthquakes, -or famine, or drought have overtaken us, we have become -temperate for three or four days, and then have returned to -our former ways of life. But, if never before, now at least -let us remain steadfast in the same state of piety, that we -may not again require to be chastised by another scourge.”<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">297</a></p> - -<p>Almost all the homilies are concluded by an admonition -against the sin of swearing, and the greater portion of some -is devoted to this topic. The passionate impetuous people of -Antioch seem to have been constantly betrayed into the -folly of binding themselves by rash oaths. The master, for -instance, would take an oath to deprive his slave of food, or -the tutor his scholar, till a certain task was accomplished, a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>threat which it was of course often impossible to enforce. -Hence perjury on the part of a superior, and loss of respect -on the side of the subordinate. Chrysostom himself had -often dined at a house where the mistress swore that she -would beat a slave who had made some mistake, while the -husband would with another oath forbid the punishment. -Thus one of the two would be inevitably involved in -perjury.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> He frequently exhorted his hearers to form a -kind of Christian club amongst themselves for the suppression -of this vice. In one place he suggests a stern remedy: -“When you detect your wife or any of your household -yielding to this evil habit, order them supperless to bed, -and if you are guilty impose the same penalty on yourself.”<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> -Near the close of Lent he declares that he will repel from -the holy Table at Easter those whom he detects still addicted -to this vice.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">300</a></p> - -<p>On the whole, the eager and earnest pastor may be said -to have rejoiced at the grand opportunity afforded by the -humiliation of the city, to effect a reformation in the moral -life of the people. He observed with great satisfaction, that -if the forum was deserted the church was thronged, just as -in stormy weather the harbour is crowded with vessels.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">301</a> -Many an intemperate man had been sobered, the headstrong -softened, or the indolent quickened into zeal. Many -who once assiduously frequented the theatre now spent -their day in the church. Meanwhile they must abide God’s -pleasure for the removal of their affliction. He had sent it -for the purpose of purifying and chastening them; He was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>waiting till He saw a genuine, an unshakeable repentance, -like a refiner watching a piece of precious metal in a crucible, -and waiting the proper moment for taking it out.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">302</a> As for -those who said what they feared was not so much death, as -<em>ignominious</em> death by the hand of the executioner, he protested -that the only death really miserable was a death in -sin. Abel was murdered and was happy, Cain lived and -was miserable. John the Baptist was beheaded, St. Stephen -was stoned, yet their deaths were happy. To the Christian -there was nothing formidable in death itself. To dread -death but not to be afraid of sin was to act like children -who are frightened by masks whilst they were not afraid of -fire. “What, I pray you, is death? It is like the putting -off of a garment, for the soul is invested with a body<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> as it -were with a garment, and this we shall put off for a little -while by death, only to receive it again in a more brilliant -form. What, I pray you, is death? It is but to go a journey -for a season, or to take a longer sleep than usual.” -Death was but a release from toil, a tranquil haven. -“Mourn not over him who dies, but over him who, living -in sin, is dead while he liveth.”<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">304</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom’s own calmness, and his skill in diverting the -thoughts of his flock from present alarm, are manifested by -the power and ease with which he dilates on such grand -topics as the creation, Divine Providence, the nature of man, -and his place in the scale of created beings. His best -thoughts, expressed in his best style on these subjects, are -to be found in the homilies now under consideration.</p> - -<p>The size and beauty of the universe, but still more the -perfect regularity with which the system worked, proclaimed -a designing power. The succession of day and night, the -series of the seasons, like a band of maidens dancing in a -circle, the four elements of which the world was composed, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>mingling in such exquisite proportions that they exactly -balanced one another, the sun tempering the action of water, -the water that of the sun, the sea unable to break its bounds -or reduce the earth to a mass of clay; who could contemplate -all these forces at work and suppose that they moved -spontaneously, instead of adoring Him who had arranged -them all with a wisdom commensurate with the results? -As the health of the body depended on the due balance of -those humours of which it was composed, if the bile increased -fever was produced, or if the phlegmatic element -prevailed many diseases were engendered, so was it in the -case of the universe: each element observed its proper -limits, restrained, as it were, with a bridle by the will of the -Maker; and the struggle between these elements was the -source of peace for the whole system. As the body failed, -languished, died, in proportion as the soul was withdrawn -from it, so if the regulating and life-giving power of God’s -providence were removed from the earth, all would go to -rack and ruin, like a vessel deserted by her pilot.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">305</a></p> - -<p>In treating this subject, he manifests a keen appreciation -of natural beauties. The infinite varieties of flowers and -herbs, trees, animals, insects, and birds—the flowery fields -below, the starry fields above—the never-failing fountains—the -sea receiving countless streams into its bosom, yet -never overflowing,—all proclaimed a Creator and an Upholder, -and drew from man the exclamation, “How manifold -are Thy works; in wisdom hast Thou made them all!” -Yet, lest they should be worshipped instead of the Maker, -conditions of change, as decay or death, were imposed upon -all.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">306</a> His observation of nature appears in some of his -similes. The poor female relatives hovering about the -courts of justice, when the culprits of the outrage on the -statues were being tried, he compares to parent birds, which -wildly flutter round the hunter who has stolen the young -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>from their nest, in an agony of grief, but impotent from -weakness and fear.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> He perceives in some of the lower -animals characteristics to be imitated or avoided, and describes -them with a kind of humour. The bee especially -was a pattern for imitation, not merely because it was -industrious, but because it toiled with an unconscious kind -of self-sacrifice for the benefit of others as well as itself. It -was the most honourable of insects; the spider, on the contrary, -was the most ignoble, because it spread its fine web -for its own selfish gratification only. The innocence of the -dove, the docility of the ox, the light-heartedness of birds, -were all examples for imitation. The ferocity, or the cunning -of other animals or insects, were examples for avoidance. -The good which brutes had by nature man might acquire -by force of moral purpose; and the sovereign of the lower -animals ought to comprise in his nature all the best qualities -of his subjects.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">308</a> The plumage of the peacock, excelling in -variety and beauty all possible art of the dyer, evinced the -superhuman power of the Maker of all things.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">309</a></p> - -<p>His ethical doctrine bears singular resemblance to that of -Butler. God has bestowed on man a faculty of discerning -right from wrong; He has impressed upon him a natural law, -the law of conscience. Hence some commands are delivered -without explanation: for instance, the prohibition to kill, or -to commit adultery, because these merely enjoin what is -already evident by the light of the natural law. On the -other hand, for the command to observe the Sabbath a reason -is assigned, because this was a special and temporary enactment. -The obligation of the law of conscience was universal -and eternal. As soon as Adam had sinned, he hid himself, -a clear evidence of his consciousness of guilt, although no -written law existed at that time.</p> - -<p>The Greeks might attempt to deny the universality of this -inherent law, but to what other origin could they ascribe the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>laws which had been made by their own ancestors concerning -respect for life, the marriage bond, covenants, trusts, and the -like? They had indeed been handed down from generation -to generation; but whence did the first promulgators derive -the idea of them, if not from this moral sense? To the law -of conscience was added the energy of a moral purpose, <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">προαίρεσις</span>, -which enabled man to practise what conscience prescribed: -conscience informs man that temperance is right; -moral purpose enables him to become temperate. God had -also endowed man with some natural virtues: indignation at -injustice, compassion for the injured, sympathy with the joys -and sorrows of our fellow-men.<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">310</a> At the same time Chrysostom -fully allows the value of training and teaching as -supplementary to and co-operating with all these natural -gifts.<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> If conscience grew languid, the admonition of parent -and friend, and, in the case of public offences, the law, stepped -in, to effect what conscience failed to do; and frequently -God sent afflictions for the same remedial purpose.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">312</a></p> - -<p>Thus day after day the indefatigable preacher sounded the -note of encouragement, or warning, or instruction. He not -only held the Christian flock together, but largely increased -its numbers. His eloquence frequently excited rapturous -applause, which was invariably repressed with sternness. -On one occasion the congregation yielded to a panic; a false -rumour was circulated that a body of troops was entering -the city, to take vengeance on the inhabitants. The Prefect -entered the church to allay the fears of the affrighted people -who had fled thither, but Chrysostom was overwhelmed with -shame, and sharply upbraided them that a Christian con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>gregation -should owe the restoration of calmness to a Pagan, -whom they ought to have impressed, like Paul before -Agrippa, by a display of Christian firmness and fortitude.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">313</a></p> - -<p>About the middle of Lent, two commissioners, Hellebicus -and Cæsarius, arrived at Antioch, invested with full powers -to inquire into the late outrage. Their authority was -backed by a considerable military force. They were men -not only of intelligence and humanity, but Christians in -faith; and they had many friends in Antioch. They entered -the city, surrounded by a large multitude, who turned weeping -faces and held out supplicating hands towards them. -The commissioners were moved, and in deep silence entered -the lodging provided for them; but it was necessary for -them to perform their duty, which was in the first place to -announce that Antioch was degraded from the rank of -capital of Syria, and its metropolitan honours were transferred -to the neighbouring city of Laodicea. Secondly, all -the public baths, circuses, theatres, and other places of -recreation, were to be closed for an indefinite time. Thirdly, -the commissioners were to revise the trials already held by -the local governor, and to inflict rigorous sentences upon -all the guilty, especially any persons of distinction. These -judicial proceedings were to begin on the following day.</p> - -<p>The scene at the entrance of the court was a melancholy -spectacle; the wives and daughters of the accused hung -around it in mean garments sprinkled with ashes, and in -attitudes of supplication or despair.</p> - -<p>There were no lawyers to plead for the prisoners; they -had run away or concealed themselves, to evade the perilous -duty. Libanius alone, towards evening, crept timidly into -the court. Cæsarius, to whom he was known, observed him, -beckoned him to approach, and placed him by his side. In -a low voice he bade him take courage; he and his colleague -would endeavour as much as possible to spare life. Libanius -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>earnestly thanked him, and promised if he kept his word to -immortalise him by an oration in his honour.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">314</a></p> - -<p>An appeal, however, more effectual, was made to the -mercy of the commissioners, by persons widely different -from Libanius. As they were riding in state to the hall of -justice on the second day, they saw amongst the people a -group of strange half-wild-looking beings, in rough coarse -garments, with long unkempt hair. These were hermits, -who had descended from their solitudes in the neighbouring -mountains—some who for years had not been seen in the -streets of the city, but now appeared to plead on behalf of -the offending people. An old man, diminutive in stature, -whose clothing was in tatters, started forward from the -group as the commissioners passed by, seized the bridle of -one, and commanded them in a tone of authority to dismount. -“Who is this mad fellow?” inquired the commissioners. -They were informed that he was the revered hermit -Macedonius, surnamed Crithophagus, or the barley-eater, -because barley was his only sustenance. Hellebicus and -Cæsarius immediately alighted, and, falling on their knees -before him, craved his pardon for having received him so -rudely. “My friends,” replied the solitary, “go to the -Emperor and say, ‘You are an emperor, but also a man, and -you rule over beings who are of like nature with yourself. -Man was created after a Divine image and likeness; do not, -then, mercilessly command the image of God to be destroyed, -for you will provoke the Maker if you punish his image. -For, consider that you are doing this from displeasure at the -injury inflicted on a statue of bronze; and how far does a -living rational creature exceed the value of such an inanimate -object! Let him consider that it is easy to manufacture -many statues in the place of those destroyed, but it is wholly -impossible for him to make a single hair again of those men -who have been put to death.’”<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> The other hermits declared -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>that they were all prepared to shed their blood and lay down -their lives for the culprits; that they would not withdraw -from the city until they were sent as ambassadors to the -Emperor, or until the city itself had been acquitted. The -joy of Chrysostom at the courage displayed by these hermits -was extreme; their noble conduct compensated for the sad -pusillanimity lately exhibited by the congregation in the -church. He triumphantly contrasts them with the so-called -philosophers of Antioch, who appear to have displayed anything -but philosophic calmness in the hour of danger. -“Where now are those long-bearded, cloak-wearing, staff-bearing -fellows—cynic refuse, more degraded than dogs -licking up the crumbs under the table, doing everything -for their belly? Why, they have all hurried out of the city -and hidden themselves in caves and dens, whilst those who -inhabited the caves have entered the city, and boldly walk -about the forum as if no calamity had happened. Their -conduct illustrates what I have never ceased to maintain, -that even the furnace cannot injure one who lives in virtue. -Such is the power of philosophy introduced to man by -Christ.”<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> The result of this singular intercession was, that -the commissioners consented to suspend the execution of -their sentence on those pronounced guilty, until an appeal -had been made to the Emperor. Meanwhile the prisoners -were to remain in confinement, and their property to be -held by the State.</p> - -<p>The hermits were anxious to repair to the court of Theodosius, -but the commissioners wisely refused, making the -length of the journey an objection, but perhaps really -because they feared such excitable zealots might frustrate -the object of their embassy by imprudent behaviour. It -was finally decided that Hellebicus should remain to preserve -order in Antioch, while his colleague went to Constantinople, -carrying with him an intercessory letter signed by -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span>the hermits, and declaring that they were ready to give their -own lives in ransom for the city.</p> - -<p>Cæsarius departed amidst the blessings and acclamations -of the people.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">317</a></p> - -<p>What had the energetic preacher, who had sustained the -spirits of the people so long, been doing, since the arrival of -the Emperor’s legates? It had been, indeed, a relief to find -that the city was not to be surrendered to the sword; but to -a proud and luxurious people the loss of metropolitan rank, -and the closing of the public baths, theatres, and public -places of amusement, were severe blows. Loud and general -was the lamentation over their fallen grandeur and their -lost enjoyments. Chrysostom expostulated with them on -their discontent. The real dignity of a city did not consist -in pre-eminence of rank or vastness of population, but -in the virtue of its citizens. What constituted the noblest -distinction of Antioch?—the fact that the disciples there -were the first to be called Christians—that they had sent -relief to the distressed brethren in Judæa in the time of the -famine (Acts xi. 28, 29)—that they had sent Paul and -Barnabas to that Council at Jerusalem which had emancipated -the Gentile Christians from Judaic bondage. These -were honourable distinctions, which no other city, not even -Rome itself, could rival. They enabled Antioch to look the -whole Christian world in the face, for they proved how -great had been her Christian courage and her Christian love. -These were her true metropolitan honours; and, if these -were in aught diminished, not by the size or beauty of her -buildings, not by her airy colonnades or her spacious -porticos and promenades,<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">318</a> not by the sacred Grove of -Daphne, not by the number and loftiness of her cypresses, -not by her fountains or her multitudinous population, or her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>genial climate,—not by these could she recover her tarnished -reputation, but by equity, almsgiving, vigils, prayers, temperance. -External size and beauty did not constitute real -greatness. David was little of stature, yet he prostrated by -a single blow a very tower of flesh. Away with these -womanish complaints! “I have heard many in the forum -saying, ‘Woe to thee, Antioch! what has become of thee? -how art thou dishonoured!’ and when I heard I laughed -at the childish understanding of those who say such things. -It behoves you not to speak thus now; but, when you see -dancing, and drunkenness, and singing, and blaspheming, -and swearing, then utter the cry, ‘Woe to thee, O city! -what has become of thee?’ but when you see only a few -equitable, temperate, and moderate men in the forum, then -call the city happy.”<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">319</a></p> - -<p>He remonstrates indignantly with them for their querulous -complaints of the prohibition to use the public baths. -Bathing, indeed, was a luxury so indispensable to the bodily -health and comfort of the people, that they now resorted to -the river in large numbers, with very little regard to decency. -He reminds those who murmured over this deprivation of -their favourite indulgence, that a short time ago, when they -were daily expecting an incursion of soldiers, and were -flying to the desert and mountains, they would have been -too thankful to escape with so cheap a penalty. He urges the -duty of reconciliation with enemies as specially incumbent -on them when such great efforts were being made to obtain -mercy for themselves. They should have one enemy alone, -the devil, with whom they should wage an implacable warfare.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">320</a></p> - -<p>Thus the prophet, ever vigilant for the true welfare and -honour of his people, ceased not to lift up his voice.</p> - -<p>Cæsarius travelled day and night, and in the course of a -week accomplished the eight hundred miles which separated -Antioch from Constantinople. But his arrival and his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>errand had been anticipated. Flavian had reached the -court a week before, and the pardon of Antioch was already -secured. The aged bishop returned to Antioch just in time -to celebrate Easter, and to augment the natural joyfulness of -the festival by the tidings which he brought. He had, however, -been preceded a few days by an express courier, who -delivered the imperial rescript to Hellebicus. When the -contents were publicly proclaimed, the pent-up feelings of -the people burst forth into demonstrations of almost frantic -joy. Hellebicus was received with ovation wherever he -went. Libanius walked by his side, reciting passages from -his orations, in honour of Theodosius and praise of the two -commissioners.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> On Holy Saturday, Flavian himself entered -the city, partly attended, partly borne along, by vast crowds -of grateful people. On that night the forum was decorated -with garlands and illuminated by lanterns. On the next -morning, Easter Day, a vast concourse thronged the church, -and once more the well-known voice, which had exhorted -and encouraged and warned, during the days of their gloom, -now poured forth in the sunshine of their joy a pæan of -thanksgiving and praise.</p> - -<p>“Blessed be God, who hath vouchsafed us to celebrate -this holy feast with great joy and gladness, who has restored -the Head to the body, the Shepherd to the sheep, the Master -to his disciples, the Pontiff to the priests. Blessed be God, -who hath done exceeding abundantly above all that we ask -or think, for it seemed to us sufficient to be for a time -released from the impending calamities; but the merciful -God, ever exceeding in His gifts our petitions, has restored -to us our father sooner than all our expectation. And not -only has our beloved prelate escaped all the perils incident -to so long a journey in the winter season, but has found his -sister, whom he left on the point of death, still living to -welcome his return.”<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">322</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span></p> - -<p>He then proceeds to describe the interview of Flavian -with Theodosius, as it had been related to him by an eye-witness. -The bishop, when introduced into the royal presence, -stood at a distance, silently weeping, bending low, -and covering his face, as if he himself had been the author -of all the late offences. By this attitude he hoped to expel -emotions of anger, and introduce the emotion of pity into -the Emperor’s breast, before he undertook the actual defence -of the city.</p> - -<p>Theodosius was moved; he advanced to the bishop, and -used no harsh or indignant language, but only mildly reproached -with ingratitude a city which he had always -treated with lenity, and had long desired and intended to -visit. Even had the people been able to accuse him of any -injury done to them, they might at least have respected the -dead, who could do them no harm (alluding to the destruction -of his wife’s and father’s images).</p> - -<p>The aged prelate no longer remained silent. With a fresh -flood of tears, he poured forth his pathetic appeal to the -Christian clemency and forbearance of the Emperor. “He -would not attempt to extenuate the offence, the sense of -their ingratitude caused them the deepest distress, and they -frankly confessed that it deserved the severest chastisement -which could be inflicted. Yet the noblest kind of revenge -which he could take was freely to forgive the insult; thereby -he would defeat the malice of those demons who had tried -to work the ruin of the people by seducing them from their -allegiance. In like manner, the devil had tried to compass -the death of the human race, but his malevolence had been -frustrated by God, who offered even heaven to those who -had been excluded from paradise. A free pardon would -secure for him a station in the hearts of all his subjects, far -more enduring than those statues which had been broken -down. He reminded him, how once his great predecessor, -Constantine, when urged to revenge some insult done to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span> -one of his statues, passed his hand over his face, and -observed, with a quiet smile, that he did not feel the blow;—a -saying which had endeared him to his people more than -his military exploits. But why need he refer to Constantine? -Theodosius himself, on a previous Easter, had -commanded a general release of prisoners, and had nobly -exclaimed, ‘Would that it were possible also for me to recall -the dead to life!’<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">323</a> Now he might in some sort realise that -wish, by restoring to life a whole city, which lay, as it were, -dead under remorse and fear. Such an act of clemency -would both strengthen his own throne and the cause of Christianity. -Greeks, Jews, and barbarians were waiting to hear -his decision. If it was on the side of mercy, all would -applaud it, saying, ‘Heavens! how mighty is the power of -Christianity, which has restrained the wrath of a monarch -who has not his peer in the world.’ How noble a tale for -posterity to hear, that what the governor and magistrates -of a great city dared not ask, had been granted to the prayer -of an old man, because he was the priest of God, and from -reverence to the Divine laws. He would solemnly remind -him of the words, ‘If ye forgive not men their trespasses, -neither will your Father which is in heaven forgive you -your trespasses.’ He begged him to remember that there -was a day coming in which all men would render an account -of their actions, and to imitate the example of God, who, -though daily sustaining insults from man, did not cease to -bestow blessings upon him. He concluded by declaring that -he would never return to Antioch unless he could take back -the imperial pardon, but would enrol himself in another city.”<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">324</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span></p> - -<p>If Flavian’s intercession was thrown into the form of an -oration at all, it is clear that Chrysostom’s version of it, -which has been here greatly condensed from the original, -must be his own, rather than the speech actually delivered. -If it had been only half as long, it could not have been accurately -related to him from memory, or faithfully rehearsed -by him afterwards. The excitement of addressing so large -an audience, on so great an occasion, would naturally stimulate -him to amplify and embellish.</p> - -<p>There is, however, no reason to doubt that Chrysostom -has furnished us with an accurate description of Flavian’s -conduct in the interview, and given us the main substance -of his arguments. The whole narrative of the occurrence -illustrates the difference between the Eastern and Western -character. Compare the demeanour of Ambrose and of -Flavian. The first speaks in a tone of majestic authority, -which brooks no disputing; the other, though far from -deficient in courage, approaches the Emperor with that -deferential and submissive manner which the Oriental is -accustomed to adopt in the presence of a potentate. His -tone is that of an appeal, though based upon the highest -grounds; not of a command. There is something of the -courtier in Flavian; in Ambrose there is more of the -pope.</p> - -<p>To conclude Chrysostom’s account: the Emperor was -deeply affected, though, like Joseph, he refrained himself in -the presence of spectators. He declared his intention of -granting a free pardon, in language eminently Christian. -“If the Lord of the earth, who became a servant for our -sakes, and was crucified by those whom He came to benefit, -prayed for the pardon of his crucifiers, what wonder was it -that a man should forgive his fellow-servants?” He begged -Flavian to return with all expedition, that he might release -the people from the agony of their suspense. The bishop -entreated that the young prince Arcadius might accompany<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span> -him as a pledge of imperial favour to the city. But Theodosius -said that he designed to confer on Antioch a greater -honour. He requested the bishop to offer up prayers for -the termination of the present war, that he might ratify -his pardon by a visit to the city in person. The express -courier was then despatched, while Flavian followed at a -pace more suitable to his dignity and advanced age.</p> - -<p>Chrysostom concludes his discourse by a moral exhortation -suggested by those festive demonstrations of joy already -described. “Let the lanterns and the chaplets be to them -emblems of spiritual things. Let them not cease to be -crowned with virtue or to light up a lamp in their soul by -the diligent practice of good works; let them rejoice with -holy joy, and thank God not only for rescuing them from -destruction, but for sending them so wholesome a chastisement, -the salutary effects of which would, he trusted, extend -to many generations.”<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">325</a></p> - -<p>Thus terminated the celebrated sedition of Antioch. It -is a singular and instructive picture of the times: the impulsive -character of the people in the great Eastern cities -of the Empire, alternating between frantic rage and abject -despondency; the expectation of violent imperial vengeance, -nothing less than the extermination of the city; the remarkable -veneration paid to monks,—these are points which -stand out in vivid colours. But still more remarkably does -this event supply an example of the softening, humanising -influence of Christianity, in a fierce and heartless age. The -issue reflects the greatest honour on those who brought it -to pass; and they were <em>all Christians</em>: the intrepid old -bishop, sacrificing comfort and risking life to intercede, the -generous Emperor who yielded to the persuasion of his -Christian arguments; the humane commissioners; and last, -but not least, the pastor and preacher, who with unwearied -patience, invincible courage, unfailing eloquence, sustained -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>the fainting spirits of his flock, and endeavoured to convert -their calamity into an occasion of lasting good.</p> - -<p>One great and happy result of the recent trouble was -a large accession of Pagans to the ranks of the Church. -When the city lay under ban, the baths, theatres, and circus -were closed, and the panic-stricken people had no heart to -pursue their ordinary business. But one place had been -constantly open. All knew that in the church prayer was -being offered up day by day; and to the first portion of the -service, up to the end of the sermon, there was free admission -for all without respect of creed. Curiosity alone, if not any -deeper feeling, would lead many Pagans to turn into the -church, to hear what consolations, what encouragements, the -Christian preacher had to offer in this season of general -distress and painful suspense. And what had they heard? -They had heard an unsparing exposure and denunciation of -the follies and vices which prevailed in that great and -dissolute city, a trumpet-call to repentance and reformation; -they had heard the fleeting nature of earthly honour and -earthly riches, their impotence to satisfy the heart or to save -the life in the time of danger and distress vividly contrasted -with the Christian’s aim of laying up incorruptible treasure -in an imperishable world; they had heard of the Christian’s -faith that righteousness was the only permanent good, as -sin was the only real evil, that to a good man death was -only the transition to a more blessed life, and that affliction -was useful in purifying and elevating the soul. They had -heard the proofs of a Creator, and of His providential care -for the things which he had made as evinced by the majesty, -beauty, and organisation of the universe, by the conscience -and moral faculties of man, as well as by the more direct -testimony of the written word.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> There is no evidence as -to the number of converts reclaimed from Paganism. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span> -Chrysostom only informs us<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> that he was occupied for -some time after the return of Flavian with confirming in -the faith those who “in consequence of the calamity had -come to better mind and deserted from the side of Gentile -error.”</p> - -<p>The sermons themselves are lost.</p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XII.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">ILLNESS OF CHRYSOSTOM—HOMILIES ON FESTIVALS OF SAINTS AND -MARTYRS—CHARACTER OF THESE FESTIVALS—PILGRIMAGES—RELIQUES—CHARACTER -OF PEASANT CLERGY IN NEIGHBOURHOOD -OF ANTIOCH. A.D. 387.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Very</span> probably the physical labour and mental strain which -Chrysostom had undergone during the events recorded in -the previous chapter may have brought on the illness to -which he alludes in the homily preached on the Sunday -before Ascension Day.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">328</a> He was prevented by this attack -from taking part in the services which were held some time -after Easter under the conduct of Bishop Flavian at the -chapels built over the remains of martyrs and saints.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">329</a> A -variety of homilies delivered by Chrysostom at such “martyries” -on other occasions are extant, and it may be as well -to introduce here such indications as can be collected from -them of the general feeling of the Church, as well as of -himself, with regard to saints, and such kindred subjects as -pilgrimages and reliques.</p> - -<p>Churches had in most instances been erected to commemorate -the death of a martyr, or to mark the spot where -he died. Tertullian’s saying that “the blood of martyrs was -the seed of the Church” thus became verified in a literal, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span>material sense. Socrates (iv. 23) even speaks of the churches -of St. Paul and St. Peter at Rome as their “martyries,” as -Eusebius<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">330</a> also calls the church which Constantine built -on Golgotha the “martyry” of our Saviour. By the age of -Chrysostom the festivals of martyrs and saints had grown -so numerous that frequently more than one occurred in the -same week.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> Good Friday and Ascension Day, and the -Sunday after Whitsun Day (not observed as Trinity Sunday -till much later), were especially dedicated to the commemoration -of saints.<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> The congregation kept a vigil the -night before, or very early before dawn on the Saints’ day -itself. The vigil consisted of psalms, hymns, and prayers, -and was followed early in the day by a full service, when, -in addition to the ordinary lessons of the day, the acts or -passions of the saint or martyr were read. St. Augustine -permitted his people to sit during the reading of them -because they were often of great length. Pope Gelasius -forbade them to be read because they were so seldom -authentic.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">333</a> The martyries were generally outside the city -walls, not always built over the grave of the saint, but -close to it; in which case the congregation assembled at -the grave first, and walked in procession from it to the -church, singing hymns as they went. There can be no -doubt that Chrysostom believed in the intercessory power of -departed saints, and encouraged the invocation of their intercession. -They were nearer to the Divine ear, and by virtue -of their glorious deaths had justly obtained more confidence -in making their requests to God than had the inhabitants -of earth. He implores Christians not to resort for medical -assistance to Jews, who were the enemies of Christ, but -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>to seek aid from His friends the saints and martyrs, who -had much confidence in addressing God.<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">334</a> At the close of -his homily on the festival of two soldiers who had been -beheaded by Julian for obstinate adherence to Christianity, -he says: “Let us constantly visit them, touch their shrine, -and with faith embrace their reliques, that we may derive some -blessing therefrom; for like soldiers who converse freely -with their sovereign when they display their wounds, so -these, bearing their heads in their hands, are easily able to -effect what they desire at the court of the King of Heaven.”<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">335</a> -So, again, in the homily on Bernice and Prosdoke: “Let us -fall down before their reliques ... let us embrace their -shrines: not only on their festival, but at other times, let us -resort to them and invoke them to become our protectors; -for they can use much boldness of speech when dead, more, -indeed, than when they were alive, for now they bear in -their bodies the marks of Jesus Christ ... let us therefore -procure for ourselves, through them, favour from God.”<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> -Thus the saint is to be appealed to as a kind of friend at -court, who will present petitions, and use his influence to -obtain a favourable answer from the Monarch; but the -further step of invoking saints as the <em>direct</em> dispensers of -spiritual and other benefits had not yet been taken. The -feeling of the Church of Smyrna towards their beloved -martyr and bishop Polycarp, as expressed in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 160 to the -Church of Philomelium, still represented the general state of -feeling in the Church.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> The Jews and other malignants had -suggested, when the remains of Polycarp had been earnestly -asked for, that the Christians intended to worship him; and -“this they said, being ignorant that we should never be able -to desert Christ, or worship any other Being. For Him, -being the Son of God, we adore, but the martyrs, as the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>disciples and imitators of the Lord, we love with a deserved -affection; desiring to become partners and fellow-disciples -with them.” The language of St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom -thoroughly corresponds to that in the passage just -cited. “Our religion,” says Augustine, “consists not in -the worship of dead men; because if they lived piously they -are not considered likely to desire that kind of honour; but -would wish Him to be worshipped by us through whose -illumination they rejoice to have us partners with them in -their merit. They are therefore to be honoured for the sake -of imitation, not to be worshipped as a religious act.”<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">338</a> And -in another place: “Christian people celebrate the memory -of martyrs with religious solemnity, to stimulate imitation, -to become partners in their merits, and to be assisted by -their prayers; but in doing this we never offer sacrifice to a -martyr, but only to Him who is the God of martyrs.”<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">339</a> A -multitude of passages might be cited from Chrysostom’s -homilies on Saints’ Festivals, in which he passionately -exhorts to the imitation and emulation of their noble lives -and glorious deaths, and dwells on the great advantages to -the Church arising from these solemn commemorations. -The very memory of the martyrs wrought upon the minds -of men in confirming them against the assaults of wicked -spirits, and delivering them from impure and unseemly -thoughts; ... the death of the martyrs was the exhortation -of the faithful, the confidence of Churches, the confirmation -of Christianity, ... the reproach of devils, the condemnation -of Satan, a consolation in affliction, a motive to patience, -encouragement to fortitude, the root, fountain, mother of all -which is good.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">340</a></p> - -<p>But if no inculcations to direct worship of saints are to be -found in Chrysostom, it is evident that no small virtue was -ascribed by popular faith (and, in his opinion, justly) to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>their remains.<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">341</a> Miracles of healing were wrought, or supposed -to be wrought, at their tombs; demons were expelled -by the application of their ashes to the persons possessed. -It is obvious that, where such a belief has taken possession -of the popular mind, prayer will very soon be addressed to -the saint for the direct bestowal of those advantages which -are supposed to be derivable from his reliques. Pilgrimages -were fashionable in all parts of Christendom. Prefects and -generals, when they visited Rome, hastened to pay their -devotion at the tombs of the tentmaker and fisherman; -journeys were made into Arabia to visit the supposed site of -Job’s dunghill.<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">342</a></p> - -<p>Two different causes seem to have led on the mind of the -Church to an increasing veneration of martyrs. First, the -Church owed to them a real debt; the heroic steadfastness -of their deaths contributed much to promote and establish -Christianity. Chrysostom observes how the sight of the -aged Ignatius going to die at Rome for his faith—going not -only with calmness, but even with alacrity—mightily confirmed -the souls of the disciples in the several cities through -which he passed.<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">343</a> “As irrigation made gardens fruitful, -so the blood of martyrs gave drink to the Churches.”<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">344</a> -Honour, affection, veneration, easily pass into actual adoration.</p> - -<p>Secondly, there is a natural desire to bridge over the -chasm which divides the human nature from the Divine, -and earth from heaven, by enlisting the agency of some -intermediate being. In its earliest conflicts with heresy, -theology was chiefly engaged in zealously defending the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>pure divinity of Christ—his co-equal, co-eternal power and -majesty with the Father. The more He was withdrawn -into a less accessible region of exalted deity, the more this -need of the half-deified human interpositor was felt, and -worked itself out at last into a distinct article of faith.</p> - -<p>Some of those abuses of saints’ days, which we are apt to -associate more especially with medieval times, were far -from uncommon in the days of Chrysostom. The day which -had begun in fasting, and was preceded by a vigil, too often -terminated in a very carnal kind of revelry. “Ye have -turned night into day by your holy vigils: do not turn day -into night by drunkenness, surfeiting, and lascivious songs; -let not any one see you misbehaving in an inn on your -return home.”<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">345</a> A custom prevailed of holding a “love-feast,” -at or near the tomb of the saint, which was furnished -by the oblations of the wealthier devotees. Chrysostom -on one occasion urges his congregation to attend such a -sacred banquet when they dispersed after service, instead -of hurrying off to the diabolical entertainments at Daphne. -The sight of the martyrs, standing as it were near their -table, would prevent their pleasure from running to excess.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">346</a> -But there is abundant evidence in other contemporary -writers that these meetings too often did degenerate into -scenes of mere conviviality and intemperance. St. Augustine -speaks of those who “made themselves drunk at -the commemoration of martyrs.”<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">347</a> St. Ambrose prohibited -all such feasts in the churches of Milan; and St. Augustine -cited his example to obtain a similar prohibition -from Aurelius, the Primate of Carthage.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">348</a> St. Basil reprobates -a growing custom of trading near the martyries on -festival days, under pretence of making a better provision -for the feasts, to which we may fairly, perhaps, attribute -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>the universal custom in Christendom of holding fairs on -saints’ days.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">349</a> As they were in medieval times, so in -Roman Catholic countries at the present day, the booths of -the fair are in close contiguity with the walls of the church, -and they who attend mass in the morning, as well as those -who do not attend it at all, may disgrace themselves by -drunkenness and all kinds of folly in the evening. Such -abuses are an inevitable consequence of keeping up the -observance of days after the real enthusiasm for the person -or cause which they commemorate has begun to grow, or has -altogether grown, cold. Little may ever have been really -known about the saint whose memory is celebrated, and that -little ceases to speak with any meaning to the minds of later -generations. The service, which was once a living reality, -becomes a cold and empty form, or the place of religious -enthusiasm is supplied by some form of sensual excitement. -Crowds of peasants will not fail to be attracted to a church -which blazes with thousands of candles arranged in fantastic -patterns, and which rings with noisy sensational music: -they probably place a superstitious faith in the tutelary -power of their patron: but how different is all this from the -hearty, genuine, reasonable devotion of more enlightened -worshippers to the Lord Himself, and the less strong but -more real respect and honour paid by such to His day! It is -surely one among many proofs of the deep and lasting hold -of Christ’s character upon the mind of men, of the applicability -of its influence to all times and places, and of its -Divine superiority to that of all His followers, however -exalted, that abuses which have accompanied the commemorations -of saints have never extended in the same -degree to His day.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">350</a></p> - -<p>As already remarked, Chrysostom was prevented this year -by illness from attending the festivals of saints and martyrs, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>which fell very thickly between Easter and Whitsun Day. -He commences his homily preached on the Sunday before -Ascension Day with an allusion to his recent sickness, and -tells his congregation that, though absent in body from their -sacred festivities, he had been present and rejoiced with -them in spirit; and now, though he had not fully recovered -his health, he could not refrain from meeting his beloved -and much-longed-for flock again. He was the more anxious -also to occupy his accustomed place on that day, because -large numbers of the rustic population from the neighbouring -country had flocked into the city and attended the -services of the church. They spoke a different dialect, but -they were one with the Christian inhabitants of the town in -the soundness of their faith; and their habits of simple piety, -pure morality, and honourable industry, put to shame the -dissolute manners and indolence which prevailed in the city. -Their peasant clergy were a noble race of men; they might -be seen, one while yoking their oxen to the plough, and -marking out furrows in the soil, another while mounting -the pulpit and ploughing the hearts of their flock; now -cutting away thorns from the ground with a sickle, now -cleansing men’s minds from sin by their discourse: for they -were not ashamed of hard work, like the people of the city, -but of idleness, knowing that it was idleness which taught -men vice, and had been from the beginning to those who -loved it the schoolmaster of all iniquity. Though little -skilled, by training, in reasoning or rhetoric, they proved -more than a match for those counterfeit philosophers who -paraded themselves about the streets with their professional -cloak, staff, and beard, but who could not give any satisfactory -information on the subjects upon which they expended -such a heap of words,—as the immortality of the soul, the -creation of the world, Divine Providence, a future world and -judgment. The rustic pastor, being simply and firmly persuaded -of the truth of these things, could instruct men with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span> -clearness and decision about them; he could give solid -matter, the others only polished language, like a man who -should have a sword with a silver ornamented hilt, but a -weak blade. Their wives were not luxurious creatures, -covering themselves with unguents, paints, and dyes, but -simple, sober, quiet matrons; which increased the influence -of the pastor over the people committed to his charge, and -caused the precept of St. Paul, “having food and raiment, -let us be therewith content,” to be strictly observed<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">351</a> among -them.</p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XIII.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">SURVEY OF EVENTS BETWEEN A.D. 387 AND A.D. 397—AMBROSE AND -THEODOSIUS—REVOLT OF ARBOGASTES—DEATH OF THEODOSIUS—THE -MINISTERS OF ARCADIUS—RUFINUS AND EUTROPIUS.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Some</span> account has now been given of the most remarkable -among the homilies delivered by Chrysostom during the first -year of his priesthood; not only because to follow the course -of the Christian seasons through the cycle of one year seemed -the most convenient method of giving specimens of his -ordinary style of preaching, but also because these first -efforts were seldom if ever surpassed in power and beauty -by his later productions. A more extensive survey of his -theology, under its several heads, is reserved for the concluding -chapter; and the remainder of the ten years during -which he resided at Antioch being uneventful as regards his -life, it will be profitable to fill up the gap by taking a glance -at the world outside his present sphere. Some knowledge of -contemporary events and men is indeed necessary to a just -appreciation of his position and conduct, when he is summoned -to occupy a more public and exalted station.</p> - -<p>It is a melancholy scene which meets the eye. The -mighty fabric of the Empire crumbles, perhaps more rapidly -in this decade than in any previous period of equal length—like -an old man whose constitution is thoroughly broken.</p> - -<p>Effeminate luxury in the civilised population is matched -by the rude ferocity of the barbarians who hem it in or -mingle with it, and the new barbarian patch agrees ill with -the old garment, which is not strong enough to bear it. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span> -pages of historians are filled with tales of murder, massacre, -treachery, venality, corruption, everywhere and of all kinds. -There is no national greatness, but great men move across -the stage: Theodosius himself, generous, just though passionate, -vigorous when roused to a sense of emergency; the -last Emperor who deserved the name of “great;” Ambrose, -the intrepid advocate of religious duty to God and man, the -champion of the rights of Church and hierarchy; Stilicho, -the skilful commander of armies and able guardian of the -Empire after the death of Theodosius; Alaric, the very type -of Gothic force; Rufinus and Eutropius, the clever, scheming -adventurers, destitute of all nobility, who in a degenerate -court contrive to raise themselves to the pinnacle of power, -and are suddenly toppled headlong from it.</p> - -<p>The most commanding public character in the West at -this time was, and for some years had been, Ambrose, -Archbishop of Milan. Disliked but feared by the Arian -court, respected and beloved by the people, he fought in -some respects a similar battle to that in which Chrysostom -was afterwards engaged in the East, and amidst many differences -there are also many parallels in the character and -history of the two men: the same fearless courage to speak -what they believed to be God’s truth, in the face of royalty -itself, animated both; in both cases was it rewarded by -virulent persecution; both had to contend with an imperious, -passionate woman; both were protected from her fury by -the populace keeping guard night and day before the walls -of the church. In <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 384, Ambrose had been summoned -before a royal council, and, in the presence of the young -Emperor Valentinian <span class="smcap">II.</span> and the Queen-mother Justina, had -been commanded to surrender the Portian Basilica for the -use of the Arians. But Ambrose had replied undauntedly, -that not one inch of ground which had been consecrated to -truth would he concede to error.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">352</a> For more than two years -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>Ambrose maintained his ground against all the stratagems -of his adversaries. On one occasion they seized the Portian -Basilica, but dared not hold it in the face of the infuriated -people. Messengers from court endeavoured to maintain -before the archbishop that the Emperor had a right to dispose -of the churches as he pleased, but the argument was contemptuously -dismissed as a base sophistry. “What!” he -cried; “the Emperor has no right to violate the house of a -private individual, and think you that he may do violence -to the house of God? No! let him take all that is mine—my -land, my money, though these belong to the poor; if he -seeks my patrimony, let him seize it; if my person, I will -present it to him: but the church it is not lawful for me to -surrender, or for him to accept.”<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">353</a> Force was not more -successful than argument. Soldiers were sent to dislodge -him and his congregation from one of the basilicas, but -instead of drawing their swords they fell on their knees, and -declared that they came not to attack the archbishop, but to -pray with him. The effect of an edict was tried in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 386,<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">354</a> -which permitted free worship to all who professed the creed -of Rimini (an Arian creed), and rendered liable to capital -punishment any who should impede the action of the edict, -as offenders against the imperial majesty. Under shelter of -this edict, the Portian Basilica was again demanded, but -Ambrose refused to recognise such an edict, which militated -against his sense of duty to a higher power. “God forbid -that I should yield the heritage of Jesus Christ. Naboth -would not part with the vineyard of his fathers to Ahab, -and should I surrender the house of God? the heritage of -Dionysius, who died in exile for the faith; of Eustorgius -the confessor; of Miroclus, and all the faithful bishops which -were before me?”<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">355</a> But though Ambrose disobeyed, the -penalties of the edict were not enforced upon him. An -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>order of banishment was served upon him, expressed in -vague terms: “Depart from the city, and go where you -please.” But Ambrose did not please to go anywhere, and -remained where he was, moving up and down the city, and -officiating as usual in the churches, using in his sermons -the same Scripture parallels to indicate the Queen-mother, -“Herodias” and “Jezebel,” which Chrysostom afterwards -applied to the Empress Eudoxia. He preaches day after -day, guarded by his faithful flock, who during passion-tide -suffered him not to quit the cathedral for fear of violence to -his person. Amongst that crowd, touched by the spell of -the chants and hymns which Ambrose taught the people<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">356</a> -to beguile the tediousness of their watch, and impressed by -his pungent and decisive doctrine, are two remarkable -persons, a mother and her son. They are Monica and -Augustine. Monica is among the most faithful in watching, -the most earnest in praying for the welfare of the bishop -and the church. Augustine is about thirty-two years old; -he has been in many places and passed through many phases -of thought. He has subdued the vices and follies which -stained his youth; he has shaken off the errors of Manicheism -which for a time enthralled him; he has been a -teacher of rhetoric at Tagaste, at Carthage, at Rome; and -Symmachus has now obtained for him a professorial chair -at Milan. But Pagan literature is losing its hold upon him. -Plato no longer fascinates him equally with Holy Scripture. -He is gravitating steadily towards Christianity, and in -another year, April 387, just about the time that Chrysostom -is delivering his homilies on the Statues, he will crown his -mother’s hopes by making a public confession of his faith, -and receiving baptism at the hands of Ambrose.<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">357</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span></p> - -<p>One more effort was made to win the contest, this time -through diplomacy. The court proposed that the question -under dispute should be settled by arbitration, the judges to -be selected by Ambrose and Auxentius the Arian bishop. -But Ambrose would not accept the arbitrators nominated by -Auxentius, four of whom were Pagans and one a catechumen. -In the name of himself and the clergy of his province he -denied the validity of the tribunal. In an address to the -people the same lofty tone of independence was maintained. -“He would pay deference to the Emperor, but never yield -in things unlawful: the Emperor was ‘in the Church, not -above it.’”<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">358</a> So he remained master of the field. The -unfinished basilica, which had been the prize contended for, -was consecrated by Ambrose with great pomp, and the joy -of the people was completed by the discovery of the martyrs’ -skeletons beneath the pavement, pronounced to be those of -Gervasius and Protasius, who had suffered in the persecution -of Diocletian. When demoniacs shuddered on being placed -in proximity to these reliques, and a blind man was cured -by the application to his eyes of a handkerchief which -had been placed in contact with these same reliques, the -crown was put on the triumph of Ambrose; the people -were more firmly convinced than ever that his cause was -the cause of God.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">359</a></p> - -<p>He was so indisputably the ablest man of the time in -the West, that, when danger impended over the state, the -very court which persecuted him turned to him to rescue -the country. Threatening messages came from the court -of Maximus at Treves. Ambrose was the ambassador -selected to go and pacify or intimidate the tyrant. Maximus -was a Catholic, and a ruthless persecutor of those whom -he deemed heretics, especially Priscillianists; yet Ambrose -did not hesitate to denounce his cruelty to brethren who -were Christians, however erring, as well as his disloyal -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>attitude towards Valentinian. The embassy was unsuccessful, -but the dignity of the ambassador and of the court -which he represented was fully maintained. The artifices -by which another ambassador, the Syrian Domninus, was -blinded to the preparations of Maximus for the invasion of -Italy; the passage of the Alps by the usurper; the flight of -Justina and her son to Thessalonica; the prompt march of -Theodosius to the succour of Italy, and his complete victory -over Maximus, near Aquileia,—belong to the secular -historian; but the connection between Theodosius and -Ambrose will be related here more in detail.</p> - -<p>There is no account of the first meeting between the two -great characters of the day—the Emperor and the archbishop. -That Ambrose immediately exercised influence -over the imperial mind may be inferred from the mildness -of the measures by which the embers of the late revolution -were extinguished. No bloody executions took place; no -rigorous search for rebels was made; the mother and -daughter of Maximus—who had been himself beheaded—were -provided with a maintenance. Ambrose, in one of his -letters, thanks the Emperor for granting liberty, at his -request, to several exiles and prisoners, and for remitting -the sentence of death to others.</p> - -<p>Theodosius could be generous to enemies, and was the -zealous friend of Catholic Christianity, but he was a strict -punisher of any violations of civil order, even when the -offenders were Christian. The people of Callinicum in -Osrhoene, instigated by the bishop and some fanatical monks, -had set fire to a Jewish synagogue, and to a church of the -sect of Valentinians. The Emperor directed the Count of -the East to punish the offenders, and commanded the bishop -to restore the buildings at the expense of the Church. But -the extension of such favour to heretics was in the sight of -Ambrose intolerable. It might, indeed, have been wrong to -disturb civil order, but it was far more wrong to reinstate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span> -error: to order Christians to rebuild a place of worship for -those who set Christ at naught was, in his eyes, simple profanity. -He expressed his opinion to the Emperor in a letter. -It is the first great instance of the Church distinctly claiming -a pre-eminence of authority superseding that of civil -law. “If I am not worthy to be listened to by you, how -can I be worthy to transmit, as your priest, your vows and -prayers to God?” Basing on this ground his right to speak -out his mind, he declares that “if the Bishop of Callinicum -obeyed the imperial command, he would be guilty of culpable -weakness, and the Emperor would be responsible for it. -If he refused to obey, the Emperor could execute his will by -force of arms only; the labarum, perhaps the standard of -Christ, would be employed to rebuild a temple where Christ -would be denied. What a monstrous inconsistency!” The -last words which it contained were: “I have endeavoured to -make myself heard in the palace; do not place me under -the necessity of making myself heard in the church;” but -the letter was unanswered, and so Ambrose put his threat -into execution. He preached in Milan in the presence of -the Emperor; “he compared the Christian priest to the prophets -of the Old Testament, whose duty it was to proclaim -God’s message to the king himself, as Nathan did to David. -As the Israelites were warned not to say, when they entered -the land of Canaan, ‘My virtue has deserved these good -things,’ but ‘the Lord God has given them,’ so the Emperor -should remember that he was what he was by the mercy of -God. Therefore, he ought to love the body of Christ, the -Church—to wash, kiss, and anoint her feet, that all the -dwelling where Christ reposes might be filled with the -odour; that is, he ought to honour his least disciples, and -pardon their faults; every one of the members of the -Christian body was necessary to it, and ought to receive his -protection.”</p> - -<p>Having uttered such words, he descended from the altar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span> -steps. Theodosius perceived that the archbishop had taken -up his parable against him, and as Ambrose was going out -of the church he stopped him, saying, “Is it I whom you -have made the subject of your discourse?” “I have said -that which I deemed useful for you,” Ambrose replied. “I -perceive it is of the synagogue that you would speak,” rejoined -Theodosius. “I own that my commands have been -a little severe, but I have already softened them, and these -monks are troublesome men.” “I am going to offer the -sacrifice,” said Ambrose; “enable me to do so without fear -for you; deliver me from the load which oppresses my -spirit.” “It shall be so,” responded the Emperor; “my -orders shall be mitigated; I give you my promise.” But -Ambrose was not satisfied with so vague an assurance. -“Suppress the whole matter,” he said; “swear it to me, and, -on your sworn promise, I proceed to offer the sacrifice.” -The Emperor swore; Ambrose celebrated mass; “and never,” -said he, in a letter written the day after to his sister, “did I -experience such sensible marks of the presence of God in -prayer.”<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">360</a></p> - -<p>In the spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 389, Theodosius made his triumphal -entry into Rome, accompanied by Valentinian and his own -son Honorius, a boy of ten. His arrival was preceded by -two popular enactments: one a decree, renouncing for himself -and family all bequests made by codicils—striking a -blow at a vicious custom, which had long prevailed, of bribing -imperial favour for particular families, by bequeathing large -legacies to the reigning sovereign. By heathen emperors -these bequests had been sought with great cupidity; sick or -old men were sometimes threatened with an acceleration of -death, unless they satisfied the royal expectations in this -way. The other, no less popular, decree was, to abolish the -custom by which royal couriers, when conveying news of -victory, exacted donations from the villages through which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>they passed. The victory of Theodosius over Maximus was -the first which had been gratuitously proclaimed along the -route to Rome; and the people greeted the Emperor as he -made his progress to the capital with all the warmer welcome -in consequence.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">361</a></p> - -<p>Rome had at this period scarcely recovered from the ferment -into which society had been thrown by the three years’ -residence of Jerome, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 382-385. His denunciations of -clerical luxury; his cutting satires on the vices and follies -of the laity; his allurement to monastic life of some of the -wealthiest and noblest of the Roman ladies, had stirred up -a tumult of feeling for the most part adverse to him. But -Theodosius prudently abstained from interfering with the -religious debates of Rome. In Constantinople he was the -absolute sovereign; in Rome he desired to appear simply as -the successful general and the foremost citizen. He assumed -no imperial or Asiatic splendour; he exhibited no fastidious -abhorrence of statues, temples, and other remnants of -Paganism. Symmachus, the most eminent Pagan citizen, -was cordially received, and gratified by the promise of consulship. -The result of this amiable and moderate conduct was -that some of the most powerful Roman families embraced -the faith of the Emperor.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 390. But the generosity which Theodosius had -manifested towards the people of Antioch, his moderation -after the defeat of Maximus, and during his triumphal residence -in Rome, was presently stained by one of those -paroxysms of anger to which he was occasionally subject. -The intercession of Flavian had averted any such outburst in -the case of the sedition of Antioch; the authority of Ambrose, -too late to prevent the crime, enforced penance for the cruel -vengeance executed on the people of Thessalonica.</p> - -<p>Botheric, the governor of Thessalonica, had imprisoned a -favourite charioteer for attempting to commit a disgusting -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>crime. The people, passionately attached to the races of the -circus, demanded his release on a certain day to take part -in the contest. The governor refused, and the people then -broke out into rebellion; the tumult was with difficulty -quelled by the troops, and not before Botheric had been -mortally wounded, several other officers torn to pieces, and -their mangled remains dragged through the streets. The -irritation of the Emperor, on hearing of this barbarous -violence, was extreme; and all the more so, because of -Thessalonica he could have expected better things. It did -not contain, like Antioch, Rome, or Alexandria, a large -mixed population, but one almost exclusively Christian, and -for the most part even Catholic. The city was the scene of -his early triumphs, and frequently honoured by his visits. -It is possible that Ambrose may have pushed his exhortations -to clemency too far in the first glow of the Emperor’s -resentment. At any rate, the counsel of those rivals or -enemies of Ambrose, who represented that the affair belonged -purely to civil government, and should be decided independently -of all clerical interference, prevailed. Rufinus, -the flattering, heartless courtier, persuaded Theodosius that a -public offence of such magnitude deserved the most merciless -punishment which could be inflicted. Orders were issued to -the officials at Thessalonica to assemble the populace, as if -for a fête, in the circus, and then to let in the troops upon -them. This barbarous mandate was too faithfully executed. -The unsuspecting victims crowded into their favourite place -of amusement; at a given signal the soldiers rushed in, and -in the course of two or three hours the ground was strewn -with some 7000 corpses of men, women, and children.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">362</a> The -horror of the people of Milan was only equalled by their -astonishment. Was it possible that he who had displayed -such magnanimity and Christian moderation could be guilty -of an act which savoured of the most heathen treachery and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>ferocity? When the Emperor returned from Rome, Ambrose -withdrew from Milan into the country, and thence wrote to -him a letter expressing his horror at the recent massacre; -exhorting him to the deepest repentance and humiliation as -the only hope of obtaining mercy from God, and declaring -that he could not celebrate mass again in his presence. The -mode by which the Emperor was to expiate his guilt is not -indicated in this epistle, and he presented himself soon afterwards -at the doors of the cathedral church with his usual -royal retinue. But he was confronted by Ambrose in his -pontifical robes, who with flashing eyes expressed his astonishment -at such audacity, and barred the entrance with his -person. “I see, Emperor, you are ignorant of the flagrancy -of the murder which you have perpetrated. Perhaps your -unlimited power blinds you to your guilt, and obscures your -reason. Yet consider your frail and mortal nature; think of -the dust from which you were formed, and to which you will -return, and beneath the splendid veil of your purple recognise -the infirmity of the flesh which it covers. You rule over -men who are your brethren by nature, and by service to a -common King, the Creator of all things. How then will you -dare to plant your feet in His sanctuary, and elevate your -hands towards Him, all dripping as they are with the blood -of men unjustly slain? How will you take into your -hands the sacred body of the Lord, or dare to put His -precious blood to those lips, which by a word of anger have -spilt the blood of so many innocent victims? Withdraw, -then, and add not a fresh crime to those with which you are -already burdened.” The Emperor returned, conscience-stricken -and weeping, to his palace. For eight months no -intercourse took place between him and Ambrose. Christmas -approached; exclusion from the church at such a season -seemed insupportable to the Emperor. Rufinus found him -one day dissolved in tears. “The church of God,” he cried, -“is open to the slave and the beggar, but to me it is closed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span> -and with it the gates of heaven; for I remember the words -of the Lord: ‘Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be -bound in heaven.’” Rufinus sought to console him: “I will -hasten to Ambrose, and force him to release you from this -bond.” “No,” said the Emperor, “you will not persuade -Ambrose to violate divine law from any fear of imperial -power.” Rufinus, however, sought an interview with the -archbishop; but Ambrose spurned him indignantly from him, -as being the chief counsellor of the late massacre. Rufinus -informed him that the Emperor was approaching. “If he -comes,” said the prelate, “I will repel him from the vestibule -of the church.” The minister returned to the Emperor -discomfited, and advised him to abstain from visiting the -church; but Theodosius had subdued all pride, and replied -that he would now go and submit to any humiliation which -Ambrose might see proper to impose. He advanced to the -church. Perceiving the archbishop in the exterior court or -atrium, he cried, “I have come; deliver me from my sins.” -“What madness,” replied Ambrose, “has prompted you to -violate the sanctuary, and to trample on divine law?” “I -ask for my deliverance,” said the humbled monarch; “shut -not the door which God has opened to all penitents.” “And -where is your penitence?” said the archbishop; “show me -your remedies for healing your wounds.” “It is for <em>you</em> to show -them to <em>me</em>,” Theodosius replied; “for me to accept them.” -Once more Ambrose had gained the day. He could prescribe -his own terms. First, he required that the recurrence of a -similar crime should be guarded against by a decree which -should interpose a delay of thirty days between a sentence of -confiscation or death and the execution of it. At the expiration -of this period the sentence was to be presented to the -Emperor for final reconsideration. Theodosius consented, -ordered the law to be drawn up, and subscribed it with his -own hand. He was then admitted within the walls, but in -deeply penitential guise; stripped of imperial ornaments,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span> -prostrate on the pavement, beating his breast, tearing his -hair, and crying aloud, “My soul cleaveth unto the dust, -quicken thou me according to thy word.” So he remained -during the first portion of the Liturgy. When the offertory -began, he rose, advanced within the choir to present his -offering, and was about to resume the place which at Constantinople -he usually occupied—a seat in the midst of the -clergy, in the more elevated portion of the choir. But -Ambrose determined, by taking advantage of the Emperor’s -present humiliation, to put a stop to this custom. An -archdeacon stepped up to Theodosius, and informed him -that no layman might remain in the choir during the celebration. -The submissive Emperor withdrew outside the rails. -When he had returned to Constantinople, he was invited -by Nectarius, the archbishop, to occupy his accustomed -chair in the choir. “No!” replied Theodosius, with a sigh; -“I have learned at Milan the insignificance of an Emperor -in the Church, and the difference between him and a -bishop. But no one here tells me the truth. I know not -any bishop save Ambrose who deserves the name.”<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">363</a> He -had hit the truth. The difference between the conduct of -Ambrose and of Nectarius symbolised the difference between -the character of the Western and Eastern Church generally: -the one stern, commanding, jealous of any encroachment of -the civil power; the other, subservient, submissive, courtier-like; -the one aspiring and advancing, the other receding and -decadent. Chrysostom would have told him the truth; but -Chrysostom, in his uncompromising and fearless honesty of -purpose and speech, is such a grand exception among the -patriarchs of Constantinople, that he proves the general rule. -Even Flavian had only <em>supplicated</em> mercy from the Emperor; -Ambrose <em>commanded</em> it.</p> - -<p>On one subject the deference of Theodosius for the opinion -of Ambrose caused him some embarrassment. Ambrose, in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>common with the other Western prelates, had recognised -Paulinus as Bishop of Antioch—the priest of the Eustathian -party who had been consecrated by Lucifer of Cagliari; and -he now acknowledged Evagrius, his successor. Theodosius -was distracted between his friendship for Flavian, the rival -of Evagrius, and for Ambrose. Flavian was summoned to -court. The Emperor implored him to go to Rome and -justify his claims before the Pope; but Flavian refused. At -the suggestion of Ambrose, the Western Bishops assembled -in council at Capua, and there delegated the decision to -Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria. Once more Flavian -was summoned to court, and advised to submit to the -arbitration of Theophilus; but he was still intractable. -“Take my bishopric at once, and give it to whom you -please; but I will submit neither my honour nor my faith -to the judgment of my equals.” Nearly eighteen months -were consumed in these negotiations. The West grew -impatient. The letters of Ambrose took a severer tone: -“Flavian has something to fear; that is why he avoids -examination. Will he place himself outside the Church, the -communion of Rome, and intercourse with his brethren?” -The strife was mercifully broken off by the sudden death -of Evagrius, before he had time to designate a successor; -and the wound was salved, though not healed. That final -good work was destined to be accomplished by Chrysostom.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">364</a></p> - -<p><span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 392. Only a few years more of life remained for -Theodosius, and his reign was occupied at the end as at the -beginning by quelling rebellion in the West. When he -returned to the East, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 391, after the defeat of Maximus, -he had generously left the youthful Valentinian in full -possession of all his hereditary dominions, which he had -rescued for him from the usurper. Arbogastes, a Gaul, was -appointed general of the forces; Ambrose was a kind of -general counsellor. But Arbogastes was bold, ambitious, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>unscrupulous. He possessed much power; he determined -to acquire the whole. He obeyed the commands of his -young sovereign or not, as suited his pleasure and purposes, -and surrounded him with creatures of his own, who, under -the semblance of courtiers, acted as spies and gaolers. -Valentinian’s residence at Vienne, in Gaul, became his -prison rather than his palace. The sequel belongs to secular -history, and is well known. An open rupture took place. -Arbogastes threw off the mask. Valentinian was found -strangled, too late to receive baptism at the hands of Ambrose, -whose coming he had awaited with great eagerness -as soon as he knew that his life was in danger.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">365</a> Once more -Italy became the prey of a usurper; once more the veteran -Emperor of the East roused himself from his well-earned -repose, collected a huge force, consulted John, the hermit of -the Thebaid, on the issue of the war, solicited the favour of -Heaven by visiting the principal places of devotion in the -city, and kneeling on flint before the tombs of martyrs -and apostles, then set out on his march, and by the summer -of <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 394 again looked down from the Alps on the plains -of Venetia, near the scene of his former victory over one -usurper, and now covered with the tents belonging to the -army of another. He prosecuted the campaign in the same -religious spirit in which he had undertaken it. The first -assault made on the 5th of September against the enemy was -repulsed. Theodosius rallied and harangued the troops -lifted up his eyes to heaven, and cried: “O Lord, Thou -knowest that I have undertaken this war only for the -honour of thy Son, and to prevent crime going unpunished; -stretch forth, I pray Thee, thy hand over thy servants, that -the heathen say not of us, ‘Where is their God?’” The -second assault was more successful; the night was spent by -the Emperor in prayer, who was rewarded towards dawn by -a vision of two horsemen, clothed in white, who bade him be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span>of good cheer, for that they were the apostles St. Philip and -St. John, and would not fail to come to his succour on the -following day. The issue of that day was decisive; the -overthrow of Arbogastes complete; his army routed; himself -slain.<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">366</a></p> - -<p>The conqueror was received by Ambrose, at Milan, with -transports of joy. The victory was nobly signalised by a -display of Christian clemency. Free pardon was proclaimed -in the church (whither the offenders had fled for refuge) -to all those Milanese who had joined the side of the usurper. -Among them were the children of Arbogastes, and of the -puppet king whom he had set up, Eugenius. They were -made to expiate the crimes of their Pagan fathers by submitting -to baptism.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">367</a></p> - -<p>But there was an increasing shade of gloom which overcast -the general sunshine of joy. The health of Theodosius, -long undermined by a disease, was now manifestly fast -giving way. He was sensible of his danger, and despatched -a message to Constantinople, desiring that his younger son, -Honorius, should be sent to join him at Milan. The young -prince, accompanied by his cousin Serena (the wife of -Stilicho) and his little sister Placidia, set off without delay. -They reached Milan early in the year <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 395. Some shocks -of earthquake, and terrific storms, which coincided with -their arrival, were regarded as portents of future evil. The -malady of Theodosius, a dropsical disorder, was rapidly gaining -ground. He revived a little at the sight of his son, and -received the Eucharist from the hands of Ambrose, which -he had hitherto refused, as having too recently been engaged -in the sanguinary scenes of war. He gave audience to a -deputation of Western bishops, who came to pay him homage, -and besought them to heal the schism of Antioch by acknowledging -Flavian. He besought the Pagan members of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>senate of Rome to embrace the Christian faith, adding the -somewhat potent argument, that Pagan worship must no -longer expect any pecuniary aid from the State. He appeared -for a few times at the circus, where races were held -in honour of his victory and the arrival of the young prince; -but one day, while dining, he was taken suddenly worse, and -expired early the next morning, Jan. 17th, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 395, in the -fiftieth year of his age, and the sixteenth of his reign. Those -who watched by his bedside thought they detected the name -of Ambrose faintly murmured by his dying lips.<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">368</a></p> - -<p>So passed away the last great Emperor of the Roman -world.<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">369</a> He had persistently kept in view a single and -noble aim—the consolidation of the Empire. He had repelled -invasion, crushed rebellion, laboured to extirpate -heathenism, to suppress heresy, to reconcile opposing factions -in the Church; and the work seemed advancing -when he was called away, and years ensued of misrule and -disorder, Gothic devastation, and internal corruption and -decadence.</p> - -<p>The history of the Empire under Arcadius and Honorius -presents a pitiable picture of imbecility on the part of the -sovereigns; of infidelity and unscrupulous ambition on the -part of their ministers. Theodosius himself, as he lay on -his death-bed, was perhaps conscious of impending troubles. -The words supposed by Claudian to be spoken by the shade -of Theodosius to his son Arcadius: “Res incompositas fateor -tumidasque reliqui,”<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">370</a> express at any rate the true condition -of affairs. To Stilicho he commended his younger son, -Honorius, and the interests of the Western Empire, but -added a request that he would not neglect Arcadius and the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span>Eastern portion of the Empire also. The legal guardian, -however, of Arcadius was not a man who would tamely -submit to any supervision, or to any encroachment, fancied -or real, upon the rights of his office. He was as jealous -of Stilicho as Constantinople was of Rome. Discernment of -character cannot be reckoned among the great qualities of -Theodosius; otherwise he would not have intrusted his -two sons to the guardianship of two men dissimilar in all -respects but one—an insatiable love of power. He had -placed the two weak princes in the hands of deadly rivals.</p> - -<p>Rufinus, the guardian of Arcadius and regent of the East, -was an Aquitanian Gaul, born at Elusa, the modern Eauze, -at the foot of the Pyrenees.<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">371</a> He was the very model of -an accomplished adventurer. Sprung from poverty and -obscurity, he was gifted by nature with a handsome figure, -a noble demeanour, a ready tongue, an inventive, versatile -wit.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">372</a> He made his way, after residing in Milan and Rome, -to the court of Constantinople; and found in Theodosius a -patron who could appreciate his talents without detecting -his vices. He rapidly rose till he had attained the high distinction -of “Master of the Offices,” in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 390; of consul, in -connection with Arcadius, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 392; and, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 394, -prætorian prefect <em>in presenti</em>, a position second only to that -of the Emperor himself.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">373</a> He affected the warmest zeal for -the Catholic faith, and threw himself heartily into the -schemes of Theodosius for the suppression of heresy, no less -than into those for the consolidation of the social and -political fabric.</p> - -<p>But underneath this appearance of patriotic enthusiasm -he indulged what Claudian terms an “accursed thirst” for -gain.<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">374</a> By unjust law-suits he wrested patrimonies from the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>poor, and manœuvred to marry the daughters and widows of -the wealthy to his own favourites, in order that he might -reap their legacies and gifts. If any exposure of these -iniquities was threatened, he stopped the mouths of accusers -by large bribes, and compensated his extortions from towns -by making presents to their churches or enlarging their -public buildings.</p> - -<p>When Theodosius departed for the Italian war, Rufinus, -being left as guardian of Arcadius, began to conceive the -project of elevating himself to the imperial throne. He -made a magnificent display of his piety. Hard by his villa, -or rather palace, in the suburb of Chalcedon, called the Oak, a -spot which afterwards acquired a melancholy notoriety in the -history of Chrysostom, he had built a church and a monastery -attached to it. This church he now determined to dedicate -with great pomp, and at the same time to be baptized himself. -For this purpose he assembled nineteen Eastern bishops, -chiefly metropolitans, and a number of Egyptian hermits; -strange-looking figures, who, with their raiment of skins, -their flowing beards and long hair, excited much superstitious -reverence. In the midst of this august assembly, the -depredator of the East descended into the baptismal waters, -arrayed in the white robes typical of innocence. The celebrated -Egyptian solitary, Ammonius (who will come before -us again), administered the sacrament, and Gregory of Nyssa -delivered a discourse.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">375</a> Rufinus now surrounded himself -with a powerful party of followers; Arcadius was too stupid -to see, or too timid to oppose, the dangerous ambition of his -so-called protector.</p> - -<p>But the death of Theodosius and the elevation of Stilicho -to the guardianship of the West brought the intriguer face -to face with an able and determined soldier, who united -some of the ferocity of the barbarian with the steadfast -patriotism of an old Roman. This last, indeed, was the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>character which Stilicho, a Vandal by birth, but educated at -Rome, more especially emulated. It was his ambition to be -compared to Fabricius, Curtius, Camillus.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">376</a> Great was his -delight when Claudius, himself called a second Virgil, -likened him in his verses to Scipio.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">377</a> The poet declared that -Theodosius had never fought without Stilicho, though Stilicho -had fought without Theodosius. He was made not only the -guardian but father-in-law of Honorius, who was betrothed -to his eldest daughter beside the death-bed of Theodosius; -the father dying in the happy assurance that, by creating -this parental tie, he had secured the fidelity of his minister. -The boy and girl were brought into the sick-room, exchanged -rings, and repeated the words which were dictated -to them.<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">378</a></p> - -<p>The regent of the East naturally became profoundly -jealous of the regent of the West, and in point of royal connection -determined to be even with him. He humoured -Arcadius into a consent to marry his own daughter; and his -scheme seemed on the point of completion when an inopportune -matter of business took him away to Antioch, and his -enemy, the chamberlain Eutropius, took advantage of his -absence to frustrate the plan. A Frankish general, called -Bautho, who had been elevated to the consulship, but had -prematurely died, left a daughter of rare beauty named -Eudoxia. The orphan girl was brought up by a friend of -Bautho, the son of Promotus, a magister militum, whom -Rufinus, in revenge for an insult, had caused to be assassinated. -Eutropius introduced a portrait of the young beauty -to the notice of Arcadius. Curiosity, and soon a tenderer -sentiment, were excited in the young Emperor’s breast; the -cunning chamberlain fanned the flame, till he was able to -persuade the royal youth that Eudoxia was a more eligible -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>bride than the daughter of the low-born Gaul.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">379</a> The intrigue -was conducted with such secrecy that Rufinus, on his return -from Antioch, remained unsuspicious, and his boastful remarks -on the approaching nuptials excited the indignation -of the public. The wedding-day was fixed for April 25, -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 395. Eutropius selected from the imperial wardrobe -some of the costliest female robes and jewels which it contained. -They were placed on litters, which, escorted by a -large train of splendidly apparelled serving-men, paraded -the streets, on the way, as was supposed, to the house of -Rufinus. What was the astonishment of the populace when -the procession suddenly turned in another direction, and -presently stopped in front of the house of Promotus! A -loud shout of joy burst from the lips of the multitude, and -proclaimed to Rufinus the unpopularity of his project, and -the general satisfaction at its defeat. The bride thus cunningly -substituted was destined to play a conspicuous part -in the later scenes of Chrysostom’s career. She inherited -the fair beauty, the energetic spirit, the impulsive, sometimes -fierce, temper of the race from which she sprang. Her -father had remained firmly attached to the Pagan religion of -his ancestors, but, in deference to Theodosius, his patron, he -had allowed his daughter to be baptized and educated in the -Christian faith.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">380</a> Impatient of control, she resolved to -possess herself of her husband’s confidence in order to govern -through him, and gradually to disengage herself from the -management alike of Rufinus and Eutropius.</p> - -<p>Rufinus had been thoroughly outwitted in his matrimonial -scheme, but his resources were far from being exhausted. -The sequel of his life belongs too exclusively to secular -history to be more than glanced at here. He played a -subtle and desperate game, seldom if ever surpassed in -villainy. Some Hunnish tribes, encouraged by him, made -incursions into Armenia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and even as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span>far as the vicinity of Antioch.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">381</a> The court was in the -extremity of alarm, for the main forces of the army and -treasury had been drained to the West when Theodosius -marched against Arbogastes, and remained in the hands of -Stilicho. Worse still, the formidable chieftain Alaric, of -the royal race of the Visigoths, who had lately distinguished -himself in the Italian wars under Theodosius, began to -complain of unrequited services, and with a motley force of -Huns, Alani, Sarmatians, and Goths, descended into Thrace, -and ravaged the country up to the walls of Constantinople. -The inhabitants were convulsed with panic; all except the -artful intriguer, who had already struck his bargain with -the invaders. He rode out of Constantinople accoutred as -a Gothic warrior, went through the farce of an interview -with Alaric, and returned with the joyful intelligence that -his intercessions had saved the city, and that the Gothic -prince had consented to withdraw his troops. And so he -did; not, however, to retire to the Gothic settlements in the -north, but to pour southwards in a devastating flood over -Greece. This was the plot of Rufinus. The possession of -the Illyrian provinces was disputed between the courts of -East and West. Alaric occupied these. Stilicho, with extraordinary -energy, collected a large army, advanced against -the devastator, who was supposed to be the common enemy -of the whole Empire; but when on the point of attacking -him, he was arrested by a message from Constantinople, -which commanded him to abstain from any hostilities -against the ravager of Greece. “He was the good friend of -Arcadius: he occupied the province of Illyria as his ally, -which Stilicho was to evacuate immediately, and to restore -the troops and treasure which belonged to the East.” The -troops were sent back by Stilicho under the command of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span> -Gaïnas, but with the secret understanding that he should -compass the death of Rufinus. The result is well known. -Rufinus fell just as he was placing his foot on the topmost -round of his ladder of ambition. He was standing on the -tribune, where Arcadius was to proclaim him Cæsar, in -the presence of a vast multitude; he was making a flowery -harangue to the troops, complimenting them on their exploits, -congratulating them on their restoration to their homes, when -those very troops closed in upon him, plunged their swords -into his body, and presently hacked it to pieces. A soldier -who got hold of his right arm, and having crooked the fingers -of the hand, went about the town, holding it in front of him, -and crying, “An obol, an obol for him who never had enough,” -collected a large sum by his grim and savage jest.<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">382</a></p> - -<p>Arcadius was quite incapable of handling the reins of -government himself, and the downfall of one all-powerful -minister would in any case have been quickly followed by -the rise of another; but, as it happened, there was one ready -to step immediately into the vacant place. The fortunes of -this person, the eunuch Eutropius, ran a strange career. -Born a slave, somewhere in the region of the Euphrates, and -condemned in infancy to the most degraded condition possible -even to slavery, he passed in boyhood and youth through -the hands of many owners. He performed the most menial -offices as a household slave, cutting wood, drawing water, or -whisking the flies from his mistress’s face with a large fan. -Arinthus, an old magister militum, who had become possessed -of him, presented him to his daughter on her marriage; -and, in the words of Claudian, “the future consul of the -East was made over as part of a marriage dowry.”<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">383</a> But the -young lady grew tired of the slave, who was getting elderly -and wrinkled, and without attempting to sell him, simply -turned him out of doors.<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">384</a> He lived for a time, picking -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>up a precarious livelihood, and often in great want, till an -officer about court at Constantinople took pity on him, and -with some difficulty obtained for him a situation in the -lowest ranks of the imperial chamberlains.<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">385</a> This was the -beginning of his rise. By the diligence and precision with -which he discharged his ordinary duties, by occasional witty -sayings, and the semblance of a fervent piety, he attracted -the notice of the Emperor Theodosius, and gradually acquired -his confidence so as to be employed on difficult and delicate -missions. He it was whom the Emperor sent to consult the -hermit John in Egypt before undertaking the Italian campaign -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 394.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">386</a></p> - -<p>On the death of Theodosius he became, in the capacity -of grand chamberlain, the intimate adviser and constant -attendant of Arcadius; and, when Rufinus was removed, the -government was practically in his hands, though he was -careful to avoid the error of his late rival, and was content -with the reality without the display of power. He continued -to execute all the household duties which fell to his -lot as chamberlain with humble assiduity, and sought no -other title than what he possessed.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">387</a> But it was soon -apparent, to the amusement of the East and the indignation -of the West, that the eunuch slave was really master of the -Emperor of half the Roman world. He gradually removed -by his arts the friends of Theodosius from the principal posts -of trust, and replaced them by creatures of his own. By -surrounding his royal charge with a crowd of frivolous companions; -by dissipating his thoughts amidst a perpetual -round of amusement, public spectacles, chariot races, and -the like; by taking him every spring to Ancyra in Phrygia, -where he was subjected to the soft enchantments of a delicious -climate and luxurious manner of life, he made the -naturally feeble mind of Arcadius more feeble still, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>withdrew it from the influence of every superior intellect -but his own.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">388</a></p> - -<p>Whilst the effeminate monarch languished in inglorious -ease in Phrygia, the fairest and most renowned portions of -his Empire were overrun by the barbarian forces of Alaric. -The sacred pass of Thermopylæ was violated by the Gothic -prince, and the ravager spread his devastations over Peloponnesus. -Once more Stilicho hastened to the rescue; -once more his hand was stayed by the astonishing announcement -that Alaric was rewarded for his career of -spoliation by being made commander-in-chief of the forces -of the East. Thus the invader was turned into the position -of friend, and the defender into the position of rebel, who -had to withdraw with feelings of shame, disappointment, -and rage. To such base arts did the court of Arcadius, -under the direction of Eutropius, stoop to protect itself in -its pitiful jealousy of its rival in the West.<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">389</a></p> - -<p>Eutropius mounted to the summit of power by the simple -process of putting all dangerous competitors out of the way, -under various pretexts, as treasonable or otherwise public -offenders.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">390</a> He deprived them of their last hope of escape, -by abolishing the right of the Church to afford asylum to -fugitives.<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">391</a> He sold the chief functions of the State, and the -command of the provinces, to the highest bidders. He was -ambitious even of military glory; and, to the amusement of -the enemy, as well as of the imperial army, appeared in -military costume at the head of the troops, to repel an -incursion of Huns. He succeeded, however, more in his -negotiations by which he bought off the enemy, than in his -martial exploits, and returned mortified by the ridicule -which had attended his attempts in war.<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">392</a></p> - -<p>From the pettiest detail of domestic life to the most -serious affairs of state, the minister was supreme. Arcadius -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>was little more than a magnificently dressed puppet. The -descriptions of his palace read like accounts in fairy tales: it -swarmed with slaves of every conceivable variety of race, -profession, and costume; the floors of the imperial apartments -were sprinkled with gold dust, in the carriage of -which from Asia a special service of vessels and wagons -was constantly engaged.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">393</a> The great annual public spectacle -was the departure of the Emperor for his summer sojourn -in Phrygia. From an early hour the streets were thronged -with people eagerly waiting for the pageant. At length, -from the portals of the palace there issued a gorgeous -procession; soldiers in white uniform, with gold-brocaded -ensigns; then the body guard, called domestics, with their -tribunes and generals arrayed in robes flashing with gold, -mounted on horses with golden caparisons; each rider bore -a gilded lance in the right hand, and in the left a gilded -shield studded with precious stones. In the rear, surrounded -by a grand cortége of state officials, came the imperial car, -drawn by milk-white mules, clothed in purple housings, -which were tricked out with gold and jewels. The sides of -the car also were gilded, and flashed out rays of golden light -as it moved along towards the harbour, where rode a fleet -of barges richly decorated, waiting to convey the royal -traveller to the opposite shore of the Bosporus. In strange -contrast to all this splendour appeared in the centre of the -car the dull and somnolent countenance of the young -Arcadius and the wrinkled visage of his old minister. The -multitude, ever greedy of show, would eagerly strain forward -their necks to catch a glimpse, if it were only of the imperial -ear-rings, or the circlet of his diadem, or the strings of pearls -upon his robe. With such empty exhibitions of their -puppet king did the wily minister seek to amuse the -frivolous inhabitants of the capital, while he himself enjoyed -the exercise of real power.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">394</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XIV.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">DEATH OF NECTARIUS, ARCHBISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE—EAGER COMPETITION -FOR THE SEE—ELECTION OF CHRYSOSTOM—HIS COMPULSORY -REMOVAL FROM ANTIOCH—CONSECRATION—REFORMS—HOMILIES -ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS—MISSIONARY PROJECTS.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Such</span> was the political and social condition of the Empire -in the year <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 397. In September of that year died -Nectarius, Archbishop of Constantinople, a man of an easy, -amiable disposition, who, not taking a very elevated or -severe view of the duties of his position, had administered -the see for sixteen years, without annoyance, but without -distinction.<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">395</a> A conscientious discharge, indeed, of episcopal -duties was at this epoch beset by no small difficulties in the -great cities of the Empire. Bishops of important sees now -occupied a high social rank.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">396</a> This had to be assumed -(in Constantinople at least) in the midst of an intriguing, -factious court, a corrupt, frivolous people, and a demoralised, -or at least secularised, clergy. “Nothing,” said St. Augustine, -“can in this life, and especially at this time, be easier or -more agreeable than the office of bishop, presbyter, or deacon, -if discharged in a perfunctory and adulatory manner; nothing -can in this life, and especially at this time, be more -laborious and perilous than such an office, if discharged as -our heavenly Commander bids us.”<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">397</a> And the testimony of -Chrysostom’s friend, Isidore, Abbot of Pelusium, is to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>same effect: “True freedom and independence are not to be -found in these distinguished positions: it is so difficult to -rule some, and to submit to others; to direct some, and to -be directed by others; to be complaisant to some and severe -to others.” Into this difficult and delicate position the -pious, single-minded, unworldly, but courageous preacher of -Antioch was to be suddenly transplanted, and that in a city -where the difficulties incident to such a position existed in -peculiar force.</p> - -<p>At the time of the decease of Nectarius, several bishops -happened to be sojourning in Constantinople on business, -and as tidings of the vacancy of the see got abroad, the -number of episcopal visitors largely increased; some coming -as candidates, others by the invitation of the Emperor, who -wished to make the ceremony of consecration as dignified -and august as possible.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">398</a> Constantinople became convulsed -by all those factious disputes and dissensions which usually -attended the election of a bishop to an important see, and -which Chrysostom has so vividly described in his treatise -on the priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">399</a> From dawn of day the places of public -resort were occupied by the candidates and their partisans -paying court, or paying bribes to the common people; canvassing -the nobles and the wealthy not without the potent -aid of rich and costly gifts, some statue from Greece or silk -from India, or perfumes from Arabia.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">400</a> One of the most -conspicuous candidates was Isidore, a presbyter of Alexandria. -His claims were eagerly pushed by Theophilus, -Archbishop of Alexandria, who had a strong personal interest -in securing his success. For Isidore was in possession of a -rather awkward secret in the past history of Theophilus -himself. When the war between Theodosius and the usurper -Maximus was impending, Isidore had been despatched by -the Archbishop to Italy with letters of congratulation to be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span>presented to him who should prove the conqueror. Isidore -waited till victory had declared itself in favour of Theodosius; -presented the humble felicitations of the patriarch, -and returned to Alexandria. But he was unable on his -return to produce the other letter, designed for Maximus had -he proved the victor. According to his own account, it had -been abstracted by the reader who had accompanied him on -the journey. Theophilus, however, suspected the fidelity of -Isidore himself, and that some ugly stories which began to -circulate respecting the affair had emanated from him. The -see of Constantinople, if secured through his interest, would -be an effectual means, he thought, of stopping the mouth of -Isidore.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">401</a> But he was doomed to disappointment. While -the several candidates and their patrons were exhausting all -their arts on the spot to obtain the favour of the electors, the -clergy and people, distracted by conflicting bribes and arguments, -unanimously decided to summon a man from a -distance who had not come forward at all. They submitted -the name of Chrysostom to the Emperor, who immediately -approved their choice.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">402</a> In fact, the election of Chrysostom -was in all probability the suggestion of Eutropius. During -a recent visit on public business to Antioch, he had heard -and recognised the eloquence of the great preacher. Even -if the heart of the man was not touched by the pungent -warnings, or warmed by the kindling exhortations of Chrysostom, -he had plenty of astuteness to perceive, if only such an -eloquence could be employed in the service of the Government, -what a powerful engine it would be.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">403</a> The appointment, at -any rate, was certain to be welcomed by the people, and of -popularity Eutropius stood greatly in need. By the people -of Antioch indeed Chrysostom was so deeply and ardently -beloved, that the question was how to remove him without -causing a disturbance of the public peace. The excitable -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>feelings of the populace at Antioch were at all times a train -of powder which needed but the application of a spark to -cause a serious explosion of tumult. The difficulty was -solved by a mixture of force and fraud highly characteristic -of the chief designer and executor of the project. Eutropius -addressed a letter to Asterius, the Count of the East, who -resided in Antioch, and who promptly acted on his instructions. -He proposed to the unsuspecting Chrysostom that -they should pay a visit together to one of the martyries -outside the city walls. Well pleased to make this pious -pilgrimage, the saintly preacher accompanied his captor -through the Roman gate, and turned his back on his beloved -native city, which he was destined never to revisit. At the -martyry he was seized by some Government officials, and -carried on to Pagræ, the first station on the high road for -Constantinople. Here a chariot and horses awaited them, -together with one of the imperial chamberlains, a “magister -militum,” and an escort of soldiers. The bewildered Chrysostom -was hurried into the chariot, without any attention -being paid to his remonstrances or inquiries; the horses were -put into a smart gallop, and the pace well kept up to the -next stage, where a similar equipage was in waiting. Such -was the rapid, but, considering all the circumstances, -undignified approach of the future archbishop to take possession -of his see.<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">404</a></p> - -<p>Great was the joy of the people on his arrival, great the -mortification and consternation of the rival candidates. -Theophilus loudly declared that he would take no part in -the ordination. “You will ordain him,” said Eutropius, “or -take your trial on the charges contained in these documents;” -producing certain papers of accusations brought against him -from various quarters, at the sight of which Theophilus -turned pale. His opposition was effectually silenced, though -he nourished his revenge for a future day.<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">405</a> And we may -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>presume that he took the lead, by virtue of his rank, in the -ceremony of consecration—that is, that he pronounced the -consecration prayer and blessing, while two other bishops -held the gospels over the head, and the other prelates who -were present laid their hands on the head of the recipient of -consecration.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">406</a> The ceremony took place on February 26, -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 398, in the presence of a vast concourse of people, who -came, no doubt, not only to witness the spectacle, but to hear -from the lips of one so famed for eloquence the “Sermo -enthronisticus,” or homily on the lesson for the day, which -was delivered by the new Patriarch<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">407</a> after he had been conducted -to his throne, and which was regarded as a test of his -powers. This discourse has not been preserved, but Chrysostom -alludes to it in the homily numbered xi. against the -Anomœans, which was the second discourse he delivered as -archbishop. He there reminds his hearers how in his first -discourse he had promised, in his warfare with heretics, to -trust, not in the carnal weapons of human dialectic, but in -the spiritual armour of Holy Scripture, even as David had -confronted and prevailed over the Philistine with weapons -which the warrior despised, but which were crowned with -success because blessed by God.<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">408</a> In the review already -taken of his discourses against Arians and other heretics, -it has been seen how faithfully he adhered to this principle.</p> - -<p>The disadvantages of a monastic, secluded training, in one -who was called upon to occupy a large and important see, -have been pointed out by no one better than by Chrysostom -himself,<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">409</a> and he now experienced the truth of his own -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>observations. His genius was not of that practical order -which displays itself in great discernment of character and -tact in the management of men; and his virtues were of that -austere kind, the virtues of the monk rather than of the -Christian citizen, joined to a certain irritability of temper and -inflexibility of will, which were ill calculated to first conciliate -and then delicately lead on to a purer way of life the -undisciplined flock committed to his care.<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">410</a> If Nectarius -had been too much the man of the world, his successor was, -for the position in which he was placed, too much the saint of -the cloister. The new wine burst the old bottles. He began -immediately to reform with an unsparing hand—first of all -within the limits of his own palace. The costly store of -silken and gold-embroidered robes, the rich marbles, ornaments, -and vessels of various kinds which his courtly -predecessor had accumulated, were sold in exchange for -homelier articles, and the surplus was applied to the aid of -hospitals and the relief of the destitute.<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">411</a> The bishop, and -many of the clergy of Constantinople, had been accustomed -to entertain and be entertained by the wealthy and the great. -Ammianus Marcellinus contrasts the luxurious style of -living affected by the bishops of great cities, who “rode -about in their carriages, elaborately dressed, and gave -princely banquets,” with the frugal fare, the cheap clothing, -the modest deportment of the provincial bishops.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">412</a> The -admonition of Jerome also to an episcopal friend demonstrates -the tendency at this period to an immoderate and -worldly hospitality on the part of the clergy. “Avoid,” he -says, “giving great entertainments to the laity, and especially -to those who occupy high stations; for it is not very reputable -to see the lictors and guards of a consul waiting outside -the doors of a priest of Jesus Christ, nor that the judge of a -province should dine more sumptuously with you than in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>the palace. If it be pretended that you do this only to be -able to intercede with him for poor criminals, there is no -judge who will not pay greater respect to a frugal priest -than to a rich one, and show more deference to your piety -than to your wealth.”<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">413</a> Chrysostom, like Jerome, was an -uncompromising ascetic in his views on clerical life. He -ate in solitude the spare and simple diet of a monk, and -declared that he would never set foot at Court except on -pressing affairs concerning the welfare of the Church. -When one considers what the character of that Court was, -it must be confessed that the resolution highly became a -Christian bishop.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">414</a> His own seclusion might have been -easily tolerated if he had not exacted the same severe -simplicity of life in his clergy. He denounced their parasitical -flatteries, and their propensity to seek entertainments -at the tables of the wealthy, and insisted that their stipends -must be quite sufficient to supply them with the necessaries -of life. He suspended many from their cures on account -of worldly or immoral conduct, and repelled others from -the Eucharist. Several of these became the most active -organisers of hostile cabals.</p> - -<p>But there was another cause of the archbishop’s unpopularity -with his clergy, which arose from his vigorous assaults -upon a deep and apparently most prevalent evil.</p> - -<p>Celibacy appears never to have been made obligatory on -the clergy of the Eastern Church. The Synod of Elvira, -which enjoins celibacy, was a purely Spanish synod;<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">415</a> and -the decree of Pope Siricius to the same effect, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 385, -could not affect any countries beyond Italy, Spain, and -perhaps Southern Gaul. That decree is a remarkable instance -of the law-giving spirit of the Western Church, which -hardened tendencies into binding statutes. But sentiment -and opinion were quite as strong in favour of clerical celibacy -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>in the East as in the West. It was proposed at the Council -of Nice that a canon should be passed enforcing it upon -every order of the clergy; a proposal which was defeated -only by the influence of the aged Egyptian monk Paphnutius, -who, though he had never been married, and had always -lived an ascetic life, earnestly deprecated the imposition of -a burden upon all men which some men only were able to -bear. The result was that the clergy were permitted to -retain their wives whom they had married before ordination, -but were forbidden to marry after ordination. And this is -called “the ancient tradition of the Church.”<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">416</a> There can be -no doubt, however, that a profound conviction possessed the -minds of all the most earnest Christians in Eastern Christendom -that the unmarried life was inherently better than the -married; and, consequently, clerical celibacy was honoured -and encouraged, though marriage was allowable. On the -other hand, there grew up, side by side with the practice of -celibacy, a custom which broke it in the spirit while it was -preserved in the letter. The same Council of Nice which -by one canon freely granted to the clergy the society of their -lawful wives, by another prohibits unmarried clergy of every -rank to have any woman dwelling under the same roof who -was not their mother, sister, or aunt.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">417</a> It was the transgression -of this canon which was indignantly complained of by -several writers<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">418</a> and at councils<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">419</a> in or near the time of Chrysostom, -as well as by Chrysostom himself. Under the name -of spiritual sisters, young women, often consecrated virgins -of the Church, lived, as they maintained, in all innocent and -sisterly affection with unmarried priests. But the risk to -the morals of both was imminent, and the scandal which it -brought upon the clergy in the eyes of the world was certain. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span> -Chrysostom denounces the custom on both these grounds. -Whether two treatises, one addressed to the men, the other -to the women, were composed at Constantinople, or, as -Socrates says, during his diaconate, they embody his views -on the whole subject, and afford a curious insight into -clerical life in the great cities at this epoch.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">420</a></p> - -<p>He places the offenders on the horns of a dilemma. “If -you are weak, the temptation to evil is so great, that for -your own sake you ought to avoid it; if you are strong, you -ought to abandon the practice for the sake of those who are -weak.” They brought a great scandal on the Church and -opened the mouths of adversaries. An isolated sin would -be less severely visited than one which, though comparatively -small in itself, caused others also to offend. They should -imitate the wisdom of St. Paul, who would not do a thing in -itself desirable or harmless, if the evil resulting to some -exceeded any possible advantage to others.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">421</a> A pretext for -the reception of these unmarried women was made on the -ground that they were orphans who had no protectors. But -this became a great snare both to the women and the clergy: -they were occupied with the management of property instead -of devoting themselves to spiritual concerns. It would be -far better that a maiden should marry, than, by abstaining -from marriage, involve herself and others in worldly business -who ought to be free from it. If poor, it was better she -should remain poor and friendless, than be received into -a home where the danger incurred by the soul would far -exceed the advantages procured for the body. There were -many aged women who were poor, friendless, maimed, or -diseased; the city was full of them. These were the most -deserving objects of clerical charity, and on them it could -be exercised without fear of reproach.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">422</a> These “spiritual -sisters” appear from Chrysostom’s account to have often -lived very much like fine ladies of fashion. “How incon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span>gruous -and ludicrous,” he says, “when you enter the house -of one who calls himself a single man, to see articles of -female dress and instruments of female occupation lying -about—girdles, head-gear, wool-baskets, spindles, distaffs!” -In the elaboration of their dress these companions often -surpassed actresses; they were gossips and match-makers. -The man who ought to have renounced all worldly calls -might be seen inquiring at the silversmith’s if his lady’s -mirror was ready, her casket finished, her flask returned; -from the silversmith’s he hurried to the perfumer’s to see -about her scents; from the perfumer to the linen-draper, -and so on upon a round of shopping. All this business and -worldly worry made them harsh to the servants, who retaliated -by secretly abusing their master and mistress.<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">423</a> This -was bad enough, but the clergy were not ashamed to display -their servile attachment to these women even in the churches. -They received them at the doors, forced others to make way -for them, and walked in front of them with a proud air, -when they ought not to have been able to lift up their heads -for shame.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">424</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom implores the clergy as a suppliant, to free -themselves from these disgraceful and degrading connections. -“Christ would have them be strenuous soldiers and combatants. -He did not arm them with spiritual weapons to -help women sew and weave, but to engage with the invisible -powers, to put to flight the forces of Satan, and to lead -captive the rulers of spiritual darkness. If a soldier who -was fully equipped were to run in-doors and sit down with -the women just at the moment of the enemy’s attack, when -the trumpet summoned every one to the combat, would you -not run your sword through the craven on the spot? How -much more would God be offended with the Christian -soldier who evaded the combat with the spiritual enemy?”<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">425</a></p> - -<p>The rigour with which Chrysostom pressed reformation -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>upon the clergy in these and many other points, not being -tempered by a conciliatory manner or genial way of life, -excited a vehement spirit of opposition. He was encouraged -in his severity by his Archdeacon Serapion, who on one -occasion had said, in the hearing of a large body of clergy: -“You will never subdue these mutinous priests, my Lord -Bishop, till you drive them all before you as with a single -rod.”<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">426</a> In fact, a large body of the more worldly clergy -seem to have regarded the archbishop and his deacon with -much the same mingled feelings of fear and aversion which -unruly schoolboys entertain towards an austere master.</p> - -<p>The rigorous discipline exacted from the clergy was -probably by no means distasteful to the people or the Court, -and by the eloquence of their new bishop they were entranced -so long as his declamations were poured forth -against the vices and follies of society in general. The -Empress and archbishop stood for a time high in each -other’s favour. She conducted with him a vast torchlight -procession in which the reliques of some martyrs were -conveyed to the martyry of St. Thomas in Drypia, a considerable -distance outside the city. A rapturous homily -was delivered by Chrysostom when they reached the chapel -at dawn of day. “What shall I say? I am verily mad -with joy; yet such a madness is better than even wisdom -itself. Of what shall I most discourse?—the virtue of the -martyrs, the alacrity of the city, the zeal of the Empress, the -concourse of the nobles, the worsting of the demons?”... -“Women, more delicate than wax, leaving their comfortable -homes, emulated the stoutest men in the eagerness with -which they made this long pilgrimage on foot. Nobles, -leaving their chariots, their lictors, their attendants, mingled -in the common crowd. And why speak of them when she -who wears the diadem, and is arrayed in purple, has not -consented along the whole route to be separated from the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>rest even by a little space, but has followed the saints like -their handmaid, with her finger on the shrine and upon the -veil covering it—she, visible to the whole multitude, whom -not even all the chamberlains of the palace are usually permitted -to see?” The mixture of races in Constantinople is -indicated in one passage, where, comparing the Empress to -Miriam leading the chorus of triumphant Israelites, he says: -“<em>She</em>, indeed, led forth a people of one language only, but -<em>thou</em> innumerable bands, chanting the Psalms of David, -some in the Roman, some in the Syrian, some in a barbarian, -some in the Greek tongue.” The procession moved along -like a stream of fire, or continuous golden chain; the moon -shone down upon the crowd of the faithful, and in the midst -the Empress, more brilliant than the moon itself; for what -was the moon compared to a soul adorned with such faith? -He called her blessed, for the ends of the earth would hear -of and extol this glorious act of piety. If the deed of the -poor sinful woman in the Gospel, who anointed our Lord’s -feet, was to be proclaimed throughout the world, how much -more that of a modest, dignified, chaste woman, who displayed -such piety in the midst of imperial state. And -there is much more of the same Oriental, rhapsodical, -rhetoric.<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">427</a></p> - -<p>The Emperor made a pilgrimage on the following day -to the shrine, accompanied by all the great officials of the -Court; and another discourse, similar in tone though not -quite so extravagantly rapturous, was delivered by the -archbishop.</p> - -<p>As in Antioch, so also and with still greater vehemence -in Constantinople, the voice of Chrysostom was incessantly -lifted up against those vices which specially beset a large -mixed population living under a corrupt despotism. Here, -as there, the avarice and luxury of the wealthy are the -themes of his indignant invective; the wrongs and pitiable -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>poverty of the poor the occasions of his pathetic appeal. -One day lamenting the paucity of worshippers, he exclaims: -“O tyranny of money which drives the greater part of our -brethren from the fold! for it is nothing but that grievous -disease, that never-quenched furnace, which drives them -hence; this mistress, more ferocious than any barbarian or -wild beast, fiercer than the very demons, taking her slaves -with her, is now conducting them round the Forum, inflicting -upon them her oppressive commands, nor suffers them -to take a little breath from their destructive labours.”... -“May you derive great good from the zeal with which you -listen to these words, for your groanings and the smitings of -your foreheads prove that the seed which I have sown is -already bearing fruit.”<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">428</a></p> - -<p>A signal instance of the passionate attachment of the -people to the Circensian and theatrical exhibitions occurred -about the close of the first year of his episcopate.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">429</a> A violent -rain had half inundated the fields and almost destroyed the -growing crops; solemn processional litanies were made to -the churches of the Apostles on both sides of the Bosporus; -yet two days later the majority of that multitude, which -had just been invoking the intercession of saints and supplicating -the mercy of God, poured into the circus, and -might be seen wildly applauding and cheering on the chariots; -and from that they hastened to witness with eager eyes -the indecent performances of the theatre: “while I,” said -the archbishop, “sitting at home and hearing your shouts, -suffered worse agonies than those who are tossed by storms -at sea.”<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">430</a>... “What defence will you be able to make when -you have to render an account of that day’s work? For -thee the sun rose, the moon lit up the night, choirs of -stars spangled the sky; for thee the winds blew, and rivers -ran, seeds germinated, plants grew, and the whole course of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>nature kept its proper order: but thou, when Creation is -ministering to thy needs, thou fulfillest the pleasure of the -devil.”<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">431</a>... “Say not that few have wandered from the -fold; though it were but five or two or one, the loss would -be great. The shepherd in the Gospel left the ninety-and-nine, -and hastened after the one, nor did he return till he -had made up the complete number of the flock by its -restoration. Though it be only one, yet it is a soul for -which this visible world was created, for which laws and -statutes and the diverse operations of God have been put -in motion, yea, for whose sake God spared not His only -Son.”... “Therefore I loudly declare that if any one after -this admonition shall desert the fold for the pestilent vice -of the theatre, I will not admit him inside these rails.<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">432</a> -I will not administer to him the holy mysteries or allow -him to touch the holy table, but expel him as shepherds -drive out the diseased sheep from the fold lest they should -contaminate the rest.”</p> - -<p>The iniquity of the people’s defection had been aggravated -on this occasion by the fact that the days on which they -had rushed in such crowds to the circus and theatre were -Good Friday and Holy Saturday. On the Sunday following -Easter Day the church was fully thronged. An aged -Galatian bishop, being present, was requested, according to -a polite custom of that time, to preach. But the congregation -expressed their disapproval by shouts of dissent, and by -withdrawing in large numbers. They wanted to hear what -more their eloquent castigator had to say on the subject -on which he had so vehemently declaimed on Easter Day. -Chrysostom was so much gratified and encouraged by the -alacrity which the people had thus manifested to listen to -his objurgations that his censures of the chariot races, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>next time he preached, were milder than usual. He contents -himself with observing that the shocking accident of -the day before, when a young man about to be married had -been run over in the course and cut to pieces by the chariot -wheels, was a damning proof of the wild folly and wickedness -of these spectacles. Nor does he rebuke them very -sharply for their discourtesy to the Galatian prelate.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">433</a> They -always resented the preaching of a stranger; on several -occasions Chrysostom had to appeal to their feelings of -respect for the custom of the Church, or enlarge on the -reverence due to the preacher, either on account of his age -or his great virtues, before they would listen patiently.</p> - -<p>It is impossible to determine in the case of every homily -or set of homilies whether they were delivered at Antioch or -Constantinople, but the character of society seems to have -been in its main features so similar in the two cities that -it may be allowable to collect into one place notices on -various social subjects scattered up and down Chrysostom’s -works.</p> - -<p>The extremes of wealth and poverty, barbaric splendour, -and abject beggary, existed side by side in hideous and -glaring contrast. The passion for the use of the precious -metals was amazing. Vessels for the meanest purposes -were made of silver; superfluous display without regard to -utility prevailed everywhere. “If it were in their power, I -verily believe that some men would have the ground they -walk on,<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">434</a> the walls of their houses, and perhaps even the -sky and air, made of gold.” Clothes were in the opinion of -Chrysostom a memorial of man’s fall from that state of -innocence in which they had been unnecessary, and were -therefore to be made of as little consequence as possible. -“Say, ye who indulge in such grandeur as to discard all -woollen garments and array yourselves in silk only, and have -even advanced to such a height of madness as to weave gold -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>into your robes (for most women do this), to what purpose -do you deck out your persons in these things, not perceiving -that the covering of dress was devised for us after the transgression -in the place of a severe punishment?”<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">435</a></p> - -<p>The particular make of shoes worn by the fashionable -young ladies and gentlemen of the day seems to have excited -his special indignation. “To put silk threads into your -boots, how disgraceful, how ridiculous!<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">436</a> Ships are built, -sailors hired, pilots appointed, the sails are spread, the sea -crossed, wife, children, and home left behind, the country of -the barbarian entered, and the life of the merchant exposed -to a thousand perils, in order that after it all you may trick -out the leather of your boots with these silken threads: what -form of madness can be worse?”... “He who ought to -bend his thoughts and eyes heavenwards casts them down -upon his shoes instead. His chief care, as he walks delicately -through the Forum, is to avoid soiling his boots with mire -or dust. Will you let your soul grovel in the mire while -you are taking care of your boots? Boots were made to be -soiled; if you cannot bear this, take them off and wear them -on your head instead of on your feet. You laugh when I -say these words, but I rather weep for your folly.”<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">437</a> Again, -“You may see one sitting in his chariot with haughty brow, -touching as it were the clouds in the senseless pride of his -heart; but think him not really lofty, for it is not the -sitting up in a chariot drawn by mules, but only virtue -mounting to the vault of heaven which really elevates a -man. Or if you see another on horseback, attended by a -troop of lictors driving the multitude out of his way in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>Forum, call him not happy on that account. How ridiculous! -why, prithee, do you drive your fellow-creatures before -you? Were you made a wolf or a lion? Your Lord Jesus -Christ raised man to heaven; you do not condescend to -share even the market-place with him. When you put a -gold bit on your horse, a gold bracelet on your slave’s arm, -when your clothes even to your shoes are gilded, you are -feeding that most ferocious of monsters, avarice; you are -robbing the orphan, denuding the widow, and acting as the -common enemy of all. When your body is committed to -the ground the memory of your ambition will not be buried -with you, for each passer-by, as he contemplates the height -and size of your grand mansions, will say to himself or his -neighbour, ‘How many tears did it cost to build that house! -how many orphans were left naked! how many widows -wronged! how many persons deprived of wages!’ Thus the -exact contrary of what you expected comes to pass: you -desired to obtain glory during your life, and lo! even after -death you are not delivered from accusers.”<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">438</a></p> - -<p>Such are the natural expressions of indignation on the -part of one trained in a monkish school of piety and austere -simplicity of life, when brought into practical contact with -a corrupt civilisation. Every denunciation of inordinate -luxury is coupled with an exhortation to the relief of distress. -Almsgiving is represented as the one certain method -of laying up treasure in heaven, and the true riches are -increased in proportion as this world’s goods are given away. -He lived in the days when social science and political -economy did not exist; he only perceived the moral wrong -of profuse luxury and extreme destitution side by side, and -the only method which he could suggest for rectifying the -evil was to impress on the wealthy the duty of almsgiving -on a large scale. Beggars swarmed in the streets, and -thronged the entrances of the churches and public baths;<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">439</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>and he is for ever exhorting his congregations to relieve -these unfortunate people. All honour to his simple Christian -charity! though of course he could not have given worse -advice with a view to curing the evil which he deplored. -The man who wore shoes inwoven with silk or gold threads -may have been a ridiculous fop, and yet have done more -good by buying his finery, the produce of honest labour, than -did the pious member of Chrysostom’s congregation who -flung his money to the beggars congregated at the church -doors.</p> - -<p>The luxurious habits and extravagant dress of the ladies -were especial objects of Chrysostom’s attack; but he draws -a charming picture, on the other side, of the influence which -good Christian wives might, and which many did, exercise -upon their husbands. The close of the exhortation in our -own “Marriage Service” seems almost as if suggested by a -passage in which he quotes Sarah the wife of Abraham as a -pattern of dutiful obedience to her husband, as adorned with -virtue, instead of the outward adorning of “plaiting the hair -and putting on of apparel.”<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">440</a> “The good wife, as she remains -more at home than the man, and has more leisure for -‘pious contemplation’ (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">φιλοσοφία</span>), can calm and soothe the -husband when he returns harassed by business, cut off his -superfluous cares, and so send him back free of the troubles -contracted in the Forum, and carrying with him the good -lessons which he has learned at home.”... “No influence -is more potent than that of a careful and discreet wife to -harmonise and mould the soul of a man.”... “I could -mention many hard, intractable men who have been -softened in this manner.” And this influence would be in -proportion to the Christian purity and simplicity of her own -life. “When thy husband shall see thee modest, not a lover -of ornament, not demanding an unnecessary allowance, then -he will listen to thy counsel. When you seek not gold -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>or pearls, or costly array, but modesty, temperance, and -benevolence, in proportion as you manifest these virtues -yourself, you may demand them of him; these are the -ornaments which never fail to attract; this is the adornment -which old age does not dissolve or disease destroy.”... -“When your husband sees you laying aside luxury, he will -lay aside the love of gain, and will be more inclined to deeds -of charity. With what face, O ye wives, can you exhort -your husbands to almsgiving, when you consume the largest -portion of his means on the decoration of your own persons?”<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">441</a></p> - -<p>He urgently represents to the wealthy proprietors of land -in the country the solemn duty incumbent on them of providing -for the spiritual welfare of the people on their estate, -by building a church and maintaining a pastor among them. -“There are many who possess farms and fields, but all their -anxiety is to make a bath-house to their mansion, to build -entrance courts and servants’ offices; but how the souls of -their dependants are cultivated they care not.”... “If you -see thorns in a field, you cut them down and burn them; -but when you see the souls of your labourers beset with -thorns and cut them not down, tell me, do you not fear -when you reflect on the account which will be exacted from -you for these things? Ought not every Christian estate-holder -to build a church and to make it his aim before -all things else that his people should be Christian?”... -“Therefore I exhort, I supplicate as a favour, or rather I -affirm it as a principle, that no one should be seen in possession -of an estate which is not provided with a church.” -He concludes by drawing a pleasing picture of the benefit -derived from the residence of a pastor in the quiet country -village; the softening, humanising, civilising effect of his -presence; the relief given to the needy, the comfort to the -sick and dying; the pleasant repose which the proprietor -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>may enjoy when he withdraws for a time from the turmoil -of city life, and worships among his grateful people in the -church which he has founded, and where his name will be -blessed for many future generations. “And think of the -reward in heaven; Christ said, ‘If thou lovest me feed my -sheep.’ If you were to see any of the royal sheep or horses -destitute of shelter and exposed to attack, and were to house -them, provide stabling for them, and appoint some one to -tend them, with how great a gift would the sovereign requite -you. And think you that, if you fold Christ’s flock and set -a shepherd over them, He will not do some great thing for -you?”<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">442</a></p> - -<p>The responsibility indeed of <em>every</em> Christian man to promote -the spiritual welfare of his brethren is one of the -topics on which Chrysostom most constantly and earnestly -dilates. “Nothing can be more chilling than the sight of a -Christian who makes no efforts to save others. Neither -poverty, nor humble station, nor bodily infirmity can exempt -men and women from the obligation of this great duty. To -hide our Christian light, under pretence of weakness, is as -great an insult to God as if we were to say that He could -not make His sun to shine.”<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">443</a></p> - -<p>The practice of swearing deep oaths about trifles appears -to have been as prevalent at Constantinople as at Antioch, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>and equally to have excited the indignation of the Archbishop. -He would not cease to denounce this devilish habit, -and that vehemently, lest he should incur the condemnation -pronounced on Eli, who rebuked, but not with sufficient -severity. He would unsparingly repel from the threshold of -the Church any who persisted in this pernicious vice, were he -emperor or prince. Men might deride his vehemence, but -they forgot that he was only the servant of Jesus Christ; -their mockery fell on the Master rather than the minister. -Let them laugh and jest as much as they would; he was -placed there to suffer it. “Obey my voice or depose me -from this my office. I cannot consent to mount this throne -unless I accomplish something great. If I cannot do this, it -were better for me to stand below. As long as I sit here I -cannot refrain, not so much out of fear of punishment to -myself as on account of your salvation, which I earnestly -desire.”<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">444</a></p> - -<p>Immoderate addiction to the pleasures of the table is a -frequently recurring subject of censure. He depicts in lively -terms the freshness, activity, and good health of the temperate -man; the lethargy, the headaches, the cramps, the -gout, the sickness of the glutton. Here is his portrait of a -fat gourmand:—“To whom is not the man disagreeable who -makes obesity his study, and has to be dragged about like a -seal? I speak not of those who are such by nature, but of -those who, naturally graceful, have brought their bodies into -this condition through luxurious living. The sun has risen, -he has darted everywhere his brilliant rays, he has roused -every one to his work: the tiller has taken his hoe, the -smith his hammer, each workman his proper tool; the -woman sets to work to spin or weave; while he like a hog -goes forth to the occupation of filling his stomach, seeking -how to provide for a costly table. When the sun has filled -the market-place, and other men have already tired them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>selves -with work, he rises from his bed, stretching himself -like a fatting pig. Then he sits a long time on his couch -to shake off the drunkenness of the previous evening, after -which he adorns himself and walks out a spectacle of ugliness, -not so much like a man as a man-shaped beast.”... -“Who might not justly say, ‘this fellow is a burden to the -earth; he has come into the world in vain; nay, not in vain, -alas! but to the injury both of himself and other people?’”<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">445</a></p> - -<p>Such passages as these prove that the power of Chrysostom -to captivate his hearers consisted not always in -eloquence or ornate rhetoric, but in a kind of bold and -rough plain-speaking, which dragged out into broad daylight -the most flagrant evils of the time, and painted them -in strong coarse colours, to excite derision or disgust. But -the fickleness and impulsiveness of the people were fatal -obstacles to the retention of fixed and durable impressions. -The population upon whom Chrysostom poured forth his -torrents of exhortation or invective was more debased than -that to which Savonarola preached; not so vigorous, not so -homogeneous, not so much animated by a sentiment of -citizenship, not under the refining influence of a taste for -literature and art.<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">446</a> It was a vast, disorderly medley of -incoherent elements, destitute of those political privileges, -and of that industrial commercial spirit, which inspire the -character with manly energy and independence. A passionate, -invincible love of pleasure, an abandoned devotion -to such public amusements as in no way appealed to the -intellect, and were calculated to debase and relax the finer -moral feelings,—these were insuperable bars to the substantial -success of the Christian reformer. A large proportion -of his hearers seem to have listened to his discourses as -pleasant exhibitions of bold satire and eloquent declamation; -they applauded, they laughed, they wept, they were smitten -with something like compunction; and Chrysostom confesses -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span>that at the moment he could not repress a natural feeling of -gratification at the effect produced; but that when he went -home, and reflected that the benefit which his hearers should -have derived generally evaporated in empty applause, instead -of manifesting itself in some solid improvement, he wept and -groaned from vexation. What men learned in the church -was undone in the theatre: “his work was like that of a -man who attempted to clean a piece of ground into which a -muddy stream was constantly flowing.”<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">447</a></p> - -<p>His letters to individuals, and the eulogia which he passes -at the beginning of some of his homilies on the zeal, piety, -and attention of his flock, prove indeed that there were -bright exceptions, but the mass of the people remained -irreclaimable. On grand festivals, such as Easter Day, vast -crowds attended the church; the very precincts were -thronged, and the multitude surged backwards and forwards -like the waves of the sea. A large portion was composed of -the fashionable and rich; but Chrysostom greatly preferred -those smaller congregations, consisting chiefly of poor, who -attended regularly, and on whose attachment to the Church -he could depend. He enjoyed these quiet services, free from -the bustle and disturbance of large crowds.<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">448</a> The wealthy -and the gay spared little time for the services of the -Church, though they never pleaded business as an excuse -for absence from the theatre. If they came now and then, -they did so as a kind of condescension and favour shown to -God and his priest. They lazily slumbered, or idly gossiped -during the service; yet they boasted of their attendance -afterwards.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">449</a></p> - -<p>After the account in previous chapters of Chrysostom’s -method of dealing with the prevalent heresies of the day at -Antioch, there is no occasion to say much more. The same -forms of error had to be encountered at Constantinople by -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>much the same arguments. Only one, Novatianism, appears -to have been more prominent in this city than at Antioch. -The exclusive pretensions to purity of doctrine and moral -life made by the Novatians excited his special indignation. -“What arrogance! what boastfulness is this! Can you, -being a man, call yourself clean? Nay, what madness is it? -As well call the sea free from waves; for as waves never -cease to move on the sea, so do sins never cease to work in -us.”<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">450</a> The harshness of the Novatians, in refusing the readmission -of apostates on repentance, was peculiarly offensive -to his merciful and hopeful view of human nature. -Sicinnius, the Novatian bishop in Constantinople, wrote a -book against him, in which he makes a handle of particular -expressions in Chrysostom’s homilies detached from their -context; such as, “Repent a thousand times, and enter the -Church;” ... “let the unclean person, the adulterer, the -thief, enter;” but omitting the words which follow—“that -he may learn to do these things no more. I draw all, I -throw my net over all, desiring to catch not those only who -are sound, but those who are sick.”<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">451</a> A hopefulness and -love, which never despaired of the sinner, are eminently -characteristic of Chrysostom; and the strong words of -encouragement and comfort which he used were of course -susceptible of a construction injurious to him, by those -who prided themselves on enforcing a very rigid standard -of moral and ecclesiastical discipline.</p> - -<p>Twenty years had elapsed since Gregory Nazianzenus, -with much reluctance and trembling, had accepted the See -of Constantinople. The city was at that time a very stronghold -of Arianism. Arians had held the see for nearly forty -years. The services of the orthodox were held in a private -house, and were at first exposed to violent disturbance from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>the populace, which, hounded on by the Arian clergy, hooted -and threw stones at the worshippers. But the eloquence, -combined with the holiness, of Gregory had subdued this -violent opposition. The ranks of the orthodox were swelled, -and the little house was enlarged into a noble church, under -the name of Anastasia, as significant of the revival of the -true faith.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">452</a> Imperial authority completed the work which -Gregory had begun. The Arians and other sectaries were -prohibited by various enactments from assembling for worship -within the city walls;<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">453</a> but in the time of Chrysostom -they began again to molest the faithful. On Saturdays and -Sundays they made a practice of assembling in colonnades -and public places, and there loudly singing Arian songs—songs, -that is, embodying Arian doctrine, like the Thalia -composed by Arius; abstract statements of theology, very -unpoetical in form, very incapable, as we should have supposed, -of exciting popular feeling.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">454</a> This noisy singing went -on during the greater part of the night; at dawn they -marched through the streets singing antiphonally, and then -held assemblies for worship outside the gates. Chrysostom, -with more of zeal perhaps than wisdom, organised rival -processions of antiphonal singers; the Empress supplied -them with tapers mounted on silver crosses. Street frays -were the inevitable consequence of these counter demonstrations; -the Arians took to their old practice of stone-throwing; -Briso, one of the Emperor’s chamberlains, was wounded -by a stone in the forehead, and several persons killed on -both sides, after which the Arian assemblies were suppressed -by royal order.</p> - -<p>The practical energy of Chrysostom was not confined -within the limits of his own diocese. He did not forget his -native city, but laboured, and laboured successfully, to heal -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>the schism by which the Church of Antioch had been so -long distracted. Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria, consented -at his earnest request to join with him in the despatch -of an embassy to Rome, to supplicate the recognition of -Flavian as sole bishop. Acacius, Bishop of Berœa, and -Isidore, for whom Theophilus had striven to obtain the See -of Constantinople, were selected to carry the petition, and -they returned with a favourable answer from the Bishops of -the West. It is a satisfaction to find Chrysostom united in -this charitable work with those who afterwards became his -most malignant enemies.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">455</a></p> - -<p>His missionary efforts extended northwards to the Danube, -and southwards to Phœnicia, Syria, and Palestine. He -sought out men of apostolic zeal to evangelise some Scythian -tribes on the banks of the Danube, and appointed a Gothic -bishop, Unilas, who accomplished great things, but died in -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 404, when Chrysostom was in exile, and unable to -appoint a successor.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">456</a> A novel spectacle was witnessed one -day in the Church of St. Paul. A large number of Goths -being present, Chrysostom ordered some portions of the -Bible to be read in Gothic, and caused a Gothic presbyter to -address his countrymen in their native tongue. The Archbishop, -who preached afterwards, rejoiced in the occurrence -as a visible illustration of the diffusion of the Gospel among -all nations and languages, a triumph before their very eyes -over Jews and Pagans, and a fulfilment of such prophecy as -“Their sound is gone out into all lands;” “The wolf and the -lamb shall feed together, and the lion shall eat straw like -the ox.” “Where is the philosophy of Plato and Pythagoras? -Extinguished. Where is the teaching of the tent-maker and -the fisherman? Not only in Judæa, but also among the -barbarians, as ye have this day perceived, it shines more -brilliantly than the sun itself. Scythians, and Thracians, -Samaritans, Moors, and Indians, and those who inhabit the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>extremities of the world, possess this teaching translated -into their own language; they possess such philosophy as -was never dreamed of by those who wear a beard and thrust -passengers aside with their staff in the Forum, and shake -their wise locks, looking more like lions than men.”... -“Nay! our world has not sufficed for these evangelists; -they have betaken themselves even to the ocean, and -enclosed barbarian regions and the British Isles in their -net.”<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">457</a> Chrysostom assigned a church in Constantinople for -the use of the Scythian inhabitants (probably Gothic, for -the Greek historians used the word Scythian very vaguely), -ordained native readers, deacons, and presbyters, and frequently -preached there himself through the medium of an -interpreter.<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">458</a> Some of his letters when in exile are addressed -to Gothic monks, who occupied the house where Promotus -had lived.<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">459</a> They were staunch friends to him during his -exile, and the monastic body established in this house -existed in the seventh century.</p> - -<p>Porphyry, Bishop of Gaza, wrote a letter to Chrysostom -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 398, urging him to obtain an order from the Emperor -for the destruction of Pagan temples in that city. Chrysostom -did not cease to solicit Eutropius till he had procured -an edict, not indeed for the destruction, but for the closing -of the temples, and the demolition of the idols which they -contained. In the following year, however, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 399, an -edict was issued addressed to Eutychianus, Prefect of the -East, directing that the temples should be demolished -throughout the country. This appears to have been obtained -chiefly through the influence of Chrysostom; and large -bodies of monks were sent by him into Phœnicia, where -especially paganism prevailed, who were to use every -effort to extirpate it, both by assisting in the destruction -of temples, and by the propagation of Christian truth. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>money required for this missionary expedition was supplied -by the liberality of some ladies in Constantinople, rich not -only in faith, but also in the wealth of this world. The -welfare of these missionary projects continued, as will hereafter -be seen, to engage his most anxious attention throughout -his exile to the very close of his life.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">460</a></p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XV.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">THE FALL OF EUTROPIUS—HIS RETREAT TO THE SANCTUARY OF THE -CHURCH—RIGHT OF SANCTUARY MAINTAINED BY CHRYSOSTOM—DEATH -OF EUTROPIUS—REVOLT OF GOTHIC COMMANDERS TRIBIGILD -AND GAÏNAS—DEMAND OF GAÏNAS FOR AN ARIAN CHURCH REFUSED -BY CHRYSOSTOM—DEFEAT AND DEATH OF GAÏNAS. A.D. 399-401.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> Empress Eudoxia had rejoiced to discover that the new -Archbishop, although he mainly owed his promotion to the -supreme minister of the Court, was by no means disposed to -be ruled by him. If, indeed, Eutropius had expected to be -rewarded for the elevation of Chrysostom by finding in him -a complaisant servant, he sustained a severe disappointment. -Some little pretences which the minister made of assisting -the Church, by patronising Chrysostom’s missionary projects, -could not disguise the iniquitous venality of his administration, -or protect him from the solemn warnings and severe -censure of one who was no respecter of persons. In fact, -when the Archbishop declaimed against the cupidity, injustice, -and extortions of the rich, it was obvious to all that -Eutropius was the most signal example of those vices. -Eudoxia was anxiously aiming to compass the fall of the -detested minister; detested by her more especially, not only -because he thwarted her influence with Arcadius generally, -but had also persuaded him to withhold from her the title -of Augusta until she should present a male heir to the -throne. She spared no pains therefore to conciliate the -Archbishop, who might prove a valuable ally to her cause.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> -It has been seen with what an appearance at least of humble -piety she took part in the nocturnal procession which conducted -some sacred reliques to their resting-place outside -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Her chamberlain, Amantius (himself distinguished for -unaffected Christian piety), was the frequent bearer to the -Archbishop of her liberal contributions to the support of -churches, or the relief of the poor. With her own hands, -it is said, she traced designs for basilicas to be erected at her -expense in some of the country districts.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">461</a> Chrysostom was -always ready to welcome as genuine any manifestations of -religious feeling. Such practical proofs of her attachment -to the Church completely captivated him, and for the -present his rich vocabulary could hardly furnish language -adequate to express his admiration and gratitude.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">462</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the poor doomed minister, not content to -remain as he began, enjoying the reality of power without -the name, prepared the way for his own destruction by -inducing the Emperor to bestow on him the titles of -Patrician and Consul. The acquisition of these venerated -and venerable names by the eunuch slave caused a profound -emotion of indignation and shame throughout the Empire, -but especially in the Western capital, where they were -bound up with all the most noble and glorious memories in -the history of the nation. It is true the consulship was now -an empty honour, destitute of all the great duties and responsibilities -which formerly were attached to it. But the year -was still named after the consul, and the character of the -man was by a superstitious feeling projected on to the year -which he inaugurated. The name of the odious Eutropius, -eunuch and slave, if prefixed to the year, would seem to -overshadow it with a kind of ominous and baleful blight, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>and to be in itself a portent of incalculable disaster. In -short, after their indignation had vented itself in much bitter -sarcasm, the Romans resolved that the consulship of -Eutropius should never be inscribed at the Capitol. A -solemn deputation from the people and senate waited on -Honorius and Stilicho at Milan, to submit their decision, -and to implore the imperial assent. Their spokesman -recounted the glorious exploits of Theodosius and (by a -flattering courtesy) of his son. The Saxon by the ocean, -defeated; Britain delivered from the Picts; Gaul protected -from the menaces of Germany! “Through thee Rome -beholds the Frank humbled at her feet, the Suevian discomfited, -and the Rhine, submissive to thy rule, salutes thee -under the name of Germanicus. But the East, alas! envies -us our prosperity; abominable conspiracies are fermenting -there which tend to break up our unity” ... the revolt of -Gildo, the destruction of African towns, the famine of Rome, -all these calamities were the work of Eutropius, and for -these he was rewarded with the consulship! The East, -accustomed to stoop under the sceptre of women, might -accept the rule of a eunuch slave; but that to which the -Orontes and the Halys submitted as ordinary custom would -be a foul stain on the waters of the Tiber. The image of -Eutropius should never be placed in the same rank with -those of Æmilius, of Decius, of Camillus, the saviours and -supporters of their country, the champions of Roman -freedom!... “Rise from your tombs, ancient Romans, -pride of Latium; behold an unknown colleague on your -curule chairs; rise and avenge the majesty of the Roman -name!”<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">463</a></p> - -<p>Honorius, prompted no doubt by Stilicho, accorded a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span>favourable reply to the supplication of the Roman people. -Mallius Theodorus, prætorian prefect of Italy, a man eminent -in virtue and ability as lawyer, soldier, and writer, and -not less popular than distinguished, was nominated Consul -by Honorius amidst general approbation, and his name -appears in the Fasti of the West without a colleague.<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">464</a></p> - -<p>No doubt some of the virtuous indignation of the Romans -is to be attributed to the jealousy which now ran high -between East and West, but we may also not fancifully -discern genuine sparks of the independent spirit of their -forefathers. Amidst the general decadence and degeneracy -of the whole Empire, the West did not descend, could not -have descended, to such depths of servile adulation as did -the Byzantines on the occasion of the inauguration of -Eutropius as Consul. When, arrayed in an ample Roman -robe, he assumed his seat in the palace of the Cæsars, the -doors were thrown open to an eager crowd of flatterers. The -senate, the generals, all the high functionaries of the state, -poured in to offer their homage to the great personage; -emulated each other in the honour of kissing his hand, and -even his wrinkled visage. They saluted him as the bulwark -of the laws, and the parent of the Emperor. Statues of -bronze or marble were placed in various parts of the city, -representing him in the costume of warrior or judge, and -the inscriptions on their pedestals styled him third founder -of the city after Byzas and Constantine.</p> - -<p>No wonder that Claudian declaimed with bitter sarcasm -against “a Byzantine nobility and Greek Quirites,” and -even invokes Neptune by a stroke of his trident to unseat -and submerge the degenerate city which had inflicted such -a deep disgrace upon the Empire.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">465</a></p> - -<p>And in truth a blow of no mean force, though directed -not by the hand of a mythic deity, but of a stout barbarian -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span>was about to descend on the Eastern capital. The consequences -of it were averted only by the sacrifice of the -new consul who had chiefly provoked it; upon him it came -with crushing effect: he fell never to rise again. In the -final scene of this curious drama the Archbishop plays a -conspicuous part, and therefore it must be unfolded from -the beginning. But, independently of this, it throws light -upon the condition of the Eastern Empire at that period.</p> - -<p>Tribigild, a Gothic soldier of distinction, had been, according -to a usage now prevalent, promoted to the rank of Tribune, -and placed in command of a military colony of Gruthongi (a -large branch of the Ostrogoths), established in the region of -Phrygia, near the town of Nacolea. The recent elevation of -Alaric to the rank of Commander-in-chief of the Roman -forces in the East had encouraged the pretensions and raised -the expectations of all barbarian commanders. In the -February or March next after the appointment of Eutropius -to the consulship, Tribigild appeared at court to solicit promotion -for himself and a higher rate of pay for his martial -colonists, who, too ignorant or too proud to maintain themselves -by cultivating the soil, were perishing of hunger in -the midst of the most productive regions of Asia Minor. -His suit was one among many of similar applications at -that time constantly brought before the Court, and it was -coldly dismissed by the Emperor’s minister. Tribigild was -not one to return home and brood in sullen and ineffective -silence over his repulse. Gaïnas, the Gothic leader, to whom -it will be remembered Stilicho had confided the task of -putting Rufinus to death, was still in Constantinople; and -he was a relation of Tribigild, who found in him a sympathiser -to inflame rather than soothe his sense of wrong. -In this irritated frame of mind, like a train of powder only -needing the application of a match to produce an explosion, -he returned to Phrygia. According to Claudian, that match -was applied by his wife. He dramatically describes her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span> -welcome of the returning husband: “She flies to meet him, -embraces him with her snow-white arms, and eagerly -inquires what honours or rewards he brings back from the -generous prince.” When the chieftain relates his ineffectual -errand, and the cold disdain with which he had been treated -by Eutropius, the chieftainess tears her face with her nails, -and with bitter irony bids her husband sheathe his sword -and attend to his plough or his vine. She contrasts her -own condition with the happy wives and sisters of other -warriors; they enjoyed rich spoils in the shape of adornments -or of beautiful Grecian handmaids. “Alaric, who -broke treaties, was rewarded for it, but those who observe -them remain poor. Alaric invaded and pillaged Epirus, and -was made commander of the forces; <em>you</em> go humbly to -solicit your due and are repulsed. Enrich yourself with -booty, and you will be a Roman citizen as soon as you -please.”<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">466</a> No doubt this scene, whether wholly imaginary -or not, faithfully represents the feelings which, since the -fatal promotion of Alaric, must have encouraged treasonable -designs on the part of many barbarian chiefs. At any rate, -whether the resentment of Tribigild was inflamed or not by -the irony of his wife, he resolved to cast off allegiance to -the Empire. He mustered his forces, which gladly abandoned -their feeble attempts at husbandry to return to the -more congenial pursuit of war and plunder. The rich -country of Phrygia was rapidly overrun, and some of the -fortified towns, owing partly to the decay of their walls, -were captured. All Asia Minor was convulsed with apprehension, -and appealed to Constantinople for protection.</p> - -<p>Eutropius affected to treat the rebellion as a petty insurrection, -the suppression of which belonged rather to the -judge armed with instruments of torture than to a military -force. He declined the proffered assistance of Gaïnas, but -secretly negotiated with Tribigild, in the hope of subduing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>him by means of promotion or of a bribe in money. The -Goth, proud to have turned the tables upon the minister -who had recently treated him with scorn, steadfastly declined -to accept any satisfaction but one—the head of Eutropius -himself. Thus war was inevitable; but who was to conduct -it? Eutropius dared not trust Gaïnas to act against his -own countryman and kinsman. He retained him therefore -at Constantinople in command of the city troops, and committed -the management of the legions to one of his favourites, -Leo, described by Claudian as a man “abounding in flesh, -but scant of brains;”<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">467</a> once a wool-carder, but, under the -administration of the eunuch, a military commander. His -obesity made him an object of derision to the army, and, -joined to his natural incapacity and ignorance, rendered him -the most unfit man to conduct an expedition against the -subtle and active barbarian. Leo crossed the Bosporus -with a large, ill-disciplined army, whose approach was -welcomed by the devastated provinces, which vainly rejoiced -at the prospect of speedy deliverance from the ravager. -The enemy, meanwhile, had retreated southwards through -Pisidia, and after a narrow escape from destruction in the -defiles of Mount Taurus, where the inhabitants made a fierce -stand, he emerged into Pamphylia, and awaited Leo in the -vast plain of the Eurymedon and Melas, which extends -between the chain of Taurus and the sea. The doughty -commander of the imperial forces eagerly pursued the Goths, -and flattered himself, as the artful chieftain pretended to -retreat in alarm, that he had cooped him up by the sea. -In the confident anticipation of success, the discipline, such -as it was, of Leo’s camp became still more relaxed. Little -or no watch was kept; festivity, drunkenness, and disorder -of all kinds prevailed; while the general had allowed himself -to be drawn into a fatal position between a wary enemy -in front and an impassable morass in his rear. In the depth -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>of a dark night, the Goth swooped down upon his prey: all -were asleep in the camp, the slumbers of many deepened by -drunkenness. Those who were not killed on the spot fled -in wild confusion, but only to flounder in the marsh, in the -oozy bed of which large numbers were absorbed. A few -scattered remnants reached the Bosporus by devious routes, -to carry tidings of the disaster to Constantinople. Leo himself -had plunged on horseback into the morass; the animal -soon sank under the weight of his bulky rider, who, after -vain struggles to extricate himself, was finally sucked beneath -the quag. To such a bathos have the annals of Roman warfare -descended! A Roman general suffocated in mud!<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">468</a></p> - -<p>The news of this disaster struck panic into the population -and Court of Constantinople. There was but one who -rejoiced; for he saw himself master of the situation. This -was Gaïnas; he was the only man at hand capable of confronting -Tribigild, and he was despatched across the Bosporus -with his barbarian auxiliaries. But he did nothing to -check the enemy, who had resumed his career of pillage. -He represented that the forces opposed to him were insuperable, -but expressed a firm conviction that Tribigild would -become as loyal a servant as himself on one condition—the -surrender of the minister Eutropius, the principal author of -all the evils of the State.<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">469</a></p> - -<p>Arcadius was placed in a state of cruel perplexity. We -need not suppose that he was attached to Eutropius, but -his weak and indolent nature shrank from the responsibility -and labour to which, through the industry of his ambitious -minister, he had been a stranger. Now, however, from all -quarters the truth was forced upon him, that if he would -save his throne, he must part with his newly-made consul. -Ugly rumours were prevalent that Stilicho was meditating -a march to the East, and at the same time a new king, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span>hostile to the Empire, had ascended the throne in Persia.<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">470</a> -But a nearer and more persuasive enemy of Eutropius was at -hand to give the finishing impulse to his fall. The profound -jealousy of his power entertained by Eudoxia has been -already intimated. Not only had the title of Augusta been -withheld from her through his influence, but he had even -carried his arrogance so far at this time as to declare that -his hand, which had elevated her, could also depose her from -her present position altogether. The proud Frankish blood -of the Empress could ill brook such words from the lips of -an upstart menial, consul though he now was. With a -passionate gesture she dismissed him from her presence, -hastened to her two young children, Flaccilla and Pulcheria, -and with them made her way into the apartment of Arcadius. -To his inquiries as to the purpose of her sudden -appearance she made at first no reply save by a flood of -tears, in which the children, from natural sympathy, joined; -but presently, in language broken by sobs, she related a tale -of insults received at the hands of Eutropius, and the -crowning insult of the whole series. This was the blow -which was completely to fell the tottering minister. He -was summoned to the imperial presence, and having been -informed that he was deprived of his official dignity, and his -property confiscated, he was commanded instantly to quit -the palace under pain of death.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">471</a></p> - -<p>The poor wretch, who had mounted from the lowest dregs -of society to the grandest position a subject could occupy, was -thus by a single blow suddenly reduced to the position from -which he had started; and even worse, for death stared him -in the face. The bows and smiles with which courtiers had -greeted him that morning, when he was still the royal -favourite, concealed, he well knew, a hatred and a scorn -which were not confined to them, but animated the whole -population, and only needed opportunity to declare them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>selves. -That opportunity had come. He had no friends; -whither should he fly? There was but one place to which -he could in his extremity naturally turn—the sanctuary of -the Church; but here, by the cruel irony of his fate, a law -emanating from himself barred his entrance.</p> - -<p>The right of asylum, which was once possessed by many -of the Pagan temples, passed over, by a natural transition, -about the time of Constantine, to Christian churches. However -useful in ages of great rudeness and ferocity this right -may be, either to shelter the innocent from lawless violence, -or to give offenders protection from vindictive rage till the -time of equitable trial, it inevitably becomes, sooner or later, -an intolerable interference with the natural course of law -and justice. Tiberius had found it expedient to restrict or -abolish such rights attached to many of the Greek and -Asiatic temples. Their suppression was resisted partly -from feelings of pride, partly of mercenary interest, partly -of respect for the sanctity of the places, as in the case in our -own country of the sanctuary of Westminster.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">472</a> In the reign -of Theodosius <span class="smcap">I.</span> a law was passed which excepted gross -criminals and public debtors, and another in the reign of -Arcadius, which excepted Jewish debtors who pretended to -be Christians, from the privileges of asylum;<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">473</a> but by a law -of September, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 397, suggested by Eutropius, clergy and -monks, in whose churches or convents fugitives might shelter, -were obliged to surrender them to the officers of justice, -though they might appeal to the Court in their favour.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">474</a> -The special object of Eutropius had been to cut off all -retreat from the victims of his jealous ambition or avarice; -and now he was one of the first to want the protection -which he had himself abolished. But he knew, no one -better, that the law had excited much resentment and -resistance on the part of the Church; and it might well be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>that the Archbishop would gladly connive at the violation -of the obnoxious measure by the very person who had -framed it. He resolved to make the attempt. In the -humblest guise of a suppliant, tears streaming down his -puckered cheeks, his scant grey hairs smeared with dust, he -crept into the cathedral, pushed aside the curtain which -divided the chancel or sanctuary from the nave, and, clinging -closely to the holy table,<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">475</a> awaited the approach of the Archbishop -or any of the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">476</a> The enemy was on his track. -As he lay quaking with terror, he could hear on the other -side of the thin partition the trampling of feet, mingled with -the clattering of arms and voices raised in threatening tones -by soldiers on the search. At this crisis he was found by -the Archbishop, in a state of pitiable and abject terror; his -cheek blanched with a death-like pallor, his teeth chattering, -his whole frame quivering, as with faltering lips he craved -the asylum of the Church.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">477</a></p> - -<p>He was not repulsed as the destroyer of that shelter which -he now sought. Chrysostom rejoiced in the opportunity -afforded to the Church of exhibiting at once her clemency -and power, by taking a noble revenge upon her former adversary. -The clamour of the soldiers on the other side of the -veil increased. Chrysostom led the unhappy fugitive to the -sacristy; and having concealed him there, he confronted his -pursuers, asserted the inviolability of the Church’s sanctuary, -and refused to surrender the refugee. “None shall penetrate -the sanctuary save over my body; the Church is the Bride -of Jesus Christ, who has intrusted her honour to me, and I -will never betray it.” The soldiers threatened to lay violent -hands on the Archbishop; but he freely presented himself -to them, and only desired to be conducted to the Emperor, -that the whole affair might be submitted to his judgment. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span>He was accordingly placed between two rows of spearmen, -and marched like a prisoner from the cathedral to the palace.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">478</a></p> - -<p>The populace meanwhile had heard of the wonderful event -of the day. The news of the detested minister’s degradation -had circulated through the Hippodrome, where a grand performance -had attracted large multitudes. The spectators -rose in a mass, uttered a shout of exultation, and vociferously -demanded the head of the culprit.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">479</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom meanwhile maintained before the Emperor -his lofty tone of authority in vindication of the Church’s -right of asylum. Human laws could not weigh in the -balance against divine; the very man who had assailed the -Church’s divine right was now forced, in his day of distress, -to plead in favour of it. The Emperor was moved, as he -always was by any one who possessed some of that force -of character which he himself lacked. Some feelings of -compassion also for his late minister’s humiliation may -have mingled themselves with superstitious dread of incurring -Divine wrath. He promised to respect the retreat of -Eutropius. But, on learning his decision, the troops which -were in the city became indignant and furious in their -demands that the culprit should be surrendered to justice. -The Emperor made an address to them, entreating them -even with tears to remember that they had received benefits -as well as wrongs from the object of their present rage, and, -above all things, imploring them to respect the sanctity of -the holy table, to which the suppliant was clinging. By -such words he restrained them with difficulty from the -commission of any immediate violence.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">480</a></p> - -<p>The following day was Sunday; but the places of public -amusement and resort were deserted, and such a vast concourse -of men and women thronged the cathedral as was -rarely seen except on Easter Day.<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">481</a> All were in a flutter of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span>expectation to hear what the “golden mouth” would utter, -the mouth of him who had dared, in defence of the Church’s -right, to defy the arm of the law, and to stem the tide of -popular feeling. But few perhaps were prepared to witness -such a dramatic scene as was actually presented, and which -gave additional force and effect to the words of the preacher. -It was a common practice with the Archbishop, on account -partly of his diminutive stature and some feebleness of voice, -to preach from the “ambo,” or high reading-desk, which -stood a little westward of the chancel, and therefore brought -him into closer proximity with the people.<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">482</a> On the present -occasion, he had just taken his seat on the ambo, and a sea -of upturned faces was directed towards his thin pale countenance -in expectation of the stream of golden eloquence, -when the curtain which separated the nave from the chancel -was partially drawn aside, and disclosed to the view of the -multitude the cowering form of the unhappy Eutropius, -clinging to one of the columns which supported the holy -table. Many a time had the Archbishop preached to light -minds and unheeding ears on the vain and fleeting character -of worldly honour, prosperity, luxury, wealth; now he would -enforce attention, and drive his lesson home to the hearts of -a vast audience, by pointing to a visible example of fallen -grandeur in the poor unhappy creature who lay grovelling -behind him. Presently he burst forth: “‘<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ματαιότης ματαιοτήτων</span>!—O -vanity of vanities!’” words how seasonable -at all times, how pre-eminently seasonable now. “Where -now are the pomp and circumstance of yonder man’s consulship? -where his torch-light festivities? where the applause -which once greeted him? where his banquets and garlands? -Where is the stir that once attended his appearance in the -streets, the flattering compliments addressed to him in the -amphitheatre? They are gone, they are all gone; one rude -blast has shattered all the leaves, and shows us the tree -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>stripped quite bare, and shaken to its very roots.”... -“These things were but as visions of the night, which fade -at dawn; or vernal flowers, which wither when the spring is -past; as shadows which flitted away, as bubbles which burst, -as cobwebs which rent.”... “Therefore we chant continuously -this heavenly strain: <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ματαιότης ματαιοτήτων καὶ -πάντα ματαιότης</span>. For these are words which should be -inscribed on our walls and on our garments, in the market-place, -by the wayside, on our doors, but above all should -they be written in the conscience, and engraved upon the -mind of every one.” Then, turning towards the pitiable -figure by the holy table: “Did I not continually warn thee -that wealth was a runaway slave, a thankless servant? but -thou wouldst not heed, thou wouldst not be persuaded. -Lo! now experience has proved to thee that it is not only -fugitive and thankless, but murderous also; for this it is -which has caused thee to tremble now with fear. Did not -I declare, when you rebuked me for telling you the truth, -‘I love thee better than thy flatterers; I who reprove thee -care for thee more than thy complaisant friends?’ Did I not -add that the wounds inflicted by a friend were to be valued -more than the kisses given by an enemy? If thou hadst -endured my wounds, the kisses of thy enemies would not -have wrought thee this destruction.”... “We act not like -thy false friends, who have fled from thee, and are procuring -their own safety through thy distress; the Church, which -you treated as an enemy, has opened her bosom to receive -thee; the theatre, which you favoured, has betrayed thee, and -whetted the sword against thee.”<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">483</a> He thus depicted, he -said, the abject condition of the minister, not from any desire -to insult the prostrate, not to drown one who was tossed on -the billows of misfortune; but to warn those who were still -sailing with a fair wind, lest they should be hurried into the -same abyss. Who had been more exalted than this man? -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span>Had he not surpassed all in wealth? had he not climbed to -the very pinnacle of grandeur? yet now he had become more -miserable than a prisoner, more pitiable than a slave.... -It was the glory of the Church to have afforded shelter to -an enemy; the suppliant was the ornament of the altar. -“What!” you say, “is this iniquitous, rapacious creature an -ornament to the altar?” Hush! the sinful woman was permitted -to touch the feet of Jesus Christ Himself, a permission -which excites not our reproach, but our admiration and -praise.... The degradation of Eutropius was a wholesome -example both to the rich and poor. “Let some rich man -enter the church, and he will derive much advantage from -what he sees. The spectacle of one, lately at the pinnacle of -power, now crouching with fear like a hare or a frog, chained -to yonder pillar not by fetters, but by fright, will repress -arrogance, and subdue pride, and will teach him the truth of -the Scripture precept: ‘All flesh is grass, and all the glory -of man as the flower of grass.’ On the other hand, let a poor -man enter, and he will learn not to be discontented, or to -deplore his lot; but will be grateful to his poverty, which -is to him as a most secure asylum, a most tranquil haven, a -most impenetrable fortress.”<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">484</a> The Archbishop concluded by -exhorting the people to mercy and forgiveness, following the -example of their Emperor. How else could they with a clear -conscience join in the Holy Mysteries about to be celebrated, -or join in the prayer: “Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive -them that trespass against us?” He did not deny that the -offender had committed great crimes, but the present was a -season not for judgment but for mercy. If they would enjoy -the favour of God, who had declared, “I will have mercy and -not sacrifice,” they would intercede with the Emperor for the -life of their enemy. So would they obtain the mercy of -God for themselves, and remission of their own sins; so -would they shed glory on their Church, and win the praise -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>of their humane sovereign, while their own clemency would -be extolled to the ends of the earth.”</p> - -<p>The people probably thought that sufficient mercy had -already been exercised by respecting the asylum of the -Church as against the law, and no further effort, so far as -is known, was made on behalf of the fallen minister. He -remained for several days more in the sanctuary, and then -secretly and suddenly quitted it. Whether he fled designedly, -mistrusting the security of his retreat, perhaps even, with -the suspiciousness natural to a deceitful person, mistrusting -the fidelity of his protectors, and hoping to make his escape -from Constantinople in disguise; or whether he surrendered -himself on the condition that exile should be substituted for -capital punishment, cannot with perfect certainty be determined. -It is implied by one writer<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">485</a> that he was seized and -forcibly removed from the sanctuary. Chrysostom, on the -other hand, declares that he would never have been given up, -had he not abandoned the Church.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">486</a> However and wherever he -may have been captured, some promise appears to have been -made that his life at least should be spared. He was put on -board a vessel which conveyed him to Cyprus, that island -being designed, it was said, to be the place of his banishment -for the remainder of his life.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">487</a> But his enemies had -determined that his life should be brief. A suit was instituted -against him at Constantinople on a variety of charges -under the presidency of Aurelian, Prætorian Prefect. Over -and above all his other crimes, he was found guilty of -mingling with the ordinary costume of the consul certain -ornaments or badges which belonged exclusively to the -Emperors, and even of harnessing to his chariot animals of -the imperial colour and breed. These were found to be -treasonable offences, on the strength of which, in spite of -some misgivings and hesitation on the part of Arcadius, -which were overruled by Eudoxia and Gaïnas, the miserable -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>culprit was recalled from Cyprus to Chalcedon, and there -beheaded. As he entered that city, he might have seen -affixed to the walls the imperial sentence, by the terms of -which his property was declared confiscated to the State, his -acts as consul were cancelled, the title of the year was -changed, the world invited to rejoice at the purification of -the consulship, and to cease to groan over the sight of the -monstrosity which had disgraced and disfigured the divine -honour of that sacred office. Finally, it was commanded -that all statues or representations whatever of Eutropius -in public places should be thrown down and broken in -pieces.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">488</a></p> - -<p>Thus the earnest desire of Eudoxia was accomplished: -she remained mistress of the field, mistress, as she fondly -hoped, of the Empire. The government for the present -passed from the hands of a eunuch and slave into the hands -of a woman. The possible rivals to her supremacy were -the Gothic commander Gaïnas and the Archbishop. In -what manner she was brought into hostile collision with -these two very different personages remains now to be -related. The Goth was determined in the ambitious pursuit -of power, the Archbishop equally determined in the conscientious -discharge of duty. The collision of the ruling -powers with him was yet to come, but the contest with -Gaïnas immediately succeeded the fall of Eutropius.</p> - -<p>The Empress procured the elevation of Aurelian, Prætorian -Prefect, to the consulship, and of her favourite (some -said her criminal lover<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">489</a>), Count John, to the office of Comptroller -of the Royal Treasury, or sacred largesses. The -public affairs of the Empire were discussed and settled in -a sort of cabinet council by her and her friends, of whom -three wealthy but avaricious ladies, Castricia, Eugraphia, -and Marcia, were the most influential. The haughty and -manly spirit of the Gothic warrior naturally disdained to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>be directed by a coterie of women. He united his army -with that of Tribigild, and the two forces assumed a menacing -attitude in the vicinity of Constantinople, on the Asiatic -side of the Bosporus. Gaïnas opened negotiations with the -Emperor, refusing to communicate with any lesser power, -complained that his services had been inadequately requited, -and demanded, as a preliminary to any further correspondence, -the surrender of three principal favourites at Court—Aurelian -the Consul, Saturninus the husband of Castricia, -and the Count John. The embarrassment of the Court was -extreme; but the three ministers, in a genuine spirit, to all -appearance, of Roman courage and self-sacrifice for the good -of the State, crossed the Bosporus, and sent word to the -camp of Gaïnas that they had come to surrender themselves -into his hands. The chieftain subjected them to a grim -practical jest. He caused them to be loaded with chains, -and received them in his tent in the presence of an executioner. -After all manner of insults had been heaped upon -them, the executioner approached and swung his sword over -them with a furious countenance as if on the point of decapitating, -but, checking the impending blow, only made a -slight scratch on their necks so as just to draw blood. -This savage farce having been performed, the three were -simply detained in the camp without suffering further -violence.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">490</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom appears to have laboured diligently to mitigate -the demands of Gaïnas. His language, in a homily -delivered just after the surrender of the three captives, -implies that some degree of success had attended his efforts, -but it manifests also a feeling of great depression, caused -by the unsettled, indeed anarchical, state of public affairs.</p> - -<p>“After a long interval of silence, I return to you, my -beloved disciples—a silence occasioned, not by any indifference -or indolence, but by my absence spent in earnest -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>endeavours to allay a tempest, and to bring into a haven -those who were beginning to drown.”... “For this purpose -I have withdrawn from you for a time, going backwards -and forwards” [across the Bosporus], “exhorting, -beseeching, supplicating, so as to avert the calamity which -was impending over the higher powers. But now that these -dismal matters have been concluded I return to you....” -He had gone to rescue those who were falling and tempest-tossed; -he came back to confirm those who were still standing -and at rest, lest they should become victims of some -calamity. “For there is nothing secure, nothing stable in -human affairs; they are like a raging sea, every day producing -strange and fearful shipwrecks. The world is full of -tumult and confusion; everywhere are cliffs and precipices, -rocks and reefs, fearfulness and trembling, peril and suspicion. -No one trusts any one; each man is afraid of his -neighbour. The time is at hand which the prophet depicted -in those words: ‘Trust not in a friend, put not confidence in -a guide’ (Micah vii. 5); civil strife prevails everywhere, -not honest open warfare, but veiled under ten thousand -masks. Many are the fleeces beneath which are concealed -innumerable wolves; so that one might live more safely -among enemies than among those who appear to be friends.”<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">491</a></p> - -<p>It is possible that the intercessions of Chrysostom may -have saved the lives of the three captives, or averted any -immediate assault of the Gothic army; but Gaïnas was in -a position to dictate any terms he pleased, and his army -was like a great swelling wave, threatening at any moment -to break in overwhelming force upon the capital. An interview -with the Emperor, protected from any insidious attack -by the solemn oath of each party, took place in the church -of St. Euphemia, situated on a lofty eminence above the city -of Chalcedon. The Gothic leader no longer pretended to -disguise his ambitious designs. He demanded to be made -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span> -Consul and Commander-in-chief of the Imperial army, -cavalry and infantry, Roman as well as barbarian troops; in -short, he aspired to be in position the Stilicho of the East. -The Emperor yielded to these ignominious terms, which in -effect placed his capital at the mercy of a foreign invader. -The troops were rapidly transported from the Asiatic side -of the Bosporus and occupied Constantinople. They waited -but the word of their commander to fly upon the booty with -which the wealthy and luxurious city teemed, and which -they beheld with hungry eyes; but for a time the signal -was not given.<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">492</a></p> - -<p>Gaïnas, either from sincere attachment to the Arian form -of faith, or possibly from ambition to display his power -to his countrymen, who were mainly of the Arian persuasion, -demanded the abolition of that law of Theodosius by -which Arians were prohibited from public worship inside -the city walls. He represented that it was specially indecorous -for the Commander-in-chief of the Imperial forces -to go outside the city to pay his public devotions. Arcadius, -intimidated, and as usual on the point of yielding, referred -the matter to the Archbishop. Chrysostom earnestly and -indignantly deprecated any concession; to give up one of -the Catholic churches to the Arians would be to cast things -holy to the dogs, and to reward the impious at the expense -of the reverent worshippers of Jesus Christ. He begged -the Emperor to allow the whole matter to be discussed -between himself and Gaïnas in the royal presence, when -he trusted that, by the help of God, he should succeed -in silencing the Gothic heretic, and in repressing any repetition -of his profane demand.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">493</a> Gaïnas was not averse -from the interview; he rather prided himself on his skill -in theological debate, and boasted of having vanquished -the monk Nilus on the question of the identity, or -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>similarity, of substance in the first two Persons of the Holy -Trinity.<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">494</a> The Emperor was well satisfied to act the part of -a quiet, irresponsible auditor. Accordingly, on the following -day, Chrysostom appeared at the palace, accompanied by all -those bishops who were in Constantinople at the time. -Gaïnas put forward his demand. The Archbishop replied -that it was impossible for a prince who laid claim to piety -to take any step adverse to the interests of the Catholic -faith. If Gaïnas wished to worship inside the walls, all the -churches in the city were open to him. When the Goth -claimed a right to possess one for his own sect, in consideration -of his great services to the State, Chrysostom repelled -the demand with indignant scorn. “You have already -rewards far exceeding your deserts; you are Commander-in-chief -and Consul. Consider what once you were, and what -now you are; consider your former destitution and your -present abundance. Look at the magnificence of your consular -robes, and remember the rags in which you crossed -the Danube. Speak not then of ingratitude on the part of -those who have laden you with honours. Remember the -oaths by which you swore fidelity to the great Theodosius -and to his children.” He then cited the prohibitory law -issued by Theodosius in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381, called upon the Emperor to -enforce it, and on the Gothic commander to observe it. The -ecclesiastical historians concur in affirming that the Goth -was completely vanquished by the authoritative demeanour -and eloquence of the Archbishop, and for the time at least -desisted from pressing his demand; but it appears that -Arcadius was obliged to satisfy his rapacity by melting the -plate of the Apostles’ Church.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">495</a></p> - -<p>Possibly, indeed, extortion of money had been the object -of Gaïnas from the beginning in making his demand for an -Arian church. The plunder-loving spirit of his army was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>aroused, and the gold and silver visible on the counters of -money-changers, and in the shops of wealthy jewellers, was -a temptation constantly dangling before their eyes, till a -rumour of violent intentions, or perhaps common prudence, -caused the owners to remove these alluring treasures into -secret places of safety. If the enemy had entertained any -design upon the shops, it was transferred from them to the -palace, upon which they made a nocturnal assault. According -to some accounts, it was repulsed by the vigorous -courage of the citizens, who fell with arms upon the assailants; -according to others, Gaïnas was scared in several -attempts by a vision of an angelic host planted in bright -array around the walls of the palace.<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">496</a> The materials for -the history of these occurrences are so meagre that it is -impossible to ascertain details, but, from whatever cause, -Gaïnas resolved to escape from the city. Fearing that if -he attempted to quit it openly with his troops, he might -be forcibly stopped or impeded in his departure, he -pretended to be under the influence of a demon and that -he desired to offer up prayers for relief from his affliction at -the martyry of St. John at Hebdomon, seven miles outside -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>As he was going out, however, by one of the gates on this -pretext, the guards stationed at the gate perceived that his -followers were taking with them a quantity of arms which -they endeavoured to conceal. The guards refused to let -them pass; a fray ensued in which the guards were killed. -The inhabitants were seized with mingled rage and terror. -Gaïnas was declared by royal decree a public enemy. He -himself was outside the walls, and the city gates were now -all closed to cut him off and such forces as were with him -from those who were left inside Constantinople. A large -number of these assembled in and around the church of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>Goths. Here they were attacked by the infuriated populace, -which set fire to the building. The Goths perished wholesale -in the flames or by the sword. Gaïnas, with the remainder -of his followers, betook himself to a life of plunder -in the Thracian Chersonese. But he found the inhabitants -generally prepared to offer a stout resistance to his pillaging -bands, which were soon reduced to great straits for subsistence. -Meanwhile, a countryman of his in Constantinople -was organising measures for his destruction. Fravitta was -one of those Goths who had become assimilated to the people -among whom they lived. He had married a Roman lady, -and was eminent alike for refinement of manners, for valour -in arms, and for honest fidelity to the government which he -served.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">497</a> He offered to lead out such forces as could be -placed at his disposal, pledged himself to clear the Chersonese -of the rebels, and drive them, if necessary, beyond the -Danube. The offer was accepted with joy, and Fravitta -defeated the enemy in several engagements. Gaïnas -attempted to cross the Hellespont, and throw his troops -again into the fertile regions of Asia Minor; but his flimsy -fleet of hastily-constructed rafts, being attacked by a well-managed -body of galleys in the middle of the passage, was -dispersed or broken in pieces, and a large part of his army -was drowned. Gaïnas then determined, with the remnant -of his followers, to beat a hasty retreat in the direction of -the Danube, where he hoped to be joined by some of his -own countrymen, and renew the offensive. The accounts of -his march are not quite harmonious, and somewhat obscure. -According to Zosimus,<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">498</a> he was hotly pursued by Fravitta -from place to place, across the range of Hæmus up to the -shores of the Danube, into the waters of which he plunged -on horseback, and with a scanty band of followers gained -the opposite bank, intending thence to make his way to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>settlements of his forefathers on the banks of the Pruth or -Borysthenes. But his design was frustrated by an unexpected -enemy. The Huns occupied at that time the region -immediately north of the Danube, and their king, Uldes or -Uldin, was disposed to enter into friendly relations with -the Roman Empire. He took up the pursuit which Fravitta -had abandoned at the river frontier, chased the unhappy -Goth like a wild beast from one hiding-place to another, till -at last the prey was caught and killed. His head was -carried on the point of a lance to Constantinople, as a visible -pledge of the good-will of the Hunnish chief. Sozomen and -Socrates,<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">499</a> on the other hand, represent him to have been -overtaken, routed, and slain by Roman troops in Thrace.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">500</a></p> - -<p>Theodoret has a vague story of his own, that when Gaïnas -was ravaging Thrace, neither warrior nor ambassador could -be found courageous enough to encounter him but Chrysostom, -who, yielding to the public appeal, set forth to intercede, -and was most respectfully received by the barbarian, -who placed the right hand of the Archbishop on his own -eyes, and brought his children to his knees—it may be presumed, -to receive his blessing. Theodoret does not venture -to affirm that the mission availed to induce the Goth to lay -down his arms, and the whole story has an unreal and -romantic character.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">501</a></p> - -<p>Three aspirants to the absolute control of the Eastern -Empire, widely different in race, character, and original -condition of life—Rufinus, Eutropius, Gaïnas—had alike -perished by a violent death. Fravitta was made consul, but -he was too loyal or too unambitious to go beyond the line -of his legitimate power. Eudoxia now stood without a rival -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span>in the management of the Emperor and the kingdom. Her -influence over her husband was enhanced by the birth of a -prince, who afterwards mounted the throne as Theodosius <span class="smcap">II.</span>; -and thus the final obstacle was removed to her being solemnly -proclaimed Empress under the venerable title of Augusta.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XVI.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">CHRYSOSTOM’S VISIT TO ASIA—DEPOSITION OF SIX SIMONIACAL BISHOPS—LEGITIMATE -EXTENT OF HIS JURISDICTION—RETURN TO CONSTANTINOPLE—RUPTURE -AND RECONCILIATION WITH SEVERIAN, BISHOP -OF GABALA—CHRYSOSTOM’S INCREASING UNPOPULARITY WITH THE -CLERGY AND WEALTHY LAITY—HIS FRIENDS—OLYMPIAS THE DEACONESS—FORMATION -OF HOSTILE FACTIONS, WHICH INVITE THE AID OF -THEOPHILUS, PATRIARCH OF ALEXANDRIA. A.D. 400, 401.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Up</span> to this point the episcopal career of Chrysostom may be -pronounced eminently successful. He had distinguished -himself not only as a vigorous reformer of ecclesiastical -discipline, an eloquent master of pure Christian doctrine, -and preacher of lofty Christian morality, but he had done -good service to the State; and even while he upheld with -inflexible firmness the full rights of the Church, he had not -by overbearing or haughty independence forfeited the goodwill, -respect, and admiration of the Emperor and Eudoxia. -But now the horizon gradually darkens. We have to begin -unravelling a tangled skein of troubles, to trace a series of -subtle intrigues, against which the single-minded honesty of -Chrysostom was ill matched, ultimately bringing about his -degradation, exile, and death. We are fortunate in possessing, -to guide us among these complicated proceedings, the -narrative of one who was not only an eye-witness, but an -actor in many of the scenes which he relates.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">502</a></p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span></p> -<p>In the spring of the year <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 400, during the military -usurpation of Gaïnas, twenty-two prelates had assembled in -Constantinople to confer with the Archbishop on ecclesiastical -business.<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">503</a> Palladius has mentioned the names of a -few, Theotimus from Scythia, Ammon an Egyptian from -Thrace, Arabianus from Galatia. One Sunday when the -conclave was sitting, Eusebius, bishop of Valentinopolis in -Asia, apparently not himself a member of the synod, entered -the place of assembly, and presented a document addressed -to the Archbishop as President, which contained seven grave -charges against Antoninus, bishop of Ephesus: “He had -melted down some of the sacred vessels to make plate for -his son; he had transferred some of the marble at the -entrance of the baptistry to his own bath; he had placed -some fallen columns which belonged to the Church in his -own dining-room; he had retained in his employment a -servant who had committed murder; he had taken possession -of some property in land which had been left to the -Church by Basilina, the mother of Julian; he had resumed -intercourse with his wife, and had children born to him, -after his ordination; lastly, the worst offence of all, he had -instituted a regular system of selling bishoprics on a scale -proportioned to the revenue of the sees.” Chrysostom probably -perceived, or suspected from the eagerness of the -accuser, that he entertained some personal animosity towards -the accused. He replied with calmness and caution: -“Brother Eusebius, since accusations made under the influence -of agitated feelings are often not easy to prove, -let me beseech you to withdraw the written accusation, -while we endeavour to correct the causes of your annoyance.” -Eusebius waxed hot, and repeated his tale of -charges with much vehemence and acrimony of tone. The -hour of service was approaching; Chrysostom committed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span>to Paul, bishop of Heraclea, who appeared friendly to -Antoninus, the task of attempting to conciliate Eusebius, -and passed with the remainder of the prelates into the -cathedral.</p> - -<p>The opening salutation, “Peace be with you,” was pronounced -by the Archbishop as he took his seat in the centre -of the other bishops, ranged, according to custom, on either -side of him round the wall of the choir or tribune. The -service was proceeding, when, to the amazement alike of the -clergy and the congregation, Eusebius abruptly entered the -choir, hurried up to the Archbishop, and again presented -the document of charges, adjuring him by the life of the -Emperor and other tremendous oaths to attend to its contents. -From the agitation of his manner, the people -imagined that he must be a suppliant entreating the Archbishop -to intercede with the Emperor for his life. To avoid -a disturbance in the face of the congregation, Chrysostom -received the paper of charges, but when the lessons for the -day had been read, and the Liturgy of the Faithful (Missa -Fidelium) was about to begin, he desired Pansophius, bishop -of Pissida, to “offer the gifts,” and, with the rest of the -prelates, quitted the church. His serenity of mind was -ruffled by the impetuous behaviour of Eusebius, and he -dreaded the possibility of infringing our Lord’s command -to abstain from bringing a gift to the altar when “thy -brother hath aught against thee.” After the conclusion of -the service, he took his seat with the other bishops in the -baptistry, and summoned Eusebius into the presence of the -conclave. Once more the accuser was warned not to -advance charges which he might not be able to substantiate, -and was reminded that when once the indictment had been -formally lodged, he could not, being a bishop, retract the -prosecution. Eusebius, however, intimated his willingness -to accept all the responsibility of persevering with the -accusation. The list of charges was then formally read.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span> -The bishops concurred in pronouncing each of the alleged -offences to be a gross violation of ecclesiastical law, but -recommended that Antoninus should be tried upon the -cardinal crime of simony, since this transcended, and in a -manner comprehended, all the rest. “Love of money was -the root of all evil;” and he who would basely sell for -money the highest spiritual office, would not scruple to -dispose of sacred vessels, marbles, or land belonging to the -Church. The Archbishop then turned to the accused: -“What say you, brother Antoninus, to these things?” The -Bishop of Ephesus replied by a flat denial of the charges. -A similar question being addressed to some of the bishops -there present, described as purchasers of their sees, was -answered by a similar denial. An examination of such -witnesses as could be procured lasted till two o’clock in the -day, when, owing to the lack of further evidence, the proceedings -were adjourned. Considering the gravity of the -affair, and the inconvenience of collecting the witnesses -from Asia, the Archbishop announced his intention of paying -a visit to Asia Minor in person. Antoninus, conscious of -guilt, and aware of the rigorous scrutiny to which his conduct -would be subjected, was now thoroughly alarmed. He -made interest with a nobleman at court, whose estates he -managed (contrary to ecclesiastical law) in Asia, and besought -him to prevent the visit of the Archbishop, pledging -himself to present the necessary witnesses at Constantinople. -The Archbishop, accordingly, found his intended departure -opposed by the Court. It was represented that the absence -of the chief pastor from the capital, undesirable at all times, -might be especially inconvenient at a crisis when tumults -were apprehended from the movements of Gaïnas; and it -was unnecessary, as the appearance of witnesses from Asia -in due time was guaranteed.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">504</a> Any delay was an immediate -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span>relief to the accused; and there was a further hope that, -by bribery or intimidation, the ultimate production of the -witnesses might be prevented. But he was disappointed; -for though the Archbishop consented to defer his own visit -to Asia, he appointed, with the sanction of the synod, three -delegates to proceed thither immediately and institute an -inquiry into the case of Antoninus.</p> - -<p>The delegates were instructed to hold their court at -Hypœpœ, a town not far from Ephesus, in conjunction with -the bishops of the province; and the Archbishop and his -synod further determined, that if either the accuser or -accused failed to appear there within two months, he should -be excommunicated. One of the delegates, Hesychius, -bishop of Parium on the Hellespont, was a friend of -Antoninus, and withdrew from the mission under the pretence -of illness; the other two, Syncletius, bishop of -Trajanopolis in Thrace, and Palladius, bishop of Hellenopolis -in Bithynia, proceeded to Smyrna, announced their -arrival to the accuser and defendant by letter, and summoned -them to appear at Hypœpœ within the appointed -time. The summons was obeyed, but the appearance of the -two was only for the purpose of playing off a farce before -the commissioners. Strange to relate, a reconciliation had -taken place between Antoninus and his apparently implacable -accuser. Eusebius had yielded to the temptation to -commit the very crime which he had so vehemently denounced. -A bribe of money had quelled his righteous -indignation; plaintiff and defendant were now accomplices, -whose one interest was to conceal their joint iniquities. -They professed great willingness to produce their witnesses, -but pleaded the difficulty of collecting persons who lived in -different and distant places, and were engaged in various -occupations. The commissioners requested the accuser to -name a period within which he could guarantee the appearance -of his witnesses. Eusebius required forty days. As<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span> -this space of time covered the hottest part of the summer, it -was hoped that the patience or health of the commissioners -would be too much exhausted at the expiration of it to -prosecute the inquiry. Eusebius then departed, ostensibly to -search for witnesses; but, in fact, he quietly sneaked away -to Constantinople, and concealed himself in some obscure -corner in that great city. The forty days expired, and, -Eusebius not appearing, the two delegates wrote to the -bishops of Asia, pronouncing him excommunicated for contumacy. -They lingered a whole month longer in Asia, and -then returned to Constantinople. Here they chanced to -light upon Eusebius, and upbraided him with his faithless -conduct. He affected to have been ill, and renewed his -promises to produce witnesses. During these prolonged -delays Antoninus died; and Chrysostom now received -earnest solicitations from the clergy of Ephesus, and from -the neighbouring bishops, to apply a healing hand to the -wounds and diseases of the Asiatic Church. “We beseech -your Dignity<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">505</a> to come down and stamp a divine impress on -the Church of Ephesus, which has long been distressed, -partly by the adherents of Arius, partly by those who, in the -midst of their avarice and arrogance, pretend to be on our -side; for very many are they who lie in wait like grievous -wolves, eager to seize the episcopal throne by money.”<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">506</a></p> - -<p>The death of Gaïnas in January, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 401, set Chrysostom -free to comply with this earnest appeal to his authority and -aid. It was the depth of the winter season; his health was -infirm and impaired by the strain of the past year’s anxiety -and toil; but the zeal of the Archbishop disregarded these -impediments. He embarked at Constantinople without -delay, leaving Severian, Bishop of Gabala, to act as deputy -bishop in his absence. Such a violent north wind sprang up -soon after starting, that the crew of the vessel, afraid of being -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>driven on Proconnesus, lay at anchor for two days under -shelter of the promontory of Trito. On the third day they -took advantage of a southerly breeze to land near Apamea -in Bithynia, where Chrysostom was joined by three bishops, -Paul of Heraclea, Cyrinus of Chalcedon, and Palladius of -Hellenopolis. With these companions he proceeded by land -to Ephesus. There he was received with hearty welcome by -the clergy and by seventy bishops.</p> - -<p>The first business to which the Archbishop and this -council of prelates addressed themselves was the election of -a new bishop to the see of Ephesus. As usual there were -many rival candidates, and factions supporting each with -equal vehemence. Chrysostom fell back on the expedient of -putting forward a candidate regarded with indifference by all -parties. The plan succeeded, and Heracleides was elected. -He was a deacon of three years’ standing, ordained by Chrysostom, -and in immediate attendance on him; a native of -Cyprus, who had received an ascetic training in the desert of -Scetis, a man of ability and learning. He comes before us -again as a fellow-sufferer with the Archbishop, to whom he -had owed his elevation.</p> - -<p>Not long after the arrival of Chrysostom, Eusebius, the -original persecutor of Antoninus and of the simoniacal -bishops, appeared, and requested to be re-admitted to communion -with his brethren. The request was not immediately -granted; but it was determined to proceed with the trial of -the accused bishops, to prove whose guilt Eusebius affirmed -that he could produce abundant evidence. The witnesses -were examined, and the crime being considered fully proven -in the case of six bishops, the offenders were summoned into -the presence of the council. At first they stoutly denied -their guilt, but finally gave way before the minute and -circumstantial depositions of lay, clerical, and even female -witnesses as to the place, time, and quality of the purchases -which they had transacted. They pleaded partly the pre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>valence -of the custom in excuse for their crime, and partly -their anxiety to be exempted from the burden of discharging -curial duties; that is, from serving on the common and -municipal council of their city. Every estate-holder to the -amount of twenty-five acres of land was bound to serve in -the curia of his city. Many of the functions incident to -that office, such as the assessment and collection of imposts, -were (especially under an ill-administered despotism) invidious -and onerous. Constantine had exempted the clergy -from curial office, and the consequence was that many men -got themselves ordained simply to evade the disagreeable -duty; and this becoming detrimental both to the Church -and State, the law of Constantine underwent modifications -by his successors. The Church passed canons forbidding -those who were curiales to be ordained, the effect of which -was to diminish the number of wealthy men who entered -the ranks of the clergy.<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">507</a> The Asiatic bishops, therefore, if -curiales when ordained, had acted against the laws of the -Church, and could not legally have claimed exemption from -curial duties on the ground of their orders. They sued for -mercy to the council; they entreated that, if deprived of -their sees, the money which they had paid to obtain them -might be returned. In many cases it had been procured -with much difficulty; some had even parted with the furniture -of their wives to raise the requisite amount. The -Archbishop undertook to intercede with the Emperor for -their exemption from curial duty; the ecclesiastical question -he submitted to the council. The decision of the prelates, -under the influence of their president, was temperate and -wise. The six bishops were to be deprived of their sees, but -allowed to receive the Eucharist inside the altar rails with -the clergy, and the heirs of Antoninus were required to -restore their purchase-money to them. The deposed prelates -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>were superseded by the appointment of six men, unmarried, -eminent for learning and purity of life.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">508</a></p> - -<p>On his return through Bithynia the Archbishop was -detained by a not less difficult and delicate piece of business. -Gerontius, Archbishop of Nicomedia, the metropolitan of -Bithynia, was a singular specimen of an ecclesiastical -adventurer. He had been a deacon at Milan, but was -expelled by Ambrose for misconduct. He made his way to -Constantinople, where, by general cleverness, and by some -real or pretended skill in medicine, he became a favourite -with people of rank, and through the interest of some influential -friends obtained the See of Nicomedia. He was -consecrated by Helladius, bishop of Heraclea, for whose son -Gerontius had managed to procure a high appointment in -the army. The new bishop of Nicomedia gained the attachment -of his people, again it is said, through his skill in -curing diseases of the body rather than of the soul. Ambrose -incessantly demanded of Nectarius, then Patriarch of Constantinople, -that he should be deposed; but Nectarius did -not venture to incur the displeasure of the Nicomedians. -The bolder spirit and more scrupulous conscience of Chrysostom -did not hesitate to strike the blow which his more -worldly and courtly predecessor had shrunk from striking. -Gerontius was deposed, whether by the sole authority of the -Archbishop, or by the decree of a council acting under his -influence, is not stated. Pansophius, formerly tutor to the -Empress, a man of piety, wisdom, and gentleness, was promoted -to the see. But the Nicomedians bewailed the loss of -their favourite; they went about the streets in procession, -singing litanies, as if in the time of some great national -calamity.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">509</a></p> - -<p>Before quitting Asia, Chrysostom is also said to have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>taken active measures for the suppression of the worship -of Midas at Ephesus, and of Cybele in Phrygia.<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">510</a> All -these proceedings are worth recording, not only as of -some ecclesiastical interest in themselves, but also because -they were all remembered and turned against him by his -enemies. It has been much debated whether Chrysostom, -by his acts in Asia, overstrained his legal powers, or rather, -whether he exceeded the legal boundaries of his jurisdiction -as Patriarch of Constantinople. The fact seems to be that -the importance of his see was in that growing state which -enabled the possessor of it, if a man of energy and ability, to -go great lengths without any exception being taken to his -authority, unless and until a hostile feeling was provoked -against him. By the Council of Constantinople, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381, -the Patriarch of that city was restricted in his jurisdiction to -the diocese of Thrace.<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">511</a> His authority over the dioceses of -Asia Minor and Pontus was not established till the Council -of Chalcedon, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 451, when there was a long discussion on -the subject, and the papal legates especially resisted any -claim to such an extension; but it was affirmed that the -Patriarchs had <em>long enjoyed</em> the privilege of ordaining metropolitans -to the provinces of those dioceses, and so it was -finally conveyed to them by that Council; and the additional -right was granted them of hearing appeals from these -metropolitans.<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">512</a> Theodoret (c. 28) simply observes that the -jurisdiction of Chrysostom extended not only over the six -provinces of Thrace, but also over Asia and Pontus. The -Council of Constantinople gave the bishop of that see the -first rank after the Bishop of Rome, because Constantinople -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>was “a new Rome.” The Council of Chalcedon declared -him for the same reason to be invested with <em>equal</em> privileges.</p> - -<p>Chrysostom was welcomed, on his return to Constantinople, -with hearty demonstrations of joy. On the following -day he was at his post in the cathedral, and once more -addressing his beloved flock. In somewhat rapturous language -he expresses his thankfulness at learning that their -fidelity to the Church, and their attachment to their spiritual -father, had not been impaired by his absence, which had -lasted more than a hundred days. They were disappointed -that he had not returned in time to celebrate Easter with -them. But he consoles them by representing that every -participation of the Eucharist was a kind of Easter. “<em>As -often</em> as ye eat this bread, ye do show forth the Lord’s death -till He come.” “They were not tied to time and place like -the Jew. Wherever and whenever the Christian celebrated -that holy feast with joy and love, there was the true Paschal -Festival.”<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">513</a> They regretted also that so many had been -baptized by other hands than his. “What then? that does -not impair the gift of God; <em>I</em> was not present when they -were baptized, but <em>Christ</em> was present.” “In a document -signed by the Emperor, the only question of importance is -the autograph; the quality of the ink and paper matters not. -Even so in baptism, the tongue and the hand of the priest -are but as the paper and pen: the hand which writes is the -Holy Spirit Himself.”<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">514</a></p> - -<p>The thankfulness and joy of Chrysostom at the affectionate -reception with which he was greeted by the people were -probably felt and expressed the more warmly, owing to some -unpleasant accounts which had been forwarded to him by -his deacon Serapion, that Severian, Bishop of Gabala, had -been endeavouring to undermine his influence in his absence. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>It will be remembered that to Severian Chrysostom had -intrusted his episcopal duties during his visitation journey -in Asia. The circumstance of a bishop of Syria residing for -so long a time in Constantinople is worth considering, and -affords a curious insight into the character of the times. -Antiochus, Bishop of Ptolemais in Phœnicia, had a reputation -as a learned and eloquent man; he paid a visit to Constantinople, -and excited much admiration by his discourses. -Severian, hearing of his success, was animated by a spirit of -emulation, if not envy, which could not be satisfied till he -had exhibited his powers on the same theatre. He carefully -composed a large stock of sermons, and set out to try his -fortune in the capital. The unsuspicious and generous -Archbishop received him cordially, and frequently invited -him to preach. Severian possessed some powers of speaking, -though he had a harsh provincial accent, and he exerted all -his eloquence in the church, and all his arts of flattery out -of it, to win the confidence and admiration, not only of the -Archbishop, but also of the chief personages at court, and -even the Emperor and Empress. It was with their full -approval that he remained as deputy of the Archbishop -during his sojourn in Asia. But he found himself narrowly -and suspiciously watched by the Archdeacon Serapion, who -opposed some of his proceedings as arbitrary, and made no -concealment of his dislike. One day after the return of -Chrysostom, Severian passed through an apartment of the -episcopal palace where Serapion was sitting. Serapion rose -not to make the customary salutation of respect. Severian, -irritated by his discourtesy, exclaimed in a loud voice: “If -Serapion dies a Christian, then Jesus Christ was not incarnate.” -The last clause only of the sentence was repeated by -Serapion to Chrysostom. It was corroborated by witnesses; -the indignation of the Archbishop was excited. Severian -was peremptorily commanded to quit the city. The Empress -resented the expulsion of a favourite preacher, and com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span>manded -the Archbishop to recall him. Chrysostom yielded -so far, but was inflexible in his refusal to admit the offender -to communion, till Eudoxia came in person to the Church of -the Apostles, placed her infant son Theodosius on his knees, -and conjured him by solemn oaths to listen to her request. -The Archbishop then, but with some reluctance, consented.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">515</a> -He was, however, thoroughly honest in doing that to which -he had once made up his mind. Fearing that his congregation, -in their zealous attachment to him, might disapprove of -the reconciliation, he delivered a short address on the subject. -He was their spiritual father, and he trusted therefore they -would extend to him the respect and obedience of affectionate -and dutiful children. He came to them with the most -appropriate message that could be delivered by the mouth of -a bishop—a message of peace and love. There was also a -further duty incumbent on all—respectful submission to the -civil powers. If the apostle Paul said, “Be subject to -principalities and powers” (Tit. iii. 1), how especially was this -precept incumbent on the subjects of a religious sovereign -who laboured for the good of the Church? He besought them -to receive Severian with a full heart and with open arms. -The request was received by the congregation with expressions -of approbation. He thanked them for their obedience, -and concluded with a prayer that God would grant a fixed -and lasting peace to His Church.</p> - -<p>Severian addressed them the next day in a rhetorical and -artificial discourse on the beauty and blessings of peace—a -subject painfully incongruous with the subsequent conduct -of the speaker; for this misunderstanding with the Bishop of -Gabala was the first muttering of the storm which was soon -to burst over the head of the doomed Archbishop.<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">516</a></p> - -<p>The inevitable fate of one who attempts to reform a deeply -corrupt society, and a secularised clergy, on an ascetic model -befell Chrysostom. He lashed with almost equal severity -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span>the most unpardonable crimes and the more venial foibles -and follies of the age. His denunciations of heartless -rapacity, sensuality, luxury, addiction to debasing and -immoral amusements, might have been borne; but he presumed—an -intolerable offence!—to censure the fashionable -ladies for setting off their complexions with paint, and surmounting -their heads with piles of false hair. The clergy, -too, might have tolerated his condemnation of the grosser -offences, such as simony or concubinage, but they resented -his restraint of their indulgence in the pleasures of society, -and of their propensity to frequent the entertainments of the -noble and wealthy. He was, as Palladius expresses it, “like -a lamp burning before sore eyes,” for what he bade others -be, that he was pre-eminently himself.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">517</a> None could say that -he was one man in the pulpit and another out of it. To set -an example to his worldly clergy, and to avoid contamination, -he gave up his episcopal income, save what sufficed to -supply his simple daily wants. He resolutely abstained from -mingling in general society, and ate his frugal meals in the -seclusion of his own apartment. Thus, with the exception -of a few deeply attached friends, who measured practical -Christianity by the same standard as himself, he became -deeply unpopular among the upper ranks of society. With -the poor it was otherwise; they regarded him as a kind of -champion, because he denounced the oppressions and extortions -of the rich, and the tyranny of masters over slaves, -and because he was ever inculcating the duty of almsgiving. -In the eyes of his friends he was the saint, pure in life, severe -in discipline, sublime in doctrine; in the eyes of his enemies -he was the sacerdotal tyrant, odious to the clergy as an -inexorable enforcer of a rule of life intolerably rigid, odious -to clergy and laity as an inhospitable, if not haughty recluse; -a vigilant and merciless censor who rode roughshod over -established customs. Individuals at last, among clergy and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>laity, who conceived that they themselves, or at any rate -the section of society to which they belonged, were the butts -at which more especially the Archbishop aimed his shafts, -began to discuss their grievances, till their conferences -gradually assumed the shape of positive organised hostility -against the disturber of their peace. But before entering on -the troublous history of his enemies’ machinations, it may -be well to take a glance at the most conspicuous of Chrysostom’s -friends.</p> - -<p>The list of those who are known to us by more than their -mere names is soon exhausted. Among the clergy may be -reckoned Heracleides, made Bishop of Ephesus in the place -of Antoninus; Proclus, afterwards (in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 434) Patriarch -of Constantinople, at present the receiver of those who -demanded audiences with the Patriarch; Cassianus, founder -of the Monastery of St. Victor at Marseilles, and his friend -and companion Germanus; Helladius, the priest of the -palace, probably equivalent to private chaplain; Serapion, -the deacon<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">518</a> or archdeacon,<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">519</a> afterwards made Bishop of -Heraclea in Thrace, from which see he was expelled in the -persecution which befell Chrysostom’s followers. With -most of these men he maintained a constant and affectionate -intercourse or correspondence during his exile to the close -of his life. With such intimate companions and friends the -austerity and reserve of manner which he assumed towards -those outside this circle vanished. All the natural amiability -and playful humour of his disposition shone out when he -was in their company; he called some of them by nicknames -of his own invention, especially those who practised such -ascetic exercises as he specially approved.<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">520</a></p> - -<p>Three ladies are distinguished as among his most faithful -friends. Salvina was the daughter of the African rebel -Gildo, and had been married by Theodosius to Nebridius, -nephew of his Empress, in the hope—a vain one as it proved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>—that -this tie would attach Gildo to the Empire. Her -husband died young; she vowed perpetual widowhood, and -became the patroness and protectress at the court of Arcadius -of oriental churches and ecclesiastics.</p> - -<p>Pentadia was wife of the consul Timasius; and when her -husband was banished by Eutropius to the Oasis of Egypt, -she had been persecuted by the merciless tyrant, and fled -for refuge to the Church, where she was protected in -sanctuary by the Archbishop in spite of the opposition of -her persecutor.</p> - -<p>But by far the most eminent of Chrysostom’s female -friends was the deaconess Olympias. She sprang from a -noble but Pagan family. Her grandfather, Ablavius, was a -prætorian prefect, highly esteemed and trusted by Constantine -the Great, and her father, Seleucus, had attained the -rank of count. She was early left an orphan, endowed with -great personal beauty, and heiress to a vast fortune. Her -uncle and guardian, Procopius, was a man of probity and -piety, a friend and correspondent of Gregory Nazianzenus. -Her instructress also, Theodosia, sister of St. Amphilocius, -was a woman of piety; one whom Gregory recommended -Olympias to imitate as a very model of excellence in speech -and conduct. Under this happy training, the girl grew -up to emulate and surpass her preceptress in goodness. -Gregory delighted to call her “his own Olympias,” and to -be called “father” by her.<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">521</a> There could be no difficulty in -finding a suitor for a lady possessed of every attraction. -The anxiety of Procopius was to secure a worthy one. -Nebridius was selected; a young man, but high in official -rank; Count or Intendant of the Domain in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 382, Prefect -of Constantinople in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 386. They were wedded in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -384. Many bishops assisted at the ceremony, but Gregory -was prevented from attending by the state of his health. -He wrote a letter to Procopius, saying that in spirit, never<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>theless, -he would join their hands to one another and to -God. Part of the letter is written in a vein of sprightly -humour. “It would have been very unbecoming for a gouty -old fellow like himself to be seen hobbling about among the -dancers and merry-makers at the nuptials.”<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">522</a> He also -addressed a poem to Olympias, in which he gives her advice -how she ought to conduct herself as a married woman. She -did not long need his counsel. Nebridius died about two -years after their marriage. Olympias regarded this early -dissolution of the marriage-bond as an intimation of the -Divine will that she should henceforth live free from the -worldly entanglements and cares incident to married life. -The Emperor Theodosius desired to unite her to a Spaniard -named Elpidius, a kinsman of his own, but she steadfastly -refused. The Emperor acted in that despotic manner which -occasionally marred his usually generous character. He -ordered the property of Olympias to be confiscated till she -should be thirty years of age; she was even denied freedom -of intercourse with her episcopal friends, and of access to -the Church. But she only thanked the Emperor for those -deprivations, which were intended to make her hanker after -worldly life. “You have exercised towards your humble -handmaiden a virtue becoming a monarch and suitable even -to a bishop; you have directed what was to me a heavy -burden, and the distribution of it an anxiety, to be kept in -safe custody. You could not have conferred a greater -blessing upon me, unless you had ordered it to be bestowed -upon the churches and the poor.” The Emperor was softened; -at any rate he perceived the uselessness, if not the injustice, -of his treatment. He cancelled the order for the confiscation -of her property, and left her in the undisturbed enjoyment -of single life and of her possessions. Henceforward her -time and wealth were devoted to the interests of the Church. -She was the friend, entertainer, adviser of many of the most -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>eminent ecclesiastics of the day; the liberal patroness of -their works in Greece, Asia, Syria, not only by donations of -money but even of landed property. We may not admire -what was regarded in those days as among the most admirable -traits of saintliness, a total disregard to personal neatness -and cleanliness; but we can admire her frugal living, and -entire devotion of her time to ministering to the wants of -the sick, the needy, and the ignorant. Her too indiscriminate -liberality was restrained by Chrysostom, who represented to -her that, as her wealth was a trust committed to her by God, -she ought to be prudent in the distribution of it. This -salutary advice procured for him the ill-will of many -avaricious bishops and clergy, who had profited, or hoped -to profit, by her wealth.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">523</a> She, on her side, repaid the Archbishop -for his spiritual care by many little feminine attentions -to his bodily wants, especially by seeing that he was -supplied with wholesome food, and did not overstrain his -feeble constitution by a too rigid abstinence.<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">524</a></p> - -<p>The leaders of the faction hostile to Chrysostom among -the clergy were the two bishops already mentioned—Severian -of Gabala and Antiochus of Ptolemais. To these was added -a third in the person of Acacius, Bishop of Berœa. He had, -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 401 or <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 402, paid a visit to Constantinople, and, -in a fit of rage at what he considered the mean lodging and -inhospitable entertainment of the Archbishop, had coarsely -exclaimed, in the hearing of some of the clergy, “I’ll season -a dainty dish for him.”<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">525</a> The ladies who acquired a melancholy -pre-eminence among the enemies of the Archbishop -were the intimate friends of the Empress, already mentioned—Marsa, -widow of Promotus, the consul whom Rufinus -murdered; Castricia, wife of the consul Saturninus; and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>Eugraphia, a wealthy widow,—all rich women “who used -<em>for</em> evil the wealth which their husbands had <em>through</em> -evil obtained.” Proud, intriguing, licentious, they were all -exasperated against the Archbishop for the censure which -he had unsparingly pronounced upon their moral conduct, as -well as their vain and extravagant display in dress. The -house of Eugraphia became the rendezvous of all clergy -and monks, as well as laity, who were disaffected to him. -Among the clergy was Atticus, who was obtruded on the -see as Archbishop after the banishment of Chrysostom. -This worthy cabal collected, and disseminated with praiseworthy -industry, whatever tales could damage the character -and influence of the Archbishop. His real failings were -exaggerated, others were invented, and his language misrepresented. -He was irascible, inhospitable, uncourteous, -parsimonious; he had unmercifully assailed Eutropius with -harsh language when he fled for refuge to the Church; he -had behaved disrespectfully to Gaïnas when he was “magister -militum;” but, worse than all, he had audaciously attacked -the Augusta herself, and had insulted her sacred majesty by -indicating her under the name of Jezebel. This is scarcely -credible in itself, and is distinctly contradicted by the most -trustworthy authorities; but it is stated that he had reproved -the Empress for appropriating with harshness, if not -violence, a piece of land; and of course the blows which he -directed against inordinate luxury, unseemly parade of dress -and the like, fell heavily upon the most prominent leader in -these follies. She was probably mortified also to find that -her display of religious zeal, her pious attendance on the -services of the Church, her pilgrimages, her really liberal -donations to good works, did not protect her from censure in -other things. Chrysostom was not one of those who would -connive at evil for the benefit, as some might have represented -it, of the Church. He would not sacrifice what he -believed to be the interests of morality, for the supposed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span> -advantage either of himself or of the Church over which he -ruled. Wrong was wrong and must be rebuked, though -the actor was the Empress herself, though that Empress -was inclined to be the benefactress and patroness of the -Church, and though she might become, as she <em>did</em> become, -his implacable foe.</p> - -<p>The clergy only needed an equally potent leader on their -side, and then the organisation of the hostile forces would -be complete. Such a chief was to be found in the Patriarch -of Alexandria, Theophilus, who had already displayed a -malignant spirit at the ordination of the Archbishop, though -intimidated by Eutropius into submission. He was only -waiting his opportunity for revenge, which a concurrence of -circumstances now put into his hands.</p> - -<p>After making the most of such charges as gossip, aided -by malice, could manufacture at Constantinople, the enemy -employed one of the party, a despicable Syrian monk named -Isaac, to make a scrutinising inquiry at Antioch into the -previous life of Chrysostom. A youth passed in such a -licentious and voluptuous city could not fail, they thought, -to betray some stains if submitted to a rigorous inspection. -But their malevolent expectations were disappointed, for -their miserable spy could bring back nothing but unmixed -praise of an immaculate youth and a pious manhood.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">526</a></p> - -<p>At this juncture the intriguers applied to Theophilus, and -they could not have secured a more willing and able director -of their plans. The character of this prelate, and his prominent -position in the final events of Chrysostom’s career, -demand some notice. Of his family and early life little is -known. He had a sister who sympathised with him in his -ambitious schemes; and Cyril, who succeeded him in the -patriarchate, and too largely inherited his spirit, was his -nephew. He spent a portion of his younger manhood as a -recluse in the Nitrian desert, where he became familiar with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span>the most eminent anchorites of that period, Elurion, Ammon, -Isidore, and Macarius. He was secretary to Athanasius, -and a presbyter of Alexandria under Peter, his successor; -and, on the death of Timothy in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 385, who succeeded -Peter, he was elevated to the see. All historians concur in -admitting that he possessed great ability; that he was capable -of conceiving great projects, and executing them with -courage and address. Jerome has described him as deeply -skilled in science, especially mathematics and astrology, and -highly praises his eloquence.<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">527</a> He had a passion for building, -and his episcopate was distinguished equally by the destruction -of Pagan temples and the erection of Christian -churches. The most splendid of these were the church of -St. John the Baptist at Alexandria, and another at Canopus. -But to gratify this expensive taste he was grasping of money, -too often to the neglect of those indigent people who were -dependent on the alms of the Church. He combined his -efforts with Chrysostom’s, as has been already related, in -healing the schism of Antioch in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 399, after which little -is known of his history, till he becomes Chrysostom’s implacable -and too successful foe.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">528</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XVII.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH LED TO THE INTERFERENCE OF THEOPHILUS -WITH THE AFFAIRS OF CHRYSOSTOM—CONTROVERSY ABOUT THE -WRITINGS OF ORIGEN—PERSECUTION BY THEOPHILUS OF THE MONKS -CALLED “THE TALL BRETHREN”—THEIR FLIGHT TO PALESTINE—TO -CONSTANTINOPLE—THEIR RECEPTION BY CHRYSOSTOM—THEOPHILUS -SUMMONED TO CONSTANTINOPLE. A.D. 395-403.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">In</span> tracing to its starting-point the interference of Theophilus -with the affairs of Chrysostom, we have to unravel a -curious and tangled skein of controversy. The doctrines of -Origen were as much an occasion of strife a hundred and -fifty years after his death, as he himself had been during his -life. With one hand holding on to the philosophy of the -past, and with the other firmly grasping the Christianity of -the present, he was persecuted by Pagans, yet never universally -accepted and cordially trusted by the Church.<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">529</a> So -with his system of doctrine; it became a sort of debatable -ground for the possession of which contending parties -strove. The prize was worth the struggle; for the genius -of Origen could not be questioned, but the quantity of -his writings being enormous,<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">530</a> and the range of his doctrine -wide and many-sided, narrow-minded partisans, grasping -only a part of it, condemned or extolled him unfairly -on a single issue. The mystical element in his teaching -was carried by some of his admirers to extremes -of fanciful, allegorical, interpretation of Scripture, such -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>as he himself would never have devised or approved. -To others of a more prosaic, material cast of thought -this same mystical vein was repugnant, and was denounced -by them with characteristic coarseness. Men of larger -minds, who had patience to peruse his voluminous works, -and ability to criticise them, admired his genius, recognised -his great services to Christianity, heartily embraced much of -his teaching, questioned some portions, and rejected others. -Such were Gregory Nazianzenus, Basil, Chrysostom, and -Jerome, who would never have been so great as writers, or -commentators, had they not been students of Origen. As a -general statement, it may be true to say that he was less -acceptable to the colder, more practical, more realistic mind -of the Western Church, than to the lively imagination and -speculative spirit of Oriental churchmen. The most controverted -points, indeed, in his system were of a kind with -which the Western mind did not naturally concern itself. -The pre-existence of souls; their entrance into human bodies -after the fall as the punishment of sin; their emancipation -from the flesh in the resurrection; the ultimate salvation of -all spirits, including Satan himself,—these are questions -singularly congenial to Oriental, singularly alien from -Western, thought. The Origenistic controversy fell into -abeyance before the engrossing interest and importance of -the Arian contest; but when that wave had spent itself, it -revived, and just at this period all the greatest names of the -day became engaged on one side or the other. As usual, -the real questions at issue were too often forgotten amidst -the personal jealousies, intrigues, angry recriminations to -which the discussion of them gave birth.</p> - -<p>In spite of his doubtful orthodoxy, the Egyptian Church -could not fail to be proud of so distinguished a son as -Origen, and Theophilus was at first his earnest defender. -Some of the more illiterate Egyptian monks had recoiled -from Origen’s highly spiritual conception of the Deity into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span> -an opposite extreme. Interpreting literally those passages -of Scripture where God is spoken of as if possessing human -emotions and corporeal parts, they altogether humanised His -nature; they conceived of Him as a Being <em>not</em> “without body, -parts, or passions;” they obtained, in consequence, the -designation of “Anthropomorphites.” Against this humanising, -material conception Theophilus, in a paschal letter, -directed argument and proof.<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">531</a> It was received by many of -the monks with dismay, sorrow, and resistance. Serapion, -one of the most aged, burst into tears when informed that -the mind of the Eastern Church concurred, on the whole, -with the doctrine of Theophilus, and exclaimed, “My God -is taken away, and I know not what to worship.”<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">532</a></p> - -<p>Rufinus, a monk of Aquileia, and for a time the ardent -friend of Jerome, was, during a visit to Egypt, initiated by -Theophilus into the doctrines of Origen, conceived a warm -admiration for them, extolled him as the light of the Gospel -next to the Apostles, and imparted some of his own enthusiasm -to John, bishop of Jerusalem, whom he soon afterwards -visited. Jerome fully appreciated the merits of -Origen, though his larger mind and more extensive knowledge -were not blind to his defects.</p> - -<p>Such were the amicable relations between the leading -churchmen of the East in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 395, when a visitor from the -West threw among them the apple of discord. This was -Aterbius, a pilgrim, who had a reputation as a subtle theologian, -and appears, immediately on his arrival in Jerusalem, -to have applied himself to the business of detecting heresy. -He entered into friendly intercourse for a short time with -the bishop and Rufinus, and then suddenly included Jerome -with them both in a public denunciation as Origenists, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span>declared the whole diocese of Jerusalem to be infected with -that heresy. Jerome immediately and indignantly repudiated -the charge; he declared that he was not an Origenist, for -that he merely read the works of Origen with reservations, -as he might those of a heretic.<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">533</a> Rufinus would not condescend -to make any defence, oral or written, but shut -himself up in his cloister in sullen silence till Aterbius had -quitted Jerusalem, fearing, so Jerome affirms, to condemn -what he really approved, or to incur the reproach of heresy -by an open resistance.<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">534</a> John of Jerusalem was equally -indignant at the accusation, but displeased with Jerome for -publicly exculpating himself independently of his bishop. -In fact, the episcopal pride of the Bishop of Jerusalem was -severely wounded at this time, both by the pre-eminence of -the metropolitan see of Cæsarea,<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">535</a> and by the reputation -of Jerome’s monastic establishment at Bethlehem, which -attracted visitors from all parts of Christendom.</p> - -<p>When the minds of all were thus ruffled, a second and far -more mischievous visitor arrived in the person of Epiphanius, -the octogenarian Bishop of Constantia, Metropolitan of -Cyprus. He was one of those men who, joining some -erudition and a high reputation for rigid orthodoxy to a -narrow mind and impulsive temper, figure prominently in -theological warfare as the very personifications of discord. -Shocked at the intelligence of the heretical tendency in -Palestine, and vexed that it should have been detected by a -stranger rather than by himself, who was a native of Palestine, -and the visitor of a monastery between Jerusalem and -Hebron, he lost not a moment in setting out for the Holy -City. He accepted the hospitality of the Bishop John, and -spent the evening in all amity with him, nor was the -obnoxious subject of dispute mentioned between them.<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">536</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span></p> - -<p>A strange scene took place on the following day.</p> - -<p>In the church of the Holy Sepulchre, in the presence of -a large congregation, Epiphanius fulminated a discourse -against Origen, his doctrines, and all who favoured them. -Bishop John and his clergy expressed their contempt by -grimaces, sneers, and impatient scratchings of their heads. -At last an archdeacon stepped forward, and required -Epiphanius, in the name of the bishop, to desist from his -discourse. The assembly was dissolved, but met again in -the afternoon, largely augmented, in the church of the Holy -Cross. This time Bishop John discoursed, and denounced -the Anthropomorphites, or Humanisers, under which opprobrious -name the partisans of Origen endeavoured to include -all their opponents. Pale and trembling, and in a voice -quivering with passion, the bishop directed his discourse, -and turned his body, towards Epiphanius, who sat motionless -in his chair. The invective being concluded, the aged -Bishop of Constantia rose and pronounced these words with -solemn deliberation: “All that John, my brother in the -priesthood, my son in age, has just said against the heresy -of the Anthropomorphites I thoroughly approve; and as we -both condemn that absurd belief, it is only just that we -should both denounce the errors of Origen.”<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">537</a> A general -laugh and acclamation on the part of the assembly proclaimed -their sense of this speech as a successful hit. John -made one more effort to right himself. He preached again -in the church of the Holy Cross, this time on the chief -verities of the faith, the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Atonement, -the condition of souls before and after this life. It -was intended to be a grand and convincing display of his -orthodoxy, and at the moment Epiphanius expressed even -approbation. On subsequent reflection, however, the aged -critic thought he discovered that it teemed with error. He -abruptly quitted Jerusalem, repaired to Bethlehem, resisted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span>the solicitation of Jerome and his friends to be reconciled, -and addressed a circular letter to all the monasteries of -Palestine, requiring them to break off communion with the -Bishop of Jerusalem.</p> - -<p>Rufinus ranged himself immediately on the side of Bishop -John; but Jerome, though with somewhat balanced feelings, -sided on the whole with Epiphanius. Then the pent-up -jealousy of John towards the monasteries of Bethlehem burst -forth; they were placed under interdict, and the church of -the Holy Manger closed against them. They were in despair -for want of a priest to celebrate the Eucharist; but Epiphanius -provided one through a forcible ordination. The -young Paulinian had always steadfastly declined holy orders, -though considered eminently qualified by his learning and -virtue. He was now on a visit to the monastery of Epiphanius, -near Eleutheropolis. When Epiphanius was celebrating -the Eucharist, the young man was seized by the -deacons, dragged to the steps of the altar, and there made to -kneel. Epiphanius approached, cut off some of his hair, -ordained him deacon, and obliged him to assist in the celebration -on the spot. At a fresh sign from the bishop he -was a second time seized, gagged to prevent his adjuring the -bishop in the name of Jesus Christ, and when he rose from -his knees he was declared to be a priest.<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">538</a> The joy which -filled the monasteries of Bethlehem was only to be equalled -by the indignation of their opponents at Jerusalem. John -actually applied (not without money, it is said) to Rufinus -at Constantinople, then Prætorian Prefect, and even procured -a decree of banishment against Jerome;<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">539</a> but, the -murder of Rufinus taking place soon afterwards, the governor -of Cæsarea evaded the execution of the decree. Jerome -retaliated by one of those fierce, nervous philippics which -exhibit more command of language than of temper. The -governor of Palestine made a praiseworthy but ineffectual -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span>effort to bring about a reconciliation. John had determined -to invite an arbitrator, from whom he expected a strong -partiality for his own cause. He appealed to Theophilus, -from whom Rufinus, the monk, had derived his first -acquaintance with Origen. Jerome indignantly complained -of this invocation of a foreign jurisdiction. Was not Cæsarea -the metropolitan see of Palestine? why this contempt of -ecclesiastical law?<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">540</a> Theophilus, however, had no scruples in -accepting the appeal. It was just one of those recognitions -of pre-eminence which the Patriarch of Alexandria, like -the Bishops of Rome, joyfully welcomed. The gratification -of ambition was pleasantly disguised from others, and perhaps -from themselves, under the semblance of peacemaking. -Theophilus despatched Isidore as his legate to Palestine. -His arrival was preceded by two letters, one intended for -the Bishop of Jerusalem, the other for Vincentius, the presbyter -and friend of Jerome at Bethlehem.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately the letter intended for the bishop was -delivered to Vincentius, and he and Jerome read with indignation -assurances of sympathy and friendship towards John, -and expressions of contempt for Jerome and his party, the -language, in short, of an accomplice rather than of an arbitrator. -It set forth in flowery oriental terms the confidence -of the legate in the success of his mission; “as smoke -disperses in the air, as wax melts before the fire, so will -these enemies, who always resist the faith, and seek to disturb -it now, by means of simple ignorant men be dispersed -on my arrival.”<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">541</a> The legate took up his abode at Jerusalem, -and spent his time in familiar intercourse with the bishop -and Rufinus. To Bethlehem he paid occasional visits, where -he conducted himself with dictatorial haughtiness. Jerome -and the monks plainly perceived that the so-called arbitrator -was committed to one side—which was not theirs.</p> - -<p>But on a sudden, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 398, the Patriarch wheeled -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span>round; he discovered that he had been in error. “The -writings of Origen were fraught with danger to the unlearned, -however profitable to philosophic minds.” Such -was the reason alleged for this sudden revulsion of opinion. -The real reasons appear to have been of a less calm and -philosophic character. One of the most distinguished presbyters -in Alexandria at this time was Isidore, an octogenarian. -His youth had been spent in pious seclusion, -among the monks of Scetis and Nitria, and his piety had -attracted the notice of Athanasius, whom he accompanied to -Rome in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 341, and by whom he was afterwards ordained -priest. He became the Hospitaller of the Church in Alexandria, -whose duty it was to attend to the reception of -Christian visitors. In spite of great personal austerity, he -was, as became his position, gentle and amiable to all men, -even Pagans, when brought into contact with them. In -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 398, at the age of eighty, he had been employed to carry -to Rome the recognition by Theophilus of Flavian as bishop -of Antioch; and now, in the extremity of age, he was -destined to become the first victim of a persecution by -Theophilus, which, beginning with him, culminated in the -deposition and exile of Chrysostom.<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">542</a></p> - -<p>An opulent widow committed to Isidore a large sum of -money to be expended on clothing for the poor of Alexandria, -and adjured him by a solemn oath to conceal the trust from -Theophilus, lest the Patriarch’s well-known cupidity should -be tempted to appropriate the money to aid his grand -operations in building. The precaution, however, was vain: -nothing said or done in his diocese could escape the vigilance -of informers in the employ of Theophilus. Isidore -was questioned by the Patriarch concerning the charitable -gift, and required to place the money at his disposal; but -the hospitaller refused, and boldly maintained that it would -be better bestowed on the bodies of the sick and poor, which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span>were the temples of God, than on the erection of buildings. -The Patriarch was astounded at the temerity of his disobedience, -but dissembled for the moment the depth of -his resentment. Two months later, in a convocation of the -clergy, he produced a paper containing the charge of a -horrible and unmentionable crime against Isidore, which the -Patriarch said he had received eighteen years ago, but had -been unable to prove from the absence of the principal -witness. The whole charge turned out to be a baseless -fabrication; but Isidore was ejected from the priesthood -by the contrivance of Theophilus.<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">543</a></p> - -<p>The aged hospitaller fled to the peaceful retreat of his -earlier days, the desert of Nitria. The most distinguished -of the monks in this seclusion were four brothers—Ammon, -Dioscorus, Eusebius, and Euthymius—eminent alike for their -piety and the height of their stature, whence they were -known by the name of the “tall brethren.” They were venerated -as the fathers of the Nitrian monks. Theophilus had -in former times professed the highest admiration and respect -for their virtues. He had made the eldest, Dioscorus, bishop -of Hermopolis, and had persuaded, if not compelled, Eusebius -and Euthymius, much against their will, to be presbyters in -Alexandria.<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">544</a> Their simple piety was so much shocked by -the avarice and other failings of the Patriarch, that they -implored him to release them from clerical duties and -restore them to the freedom of the desert. When Theophilus -discovered their real reason for requesting this permission he -was furious, and tried to intimidate them into submission -by fierce menaces, but in vain. They withdrew, and for a -time the Patriarch was at a loss how to execute vengeance -on men who had few possessions of any kind to be deprived -of. But now the opportunity arrived. Isidore, the excommunicated -hospitaller, had been sheltered in their friendly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span>retreat. Theophilus devised a malignant plan for disturbing -their peace. The “tall brethren” belonged to that more -mystical order of monks which embraced Origen’s doctrine -of a purely spiritual Deity, and were determined adversaries -of the more sensuous and anthropomorphite school. Theophilus -now scrupled not to declare himself in favour of the -Anthropomorphites, whom he had formerly denounced. He -encouraged the more coarse and ignorant to make violent -and tumultuous assaults on the monastic retreat of Nitria, -and, directed the bishops of the neighbourhood to eject -several of the most distinguished monks, including Ammon. -They repaired to Alexandria, sought an interview with -Theophilus, requested to hear the cause of their ejection, -and remonstrated on the treatment of Isidore. Theophilus -burst into a violent rage, changed colour at every moment, -glared on them with bloodshot eyes, dealt blows to Ammon -on his face, and, while the blood trickled down, shouted, -“Heretic, anathematise Origen.” One of the number was -put in prison to intimidate the rest; but they all entered it -voluntarily together, and refused to come out unless their -companion also was released. This was at length permitted, -but the design of persecution was followed up. The Patriarch’s -paschal letter of <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 401 is chiefly occupied with a -condemnation of Origen and his disciples. He confesses, -indeed, that he had himself at one time been cast into that -fiery furnace of error, but, like the three children, he had -come out unscathed; “not even his hair or garments had -been singed.” He describes himself as having now returned -from the land of captivity to the true Jerusalem; Origen -and his doctrines are condemned with much heat; and a -prominent place is assigned to him and all his disciples in -the infernal regions.<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">545</a></p> - -<p>But Theophilus was far from being contented to stop at -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span>this point. He convoked a synod of neighbouring bishops. -The monks were not informed of it, nor invited to appear -and make their defence. Three of the most eminent were -excommunicated as heretics and magicians. It was in vain -that the monks protested against the injustice of condemning -Origen or his readers on the strength of a few passages -only, and those, as they maintained, in many instances -garbled or interpolated. A synodical letter was published, -addressed to the Catholic world, reprobating the writings of -Origen. It produced a profound sensation in Rome, where -the Pope Anastasius anathematised Origen.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">546</a> But the humiliation -of the Nitrian brethren was not yet complete. Five -most insignificant monks, scarce worthy, according to Palladius, -to discharge menial offices as lay brethren, were -ordained by Theophilus, one to a bishopric, one to be priest, -and the three others to be deacons. A small town was -created a see, there being none vacant to receive the new -bishop. With these tools the Patriarch could rapidly -execute his designs. His creatures prepared, under his -direction, a list of complaints and charges against the -Nitrian monks, which they publicly presented to him in -church. Armed with this, he had an interview with the -governor of Egypt, and obtained from him an order for the -forcible expulsion of insubordinate monks from the settlement -at Nitria. With a troop of soldiers and a rabble of -rascals, such as in all large towns are ready for the perpetration -of any mischief, whom he had previously primed with -drink, the Patriarch fell by night upon the monastic dwellings. -Dioscorus was the first victim of his rage. He was -one of the “tall brethren,” who had been compelled by -Theophilus to become bishop of Hermopolis. He was now -dragged before the Patriarch by some rude Ethiopian slaves, -and told that he was deprived of his see. Diligent search -was made for the three other brethren, but they were undis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span>coverably -hidden in a well. The fury of the Patriarch -expended itself principally upon inanimate objects; the -dwellings of the monks were pillaged and burned, together -with their valuable libraries, and, to the horror of the pious, -even some of the Eucharistic elements<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">547</a> were consumed in -the general destruction.</p> - -<p>The havoc being completed, Theophilus returned to -Alexandria. The terrified monks came out of their hiding-places, -and, wrapping themselves in their sheepskins, their -only remaining property, set out from their beloved solitudes -to seek shelter and a new home elsewhere. Three hundred, -following the “tall brethren,” took their journey towards -Palestine; the rest dispersed in different directions. Not -more than eighty arrived with the four brethren at Jerusalem, -whence they shortly afterwards withdrew northwards -to Scythopolis, a place eminently adapted to their wants by -its situation in a well-watered valley rich in palm-trees, of -which the leaves furnished materials for mats, baskets, and -the other articles usually wrought by monkish labour.<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">548</a> But -distance did not diminish the malice of their persecutor. -They were pursued by letters from Theophilus addressed to -all the bishops of Palestine, who were admonished not to -grant ecclesiastical communion or shelter to the heretical -fugitives. Jerome mentions two commissioners who scoured -Palestine, and left no hole or cave unexplored in the diligence -of their search for the offenders.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">549</a> Thus hunted and -harassed, the poor monks at length resolved to embark for -Constantinople, throw themselves on the generosity of the -Emperor and Archbishop, and submit their cause to their -decision. They reached the capital, fifty in number; their -foreign aspect, bare arms and knees, and primitive garb of -white sheepskins, excited much curiosity and interest among -the people of Constantinople. They repaired first of all -to Chrysostom, in the hope that his authority would be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span>sufficient to procure them justice, without an application to -the civil powers. The Archbishop received them with great -kindness and respect, and shed tears of compassion when he -heard the tale of their sufferings and wanderings. But he -acted with caution; he consulted some Alexandrian clergy -who were at this time in Constantinople engaged in distributing -presents to conciliate, or, more properly speaking, to -bribe, the favour of persons just appointed to civil offices in -Egypt. They admitted the virtues and hard usage of the -monks, but recommended him not to incur the displeasure -of Theophilus by admitting them to communion. The monks -were lodged in the precincts of the church of Anastasia; -Olympias and other pious women attended to their wants, -which were to some extent supplied by the produce of their -own manual labour. They were admitted to prayer in the -church, but excluded from the Eucharist until the merits of -their cause should have been carefully sifted, and their -excommunication revoked. Chrysostom, unsuspicious of -others, in his own innocence, was sanguine of his power to -obtain their restitution. He despatched a letter to Theophilus, -in which he besought him in courteous and friendly -terms to be reconciled with the fugitives, and thereby to -confer a favour on himself, his spiritual son and brother. -But no notice was taken of the request; and meanwhile the -agents of Theophilus were busily employed at Constantinople -in disseminating injurious tales about the monks—they were -heretics, magicians, rebels.</p> - -<p>Throughout the rest of Christendom Theophilus pursued -a different method. He toiled with diligence worthy of a -better cause to obtain a wide condemnation of Origen and -his works. Could he once secure such a general condemnation, -and then prove Chrysostom and the monks to be at -variance with it, he would possess a powerful engine in -working the ruin of both. It is difficult to believe that -even Theophilus would have pursued the monks with such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span> -insatiable animosity had they not fled to the patriarch of -that see which was regarded with peculiar jealousy by the -bishops of Alexandria, and had not the present occupant -of that see been elected in preference to the candidate put -forward by himself. Thus he clutched at the opportunity -of depressing his rival, and punishing his victims, the -monks, at the same time.</p> - -<p>He found a faction hostile to the Archbishop already -existing in Constantinople, and quite ready to submit the -management of their interests to his skilful direction. The -persecution of the monks was quickly dropped. Their supposed -offence was only the handle by which to compass the -destruction of a more formidable foe. Jerome contributed -powerful aid to the designs of Theophilus by favourable -notices of him in his letters, depreciating the conduct of the -monks.<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">550</a> But a more active auxiliary appeared in the -Bishop of Constantia, whose advanced age seems never to -have diminished the alacrity with which he entered the -lists of controversy. Theophilus, in his Origenistic days, -had attacked Epiphanius with some vehemence as an anthropomorphite; -but he now wrote a letter to the bishop -expressing regret for his former language, and his increasing -conviction of the mischievous tendency of Origen’s doctrines.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">551</a> -He implored his holy brother to convene a council of the -bishops of Cyprus without delay, for the purpose of condemning -the heretic, and of drawing up letters, announcing -their decision, to be sent round to the principal sees, especially -Constantinople, where the heretical and contumacious -monks were harboured. Epiphanius flattered himself that -he had converted the Patriarch, and was delighted to receive -such a powerful accession to his side. The council was -summoned, the condemnation carried, and the letters despatched.<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">552</a> -Theophilus himself, at the commencement of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span><span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 402, issued a paschal letter, which contained a subtle -exposition and refutation of the Origenistic errors. The -letter was translated, and highly commended, both for -matter and expression, by Jerome.<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">553</a></p> - -<p>To Chrysostom himself Theophilus wrote a sharp complaint -of his protecting heretics, and violating the canon of -Nice, which prohibited any bishop from exercising jurisdiction -in matters relating to another see. The cause of the -Nitrian monks, he asserted, could not be decided legally -anywhere but in a council of Egyptian bishops. It will be -borne in mind, however, that Chrysostom had carefully -abstained from pronouncing any decision, through a council -or otherwise, on the affair of the monks. They, indeed, -became provoked with him that he did not espouse their -cause more heartily. The agents of Theophilus were busily -engaged in damaging their character; a little money easily -persuaded the sailors and others employed in the Alexandrian -corn trade to point at the monks in the streets as -magicians and heretics. The monks declared to Chrysostom -their resolution to appeal to the civil powers to obtain a formal -prosecution of their accusers as base calumniators. Chrysostom -remonstrated, and declined, if that step were taken, to -mediate any more in their affair. Some of his enemies in -Constantinople did not fail to represent this as a cruel -desertion of those whom he had at first befriended.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">554</a></p> - -<p>Thus hostile forces were on all sides closing round the -Archbishop, but he continued apparently unconscious of the -snares which were being woven for him. The Origenistic -controversy, into the vortex of which his enemies sought -to drag him, possessed little interest for him. The more -mystical, abstract speculations of Origen’s theology were -alien from his practical sphere of work and practical habit -of mind; and, in common with the other chief representatives -of the Antiochene school, Diodorus and Theodore, he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>neither wholly embraced nor wholly rejected his system of -doctrine. At any rate, he paid no attention to the letter -from Cyprus, which requested him to join in the condemnation -of Origen and his writings. This was precisely what -his enemies wanted.</p> - -<p>The Nitrian monks, cast off by the Archbishop when -they had announced their intention of appealing to secular -authority, drew up documents filled with charges of the -most flagrant crimes against their accusers and against -Theophilus. They demanded that their calumniators in -Constantinople should be immediately tried by the prefect, -and that Theophilus should be summoned to defend his -conduct before a council under the presidency of Chrysostom. -One day, as the Empress was riding in her litter to -worship in the church of St. John the Baptist at Hebdomon, -she was accosted by some of those strange skin-clad beings -of whom, and of whose wanderings and wrongs, she had -heard much. She caused her litter to stop, bowed graciously -to the monks, and implored the favour of their prayers for -the Empire, the Emperor, herself, and her children. The -monks presented their petition; Eudoxia courteously accepted -it, and promised them that the council which they -desired should be convened; that Theophilus should be -summoned to attend it, and that the accusers now in Constantinople -should either substantiate their charges, or suffer -the penalties of calumnious defamation. This inquiry was -immediately instituted; the poor culprits confessed that -they had been paid agents of Theophilus, and that their -accusations had been dictated by him. They therefore -entreated that their trial might be deferred till his arrival. -Meanwhile, however, they were put in prison, where one of -them died; and as the arrival of Theophilus continued to -be delayed, they were banished to Proconnesus for libel. An -officer was despatched to Alexandria to serve Theophilus -with a peremptory summons to appear at Constantinople,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span> -and empowered to enforce his obedience, if he was reluctant.<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">555</a></p> - -<p>Thus the preparations for a judicial investigation of the -affair of the monks emanated not from Chrysostom, but -from the throne, although he was represented by his enemies -as the originator, and by Jerome he is styled a parricide -for labouring to condemn Theophilus.<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">556</a> Chrysostom seems, -in fact, to have dismissed alike the business of the monks -and the theological question of Origenism from his mind. -Intent on edifying the Church, instead of agitating it by -personal or polemical strife, he quietly pursued his daily -routine of duties as chief pastor, feeding his flock with the -wholesome food of the Word and of the bread of life.</p> - -<p>Theophilus was unable to evade obedience to the summons -which commanded him to repair to Constantinople. His -only hope now was to change his position from that of the -accused into that of the accuser. The council which was -called together for the purpose of investigating his conduct -should, by his contrivance, be transferred into a council for -arraigning Chrysostom of heresy and misdemeanour. The -letters of Epiphanius and Theophilus having failed to obtain -from Chrysostom that condemnation which they demanded -of the writings of Origen, the Bishop of Constantia, at the -urgent request of Theophilus, set forth at the beginning of -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 403 for Constantinople, bringing the decree of the -Council of Cyprus for the signature of the Archbishop. -Theophilus slowly proceeded overland from Egypt through -Syria, Cilicia, and Asia Minor, in order to bring up as many -bishops as possible to the council, who would be prepared -to act under his direction. Epiphanius, having landed, -halted at the church of St. John, outside Constantinople, -held an assembly of clergy, and even, it is said, committed -the irregularity of ordaining a deacon.<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">557</a> Chrysostom, however, -acted with all due courtesy and discretion. He sent -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>out a large body of clergy to welcome the visitor by inviting -and conducting him to the hospitable lodging prepared for -him in the archiepiscopal palace. Epiphanius, acting on -preconceived judgment of the two chief subjects in dispute, -declined the offer unless the Archbishop would consent to -expel the monks, and to sign the decree against Origen. -Chrysostom justly replied that he could not anticipate -the decision of a council which was being summoned for -the very purpose of considering both these questions. -Epiphanius, therefore, found a lodging elsewhere, and diligently -strove to induce such bishops as he could collect to -sign the decree.<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">558</a> His reputation for learning, orthodoxy, -and piety secured the consent of many, but on the part of -many more there was determined opposition. Eminent -among these was Theotimus, a Goth by birth, but educated -in Greece, who had been made Bishop of Tomis and Metropolitan -of Scythia. He was a man of genuine sanctity, -ascetic habits, and courageous spirit. Tomis was a great -central market of Gothic and Hunnish tribes, and the bishop -used boldly to enter the motley concourse and try to win -converts. He would invite savage Huns to partake of some -hospitable entertainment in his house, and by gifts and little -attentions, and courteous treatment, he sought to soften their -ferocity, and effect an opening in their hearts for the reception -of Christian teaching. He came to be regarded by them -with a kind of superstitious reverence, and was commonly -called by them “the god of the Christians.” Over his half-episcopal, -half-barbarian costume flowed the long hair which -betokened his Gothic origin. He lifted up his voice with -boldness to denounce the present ill-considered condemnation -of the works of Origen. It was unseemly and unjust, he -maintained, to pass a coarse and sweeping sentence on the -entire works of one whose genius had been acknowledged by -the whole Church. He produced a volume of Origen, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span>from it read some beautiful, powerful passages of irreproachable -orthodoxy. Then, turning to Epiphanius, he asked -him how he could attack a man to whom the Church owed -a thousand similar, and even more beautiful, passages. “How -call him a son of Satan? Place what is good in him on one -side, and what is bad on the other, and then choose.”<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">559</a></p> - -<p>This courageous protest, however, did not divert Epiphanius -and his partisans from their course of action. In fact, they -proceeded a step further. It was arranged that when a -large congregation was collected in the Church of the -Apostles, Epiphanius should enter and harangue the assembly, -denouncing both the writings of Origen and his admirers, -especially the “tall brethren,” and even Chrysostom himself -as their protector. Chrysostom, however, received intimation -of their design, and by his direction Serapion confronted -Epiphanius at the entrance of the church, and told him that -“he had already violated ecclesiastical law by ordaining a -deacon in the diocese and church of another bishop, but to -minister and preach without permission was a still grosser -outrage; a popular tumult would probably ensue, and -Epiphanius would be held responsible for any violence -which might be committed.” Epiphanius, though not -without angry remonstrances, desisted.<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">560</a></p> - -<p>Eudoxia seems to have placed special faith in the intercessions -of ecclesiastical visitors of distinction. As she had -formerly asked the prayers of the “tall brethren,” so now, -the young prince her son (afterwards Theodosius <span class="smcap">II.</span>), being -attacked by an alarming illness, she implored the prayers -of Epiphanius on his behalf. The bishop replied that her -child’s recovery depended on her repudiation of the heretical -refugees. The Empress, however, declared that she should -prefer simply to resign her son’s life to the will of God -who gave it without complying with the requisition of -Epiphanius.<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">561</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span></p> - -<p>It may be that these incidents were beginning to tell -upon the reason of the aged zealot, and open his eyes to the -irregularity of his proceedings; at any rate, shortly after -this, he granted an interview to Ammon and his brothers. -The record of the conversation is instructive. “Allow me -to ask, holy father,” said Ammon, “whether you have ever -read any of our works or those of our disciples?” Epiphanius -was obliged to confess that he had not even seen -them, and that he had formed his judgment simply from -general report. “How then,” replied Ammon, “can you -venture to condemn us when you have no proof of our -opinions? We have pursued a widely different course. -We conversed with your disciples, we read your works, -among others one entitled the ‘Anchor of Faith;’ and when -we met with persons who ridiculed your opinions, and -asserted that your writings were replete with heresy, we -have defended you as our father. Is it just, on such slender -ground as common report, to condemn those who have so -zealously befriended you?” These bold and pungent remarks -are said to have wrought compunction in the heart of the -aged bishop. He began to perceive that he had been made -the agent of a plot, and he lost no time in extricating himself -from it by departing from Constantinople. His farewell -words to some of the bishops who accompanied him to the -ship were: “I leave to you the city, the palace, and this -piece of acting.”<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">562</a></p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XVIII.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">THEOPHILUS ARRIVES IN CONSTANTINOPLE—ORGANISES A CABAL AGAINST -CHRYSOSTOM—THE SYNOD OF THE OAK—CHRYSOSTOM PRONOUNCED -CONTUMACIOUS FOR NON-APPEARANCE AND EXPELLED FROM THE -CITY—EARTHQUAKE—RECALL OF CHRYSOSTOM—OVATIONS ON HIS -RETURN—FLIGHT OF THEOPHILUS. A.D. 403.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Regardless</span> of the forces which had been set in motion -against him, Chrysostom pursued his usual course of work -without any variation. The reins of discipline were held -tightly as ever; the Word was preached, in season and out -of season, with unabated diligence; the people were exhorted, -admonished, rebuked with the same irrepressible earnestness. -His enemies took advantage of a sermon, specially directed -against the follies and vices of fashionable ladies, to represent -it as an attack upon the Empress herself.<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">563</a> Eudoxia, credulous -and impulsive by nature, and probably irritated because -the Archbishop did not pay her servile homage, complained -to the Emperor of the insult which had been cast upon her, -and was induced by the hostile party to expect the arrival -of Theophilus as an opportunity for redressing her wrongs. -That prelate was now rapidly approaching, with a large -number of bishops collected from Egypt, Syria, and Asia -Minor. Twenty-eight, on whose partisanship he could -reckon, travelled by sea to Chalcedon. Many bishops had -become disaffected to Chrysostom in Asia Minor, owing to -the rigorous investigation recently made by him into the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>state of the Church in that region, and they readily joined -the camp of Theophilus. Prominent among them was -Gerontius of Nicomedia, whom, as will be remembered, he -had deposed. The whole force was at length (June 403) -assembled at Chalcedon, and a council of war was held, to -determine the plan of operations. None was more virulent -in his denunciation of Chrysostom, as tyrannical, proud, and -heretical, than Cyrinus, bishop of Chalcedon. He was an -Egyptian by birth, and Theophilus reckoned on him as a -valuable ally, but was deprived of his services by a curious -incident. Maruthas, bishop of Mesopotamia, accidentally -trod on the foot of Cyrinus: a wound ensued, the wound -gangrened, the foot had to be amputated, but the mortification -spread, and, after two years of lingering pain, put an -end to his life.<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">564</a></p> - -<p>Theophilus made his entrance into Constantinople about -the middle of June. He had been summoned as a defendant, -but, according to his design already indicated, he appeared -surrounded by all the pomp and dignity of a judge. None -of the bishops, indeed, or clergy of Constantinople came to -greet him on landing, but the crews of the Alexandrian corn-fleet -gave him a hearty welcome, and he was accompanied -by a large retinue, not only of bishops and clergy, but of -Alexandrian sailors, laden with some of the costliest produce -of Egypt and the East, a very potent auxiliary in obtaining -partisans. As on the arrival of Epiphanius, so now, Chrysostom -did not fail to offer the customary hospitality due to -a brother bishop; but Theophilus disdainfully declined it, -passed by the palace and the metropolitan church, which -episcopal visitors usually entered on their arrival, and proceeded -to the suburb of Pera, where a lodging had been -prepared for him in a house of the Emperor’s, called the -Palace of Placidia.</p> - -<p>During the three weeks that he resided here, he refused to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span>hold any communication with Chrysostom, or to enter his -church; nor did he vouchsafe any reply to the frequent -entreaties of the Archbishop that he would state his reasons -for such conduct. His house became the resort of all the -disaffected clergy or affronted ladies and gentlemen in the -city, who were drawn thither, not only by a common hatred -to Chrysostom, but also by the handsome gifts, the elegant -and dainty repasts, and the winning flattery with which -they were treated by Theophilus.<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">565</a> These arts were the -more necessary because Theophilus had a double part to -play: to arrest the course of the accusation instituted against -himself, as well as to organise a powerful cabal against -Chrysostom. In the former he was helped by the scruples -or peacefulness of Chrysostom himself. The Archbishop -was directed by the Court to repair to Pera, and preside over -an inquiry into the crimes of which Theophilus was accused. -But he declined, on the plea that the ecclesiastical affairs of -one province could not, according to the Canons of Nice, be -judged in another; partly also, as he affirmed, out of respect -for his brother Patriarch. The truth probably was, that he -foresaw the vindictive and turbulent spirit of Theophilus -would never submit to the decisions of a council under the -presidency of his rival in that see of which Alexandria was -especially jealous. Otherwise there is no doubt that a -General Council at Constantinople would have been competent -to judge the Patriarch of Alexandria; whereas a Provincial -Council in Egypt could not have judged him, he being -supreme there by virtue of his position as Patriarch.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">566</a> -Chrysostom himself also might legally have been arraigned -before a General Council; but, as will be seen, the synod -composed by Theophilus was far from being entitled to that -appellation.</p> - -<p>The obstacle of his own trial being thus disposed of, it -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span>only remained for Theophilus to prosecute his design against -his rival with mingled subtlety and boldness. The first step -was to secure a sufficient number of witnesses, and a list of -accusations, which, being presented to the Emperor, would -furnish a plausible reason for summoning a council. The -next step would be to pack that council with bishops hostile -to Chrysostom. Two despicable deacons, who had been -expelled from their office by the Archbishop for homicide -and adultery, were well content to draw up a list of charges -on a promise from Theophilus that they should be restored -to their former position. The accusations seem to have been -of a puerile character; and if the source of them was known, -it would seem inconceivable that the Court should have -entertained them, did we not remember that the influence -of the Empress, as well as of many of the most powerful -courtiers, was now turned or rapidly turning against the -Archbishop, and that the bribes of Theophilus were permeating -the whole city.</p> - -<p>The attachment of the people, however, to Chrysostom -was known to be so strong, that it was deemed prudent by -the enemy to hold the synod at a safe distance from the city. -A suburb of Chalcedon, called “The Oak,” where Rufinus, -the late prefect, had built a palace, church, and monastery, -was selected as a convenient place for the assembly.<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">567</a> The -bishops, after all the exertions of Theophilus, did not amount -to more than thirty-six, of whom twenty-nine were -Egyptians.<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">568</a> Among the latter was Cyril, the successor of -Theophilus. Chrysostom was summoned to appear before -the synod. The scene in the archiepiscopal palace immediately -preceding the summons has been described by -Palladius, with the vivid and minute exactness of an eye-witness.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span></p> - -<p>“We were sitting, to the number of forty bishops, in the -dining-hall of the palace, marvelling at the audacity with -which one, who had been commanded to appear as a culprit -at Constantinople, had arrived with a train of bishops, had -altered the sentiments of nobles and magistrates, and perverted -the majority even of the clergy. Whilst we were -wondering, John, inspired by the Spirit of God, addressed -to us all the following words: ‘Pray for me, my brethren, -and, if ye love Christ, let no one for my sake desert his see, -for I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my -departure is at hand. Like him who spoke these words, I -perceive that I am about to relinquish life, for I know the -intrigues of Satan, that he will not endure any longer the -burden of my words which are delivered against him. May -ye obtain mercy, and in your prayers remember me.’ Seized -with inexpressible sorrow, some of us began to weep, and -others to leave the assembly, after kissing, amid tears and -sobs, the sacred head and eyes, and eloquent mouth, of -the Archbishop. He, however, exhorted them to return, -and, as they hovered near, like bees humming round their -hive, ‘Sit down, my brethren,’ he said, ‘and do not weep, -unnerving me by your tears, for to me to live is Christ, to -die is gain. Recall the words which I have so frequently -spoken to you. Present life is a journey; both its good and -painful things pass away. Present time is like a fair: we -buy, we sell, and the assembly is dissolved. Are we better -than the Patriarchs, the Prophets, the Apostles, that this life -should remain to us for ever?’ Here one of the company -uttering a cry exclaimed: ‘Nay, but what we lament is our -own bereavement and the widowhood of the Church, the -derangement of sacred laws, the ambition of those who fear -not the Lord, and violently seize the highest positions; the -destitution of the poor, and the loss of sound teaching.’ -But John replied, striking, as was his custom when cogitating, -the palm of his left hand with the forefinger of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span> -right: ‘Enough, my brother—no more; only, as I was -saying, do not abandon your churches, for neither did the -office of teaching begin with me, nor in me has it ended. -Did not Moses die, and was not Joshua found to succeed -him? Did not Samuel die, but was not David anointed? -Jeremy departed this life, but Baruch was left; Elijah was -taken up, but Elisha prophesied in his place; Paul was -beheaded, but did he not leave Timothy, Titus, Apollos, and a -host of others to work after him?’ To these words Eulysius, -bishop of Apamea, in Bithynia, observed: ‘If we retain our -sees, it will become necessary for us to hold communion with -the authors of your deposition, and to subscribe to your condemnation.’<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">569</a> -To which the holy John replied: ‘Communicate -by all means, so as to avoid rending the unity of the -Church; but abstain from subscribing, for I am not conscious -of having done anything to deserve deposition.’”</p> - -<p>At this point in the conference it was announced that -certain emissaries from the “Synod of the Oak” had arrived. -Chrysostom gave orders that they should be admitted, -inquired, when they entered, to what rank in the hierarchy -they belonged, and, on being informed that they were -bishops, requested them to be seated, and to declare the -purpose of their coming. The two bishops, young men -recently raised to the episcopate in Libya, replied, “We are -merely the bearers of a document which we request that you -will command to be read.” Chrysostom gave the order, and -a servant of Theophilus read the missive. “The holy Synod -assembled at the Oak to John” (thus did his enemies deprive -him of all his titles). “We have received a list containing -an infinite number of charges against you. Present yourself, -therefore, before us, bringing with you the priests Serapion -and Tigrius, for their presence is necessary.” The bishops -who were with Chrysostom were very indignant at the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span>insolent tenor of the message. A reply to the following -effect was drawn up, addressed to Theophilus, and despatched -by the hand of three bishops and two priests: “Subvert -not nor rend the Church for which God became incarnate; -but if, in contempt of the canons framed by 318 bishops at -Nice, you choose to judge a cause beyond the boundaries of -your jurisdiction, cross the straits into our city, which is at -least strictly governed by law, and do not, after the example -of Cain, call Abel out into the open field. For we have -charges of palpable crimes against you, drawn up under -more than sixty heads; our synod, also, is more numerous -than yours, and is assembled, by the grace of God, after a -peaceful manner, not for the disruption of the Church. For -you are but thirty-six in number, collected out of a single -province;<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">570</a> but we are forty, from several provinces, and -seven are metropolitans. It is only reasonable that the less -should be judged, according to the canons, by the greater.”</p> - -<p>Chrysostom approved of this answer of the bishops, but -sent a separate letter on his own behalf: “Hitherto I am -wholly ignorant whether any one has anything to say against -me; but if any one has assailed me, and you wish me to -appear before you, eject from your assembly my declared -enemies. I raise no question respecting the place where I -ought to be tried, although the most proper place is the -city.” He proceeds to say that he objected to his declared -and implacable enemies, Theophilus, Acacius, Severian, and -Antiochus, being allowed to sit on the council at all. “He -could convict Theophilus of having said in Alexandria and -Lycia, ‘I am setting out for the capital to depose John;’ -which, indeed, is true, for, since he set foot in Constantinople, -he has refused to meet or communicate with me. -What, then, will one do, after the trial, who has acted as my -enemy before it?” When these men should have been -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span>eliminated from the synod, or legally constituted as his -accusers, he would appear before a council, even if composed -of members from all Christendom; but till this condition -was complied with, he would refuse to present himself -though summoned ten thousand times over.<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">571</a></p> - -<p>He demanded, in short, to be tried by an œcumenical -synod, as the only tribunal which could legally exact obedience -from him. The Synod of the Oak, composed as it was -mainly of Egyptians and of declared enemies, could not -possibly pretend to that character. If the Imperial Court had -been upright and courageous, not susceptible of flattery and -bribes, not induced by personal animosity against the Archbishop -to favour or connive at the proceedings of his -enemies, such a synod could not have been held. That it -was held, and succeeded in the purpose for which it met, -will ever be a stain upon the Church and the Empire of the -East.</p> - -<p>But although viciously constituted and, indeed, all the -more on that very account, the synod made much display of -complying in formalities with the established order of an -ecclesiastical court of judicature. The prosecution was to be -carried on in the name of a plaintiff who was to be present, -and to submit his charge in writing. The defendant was to -be cited to appear and defend himself; and if he failed to -appear after three or four citations, he would be pronounced -contumacious, and as such be punishable by the synod with -excommunication and deposition. The further penalties of -imprisonment, exile, or death could not be inflicted by any -but the secular power.</p> - -<p>Theophilus was president of the synod, and the prosecution -was conducted in the name of John, Archdeacon of -Constantinople, who cherished malice against Chrysostom -because he had once been suspended by him for ill-treating -a slave, though afterwards restored. The charges were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>drawn up under twenty-nine heads. The evidence of most -worthless witnesses was accepted, or, more properly speaking, -invited. A strange medley of monstrous and incredible -offences was included in the list of charges prepared by the -Archdeacon John—acts of personal violence, as well as -violations of ecclesiastical discipline. “He had struck people -on the face, had calumniated many of his clergy, had called -one Epiphanius fool and demoniac, had imprisoned others, -had accused his archdeacons of robbing his pallium for an -unlawful purpose; he had despotically and illegally deposed -bishops in Asia, and had ordained others without sufficient -inquiry into their qualifications, mental or moral; he had -alienated the property and sold the ornaments of the Church; -he held private interviews with women, he dined on Cyclopian -fare, he ate a small cake after holy communion, he had -administered both sacraments, after he himself or the recipients -had eaten.”<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">572</a> The crowning charge was that of -treasonable language against the Empress—“he had called -her Jezebel.” This was the trump card of the cabal. If -the Emperor’s Court could be persuaded to believe him -guilty on this point, exile at least, and probably death, -would be the inevitable consequence.</p> - -<p>Such were the principal charges in the list presented by -the Archdeacon John. A second list, presented by Isaac -the monk, accused him of extending sympathy and hospitality -to Origenists, of instigating the people to sedition, of using -unseemly expressions in his sermons, such as “I exult, I am -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span>beside myself with joy,” or language which gave a dangerous -encouragement to sinners; for example, “as often as you sin -come to me and I will heal you.”</p> - -<p>By artfully making slight alterations in expressions actually -used, and tearing them from their context, it was easy -to represent them as mischievous or blasphemous. It is not -surprising then that Chrysostom steadfastly refused to answer -in person such a list of partly monstrous, partly puerile, accusations -before such a synod. He pursued the only dignified -course possible under the circumstances. When a notary -from the Emperor came to him with a rescript, and showed -him the petition inserted in it from the synod, that the -Emperor would compel the attendance of the Archbishop; -and when, presently, a second deputation from the synod, -consisting of a renegade priest of his own clergy, and Isaac -the monk, brought a peremptory summons from the synod, -he inflexibly maintained the same attitude. “I will not -attend a synod which is composed of my enemies, and to -which I am summoned by my own clergy. I appeal to a -lawfully constituted General Council.” The citations were -rapidly repeated three or four times, and always met by -the same response. The cabal expended their fury on -the messengers of the Archbishop; they beat one bishop, -tore the clothes of another, and placed on the neck of a -third the chains which they had designed for the person -of Chrysostom himself, their intention having been to put -him secretly on board ship, and send him off to some remote -part of the Empire. Some of the clergy were so much -intimidated by these violent proceedings that they dared not -return to Constantinople. Demetrius, however, Bishop of -Pessina, denounced the conduct of the synod, quitted it, and -returned to the Archbishop. After several more ineffectual -citations, the synod, at its twelfth session, declared that it -would proceed to judgment against Chrysostom as contumacious. -Either by a happy coincidence, or by the contrivance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span> -of Theophilus, a message arrived from the Court on the same -day, urging the bishops to decide the cause as speedily as -possible. With much alacrity the request was obeyed. -They drew up a despatch to the Emperor—a formal statement: -“Whereas John, being accused of crimes, has declined -to appear before us, and that in such cases ecclesiastical law -pronounces deposition, we have hereby deposed him; but as -the indictment against him contains charges of treason as -well as ecclesiastical offences, we leave these to be dealt -with by you, since it belongs not to us to take cognisance of -them.” The synod waited for the Imperial ratification of -their verdict, and meanwhile issued a circular to the clergy -of Constantinople, informing them of the deposition of their -spiritual father.<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">573</a></p> - -<p>Having attained, as he believed, the object of his intrigue, -Theophilus went through the form of reconciliation with the -“tall brethren” in the presence of the synod. The facility -with which they were restored to favour on a simple request -for pardon is in strange contrast to the relentless animosity -with which they had been hitherto pursued, and indicates -that their persecution had been maintained simply as the -means to securing a more important victim.</p> - -<p>Both Dioscorus and Ammon had recently died, the latter -predicting with his dying lips that the Church was about to -be distressed by a furious persecution, and torn by a deplorable -schism. He was buried in that church of the Apostles, -in the suburb of The Oak, where, nine years before, he had -baptized the founder, the Prefect Rufinus. The monks of -the foundation celebrated his obsequies with great pomp; -and Theophilus, his bitter persecutor, condescended to weep -over his death, and publicly declare that he had never known -a monk of more exalted saintliness.<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">574</a></p> - -<p>The triumph of the synod seemed to be completed by the -receipt of an Imperial rescript, ratifying the sentence of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>deposition, and announcing that the Archbishop would be -banished. Many members of the synod were probably disappointed -at the mildness of the penalty; but the people of -Constantinople were enraged, and impeded the execution of -the sentence. It was evening when the impending degradation -of their Archbishop became known. During the whole -of the night, crowds of people watched outside the Archbishop’s -palace and the cathedral to guard against his forcible -abduction. Early in the morning they thronged the church, -loudly protested against the injustice of the sentence, and -demanded with shouts the submission of his cause to a -General Council. For three days and nights the flock incessantly -guarded their beloved pastor. Under their protection -he passed to and from the palace and the church. On the -second day he delivered a discourse to them in the cathedral. -The first portion of it is in all respects worthy of Chrysostom; -the conclusion, involved and rugged, seems to have -been added by another hand, and extracts will not be made -from it here.<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">575</a></p> - -<p>“Many are the billows, and terrible the storms, which -threaten us; but we fear not to be overwhelmed, for we -stand upon the rock. Let the sea rage, it cannot dissolve -the rock; let the billows rise, they cannot sink the vessel -of Jesus Christ. Tell me, what is it we fear? death?—‘To -me to live is Christ, and to die is gain.’ Or exile?—‘The -earth is the Lord’s and the fulness thereof.’ Or confiscation -of goods?—‘We brought nothing into this world, and it is -certain we can carry nothing out.’”... “I fear not poverty, -I desire not wealth; I dread not death, I do not pray for -life, save for the sake of your advancement. I beseech you -be of good courage; no man will be able to separate us, for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>‘that which God hath joined together no man can put -asunder.’ If man cannot dissolve marriage, how much less -the Church of God! Thou, oh my enemy! only renderest -me more illustrious, and wastest thine own strength, ‘for it -is hard to kick against the pricks.’ Waves do not break the -rock, but are themselves dispersed into foam against it. -Nothing, oh man! is stronger than the Church, ... it is -stronger even than Heaven, ‘for Heaven and earth shall -pass away, but my words shall not pass away.’ What words? -‘Thou art Peter, and on this rock I will build my Church, -and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.’ If thou -disbelievest the words, yet believe the facts. How many -tyrants have attempted to overcome the Church; how often -have wild beasts, and the sword, and the furnace, and the -boiling caldron, been employed against it, yet have they not -prevailed. Where are those who made war upon it? They -have been silenced and consigned to oblivion. Where is the -Church? It shines above the brightness of the sun. Let -none of the things that have been done disturb you. Grant -me one favour only,—unwavering faith. Was not St. Peter -on the point of sinking, not because of the uncontrollable -onset of the waves, but because of the weakness of his faith? -Did man’s votes bring me here, that man should put me -down? I say not this in a spirit of boastfulness—God -forbid—but in the desire to settle your agitated minds.”... -“Let no one trouble you; give heed to your prayers. -This disturbance is the devil’s work, that he might destroy -your zeal in the sacred Litanies; but he does not succeed. -We find you even more earnest than before. To-morrow I -shall go out with you in the Litany, for where you are, there -I am. Though locally separated, we are in spirit united; -we are one body, the body is not separated from its head; -even death cannot separate us.”... “For your sakes I am -ready to be slaughtered ten thousand times over, since death -is to me the warrant of immortality. These intrigues are to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span> -me but the occasion of security. I say these things to listening -ears; so many days have you watched, and nothing has -moved you from your purpose. Neither length of time nor -threats have enervated you; you have done what I have -always been desiring, despised the things of this world, -bidden farewell to earth, released yourselves from the fetters -of the body: this is my crown, my consolation, my anointing; -this the suggestion to me of immortality.”</p> - -<p>Another discourse<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">576</a> contains much to the same effect, and -a declaration of his belief that the real cause of his deposition -was his sturdy opposition to the corrupt manners and -morals of the age. “You know,” he says, “why they are -going to depose me—because I spread no fine carpets, and -wear no silken robes; because I have not pampered their -gluttony, or made presents in gold and silver.” He would -comfort and encourage himself with the prospect of being -reckoned among those who had suffered for righteousness’ -sake. The cruel and capricious woman, who one day called -him “a thirteenth apostle,” and the next “a Judas,” would -receive a just retribution for her conduct.</p> - -<p>The attachment of the people to the Archbishop, and -their sense of the injustice with which he was treated, were -so strong that, with his powers of swaying their feelings, he -might easily have raised a formidable sedition, and defied, -for an indefinite time, the sentence of the synod and the -edict of the Emperor. But his sentiments were too loyal, -too Christian, too peaceful, for any such desperate and -violent measures. He might have continued to demand the -reference of his cause to a General Council; but, had this -been granted, there was the extreme probability that his -enemies would refuse, and persuade many more to refuse, -a recognition of its decision. Then would follow one of those -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span>melancholy schisms, of which the Church already knew too -well the misery. He determined to bow to the storm. On -the third day after his deposition by the council, and about -noon, when the people were not guarding the approaches to -the church quite so vigilantly, he passed out, unperceived, -by one of the side entrances, and surrendered himself to -some of the Court officials, who conducted him at nightfall -to the harbour. In spite of the darkness, he was recognised -by some of the people, who followed him with loud cries of -distress. He besought them to abstain from the commission -of violence, commended them to the care of Jesus Christ, -cited the example of Job blessing and thanking God in the -midst of trouble, and declared that he patiently waited for -the decision of an Œcumenical Council. The vessel in which -he embarked conveyed him the same night to Hieron,<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">577</a> on -the Bithynian coast, at the mouth of the Euxine. Perhaps -owing to the dangerous proximity of this place to Chalcedon, -the headquarters of his enemies, he removed (being apparently -uncontrolled in his movements) to a country-house -belonging to a friend, near Prænetum, on the Astacene gulf -opposite Nicomedia.</p> - -<p>When the departure of the Archbishop became generally -known on the succeeding day, the indignation of the people -burst into a blaze. The places of public resort were thronged -with clamorous crowds denouncing the synod and demanding -a General Council. They flocked into the churches to pour -forth their lamentations, and to invoke the Divine intervention -on behalf of their injured Patriarch. A revulsion of -feeling in his favour took place among many of the clergy -who had hitherto been opposed to him. The arrival of -Theophilus with a large retinue was not calculated to allay -the agitation. Force was employed to dislodge the people -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>from the churches; the struggle occasioned bloodshed, and -even some loss of life, chiefly among monks. The worthless -clergy who had been deposed by Chrysostom, some of them -for flagrant crimes, were restored by Theophilus. Severian -of Gabala mounted a pulpit in one of the churches, and -extolled the act of deposition. “Even were the Patriarch,” -he said, “guiltless of other offences, the penalty was due to -his arrogance, for ‘God resisteth the proud,’ even if He forgave -other sins.” The people were furious at this barefaced -attempt to justify injustice. They thronged the approaches -to the Imperial palace itself, and with loud shouts demanded -the restoration of the Patriarch.<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">578</a></p> - -<p>A natural phenomenon, not rare in Constantinople, but -regarded under the circumstances as a Divine visitation, -opportunely concurred with this demand. The city, the -palace, but more especially the bedchamber of the Empress, -were agitated by a severe shock of earthquake. The friends -of Chrysostom rejoiced at this manifestation of the wrath of -Heaven; his enemies were alarmed. The terrified Empress -eagerly promoted the demand of the people for the restoration -of the exile. Messengers were sent across the Bosporus -to seek him, for the exact place of his retreat appears to have -been unknown. Briso, the Empress’s chamberlain, a man -of Christian piety and a personal friend of Chrysostom, discovered -him at Prænetum. He was the bearer of a humble, -we might say abject, letter of self-exculpation from the -Empress. “Let not your holiness (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἡ ἁγιωσύνη</span>) imagine that -I was cognisant of what has been done. I am guiltless of -thy blood. Wicked and corrupt men have contrived this -plot. I remember the baptism of my children by thy -hands. God whom I serve is witness of my tears.” She -informs him how she had fallen at the feet of the -Emperor, and had represented to him that there was no -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span>hope for the Empire except through the restoration of the -Archbishop.<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">579</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom yielded to the solicitation so far as to embark -and cross the Bosporus, but he declined at first to advance -nearer Constantinople than the suburb of Mariamna, two -leagues from the capital by sea. He declared that he would -not enter the city until he had been acquitted by a General -Council. But the impetuosity of the people would brook -no delay. Tidings of his approach had preceded him. The -Bosporus was studded with boats crowded with his friends, -bearing torches and chanting psalms of welcome. The halt -at Mariamna was suspected to be a contrivance of the enemy, -who wished to deprive the Patriarch of the honours awaiting -him. Their denunciations of the Emperor and Empress -grew loud and menacing. An Imperial secretary arrived at -Mariamna, urging Chrysostom to enter the city without loss -of time. The Archbishop consented, and, attended by about -thirty bishops, amidst the acclamations of the populace, was -conducted to the Church of the Apostles. Again he remonstrated, -and expressed scruples at entering till the sentence -of deposition should have been revoked by a legitimate -council. But the eagerness of the people was irrepressible. -He was borne into the church, and compelled to take his seat -on the episcopal throne and pronounce a benediction upon -the assembly. When he had complied with their request, -they would not be satisfied till he had addressed them in an -extempore discourse. The address exists only in a Latin -translation. Its brevity, and the abrupt style of the opening -sentences, indicate the extemporaneous character of it.<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">580</a></p> - -<p>“What shall I say, or how shall I speak? ‘Blessed be -God.’ So spoke I when I departed, and I utter the same -again: yea, even in my exile I did not cease to say these -words. Ye remember how I quoted Job, and said, ‘Blessed -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>be the name of the Lord for ever.’ Such was the pledge I -left with you when I set forth; such is the thanksgiving I -repeat on my return. ‘Blessed be the name of the Lord for -ever.’ Our lot varies, but our manner of giving glory is one. -I gave thanks when I was expelled, I give thanks when I -return. The conditions of summer and winter are different, -but the end is one—the prosperity of the field. Blessed be -God who permitted the storm, blessed be God who has dispersed -it and wrought a calm. These things I say, that I -may prepare you to bless God at all times. Have good -things happened to you? Bless God, and the good remains; -have evil things occurred? bless God still, and the evil is -removed.”... “Behold what great results have been -wrought by the stratagems of my enemies. They have -augmented your zeal, inflamed your affectionate longing for -me, and procured me lovers in hundreds. Formerly I was -beloved by my own people only; now even the Jews pay -me respect. My enemies hoped to sever me from my own -friends; and, instead, they have brought even aliens into -our ranks.”... “To-day the Circensian games take place, -but no one is present there; all have poured like a torrent -into the church, and your voices are as streams which flow -to Heaven and declare your affection towards your father.” -He congratulates them on putting the enemy to flight. -“Many are the sheep, yet nowhere is the wolf seen; the -devouring beasts are overwhelmed, the wolves have fled. -Who has pursued them? Not I the shepherd, but ye the -sheep. O noble flock! in the absence of the shepherd ye -have routed the wolves. O beauty and chastity of the wife! -how hast thou repulsed the adulterer, because thou lovedst -thy husband!”... “Where are our enemies? in ignominy;—where -are we? in triumph.”<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">581</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span></p> -<p>On the following day the Archbishop delivered another -address, pitched in the same strain, but amplified and more -ornate. It opens with a singular comparison between the -meditated seduction of Abraham’s wife by Pharaoh, and the -plot of Theophilus to corrupt the chastity of the Church of -Constantinople. The courage and faith of the flock in -resisting the wolf during the absence of their shepherd, their -enthusiastic welcome of his return, when the sea, as he -expresses it, became a city (alluding to the crowds who had -gone out to meet him on the Bosporus), and the market-place -was converted into one vast church—these are again -the topics on which he dilates with thankful joy. He -applies to himself the verse: “They that sow in tears shall -reap in joy; he that now goeth on his way weeping, and -beareth forth good seed, shall doubtless come again with joy, -and bring his sheaves with him.” The Empress is extolled -in language which to any but oriental ears must sound -painfully fulsome and adulatory. She had sent a message -to him on the previous evening, saying, “My prayer is fulfilled, -my object accomplished. I have obtained a crown -better than the diadem itself. I have received back the -priest, I have restored the head to the body, the pilot to the -ship, the shepherd to the flock, the husband to the home.” -In return for this complimentary greeting (complimentary, -it must be confessed, to herself as much as to the Archbishop) -she is styled by him “most devout Queen, mother -of the churches, nurse of monks, protectress of saints, staff -of the poor.” The people were so much delighted with -these laudations of the Empress, that the address was constantly -interrupted by their acclamations.<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">582</a></p> - -<p>When the object of the Synod at the Oak had eventually -failed through the recall of Chrysostom, many of the members -lost no time in returning to their several sees. Theophilus -and a few of his most resolute partisans appear to have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>lurked in the city, waiting a possible opportunity for resuming -their intrigues. This they attempted, according to two -historians,<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">583</a> by instigating accusations against Heracleides, -who had been consecrated Bishop of Ephesus by Chrysostom. -The friends of Heracleides and of the Archbishop protested -against the illegality of such proceedings in the absence of -the defendant. The question was taken up by the populace. -Fierce and sanguinary frays were fought in the streets -between the citizens and the Alexandrian followers of -Theophilus. At length he and his followers consulted their -safety by a precipitate flight. This account is not incompatible -with the assertion of Chrysostom himself in his letter -to Innocent, that after his recall he incessantly demanded -the convocation of a General Council to absolve him from -the verdict of the false synod, and to reinstate him in possession -of his see; that the Emperor consented, and that, as -soon as the imperial summonses were issued in all directions, -Theophilus, dreading the scrutiny of his conduct, -embarked in the dead of night, and sailed in haste for Alexandria.<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">584</a> -The citation of the council, and the hostility of the -people, may well have concurred to hasten his departure. -The General Council seems never to have regularly assembled. -Theophilus was cited to attend it after he had -returned to Alexandria, but excused himself on the plea -that the Alexandrians were so deeply attached to him, he -feared a sedition would take place if he were again to absent -himself. No less than sixty bishops, however, who had -congregated in Constantinople, though not apparently convened -in synodal form, solemnly declared their sense of the -illegality and injustice of the late proceedings at the Synod -of the Oak, and confirmed Chrysostom in the resumption of -his see.</p> - -<hr /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XIX.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">AN IMAGE OF EUDOXIA PLACED IN FRONT OF THE CATHEDRAL—CHRYSOSTOM -DENOUNCES IT—ANGER OF THE EMPRESS—THE ENEMY -RETURNS TO THE CHARGE—ANOTHER COUNCIL FORMED—CHRYSOSTOM -CONFINED TO HIS PALACE—VIOLENT SCENE IN THE CATHEDRAL -AND OTHER PLACES—CHRYSOSTOM AGAIN EXPELLED. A.D. 403, 404.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> storm had passed over for the moment, and the atmosphere -seemed serene: but in reality it was charged with all -the old elements of disturbance. The Archbishop owed his -restoration to a mere superstitious impulse on the part of the -Empress, seconded by the enthusiastic devotion of the common -people to his person and his cause. But as the revulsion -of feeling which had led to his recall died away, and -he himself resumed with unabated zeal his former work -of moral and ecclesiastical reformation, the irritation and -animosity of the more corrupt portion of the clergy and -laity revived. In two months after his return an occasion -arose which brought him into serious collision with the -Court. This was the signal for the reappearance of his -enemies; they flocked from far and near—Egypt, Syria, -Asia, as well as his own more immediate diocese—and -swooped down upon their prey with the avidity of vultures.</p> - -<p>The pride and ambition of Eudoxia were not satisfied by -the enjoyment of a power really greater than her husband’s, -and of respect outwardly equal; she was determined to -receive that half-idolatrous kind of homage which custom, -handed down from Pagan times, still paid to the Emperor,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span> -but to him alone. The smaller forum of Constantinople -was a great square,<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">585</a> on one side of which stood the grand -curia or senate-house, which Constantine had enriched with -the sumptuous spoils of many Pagan temples, and especially -with the statues of the Muses brought from the grove of -Helicon; opposite to it was the entrance of St. Sophia, and -the remaining sides of the forum were bounded by handsome -public and a few private buildings all faced with -colonnades. In the centre was a stone platform paved with -various marbles, from which speeches were delivered on -great public occasions. On this platform the Empress -determined to gratify her vanity by the erection of a lofty -column of porphyry surmounted by a silvern image of -herself. This design was accomplished in September a.d. -403, and the erection of the statue was celebrated by all -the Pagan ceremonies and festivities, including music and -dancing, with which the adoration of the Emperor’s image -was usually attended. These rites had been retained by -the Christian Emperors because they were supposed to be -useful in maintaining a loyal spirit among the people, -but the Pagan elements were afterwards suppressed by -Theodosius <span class="smcap">II</span>.<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">586</a></p> - -<p>The position of Eudoxia’s column in front of the vestibule -of St. Sophia, and the disturbance caused to the sacred -services within by the noisy, tumultuous proceedings outside, -were regarded by the Patriarch as a disgrace to an -Empress calling herself Christian, an outrage and insult -flung in the very face of the Church. He denounced the -heathenish ceremony with his usual vehemence before the -people, and complained of it to the prefect of the city. The -prefect was a Manichæan, and no friend to Chrysostom. -Instead of endeavouring to conciliate both parties, he reported -to the Empress, probably with some exaggeration, the con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span>demnation -pronounced by the Patriarch on the indulgence -of her pride. The resentment of Eudoxia was fierce. She -rallied the enemies of Chrysostom around her to devise -means for crushing the audacious prelate. Acacius, Severian, -and others of the old troop were soon upon the scene, and -conferring with their old confederates, the Marsas and -Castriccias, the rich worldly dames, and the dandy young -clergy of Constantinople. There was no diminution meanwhile -in the tide of invective poured forth from the golden -mouth, and the pungency of his sarcasms did not lose force -in the reports of them which were carried to the royal -ears.<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">587</a></p> - -<p>Once more the faction applied to the Patriarch of Alexandria, -inviting him to come and conduct their operations. -But he was too wary to involve himself personally in another -campaign, to terminate perhaps in a second ignominious -flight. His influence, however, even at a distance, was -potent. The stratagem adopted this time was to counterfeit -that General Council which had been constantly demanded -by Chrysostom; packing it with hostile bishops who were -ostensibly convened to revise, but in reality to confirm, the -decision issued by the Synod of the Oak. Theophilus, then, -having excused attendance at Constantinople in person, sent -three “pitiful bishops” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἐλεείνους ἐπισκόπους</span>), creatures of -his own on whom he could rely, to execute his designs.<a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">588</a> -They were armed with the 12th Canon of the Council of -Antioch held in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 341, which declared that any bishop -who, after deposition, appealed to the secular power for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span>restoration, should, for that very act, be regarded by the -Church as permanently and irrevocably deposed. The -Council of Antioch had been swayed by Arian influence, and -this same canon had been aimed against Athanasius, who -had returned from exile to Alexandria under the Imperial -sanction. It had been repudiated by the Western bishops, -and some of the Eastern, at the Council of Sardica, and -indeed by all who maintained communion with Athanasius. -Theophilus, however, proposed to base the present proceedings -against Chrysostom on this foundation; to turn, in fact, -against the greatest luminary of Constantinople the engine -which had been originally constructed against the greatest -ornament of the Alexandrian see. The instrument would -work well if proper hands could be procured to work it. -Syria, Cappadocia, Pontus, Phrygia, were once more ransacked -to supply the council with disaffected prelates. To -the old names of Acacius of Berœa, Severian of Gabala, -Antiochus and Cyrinus, may be added, as leaders of the -malignants, Leontius, bishop of Ancyra in Galatia, Brison of -Philippopolis in Thrace, Ammon of Laodicea in Pisidia; -among those honourably distinguished as friendly to the -Patriarch were Theodore of Tyana, Elpidius of Laodicea, -Tranquillus (see unknown), and Alexander of Basilinopolis -in Bithynia. Theodore, however, perceiving the malevolent -intention with which the council was convoked, quitted -Constantinople soon after his arrival.</p> - -<p>The council met about the close of the year <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 403. It -was customary for the Emperor to attend Divine service in -state on Christmas Day, but he was induced by the enemies -of Chrysostom to refuse on this occasion, alleging that it was -impossible to be present where the Patriarch officiated till -he had been cleared of the serious charges brought against -him. It was proposed at first to affect to meet the demand -of Chrysostom for an equitable trial, and to hear all the -charges which had been preferred at the Synod of the Oak.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span> -But, the witnesses were so backward to appear, and the -attitude of the defendant betokened such confidence in his -cause, that it was deemed more prudent by his enemies to -stake the whole issue on the canon of the Council of -Antioch. If that was once admitted, there would be an end -of the whole matter. The Archbishop, having been deposed -already once for all, was not competent to appear and plead -his cause before a council. Chrysostom and his friends -opposed the adoption of such a course with two powerful -arguments. They represented that the Council of Antioch -had been managed by an Arian bishop and influenced by an -Arian emperor, and the object of it had been to harass the -great Athanasius. In the next place, the Synod of the -Oak had been illegally constituted; sixty-five bishops had -repudiated its decision; Chrysostom, therefore, was not -legally deposed, and the canon of Antioch was in consequence -not applicable to his case. This last objection was -not permitted by his enemies. Leontius boldly declared, -what appears to have been a palpable lie, that a larger -number of bishops than sixty-five had voted against Chrysostom -in the Synod.<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">589</a></p> - -<p>Thus the question as to the validity of the Council of -Antioch became the knot of the whole affair. It was -debated with such vehemence on both sides, that at length -the adversaries of the Patriarch proposed that a deputation -from the two contending parties should plead the case before -the Emperor, and submit the decision to him. It may be -presumed from their making the proposal that they felt -secure of a verdict favourable to their side, and, at the same -time, by this step a semblance of impartiality would be -imparted to the proceedings. The deputies met in the -royal presence. When the heat which marked the beginning -of the discussion had cooled down a little, Elpidius of -Laodicea with much gentleness of manner made an astute -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span>proposal. He was an old man, eminent for stainlessness of -character, as well as for learning in ecclesiastical lore. “Let -us not,” he said, “weary the clemency of your Majesty any -longer; only let our brethren, Acacius and Antiochus, subscribe -a declaration that they are of the same faith with -those who promulgated these canons, which they maintain -to be the production of orthodox men, and the controversy -will be at an end.” The Emperor perceived the adroitness -of the proposal, and observed with a smile to Antiochus, -that the plan struck him as the most expedient which could -be devised. Antiochus and his colleagues turned livid with -perplexity and rage, but, being fairly caught in the dilemma, -were forced to dissemble their feelings, and simulated a -willing consent to sign the proposed declaration. The -promise was made, but never executed. The deputies retired, -and the adversaries of the Patriarch laboured with redoubled -energy to procure his final condemnation; but we have no -record of any formal session or formally declared sentence. -Chrysostom continued to preach and discharge his other -functions with, if possible, increased diligence, and still -acted as president over the floating synod of more than forty -bishops who constantly adhered to his cause. His enemies, -on the other hand, acted as if the sentence of condemnation -had been passed, and continually requested the Emperor to -put it into execution.<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">590</a></p> - -<p><span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 404. As Easter approached, they became more importunate -in their demand. They dreaded the demonstrations -which might be made in favour of their victim by the -large congregations which on Holy Saturday and Easter Day -were wont to assemble in the churches. They succeeded in -prevailing on the Emperor to prohibit the Patriarch, as -having been deposed and excommunicated by two councils, -from entering or officiating in the church at Easter-tide. -Chrysostom had always expressed an earnest desire to be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span>tried before a lawful council, and to abide by its decision. -This request had been systematically evaded even when -ostensibly complied with. His whole soul rebelled with -honest indignation against these insidious and persistent -attempts to misrepresent his conduct, and he determined -now to resist them by taking his stand on the lofty ground -of his Divine mission. “I received this church from God -my Saviour, and am charged with the care of the salvation of -this flock, nor am I at liberty to abandon it. Expel me by -force if you will, since the city belongs to you, that I may -have your authority as an excuse for deserting my post.”<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">591</a></p> - -<p>The Emperor, though with some shame, sent officials who -removed the Archbishop from the church to his palace, with -a strict injunction that he should not attempt to leave it. -This was a cautious preliminary to final expulsion, suggested -by superstitious dread of any earthquake or other manifestation -of Divine displeasure. Should any such occur again, -the Archbishop could be released in a moment; if not, they -might proceed to further measures.</p> - -<p>Easter Eve arrived, the greatest day in the year for the -baptism of converts. Three thousand were to be “initiated” -this year. Chrysostom was again commanded to abstain -from entering the church, but answered according to the -tenor of his former reply, that he would not desist from -officiating unless compelled by actual force. The feeble -Arcadius was alarmed, and hesitated how to act. He -scrupled to use force on so sacred a day, and dreaded an -insurrection of the populace. As usual, he tried to shift -responsibility from his own shoulders. He sent for Acacius -and Antiochus, and requested their advice in the present -emergency. They were too far committed now to draw back, -and promptly replied that they would take on their heads -the deposition of the Archbishop.</p> - -<p>One more effort was made to avert the impending cala<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span>mity. -The forty bishops who maintained a close friendship -with Chrysostom accosted the Emperor and Empress as they -were visiting, according to their custom at this season, some -of the martyr chapels outside the city. They entreated -their majesties with tears to spare the Church her chief -pastor, especially on account of the season, and for the -sake of those who were about to be baptized. But Arcadius -and Eudoxia turned a deaf ear to their piteous appeal. The -bishops retired, grief-stricken, to mourn over the wrongs of -their Church and Patriarch; but not before one of them, -Paul, bishop of Crateia, had lifted up his voice in bold and -solemn warning:—“Take heed, Eudoxia; fear God; have -pity on your children. Do not outrage by bloodshed the -sacred and solemn festival of Jesus Christ.”<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">592</a></p> - -<p>The church of St. Sophia became the scene, on the night -of that Easter Eve, of shocking tumult. A vast congregation -from the city and surrounding towns, including many -of the catechumens, was keeping vigil to greet the dawn of -the Resurrection morning. Suddenly a body of soldiers -burst in with noise and violence, and took possession of the -choir. The confusion may be imagined. Women and children -fled shrieking in wild disorder. Many of the female -catechumens, only half-dressed, in preparation for the reception -of baptism, were hurriedly driven out of the baptistry -with the deaconesses who attended them. Some were even -wounded, and the sacred fonts stained with blood. Some of -the soldiers, unbaptized men, penetrated even to the chamber -where the Eucharistic elements were kept, and profaned -them with their gaze and touch. The clergy were forcibly -ejected in their vestments, and several were wounded. The -pitiable spectacle of the mingled troop of men, women, -children, and clergy, violently chased along the streets by -the brutal soldiery, moved even Jews and Gentiles to com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>passion. -The clergy, however, rallied the scattered flock in -the Baths of Constantine, the largest public baths in the -city. Here they proceeded with the Easter services in due -order; some reading the Scriptures, others baptizing. The -churches of Constantinople were deserted, which the adversary -wished to force the people to attend in the absence of -the Archbishop, in the hope that the Court might thus -suppose him to be unpopular.</p> - -<p>Such is the description of these violent scenes as drawn -by the pen of Chrysostom himself, in a letter<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">593</a> written soon -after the occurrences, and addressed to Innocent I., bishop -of Rome, Venerius, bishop of Milan, and Chromatius, bishop -of Aquileia. “You may imagine the rest,” he concludes; -“great as these calamities are, there is no prospect of their -immediate termination; on the contrary, the evil extends -every day. The spirit of insubordination is rapidly spreading -from the capital to the provinces, from the head to the -members. Clergy rebel against their bishop, and one bishop -assails another. People are, or soon will be, split into -factions. All places are racked by the throes of coming -trouble, and the confusion is universal. Having been informed -of all these things, then, my most reverend and -prudent lords, display, I pray you, the courage and zeal -which becomes you in restraining this lawlessness which has -crept into the churches. For if it were to become a prevailing -and allowable custom, for any at their pleasure to pass -into foreign and distant dioceses, and to expel whomsoever -any one may choose, and act as they like on their own private -authority, be sure that all discipline will go to pieces, and a -kind of implacable warfare will pervade the world, all expelling -or being themselves expelled. Wherefore, to prevent -the subjection of the world to such confusion, I beseech you -to enjoin that these acts so illegally performed in my absence, -when I had not declined fair judgment, may be reckoned -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span>invalid, as indeed in the nature of things they are, and that -those who have been detected taking part in these iniquitous -proceedings may be subjected to the penalty of ecclesiastical -law; while we who have not been proved guilty may continue -to enjoy your correspondence and friendship as aforetime.” -He closes his letter by affirming that he was still -prepared to prove his innocence and the guilt of his accusers -before a legally constituted council.</p> - -<p>This letter is interesting not only in itself, but because it -illustrates remarkably the growing tendency of Christendom -to appeal to the arbitration of the Western Church, and -especially of the Bishop of Rome, in matters of ecclesiastical -discipline. The law-making, law-protecting spirit of the -West is invoked to restrain the turbulence and licentiousness -of the East. The Patriarch of the Eastern Rome appeals to -the great bishops of the West, as the champions of an -ecclesiastical discipline which he confesses himself unable to -enforce, or to see any prospect of establishing. No jealousy -is entertained of the Patriarch of the old Rome by the -Patriarch of the new. The interference of Innocent is -courted, a certain primacy is accorded him, but at the same -time he is not addressed as a supreme arbitrator; assistance -and sympathy are solicited from him as from an elder -brother, and two other prelates of Italy are joint recipients -with him of the appeal. The effect of this letter will -shortly be related; for the present, the course of events at -Constantinople must be followed.</p> - -<p>It did not suit the purpose of Acacius and his party to -allow the congregation which had been hunted out of St. -Sophia to proceed with their service in the baths unmolested. -If the Emperor entered the church in the morning and found -it deserted, the vacancy on so great a day would reveal too -plainly the intense devotion of the people to their bishop. -The aim of the conspirators was to force the people to attend -the services, which were to be marked by the absence of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span> -Chrysostom alone. They accordingly applied to Anthemius, -Master of the Offices, to disperse the congregation, if necessary -by force. Anthemius, however, was a moderate, prudent -man, and kindly disposed towards the Patriarch. He -refused to interfere, pleading the advanced hour of the night, -the vastness of the assembly, and the risk of serious tumult. -He yielded, however, to their persevering and urgent demands -so far as to direct Lucius, a subordinate officer, commander -of a Thracian corps called the Scutarii, to present -himself with his troops at the entrance of the baths, and -exhort the people to return to the church, as the more -proper place for conducting the services. He was strictly -charged to abstain from violence. He acted on his instructions, -and harangued the congregation, but without effect. -The chanting of the Psalms and the administration of -baptism to crowds of catechumens were proceeded with. -Lucius returned and reported his errand ineffectual. Acacius -and his colleagues urged him with all their eloquence, and -with promises of rich reward, probably more effective than -their golden words, to make another effort, and to use force -if persuasion were not regarded. They gave him some -ecclesiastics to accompany him and, as it were, sanction -their proceedings. Whether they began by exhortation is -not recorded; at any rate, if it was given, no attention was -paid to it, and it was quickly seconded by barbarian -violence. Lucius himself pushed his way to the place of -baptism, and laid about him with a truncheon upon candidates, -deacons, and priests, some of them aged men, and -dispersed them in all directions. The soldiers seized and -plundered the women of their ornaments, the clergy of their -vestments, and the sacred vessels belonging to the Church; -they beat the fugitives and dragged them off to the prisons. -The natural solitude and silence of the streets, in the hour -immediately preceding dawn, were disturbed by the cries of -the captives and the shouts of their brutal captors.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span></p> - -<p>In the morning the street walls were covered with proclamations, -menacing with severe punishment any who -persisted in maintaining intercourse with the Patriarch.<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">594</a></p> - -<p>The baths were effectually emptied of the congregation; -but to fill the churches could not so easily be accomplished; in -fact, they were entirely deserted. Large numbers of the dispersed -congregation who had escaped the hands of the soldiers -fled outside the walls of Constantinople, and, with indefatigable -zeal, sought to complete the celebration of the Paschal rites -as best they could in the secure recesses of woods or valleys. -A large number assembled in a field called Pempton, because -five miles from the Forum of Constantine, an open space -surrounded by wood and intended to be used as a Hippodrome. -In the course of the day—Easter Day—the Emperor -and his retinue happened to ride, or perhaps were maliciously -conducted, near the spot. The eye of Arcadius was attracted -by the sight of a large body of people, many of them clothed -in white, crowded together outside the Hippodrome. Unhappily, -the Emperor was attended by courtiers inimical to -the Archbishop. They replied to his inquiries respecting -the nature of the concourse, that it was a body of heretics -who had met to worship there in order to escape interference. -Arcadius was weak enough to allow, without further inquiry, -a number of soldiers who formed part of his escort to ride in -upon the assembly and seize the most conspicuous leaders. -A number of priests were captured, and several rich and -noble ladies, whom the soldiers despoiled of their head-dresses -and earrings with great barbarity, in one instance -even tearing away with the appendage a portion of the ear -itself.</p> - -<p>One more attempt was made to assemble in a wooden -hippodrome, built by Constantine, called the Xulodrome; -but once more they were driven out, and hunted from place -to place with relentless diligence. These repeated assaults -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span>broke up the flock of Chrysostom; the prisons were filled -with the Johnites, as they were called after the name of -their bishop, and the churches were empty. The prison -walls echoed to the sound of the chants and hymns of the -martyrs, but the churches to the noise of scourge and fierce -threats administered to those who ventured to enter. This -was done in the hope that they might be coerced by torture -to anathematise the Archbishop.<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">595</a></p> - -<p>He himself, however, meanwhile continued to reside two -months in his palace, though not without risk. Twice, as it -was believed, attempts were made to assassinate him, but -frustrated. Suspicion fell first on a man who affected demoniacal -possession, and hovered much about the precincts -of the palace. A dagger was found upon his person; the -people seized him and dragged him before the prefect; but -Chrysostom procured his release through the intercession of -some bishops, just as he was about to be examined by torture. -A second attempt was supposed to be intended by a slave, -who ran at full speed towards the entrance of the palace, and -plunged a dagger, in some instances with fatal effect, into -several passers-by who endeavoured to stop him. He was -at last surrounded and captured by the people, when he -confessed that he had been bribed by his master, a priest -named Elpidius, to try and assassinate the Archbishop. -The fury of the people was appeased by the imprisonment -of the man; but they now resolved to take the protection of -their Archbishop into their own hands. They divided themselves -into companies, which kept watch by turns, night -and day, over the episcopal palace. The hostile party, -dreading any further impediments to the execution of their -iniquitous sentence, now hurried matters to their conclusion. -Five days after Pentecost, four bishops—Acacius, Antiochus, -Severian, and Cyrinus—obtained an interview with the -Emperor. They represented that the city never would be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span>tranquil till the removal of the Archbishop had been effected, -and that his remaining in the palace after his condemnation -was a gross violation of ecclesiastical law. They avowed -themselves willing to take the responsibility of his deposition -on their own heads, and besought the Emperor -not to be more lenient and concessive than were bishops -and priests.<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">596</a></p> - -<p>June, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 404. The long-hoped-for mandate was at -length issued. It was conveyed to the Archbishop by the -notary Patricius, and informed him that Acacius and three -other bishops having charged themselves with the responsibility -of his deposition, he must commend himself to God, -and quit the church and the palace without delay. The -martyr received the cruel order with meek submission, and -prepared to act upon it with prompt obedience. He passed -from his palace to his church, saying to the bishops who -accompanied him, “Come, let us pray and say farewell to -the Angel of the Church. At my own fate I can rejoice, -I only grieve for the sorrow of the people.” One of his -friends, a nobleman, conveyed a warning to him to avoid -by a secret departure the risk of exciting popular tumult. -He informed him that Lucius was waiting with troops in -one of the public baths to compel his removal in the event of -any delay or resistance, and that the consequences of any -attempt at a rescue by the populace might be serious.</p> - -<p>Chrysostom acted on his advice. He entered the choir -with his friendly bishops, bestowed on them a farewell kiss -and farewell words; then bidding them wait for him there -while he went to repose, he entered the baptistry, and sent for -the deaconesses, Olympias, Pentadia, Procla, and Salvina. -“Come hither, my daughters,” he said, “and hearken to me: -my career, I perceive, is coming to an end; I have finished -my course, and perchance ye will see my face no more. -Now I exhort you to this: let not any of you break off her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span>accustomed benevolence towards the Church. If any man -is appointed my successor without having canvassed the -office, and against his own will, but by the common consent -of all, submit to his authority as if he were Chrysostom -himself; so may ye obtain mercy. Remember me in your -prayers.” The women threw themselves at his feet dissolved -in tears. The Archbishop made a sign to one of the priests -to remove the women, lest, as he said, their wailing should -attract the attention of the people outside. He directed -that the mule on which he was accustomed to ride should -be saddled and taken to the western gate of the cathedral; -and while the people’s attention was diverted by this feint, -he passed out, unobserved, by a small door near the east -end, and surrendered himself to some soldiers who were at -hand to convey him to the port. So he departed from the -church, the scene of his indefatigable labours, whose walls -were never again to resound to his eloquence. He went -out, and, in the emphatic words of the historian to whose -narrative we are indebted for the minute picture of these -occurrences, “the Angel of the Church went out with him.” -Two bishops, Cyriacus of Synnada in Phrygia, and Eulysius -of Apamea in Bithynia, accompanied him on board the vessel -which conveyed him across the straits to the Bithynian -coast.<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">597</a></p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XX.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">FURY OF THE PEOPLE AT THE REMOVAL OF CHRYSOSTOM—DESTRUCTION -OF THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH AND SENATE-HOUSE BY FIRE—PERSECUTION -OF CHRYSOSTOM’S FOLLOWERS—FUGITIVES TO ROME—LETTERS -OF INNOCENT TO THEOPHILUS—TO THE CLERGY OF CONSTANTINOPLE—TO -CHRYSOSTOM—DEPUTATION OF WESTERN BISHOPS TO CONSTANTINOPLE -REPULSED—SUFFERINGS OF THE EASTERN CHURCH—TRIUMPH -OF THE CABAL. A.D. 404, 405.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> people, meanwhile, both within the church and outside, -were not long in discovering that the Archbishop had disappeared -from the building and its precincts. They became -furiously agitated: some rushed to the harbour, but too late -to obstruct the embarkation. The doors of the cathedral, -which had been locked by some of the cabal, who anticipated -a rush of the people as soon as the departure of Chrysostom -should have been discovered, were fiercely battered by the -crowd on both sides. Jews and Pagans looked on, and jeered -derisively at the tumult. The horror of this scene of wild -confusion was suddenly increased by the apparition of fire -bursting forth from the building. How kindled, by accident -or design, it is impossible to determine. Each party fiercely -charged the other with the guilt of the catastrophe, and some -attributed it to miraculous interference of heavenly powers. -The conflagration broke out in or near the throne of the -Archbishop, which it consumed, and then spread to the roof. -In three hours the edifice, whose erection and embellishment -had been the work of many years, was reduced to a heap of -cinders. The only portion not destroyed was the treasury<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span> -which contained the sacred vessels of silver and gold, as if -expressly to confute one of the charges made against the -Archbishop, that he had sold all the most valuable ornaments -belonging to the church. Germanus and Cassian, the -custodians of the treasury, when they fled to Rome, carried -with them a copy of the inventory of all these articles, -which, when they surrendered their office, had been handed -over to the prefect and some of the other chief functionaries -of the city.</p> - -<p>The conflagration, however, did not confine itself to the -cathedral. A violent north wind carried the flames across -the Forum, and ignited the great curia or senate-house; not, -however, that side of it which faced the cathedral, but the -further side, which looked into the little forum where the -royal palace was situated. The whole senate-house was -destroyed. The statues of the Muses which Constantine -had brought from Helicon were consumed, and all the -other principal adornments. The images of Zeus and Athene -alone were found intact, beneath a heap of ruins and of -masses of molten lead which had dropped upon them from -the burning roof.<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">598</a></p> - -<p>The real or affected suspicion that the Archbishop and his -flock were the incendiaries was quite a sufficient pretext for -treating them with rigour. He himself, with Cyriacus and -Eulysius, was detained in chains under a strict guard in -Bithynia. These two companions were taken from him and -conveyed bound to Chalcedon, but after examination were -dismissed as innocent. But at Constantinople the persecution -was enforced with merciless severity under the auspices -of Optatus, a Pagan, now prefect in the place of Studius. -All the followers of the Archbishop, clerical and lay, high -and low, were subjected, if caught, to rigorous inquisition, -and most of them to severe punishment. Chrysostom wrote -a letter from Bithynia to the Emperor, imploring that he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span>might at least be allowed to appear and defend himself and -his clergy from the atrocious charge of incendiarism, but the -letter received no attention; and as the poor exile continued -his journey to Nice, his sufferings were enhanced by pitiable -intelligence of the persecution inflicted on bishops, priests, -and deacons who refused to anathematise him or recognise the -validity of his deposition. But the spirit of the exile was -not only brave to support his own troubles, but could spare -some of its energy to encourage those, who were suffering in -his cause, to patience, fortitude, resignation, and even joy.<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">599</a></p> - -<p>In times of religious persecution, the language of the New -Testament, about the blessedness of tribulation as a pledge -of future happiness and a means of preparation for it, comes -home to men’s hearts with a reality and force which seem to -exceed our present application of it to the troubles and -sorrows of ordinary life. Those who were firmly persuaded -that their cause was the cause of truth and of Jesus Christ -read the words, “Blessed are ye when ye are persecuted for -righteousness’ sake,” or, “Happy are ye when men revile you -and persecute you,” as if spoken directly to themselves; and -they really did “rejoice in that day, and leap for joy.” Such -are the texts which Chrysostom cites for the consolation -of his suffering friends. He speaks of their exposure to -intimidation by threats, imprisonment, frequent appearance -in judges’ courts, torture at the hands of the executioner, -shameless false evidence, coarse ribaldry, and scurrilous jests; -but “blessed were they, yea, thrice blessed, and more than -that, to endure imprisonment and chains, for not only was -their fortitude the subject of admiration everywhere, but -their present sufferings were the measure of their future -happiness, and their names had been inscribed in the Book -of Life.”<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">600</a></p> - -<p>The destruction of the church and senate-house was the -first pretext for instituting persecution against the adherents -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span>of Chrysostom; the second was, their refusal to recognise -his successor. One week after his deposition, Arsacius, -brother of Nectarius the predecessor of Chrysostom, was, -apparently by the simple exercise of Imperial authority, -elevated to the see. He was eighty years old, and is -quaintly described by Palladius as “muter than a fish, and -more incapable than a frog.”<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">601</a> The probable aim of the -Empress was to secure a man whose servility might be -depended on. His brother, Nectarius, had once desired -to make him Bishop of Tarsus; and, on his declining to -accept the promotion, had taunted him with ambitiously -reserving himself for the see of Constantinople; whereupon -Arsacius had taken an oath that he never would accept any -bishopric. But ambition and Imperial authority overcame -his scruples. He is described by the historians as a man of -pious disposition and mild conduct; with one exception: -that he persecuted with relentless vigour the contumacious -adherents of his predecessor. By Chrysostom he is -denounced as a wolf, and in a figurative sense as an -adulterer, on account of his usurpation of the see during -the lifetime of its legitimate occupant.<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">602</a> Arsacius applied -to the civil powers for assistance to compel the Johnites to -attend the churches where he and his clergy officiated. A -tribune was directed to attack a body of them who had -assembled for worship in some remote part of the city. The -soldiers dispersed the assembly, took several of the most -eminent persons prisoners, and, as usual, stripped the women -of their golden girdles, jewels, and earrings. The only consequence -of this was, that the Johnites became more attached -to the cause and memory of their late Archbishop. Some of -them fled the city, and many more refrained as much as -possible from appearing in public places, such as the Forum -and the baths. Meetings of some kind for worship were -not discontinued, or were soon resumed, for we find Chryso<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span>stom, -in one of his letters written during his exile, reproving -two priests, Theophilus and Salustius, for slackness in attending -such assemblies.<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">603</a> But worshippers ran great risks. -The prefect Optatus, who succeeded Studius, probably -because the latter was considered too lenient, appears to have -entertained all the animosity of a thorough Pagan against -Christians, and to have rejoiced in the present opportunity -of inflicting sufferings upon them. He combined the two -charges of incendiarism and contumacy in his prosecution of -the Johnites, and endeavoured to extort confessions of guilt -from his victims with merciless barbarity.</p> - -<p>A few instances are recorded, and they are quite enough -to sicken us of the tale of such horrors. Eutropius, a reader, -was commanded to name the persons who had set fire to the -church. He refused. He was young and delicate, and it -was thought a confession might be wrung from him under -the agony of torture. He was lashed with a scourge, his -cheeks were scraped, and his sides lacerated with iron teeth, -after which lighted torches were applied to the wounded -parts. No information could be extorted from him: he was -therefore conveyed to prison, and thrown into a dungeon, -where he expired. Some priests, adherents of Arsacius, -buried him by night, that his mangled body might not be -seen by any eyes but those of his enemies. Celestial music -was said to have been heard at the time of his interment.</p> - -<p>Tigrius, the priest, whose presence with Serapion had -been demanded at the Synod of the Oak, was another victim. -He was stripped, scourged on his back, and then stretched -on the rack till his bones were dislocated. He survived the -torture, and was banished to Mesopotamia. Serapion himself, -now bishop of Heraclea in Thrace, was seized, tried on several -calumnious charges, barbarously scourged, and sent into exile.</p> - -<p>Those ladies also who were most distinguished for their -friendship with the deposed Archbishop, and for the dedica<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span>tion -of their time and money to the Church, were marked -objects of persecution. They were brought before the prefect, -and admonished by him to acknowledge Arsacius, and -so save themselves from future annoyance. A few from -timidity complied; but Olympias, who was subjected to a -severer examination, confronted it with a dauntless spirit. -She was bluntly asked why she had set fire to the “Great -Church.” “My manner of life,” replied the accused, “is a -sufficient refutation of such a charge; a person who has -expended large sums of money to restore and embellish the -churches of God is not likely to burn and demolish them.” -“I know your past course of life well,” cried the prefect. -“If you know aught against it, then descend from your place -there as judge, and come forward as my accuser,” replied the -undaunted Olympias. Perceiving that she was not to be -browbeaten, Optatus proposed the same course to her which -had been adopted by some other women as a means of -exemption from further persecution, namely, communion -with Arsacius; but she scornfully rejected the base compromise. -“I have been publicly calumniated by a charge -which cannot be proven, and I will not accede to any terms -till I have been cleared from this accusation. Even if you -resort to force, I will not hold communion with those from -whom I ought to secede, nor do anything contrary to the -principles of my holy religion.” She made a request, which -was granted, that she might be allowed a few days to consult -with lawyers on the proper means of legally refuting the -libellous accusation. The prefect, however (on what pretence -is not stated), sent for her again, and exacted a heavy -fine, in the hope that she would be induced to yield. The -fine was paid without any reluctance, but her refusal to -acknowledge the usurper was inflexible; and to avoid, if -possible, further pressure and persecution, she retired to -Cyzicus, on the other side of the straits.<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">604</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span></p> -<p>The tidings of her fortitude and loyalty were conveyed to -the exiled Chrysostom, and so cheered his spirit in the -midst of depression and sickness that his sufferings seemed -to him as nothing. “When many men and women, old and -young, highly reputed for their virtue, had turned their backs -on the enemy almost before the conflict had begun, she, -on the other hand, after many encounters, so far from being -enervated, was even invigorated; she spread forth the sails -of patience, and floated securely as on a calm sea; so far -from being overwhelmed by the storm, she was scarcely -sprinkled by the spray. In the seclusion of her little house -she was able to inspire courage into the hearts of others, -and had been to them a haven of comfort and a tower of -strength.”<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">605</a></p> - -<p>The deaconess Pentadia, widow of the consul Timasius, -was another victim. She led the life of a recluse, never -going beyond the walls of her house except to church. She -was now dragged from her retreat through the Forum to the -prefect’s tribunal, and thence to prison, charged with being -an accomplice in the late fire. Several persons were put to -the torture before her eyes, in order to intimidate her into a -confession; but in vain. Her firm demeanour, courageous -answers, and powerful demonstrations of her innocence, confounded -and silenced her adversaries, and elicited the admiration -of the public. Beyond imprisonment, no indignities -seem to have been inflicted on her; and when desirous to -quit the capital, she was persuaded by Chrysostom to remain, -who represented the great value of her presence and example -in animating others to undergo their present afflictions. She -had apparently intended to try and join him in his place of -exile, when he had been removed to Cucusus, on the confines -of Lesser Armenia, for he dwells on the great risk to -her delicate health from a journey in winter, and the danger -of being plundered by the Isaurian robbers, who were just -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span>then, he says, in a powerful condition. He, therefore, on all -grounds, begs her to remain where she is, but to relieve his -mind from anxiety about her affairs and health by constantly -writing to him.<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">606</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the injured Church of Constantinople did not -cease through letters and emissaries to solicit the interference -of the Western Church. The first intimation of the -calamities we have been describing which reached the ears -of Rome was through a messenger despatched by Theophilus. -The letter which he brought was inscribed “From Pope -Theophilus to Pope Innocent,” and stated in the barest -manner, without assigning his reasons or mentioning any -assessors in his judgment, that he had deposed Chrysostom, -and that it behoved Innocent to break off communion with -him. The Pope was displeased by the cool and curt character -of the letter, and somewhat perplexed how to notice or -reply to so inexplicit a despatch. Eusebius, a deacon from -Constantinople, who was in Rome at the time on some -ecclesiastical business, obtained an interview with Innocent, -and entreated him not to act till information should be -received from Constantinople, which, he added (on what -grounds does not appear), he had good reason to expect -would arrive in a short time. Three days afterwards four -bishops did arrive, bearing the letter from Chrysostom to -Innocent which contained that pathetic and perspicuous -narrative of the recent occurrences, from which extracts have -been made in the preceding chapter. They brought two -other letters, one from the forty friendly bishops, another -from the clergy of Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Innocent no longer hesitated to pronounce an opinion. -His letter to Theophilus is brief, decisive, almost peremptory -in tone. “The See of Rome,” he said, “would maintain -communion with Alexandria and Constantinople to avoid -rending the unity of the Church; but he annulled (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἀθέτησας</span>) -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span>the deposition of John apparently made by Theophilus. It -was impossible to recognise the validity of a sentence pronounced -by such an irregular synod as that lately convened -at Chalcedon. If Theophilus had confidence in the justice -of that sentence, he must appear in person to prove it before -a General Council called together and regulated according to -the Canons of Nice.” A few days after the despatch of this -letter, Peter, an Alexandrian priest, arrived with a deacon -from Constantinople, bearing another letter from Theophilus, -and certain minutes, so called, of the acts of the Synod of -the Oak. Innocent, having perused the minutes, was indignant -at the mingled monstrosity and levity of the charges -brought against Chrysostom, and at the condemnation -having been pronounced in the absence of the defendant. -He ordered special prayers and fasts to be observed by -the Church for the restoration of concord, and addressed -to Theophilus a sharp letter of reproof.<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">607</a></p> - -<p>It is not easy to make out precisely how many communications -passed each way between the Churches of Rome and -Constantinople, or the exact date of each; but several letters -are distinctly mentioned. Theotecnus, a priest from Constantinople, -brought a letter from twenty-five of the forty -bishops who had constantly adhered to Chrysostom, in -which they described the expulsion of the Patriarch and the -conflagration of the church. Innocent replied by a letter of -condolence, and exhortation to bear their trial with Christian -fortitude and patience, for at present he confessed, with deep -regret, that he saw small prospect of rendering much effectual -aid, “owing to the opposition of certain persons powerful for -evil,” alluding probably to the jealousies between the Courts -of the two brothers, Honorius and Arcadius. The cabal also -sent a letter to Innocent, containing their version of the -late transactions. Their emissary was Paternus, who called -himself a priest of Constantinople; “an ugly little fellow,” -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span>says Palladius, “and very unintelligible.” The letter was -written in the names of Arsacius, Paulus, Antiochus, Cyrinus, -Severian, and some others; and, among other opprobrious -charges, distinctly accused Chrysostom of setting fire to the -church. Innocent treated the letter with much disdain, and -would not condescend to answer it. Some days afterwards, -Cyriacus, bishop of Synnada, arrived in Rome as a fugitive, -in consequence of an Imperial edict, which directed the -deposition of any bishop who refused to communicate with -Arsacius and Theophilus, and the confiscation of his property, -if he had any. After Cyriacus arrived Eulysius, -bishop of Apamea in Bithynia, bringing a letter from fifteen -of the forty friendly bishops, which described all the past -and present distress of the Church caused by Chrysostom’s -enemies, and in all respects confirmed the oral account of -Cyriacus. In the course of another month, Palladius, bishop -of Hellenopolis, fled to Rome from the intolerable harshness -of magisterial decrees, which now subjected to confiscation -the house of any one who should be found to have harboured -bishop, priest, or even layman, who communicated with -Chrysostom. From a letter of Chrysostom<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">608</a> it appears that -Palladius and many others lived for some time in concealment -at Constantinople, in the hope of escaping persecution. -They were courteously lodged in Rome by one Pinianus and -his wife, by Juliana, Proba, and other Roman ladies, whom -Chrysostom warmly thanks for their kindness in letters -written by him from Cucusus.<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">609</a> Germanus the priest, and -Cassian the deacon, custodians of the Church treasury at -Constantinople, also came to Rome, bringing a letter from -the whole body of the clergy who adhered to Chrysostom, -describing the violent deposition and expulsion of the Archbishop, -and the tyranny of their adversaries under which -they were now suffering.<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">610</a></p> - -<p>The reply of Innocent to this letter from the clergy of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span>Constantinople is dignified as well as sympathetic. He -exhorts, as usual, to patience, and to the derivation of comfort -from the remembrance of the sufferings of all God’s -saints in past times. But he deeply deplores their wrongs, -and again expresses his reprobation in the strongest terms -of the illegality of the late proceedings. “The canon which -prohibited the ordination of a successor during the lifetime -of the reigning bishop had been grossly violated. The -Canons of Antioch, on which the synod had relied, were -invalid, having been composed by heretics, and they had -been rejected by the Council of Sardica. The Canons of -Nice alone were entitled to the obedience of the Church; -but adversaries and heretics were always attempting to subvert -them.”... “What steps, then, should be taken in the -existing crisis? Plainly a General Council must be convoked: -that was the only means of appeasing the fury of -the tempest. He was watching an opportunity to accomplish -this: meanwhile, they must wait in patience, and trust -the goodness of God for the restoration of tranquillity and -good order.”</p> - -<p>To Chrysostom Innocent wrote, as friend to friend, as a -bishop to a brother bishop, a letter of Christian consolation -and encouragement, not entering into the legal questions of -the case, and not pledging himself to decisive action of any -kind. It was not necessary to remind one, who was himself -the teacher and pastor of a great people, that God often tried -the best of men, and put their patience to the severest tests, -and that they are firmly supported under the greatest calamities -by the approving voice of conscience.... A good man -may be severely tried, but cannot be overcome, since he is -preserved and guarded by the truth of Holy Scripture. -Holy Scripture supplied abundant examples of suffering -saints who did not receive their crowns until they had undergone -the heaviest trials with patience. “Take courage, then, -honoured brother, from the testimony of conscience. When<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span> -you have been purified by affliction, you will enter into the -haven of peace in the presence of Christ our Lord.”<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">611</a></p> - -<p>Innocent, however, not only wrote commonplace letters -of condolence, but exerted himself to obtain the council -which he had recommended to the Church of Constantinople -as the only means of redressing her wrongs. He wrote a -letter to Honorius, then at Ravenna, representing the -lamentable condition of the Church of Constantinople, which -elicited from the Emperor an order for the convention of an -Italian synod. This synod, after a due consideration of all -the circumstances, was to submit its decision and suggestions -to himself. The result of the deliberations of the Italian -bishops, swayed no doubt by Innocent, was to request the -Emperor to write to his brother Arcadius, urging the convocation -of a General Council to be held in Thessalonica, -which would be a convenient meeting-point for the prelates -of East and West. Honorius complied, and the letter was -despatched under the care of a deputation from the Italian -Church, consisting of five bishops, two priests, and a deacon. -The Emperor calls it the third letter<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">612</a> which he had written -relative to the affairs of Constantinople. He professes -great solicitude for the peace of the Church, “on which,” he -observes, “the peace of our Empire depends;” and with a -view to this object, he urges the convocation of a council at -Thessalonica, and specially entreats that the attendance of -Theophilus, who was, he is informed, author of all these -disturbances, should be insisted upon. He commends the -deputation to the honourable care of Arcadius; and that he -may know the sentiments of the Italian Church on the -present state of affairs, he sends him two letters as samples -of many, one from the Bishop of Rome, the other from the -Bishop of Aquileia.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span></p> - -<p>The only bishop on the deputation whose see is mentioned -was Æmilius, bishop of Beneventum. The Oriental -refugees, Cyriacus, Demetrius, Palladius, and Eulysius, -accompanied the Italians. They were the bearers not only -of letters from Honorius, Innocent, and the bishops Chromatius -of Aquileia and Venerius of Milan, but also of a -memorial from the Italian synod, which recommended that -Chrysostom should be reinstated in his see before he was -required to take his trial before a council. He would then, -it was observed, have no reasonable excuse for declining to -attend it. The deputation was absent four months. On -their return the members had a pitiful tale to tell of failure -in their errand, and of personal suffering from maltreatment. -They touched at Athens on their voyage out, whence they -had intended to proceed to Thessalonica, and lay the letters -first of all before Anysius, bishop of that place; but at -Athens they were arrested by a military officer, who placed -them on board two vessels under charge of a centurion, to -be conveyed to Constantinople. A furious southerly gale -sprang up soon after their departure, and, after a voyage of -some danger, they arrived, late on the third day, at the -suburb of Constantinople called Victor. But, instead of -being allowed to proceed to the city, they were shut up in a -fortress named Athyra, on the coast—the Romans in a single -chamber, the Orientals in separate apartments. No servant -even was permitted to attend them. They were commanded -to deliver up the letters which they had brought, but refused, -as being ambassadors, to surrender them to any but to the -Emperor himself. Secretaries and messengers were sent in -succession, but the ambassadors steadfastly adhered to their -refusal. The letters were at length wrested from their -possession by sheer violence: one bishop’s thumb was -broken in the struggle. On the following day a large bribe -was offered them if they would recognise Atticus (the aged -Arsacius was now dead) as Patriarch, and say no more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span> -about the trial of Chrysostom. This base proposal was -firmly resisted; and, seeing the utter hopelessness of their -mission, they requested to be released as soon as possible, -and suffered to return to their dioceses in safety. The -Italians saw no more of their companions from the East. -They themselves were thrust into a miserable vessel, with -twenty soldiers of various grades, and conveyed to Lampsacus, -on the Asiatic coast, where they embarked in another -vessel, and, after a tedious voyage of twenty days, arrived at -Hydruntum, in Calabria.<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">613</a></p> - -<p>Neither the Papacy nor the Empire of the West was -sufficiently powerful at this time to insist further upon -justice being done to the Patriarch, in the face of the -determined animosity of the ruling powers at Constantinople; -but the friends of the martyr deemed that they -read unequivocal signs of the Divine displeasure in the misfortunes -which befell some of Chrysostom’s greatest personal -enemies. Thrace and Illyria were ravaged by an incursion -of Huns, and the Isaurians, a predatory barbarian race, -which inhabited the fastnesses of Mount Taurus, committed -fearful havoc in Syria and Asia Minor. Cyrinus, bishop of -Chalcedon, one of the four who had taken on them the -responsibility of Chrysostom’s condemnation, died in great -agony from the wound in his foot, originally caused when his -foot had been trodden upon by Bishop Maruthas, more than -a year ago, just before the Synod of the Oak. At the end -of September, Constantinople was visited by a destructive -fall of hailstones of extraordinary size; and on October 6, -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 404, died the Empress Eudoxia. Nilus, one of the most -eminent anchorites of the day, once prefect of Constantinople, -who had abandoned wealth, family, and position for -the solitudes of Mount Sinai, addressed two letters of reproof -and warning to Arcadius on the iniquitous banishment of -Chrysostom and inhuman persecution of his followers. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span> -“How can you expect to see Constantinople delivered from -visitations of earthquake and fire from Heaven, after the -enormities which have there been perpetrated; after crime -has been established there by the authority of laws; after -the thrice-blessed John, the pillar of the Church, the lamp -of truth, the trumpet of Jesus Christ, has been driven from -the city? How can I grant my prayers (Arcadius had -apparently begged the intercession of the saint to remove -the national troubles) to a city stricken by the wrath of -God, whose thunder is every moment ready to fall upon -her?”<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">614</a></p> - -<p>But human and divine warnings were alike wasted; the -enemies of the Patriarch had complete sway over the Court, -and suffered it not to swerve from the path of persecution. -The Western bishops and presbyters, after the disastrous -termination of their embassy to Constantinople, returned -home, without honour indeed, but unmolested. Their -Eastern colleagues did not escape so easily. They were -conveyed to places of exile in the most distant and opposite -quarters of the Empire. Cyriacus was confined in a Persian -fortress beyond Emessa; Eulysius in Arabia; Palladius on -the confines of Ethiopia; Demetrius was to have been confined -in one of the Egyptian oases, but died of the harsh -treatment to which he was subjected on the journey. The -exiles suffered such brutal insults and indignities from the -soldiers who conducted them to these places, that the desire -of life was extinguished. The little money which they had -collected for the expenses of their journey was taken from -them by their guards, who divided it among themselves. -They were forced to perform in one day the distance of two -days’ journey. They were not permitted to enter any -churches on their route, but forced into Jewish or Samaritan -synagogues, and lodged at night in low inns, where their -ears were shocked by the filthy conversation of abandoned -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span>characters of both sexes. Yet even some of these degraded -people were won to a more respectful behaviour, if not -actually converted, by the Christian exhortations and instruction -of the captives. The “Word of God was not -bound.” Some of the bishops friendly to Theophilus bribed -the soldiers to hurry the exiles out of their dioceses as -quickly as possible. Distinguished among these malignants -were the bishops of Tarsus, Antioch, Ancyra, and of Cæsarea -in Palestine. Most of the bishops of Cappadocia, on the -other hand, especially Theodorus of Tyana, and Bosporius -of Colonia, accorded them a compassionate and courteous -reception.<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">615</a></p> - -<p>Arsacius died in November <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 404. Out of many ambitious -candidates for the vacant throne, Atticus, a presbyter, -who had taken an active part in the persecution of Chrysostom, -a native of Sebaste in Armenia, was appointed. He was a -man of moderate abilities and generally mild disposition, -but relentless in his determination to crush out the party of -the exiled Patriarch. By his influence an Imperial rescript -was obtained, which decreed that “any bishop who did not -communicate with Theophilus, Porphyry of Antioch, and -Atticus, should be ejected from the Church, and his property -confiscated.” The wealthy, for the most part, bowed to the -storm; the poor sought peace of body and of conscience in -flight either to Rome or monasteries. This rescript, aimed -at the bishops, was followed up by another directed against -the laity. Any layman who refused to recognise the above-mentioned -prelates was, if a civilian, to be deprived of any -office which he might hold; if a soldier, of his military girdle; -if an artisan, to be heavily fined or banished. Bishops and -presbyters were dispersed as fugitives into all parts of the -Empire. Some sought retirement in some secluded little -country property of their own, and obtained a precarious -livelihood by manual labour, farming, or fishing.<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">616</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span></p> - -<p>But, in spite of all the various means of coercion at Constantinople, -in spite of trials, torture, imprisonment, banishment, -the bulk of the people could not be brought to attend -the ministration of Atticus and his clergy. Their churches -were comparatively empty, while the persecuted adherents -of the exile persistently held their services in some sequestered -valley, or on some lonely hillside. In fact, persecution, as -has always been the case, only intensified the attachment of -many to the person and the cause which it was intended to -crush, and so far defeated its own object. Chrysostom -himself observes,<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">617</a> that many of those who had enjoyed a -high reputation for piety were the first to fall away when -brought to the test of persecution; whereas others, who had -formerly been abandoned to frivolity and vice, now renounced -the theatre and circus, hastened into the desert to attend the -assembly of the Catholics at worship, and displayed the -greatest fortitude before the judge when brought to trial, in -the face of torture, and with the prospect of imprisonment -or exile.</p> - -<p>The party now in power could not convert the hearts of -clergy or people to their side, but they could, and did, change -the outward aspect of the Church. The men of probity and -piety with whom Chrysostom had replaced the six simoniacal -bishops deposed in Asia were expelled, and the delinquents -restored. The Church in that region was reduced to a -disgraceful state. Ordinations were conducted, not amidst -prayer and fasting, but feasting, drunkenness, and gross -bribery. The see of Heracleides, the good bishop of -Ephesus, appointed by Chrysostom, was occupied by a -eunuch, a monster of iniquity. The people in disgust -deserted the churches.</p> - -<p>The death of Flavian, bishop of Antioch, nearly coincided -with the banishment of Chrysostom. The people of Antioch -were much attached to a priest named Constantius, a man -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span>described by Palladius as a faithful and incorruptible servant -of the Church from his earliest youth, first as a messenger -who carried ecclesiastical despatches, then as reader, deacon, -priest. He had won the love and admiration of the people -by his gentle, amiable disposition, his intelligence, strict -integrity, and exemplary piety. There was a general desire -to make him bishop, but an ambitious priest named Porphyry -frustrated the design. By bribery, and calumnious stories -conveyed to the Court at Constantinople, he procured an -Imperial rescript condemning Constantius to be banished to -one of the oases as a disturber of the people. With the -assistance of his friends Constantius escaped to Cyprus. -Porphyry meanwhile imprisoned several of the clergy of -Antioch, and seized the opportunity of the Olympian festival -(when most of the inhabitants had poured out to the celebrated -suburb of Daphne) to enter the church with a few -bishops and clergy; and then, with doors fast closed, he was -hurriedly ordained, so hurriedly that some portions of the -service were omitted. Acacius, Severian, and Antiochus, -who had officiated, immediately fled. The people were enraged -when they discovered the trick, surrounded Porphyry’s -house, and threatened to burn it to the ground. He applied -for protection to the prefect, who lent him a body of troops, -with which he forcibly took possession of the church. He -contrived to get an unscrupulous and cruel man sent from -Constantinople to be captain of the city guards, terror of -whom drove the people to attend the churches, though they -did so with disgust, and earnestly prayed for retribution from -Heaven on the authors of this wickedness.<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">618</a></p> - -<p>Innocent remained inflexibly attached to the cause of -Chrysostom. The Church of Rome and the Italian bishops -broke off all communion with Theophilus and Atticus, and -ceased not to demand the convocation of a General Council, -as the only tribunal by which the Patriarch could be lawfully -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>acquitted or condemned.<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">619</a> But the Court of Ravenna was -not in a position to support these demands by intimidation -or actual force. All the skill of Stilicho and all the resources -at his command were barely sufficient to repel the persevering -efforts of Alaric and Rhadagaisus to take the great prize -which they so eagerly coveted, the capital of the Roman -Empire. The inevitable fall of Rome was averted only for a -little while.</p> - -<p>Thus the spirit of lawlessness and selfishness took advantage -of the impotence of the secular power both in -Rome and Constantinople to work its will upon the Church. -It dealt a blow to Christian morality and ecclesiastical discipline -from which the Church at Constantinople never -recovered, and which caused a throb of pain from one end of -Christendom to the other; for, in spite of all differences and -divisions, Christendom was one then, so that, if one member -suffered, all the members suffered with it; and what was -done and said, and thought and felt, in the Church of Alexandria, -or Antioch, or Constantinople, was not unknown or -unregarded by the Churches of Rome or Milan, and through -them made its impress on the Churches even of Gaul and -Spain.</p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XXI.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">CHRYSOSTOM ORDERED TO BE REMOVED TO CUCUSUS—PERILS ENCOUNTERED -AT CÆSAREA—HARDSHIPS OF THE JOURNEY—REACHES -CUCUSUS—LETTERS WRITTEN THERE TO OLYMPIAS AND OTHER -FRIENDS. A.D. 404.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">It</span> now only remains to follow the illustrious exile along his -painful journey to its melancholy or, if we regard him as -the Christian martyr, its glorious termination.</p> - -<p>He was removed, as has been already seen, from Constantinople -on June 20, and conveyed, in the course of a -few days, to Nicæa. Here he remained till July 4, and -several of his letters to Olympias were written from this -place. The soft yet fresh sea air revived his health, which -had suffered from the feverish and harassing scenes that he -had gone through at Constantinople, and from the journey -begun in the very middle of the summer heat. Nothing -could exceed the kindness of the soldiers under whose -custody he travelled, who discharged towards him all the -duties of servants as well as of guards.<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">620</a> His ultimate -destination was not known for some time by himself or his -friends. Common report sent him to Scythia,<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">621</a> but the -intention of his enemies appears to have changed from time -to time. Sebaste in Armenia had been first proposed, but -finally Cucusus, a village in the Tauric range on the edge of -Cilicia and the Lesser Armenia, was fixed upon. It was a -remote and desolate spot, subject to frequent attacks from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span>the marauding Isaurians; and at first Chrysostom earnestly -entreated his friends in Constantinople to try and procure a -more agreeable place of exile, a favour frequently granted to -criminals. Olympias, Bishop Cyriacus, Briso the chamberlain, -and a lady named Theodora, repeatedly interceded on -his behalf; but their efforts were ineffectual.<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">622</a> The Empress -herself, it would appear, selected Cucusus, and was inexorable -in her decision.<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">623</a></p> - -<p>From beginning to end of his exile Chrysostom’s mind -was occupied with organising such work as yet remained -possible to him. It has been seen with what zeal he had -planted a missionary settlement in Phœnicia. This project -continued to the close of his life to be an object of his most -solicitous interest. On July 3, the eve of his departure -from Nicæa, he addressed a letter to a priest named Constantius,<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">624</a> -apparently the superintendent of the missionary -work in Phœnicia and the surrounding countries. He implores -him to prosecute his labours for the extirpation of -Paganism with zeal undiminished, and undismayed by the -present afflicted state of the bishop and the see, to whom the -mission owed its origin. “The pilot and the physician, far -from relaxing their efforts when the ship and the patient are -in peril, redouble their efforts to save them.” He begs Constantius -to inform him year by year how many temples are -destroyed, how many churches built, how many good Christians -immigrate into Phœnicia. He had himself persuaded a -recluse, whom he found at Nicæa, to go and place himself -under the direction of Constantius in the missionary work. -He had, he says, happily concluded, just about the time of -his deposition, arrangements for the suppression of Marcionism, -which was very prevalent at Salamis, in Cyprus. -He begs Constantius to write to his friend Bishop Cyriacus, -if still in Constantinople, and request him to carry these -plans into effect. Finally, he implores the prayers of Con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span>stantius -and all faithful people for the cessation of the -present calamities of the Church, especially of the intolerable -evils which had befallen it in Asia; alluding no doubt -to the restoration of the simoniacal bishops.</p> - -<p>On July 4 or 5 the exile started from Nicæa on his toilsome -and perilous journey in the midsummer heat, across -the scorching plains of Galatia and Cappadocia. He describes -himself<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">625</a> as an object of great compassion to travellers -whom he met coming from Armenia and the East, who -stopped to weep and wail over his distress. His route lay -in a diagonal line across the centre of Asia Minor, ascending -first of all near the stream of the river Sangarius, which in -its upper course winds through vast plains of black bituminous -soil, scantily cultivated, but supplying pasture to great -herds of cattle. Chrysostom had always been an ascetic -liver, but he had not a robust frame, and he had been accustomed -to wholesome food and the frequent use of the bath. -Continuous travelling by night as well as day, the scorching -sun, hot dust, hard bread, brackish water, and deprivation of -the bath, threw him into a fever; but either from fear of the -Isaurians, or of Leontius, bishop of Ancyra, in Galatia, one -of his most virulent enemies, the journey was pursued -without intermission till he arrived, more dead than alive, -at Cæsarea, in Cappadocia.</p> - -<p>He has left us a detailed account of the perils which -befell him here, and a melancholy picture indeed it is -of the ferocity and cunning of which bishops and monks -were capable under the influence of fanatical partisanship.<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">626</a> -Having escaped, he says, from the Galatian (probably -meaning Leontius), he was met, as he approached -Cæsarea, by several persons, who informed him that Pharetrius -the bishop was eagerly expecting him, and preparing -to welcome him with affectionate hospitality. He -confesses that he himself mistrusted these specious offers, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span>but he kept his suspicions to himself. On his arrival at -Cæsarea, in a state of extreme exhaustion, Pharetrius did -not appear, but he was enthusiastically received by the -people as well as some monks and nuns. The extreme -kindness and skill of physicians (one of whom declared his -intention of accompanying him to the end of his journey), -wholesome food, and the use of the bath, so much renovated -his strength and diminished his fever, that he became anxious -in a day or two to resume his journey. But just at this -juncture the city was thrown into consternation by tidings -that a large body of Isaurians was ravaging the neighbourhood, -and had already burned a town with much slaughter. -All the available troops in Cæsarea were marched out, and -the whole male population, including old men, turned out -to man the walls. During this time of suspense, the house -in which Chrysostom lodged was besieged by a large body -of monks, who with furious cries and gestures demanded -his surrender. The prætorians who guarded him were terrified -by the fierce behaviour of these fanatics, and declared -that they would rather face the Isaurians than fall into the -hands of these “wild beasts.” The governor of the city -succeeded in protecting the person of Chrysostom, but not -in quelling the fury of the monks, who renewed their assault -still more hotly on the following day. The Bishop Pharetrius -was very generally suspected to be the instigator of -these attacks, and an appeal was made to him to interpose -his authority, that the Archbishop might at least enjoy a -few days’ repose, which the state of his health greatly needed. -But the envy of Pharetrius was embittered by the popularity -of Chrysostom, and the great kindness and compassion -which his hardships had elicited from clergy and people. -He refused to interfere; but Chrysostom’s friends took -advantage of a brief lull in the hostile visits of the monks -to convey him in a litter outside the town, amidst the -lamentations of the attendant people, and imprecations on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span> -the author of the malevolent assaults. When he was once -outside the town several of the clergy joined him, and besought -him not to think of trusting himself to Pharetrius; -it would be worse, they declared, than falling into the hands -of the Isaurians: “only escape from our hands, and wherever -you fall you will fall safely.”</p> - -<p>At this crisis a lady named Seleucia, the wife of Rufinus, -a man of rank and a friend of Chrysostom, entreated him to -accept a lodging at her country house, about five miles out -of the city. He accepted the offer; but, unknown to him, -Pharetrius, whose rage was inflamed by the rescue of his -prey, visited the house, and threatened to take vengeance on -the mistress if her guest was not surrendered. This demand -was refused, and the lady gave orders to her steward, in the -event of any attack by monks, to collect all the labourers on -the estate and repel the assault by force. But her courage -at last gave way under the pressure of incessant menaces -from Pharetrius, and it was resolved to remove the Archbishop, -not less for his own safety than for that of the -person whose roof had afforded him shelter. In the dead of -night, when Chrysostom was sleeping, unconscious of impending -danger, he was roused by a companion, the priest -Evethius, who told him that he must instantly prepare for -flight. It was midnight, and the sky murky and moonless; -but they dared not light torches for fear of attracting the -observation of their enemies. The road was rugged and -rocky; the mule which carried the Archbishop’s litter fell, -and he was thrown out. Evethius took him by the hand -and led, or rather dragged, him along. In such a pitiable -plight, faint with fatigue and fever-stricken, did the bishop -of the second see in Christendom stumble and totter in -the darkness along the Cappadocian mountain path. “Were -not these calamities,” he writes to Olympias, “sufficient to -blot out many sins, and suggest to me a hope of future -glory?”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span></p> - -<p>Of the remainder of his journey to Cucusus we possess no -detailed narrative. He only speaks in general terms of his -sufferings for thirty days from fever, aggravated by the want -of a bath, and by deficient accommodation of every kind in -a journey made along a rough road, through a desolate mountainous -country, liable to an attack at any moment from -Isaurian bandits.<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">627</a> Desolate though the region was, however, -he speaks of monks and nuns occasionally meeting -him in large numbers, and loudly bewailing his calamities, -exclaiming that it “had been better the sun should have -hidden his rays, than that the mouth of Chrysostom should -have been closed.”<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">628</a> About seventy days<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">629</a> after his departure -from Constantinople, that is, about the end of August or -beginning of September, Cucusus was reached. After the -fatigues and dangers of his journey, it was a haven of rest -to the exhausted exile, though he describes it as in itself the -most desolate place in the world; a mere village high up -in the eastern range of Taurus, on the confines of Lesser -Armenia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia.<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">630</a> But it was protected -from the Isaurians by a strong garrison, and it contained -many warm-hearted friends of the Archbishop, who emulated -one another in showing him attention. Several had -sent invitations to him, before he left Cæsarea, to accept a -lodging at their houses, but more especially one whom he -calls “my Lord Diodorus,” who had known him in Constantinople. -This generous personage not only placed his whole -house at the disposal of Chrysostom, betaking himself to a -country villa to make room for his guest, but furnished it -with every possible defence against the cold of the approaching -winter, in that altitude very severe. The Bishop of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span>Cucusus not only received him with great civility, but was -even desirous that his own throne should be occupied by -the illustrious exile, that his flock might profit by the -eloquence of the greatest teacher and preacher of the day; -but Chrysostom thought it prudent to decline the honour.<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">631</a></p> - -<p>Many of his friends in Constantinople and other places, -who owned property near Cucusus, directed their stewards -to provide in various ways for the comfort of the exile, and -some of his friends actually came to share his fortunes in -person. The aged deaconess, Sabiniana, arrived from Constantinople -with the fixed determination of accompanying -him to his final place of exile, whatever that might be. -Constantius, the presbyter of Antioch, whom the people had -wished to make bishop, also took up his abode at Cucusus, -as well to escape from the persecution of Porphyry as from -his zealous attachment to Chrysostom.<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">632</a> Thus the natural -disadvantages of the place, the want of good physicians and -of a plentiful market, the severity of the heat in summer -and cold in winter, were largely compensated by the enjoyment -of freedom, rest, and the kind attention of friends. -He warns his supporters in Constantinople, who were -endeavouring to procure a change of destination for him, -to be careful that he was not removed to a place worse than -Cucusus, where he possessed all substantial necessaries and -comforts of life. If, however, they thought there was a -chance of obtaining Cyzicus or Nicomedia, they were not to -desist from their efforts; but he was convinced that another -long and fatiguing journey to a spot as remote and desolate -as Cucusus would kill him.<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">633</a></p> - -<p>The leisure of the exile was profitably employed in writing -letters to every variety of friends—men of rank, ladies, -deaconesses in Constantinople, bishops, clergy, missionary -monks, and his kind acquaintances in Cæsarea, especially -the physician Hymnetius, who had attended him there with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span>affectionate care. As might be expected, none of his letters -describe his condition so minutely or pour forth so unrestrainedly -his fears and hopes, his causes of distress or -joy, as those written to Olympias. The style in which she -is usually addressed is at once respectful, affectionate, and -paternal: “To my lady, the most reverend and religious -deaconess Olympias, Bishop John sends you greeting in the -Lord.” They are seventeen in number, written at different -stages of his exile; nor is it possible to determine precisely -the date of each. The first three seem to have been written -from Cucusus, and are mainly devoted to the aim of consoling -her under the present calamities of the Church; to -dissipating, as he expresses it, that cloud of sorrow which -surrounded her.<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">634</a> “Come now, let me soften the wound of -your sadness, and disperse the sad cogitations which compose -this gloomy cloud of care. What is it which upsets -your mind, and occasions your grief and despondency? Is -it the fierce and lowering storm which has overtaken the -Churches and enveloped all with the darkness of a moonless -night, which is growing to a head every day, and has already -wrought many lamentable shipwrecks? All this I know; -it shall not be gainsaid: and, if you like, I can form an -image of the things now being done so as to represent the -tragedy more distinctly to thee. We behold a sea heaved up -from its lowest depths, some sailors floating dead, others -struggling in the waves, the planks of the vessel breaking up, -the masts sprung, the canvas torn, the oars dashed out of the -sailors’ hands, the pilots, seated on the deck, clasping their -knees with their hands, and crying aloud at the hopelessness -of their situation; neither sky nor sea clearly visible, but all -one impenetrable gloom, and monsters of the deep attacking -the shipwrecked crew on every side. But why attempt -further to describe the indescribable? Yet, when I see all -this, I do not despair, when I consider who is the Disposer -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>of this whole universe—One who masters the storm, not by -the contrivance of art, but can calm it by His nod alone. -He does not always destroy what is terrible in its beginning, -but waits till it has come to its consummation; and then, -when most men are in despair, He works marvels and does -things beyond all expectation, displaying a power which -belongs to Him alone. Wherefore, faint not, for there is only -one thing, Olympias, which is really terrible, there is only -one real trial—and that is sin. All things else, whether -they be insidious assaults of foes, or hatred, or calumny, or -abuse, or confiscation of goods, or exile, or the sharpened -sword, and war raging throughout the world, are but as a -tale; they endure but for a season, they are perishable, and -have their sphere in a mortal body, and do no injury to the -vigilant soul.”... “Why, then, do you fear temporal -things, which flow away like the stream of a river?”... -“Let none of these things which happen vex you; cease -to entreat the help of this person or that, but continually -beseech Jesus Christ, whom you serve, merely to bow the -head, and all these troubles will be dissolved; if not in an -instant of time, that is because He is waiting till wickedness -has grown to a height, and then he will suddenly change the -storm into a calm....”</p> - -<p>He enters into an eloquent review of the sufferings and -persecution to which our blessed Lord was subjected from -His birth to His death, in order to prove that apparent failure -is a fallacious test of the truth and real value of man’s -character and work.</p> - -<p>“Why are you troubled because one man has been -expelled and another introduced into his place? Christ -was crucified, and the life of Barabbas, the robber, was -asked. How many must have been shocked and repelled -by this ignominious termination to a life of miracles! But -in every stage of His life there was much to surprise and -offend and try the faith. His birth was the cause of death<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span> -to many innocent children in Bethlehem; poverty, danger, -exile, marked His infancy. He was misunderstood and -suspected throughout His ministry. ‘Thou art a Samaritan, -and hast a devil;’ ‘He deceiveth the people;’ ‘He casteth -out devils through the chief of the devils;’ ‘He was a -gluttonous man and winebibber, a friend of publicans and -sinners.’ His discernment of purity and goodness was -questioned, because He permitted the sinful woman to -approach Him; ‘neither did His brethren believe on Him.’ -You speak of many having been frightened out of the -straight path by the present calamities. How many of -Christ’s disciples stumbled at the time of His crucifixion! -One betrayed Him, another denied Him, the others fled, and -He was led to trial bound and alone. How many, think -you, were offended when they beheld Him, who a little while -ago was raising the dead, cleansing the lepers, expelling -devils, multiplying loaves, now bound, forlorn, surrounded -by coarse soldiers, followed by a crowd of tumultuous -priests? How many when He was being scourged, and -they saw Him torn by the lash, and standing with bleeding -body before the governor’s tribunal? How many, again, -when He was mocked, now with a crown of thorns, now -with a purple robe, now with a reed in His hand? How -many when He was smitten on the cheek, and they cried, -‘Prophesy, who is he that smote Thee?’ and dragged Him -hither and thither, consuming a whole day in jesting and -revilement in the midst of the throng of Jewish spectators? -How many when He was led to the cross with the marks of -the scourge upon His back? How many when the soldiers -divided His raiment among themselves? How many when -fastened to the cross and crucified?” And, after our Lord’s -Ascension, what had been the lot of the early Church? -Calamity, persecution, discomfiture, weakness, the offence of -many and the defection of many. Yet the truth of Jesus -Christ’s Gospel had not been obscured; it had shone more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span> -and more brightly: God had wrought out the triumph of -His Church.</p> - -<p>The above is a much-condensed rendering of passages -which can hardly be too much admired for the spirit as well -as style in which they are written. The union of a Christian -philosophy and a Christian faith, a philosophy which traces -a principle in God’s modes of operation, and a faith which -contentedly accepts whatever happens, in the firm belief -that, be it pleasant or painful, it is part of some purpose of -God; a philosophy which traces in every suffering of Christ’s -servants for the cause of truth a reflection of the Master’s -sufferings, and a faith which enables the sufferer not only -to be cheerful himself, but to cheer others, form, indeed, a -noble object of contemplation. In a letter written to -Olympias, just after his hardships and perils at Cæsarea, he -begs her to rejoice, as he declares he can himself rejoice, in -suffering as a pledge of future glory. He never had -desisted, and never would desist, from declaring that the -only real calamity to a man’s self was sin; all other evils -were as dust and smoke. Spoliation of goods was freedom; -banishment was but a change of abode; death was but the -discharge of nature’s debt, which all must eventually pay. -So much has been at all times, and is still, uttered by -Christian writers and preachers about patience and joy in -affliction, that we may be disposed to pass over language of -this kind sometimes as a hackneyed commonplace; but it -must be remembered that, in Chrysostom’s case, the speaker -was an actual sufferer. His words were not the sentimental -utterances of a rhetorical preacher addressing an admiring -audience, but convictions deliberately expressed by a persecuted -sufferer, who was really living by the principles -which he was accustomed to preach.</p> - -<p>The rapturous and lavish praise which in some of his -letters he bestows upon the virtues of Olympias would by a -lady of piety in modern times be distrusted as flattery, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span> -distasteful as a dangerous encouragement to self-righteousness -and conceit; but the language of ornate compliment, -which would be offensive to Western taste, seems natural to -Orientals: and it may therefore be supposed that its effect -in elating the mind of the recipient is faint in proportion. -Chrysostom begins his second letter by recommending -Olympias to divert her mind from those calamities and sins, -for which she was no way responsible, by directing it to the -final judgment. The awe with which she must contemplate -that scene, in which she, together with all others, is individually -concerned and interested, will expel the useless -grief which mourns over iniquity wrought by others. But -he breaks off suddenly from such a line of argument, as -inapplicable to the case of so angelic a being as Olympias. -“To me, indeed, and those who, like me, have been plunged -beneath a sea of sins, such discourse is necessary, for it -excites and alarms; but you, who abound in goodness, and -who have already touched the very vault of Heaven, cannot -even be pricked by such language; wherefore, in addressing -you, I will chant another strain and strike another string.” -He does indeed; he invites her to count over her own perfections, -and to dwell with complacent satisfaction on the -heavenly rewards which are surely in store for her.... -“It would fill a volume to relate the history of her patience, -tried in such a variety of ways from her youth. She had -laid such vigorous siege to her body, though naturally delicate -and nurtured in the lap of luxury, that it might truly be -called dead; and these austerities had raised for her such a -swarm of maladies as defied the skill of physicians, and -involved her in continual suffering. To speak, indeed, of -patience and self-control, in reference to her fasts and vigils, -would be inaccurate, because those expressions implied a -conquest over oppugnant passions. But she had no desires -to conquer: they were not merely subdued but extinguished. -It was as easy and natural to her to fast as it was to others<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span> -to eat, as natural to her to pass the night in vigil as to others -to sleep.” With an admiring comment on her squalid and -neglected attire he closes this singular enumeration of her -perfections, lest, as he expresses it, he should lose himself in -an illimitable sea if he attempted to wade further; his -object being, not to make an exhaustive catalogue of her -virtues, but only such as might be sufficient to lift her out -of her present state of depression.</p> - -<p>It is worth making such extracts as these, because they -enable us to see how widely remote Chrysostom was from -the mind and taste of our own times in some points, although -in others he seems so nearly congenial. There is another -vein of thought in this letter which is still more alien. “If,” -he says, “in addition to the rewards of her chastity, her fasts, -her vigils, her prayers, her boundless hospitality, she wishes -to enjoy the sight of her adversaries, those iniquitous and -blood-stained men undergoing punishment for their crimes, -that pleasure also shall be hers. Lazarus saw Dives tormented -in flames. This you will experience. For if he, -who neglected but one man, suffered such punishment, if it -was expedient for the man who should offend one little one -to be hanged or cast into the sea, what penalty will be -exacted of men who have offended so large a part of the -world, upset so many churches, and surpassed the ferocity -of barbarians and robbers? You will see them fast bound, -tormented in flames, gnashing their teeth, overwhelmed with -useless sorrow and vain remorse; and they, in their turn, -will behold you wearing a crown in the blessed mansions, -exulting with angels, reigning with Christ; and they will -cry aloud and groan, repenting of the contumely which they -fastened upon thee, supplicating, but in vain, thy pity and -compassion.”<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">635</a></p> - -<p>To our ears of course such language is extraordinarily -shocking; but it is valuable as a warning, in estimating the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span>character of Chrysostom, not to judge him or any individual -by words or deeds, which are not so much the offspring of -the man as of the age and circumstances in which he lived. -Chrysostom had exercised as well as taught meekness, forbearance, -and charity towards all men, enemies as well as -friends; but he lived when the minds of Christians had -for generations been inured to scenes of persecution, and to -such a rigorous system and barbarous execution of criminal -law as are hardly conceivable by us. Fierce opposition of -party against party, violence and bloodshed put down, if at -all, by the stern hand of force, hardened public feeling, -and the individual, however amiable and gentle by nature, -inevitably becomes infected by the prevailing mode of -thought; he must look at things and judge of things more -or less from the same point of view as the generality of -men amongst whom he lives. What would seem revoltingly -cruel to a humane man now, appeared to a man -who lived some hundreds of years ago, though perhaps -equally humane by nature, and in private life amiable, a -merely natural and just retribution.</p> - -<p>The letters of Chrysostom to those bishops<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">636</a> who remained -loyal to his cause are full of asseverations that his affection -for them cannot be diminished by separation or distance. -He exhorts them to continue their labours with unabated -zeal, and carefully to abstain from all communion with the -adverse party. Small though their numbers were, yet their -fortitude under persecution would so much encourage others -that their conduct might be the salvation of the Church. -Several of his letters to laymen in Constantinople are models -of wise Christian counsel. He is never less than the pastor, -while he is always the friend. He writes to one Gemellus,<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">637</a> -on his promotion to some high magisterial office, that, -“while others congratulated him merely on his new honours, -<em>he</em> would rather dwell with thankfulness on the abundant -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span>opportunities Gemellus would now possess of exercising -wisdom and gentleness on a large scale. He doubted not -Gemellus would prove to those who were attached to the -vain glories of this earth, that the true dignity of the -magistrate consisted not in the robe or the girdle of office, -or in the voice of the herald, but in reforming what was -evil, and repairing what was falling to pieces, in punishing -injustice, and preventing the right from being oppressed by -might. He knew the boldness of Gemellus, his freedom of -speech, his magnanimity, his contempt for the things of -this world, his mildness, his benevolence; and he was -persuaded that he would be as a haven to the shipwrecked, -as a staff to the fallen, a tower of defence to those who were -oppressed by tyranny.” Gemellus appears to have been on -the point of receiving baptism, and perhaps on that account -to have been exposed to a rather trying degree of persecution. -Chrysostom begs him not to delay baptism in the hope -of receiving it from his hands, because the grace of the -sacrament would be equally effectual by whatever hands -administered, and his own joy would be none the less.<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">638</a></p> - -<p>So again, in his letter to Anthemius, who had recently -been made prefect and consul:—“Nothing has been really -added to you; it is not the prefect or the consul whom I -love, but my most dear and gentle Lord Anthemius, full of -philosophy and understanding. I do not felicitate thee -because thou hast climbed to this throne, but because thou -hast gained a grander sphere wherein to exercise thy benevolence -and wisdom.”<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">639</a></p> - -<p>He was less distant from Antioch than Constantinople, -and was cheered by visits from not a few of his old friends -in his native city, and maintained a correspondence by letter -with many more; but intercourse of either kind was much -impeded by the dangers and difficulties of the roads, and at -times by the severity of the climate.<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">640</a> The illegal seizure of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span>the see of Antioch by Porphyry, and the harsh treatment to -which the orthodox were subjected under his administration, -caused them to turn to Chrysostom, not only with sympathy -as a fellow-sufferer, but also for guidance, comfort, and some -kind of episcopal superintendence. Their presents to him -were so numerous that he felt compelled sometimes to -decline them, or to request permission that they might be -transferred to the aid of the missionary work in Phœnicia.<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">641</a></p> - -<p>Much of his thought and correspondence was concerned -in providing for the welfare of the Church in Persia, Phœnicia, -and among the Goths. In his fourteenth letter to -Olympias he begs her to use her best endeavours to detach -Maruthas, bishop of Martyropolis in Persia, from the influence -of the hostile party; “to lift him out of the slough” -is his expression, for he greatly needed his assistance on -account of affairs in Persia; and he was very anxious to -know what Maruthas had accomplished there, and whether -he had received two letters recently sent by himself. From -this it would seem as if Maruthas, who had been present at -the Synod of the Oak (when he caused the fatal injury to -the foot of Cyrinus), had returned to Persia and again visited -Constantinople, and that Chrysostom had hopes of working -in connexion with him for the good of the Church in Persia.<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">642</a> -In the same epistle he expresses his sorrow at having heard, -through some Gothic monks with whom Serapion had -sought shelter, that the Gothic bishop Unilas, whom he -had recently consecrated, was dead, after a short but active -career, and that the Gothic king had written to request that -a new bishop should be sent out. Chrysostom was fearful -lest Atticus and his party should appoint one; and he urges -that everything should be done to delay the appointment if -possible till winter came, when the season would prevent -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span>any one being sent till the following spring. Meanwhile, -Moduarius, the deacon who had brought the letter from the -Gothic prince, was to repair secretly and quietly to Cucusus, -and there confer with Chrysostom on this important matter, -to avert if possible the appointment of an improper person -to so difficult a charge.</p> - -<p>But of course the exile’s interest was pre-eminently -centred on that city of which he could not but consider -himself still the chief pastor, although deprived of his -external authority over it. Banishment, imprisonment, and -intimidation had thinned the ranks of the orthodox; and -among the remaining pastors there were some whose neglect -of duty, the result of indolence or faint-heartedness, called -forth severe rebukes from their former chief. “He had -heard with concern, and was vexed that the information had -not come direct from the clergy themselves, that a priest, -Salustius, had preached only five times between the end -of June and October, and that he and Theophilus, another -priest, rarely attended Divine service at all.”<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">643</a> To Theophilus -he writes a letter of mingled sorrow and reproof, -expressing a hope that the report may be incorrect, and -begging him to refute it, or to amend his conduct. He -reminds him of the dreadful punishment which was inflicted -on the servant who buried the talent which he ought to -have used, and of the fearful responsibility of neglecting -that most beautiful flock, which, by the grace of God, was -being strengthened in goodness, though now agitated by so -terrible a tempest.<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">644</a> Several of his clergy and friends are -upbraided with more or less of affectionate expostulation for -slackness in writing to him; others are praised for their -unshakable fortitude, patience, and zeal under affliction. He -had learned with much concern from Domitianus, to whom -the care of the widows and virgins of the Church was confided, -that they were reduced to extreme indigence, and he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span>entreats his friend Valentinus to sustain his well-known -character for benevolence by relieving their necessities.<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">645</a></p> - -<p>Peanius, a man of rank and position in Constantinople, is -thanked and praised for the unremitting zeal, yet tempered -with moderation, with which he had resisted the usurping -party, had stood inflexible in loyalty when others had fled, -and had exerted himself for the welfare of the Church, not -only in Constantinople, but also in Phœnicia, Palestine, and -Cilicia. Chrysostom observes in the same letter that the -members of the Church in those regions had, with very few -exceptions, refused to recognise Arsacius.<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">646</a></p> - -<p>Those clergy and other persons who had been imprisoned -on the charge of incendiarism were released in the beginning -of September;<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">647</a> and Chrysostom, having heard of their -liberation, was eagerly expecting a visit from them when -he wrote (about the end of October probably) to Elpidius, -bishop of Laodicea,<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">648</a> in Syria, a prelate venerable in years -and eminent in piety, who had as a priest accompanied -Meletius to the Council of Constantinople in A.D. 381, and -was his counterpart in the moderation and gentleness of his -disposition. Chrysostom wrote to thank him for his zeal -in endeavouring to retain the bishops, not only in his own -region, but in all parts of the world, in loyal fidelity to the -exiled Patriarch. Elpidius proved the sincerity of his own -attachment to his friend by suffering deposition from his -see, and imprisonment for three years in his own house. -Alexander, the successor of the usurper Porphyry in the see -of Antioch, restored Elpidius to his see about <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 414—a -recognition of his merits which received the high approbation -of Pope Innocent.<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">649</a></p> - -<p>Thus by letters did the exile maintain his influence over -all varieties of people in distant and opposite quarters of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span>the Empire. Exhortation and reproof, consolation and encouragement, -or the mere expression of affectionate goodwill, -are the main chords struck, as circumstances require. But -there is one tone which pervades all alike—the unshakable -Christian faith of the writer. His deep belief that all -suffering was sent for a remedial chastening purpose, and -that, if resignedly borne, it enhanced the glory of the reward -reserved for those who should suffer for righteousness’ sake; -that sin is the only real evil, that expatriation and persecution, -and even death, since they touch only the external and -temporal, are to be regarded as mere shadows, cobwebs, and -dreams; that distance and material obstacles cannot impede -the wings of affection and prayer, and that the cause of right -and truth, although long depressed, will eventually triumph—these -are convictions firmly rooted, which he never tires -of repeating, and on the strength of which he lived cheerful -and contented.</p> - -<p>The wide range of his influence, and the nobility of his -Christian resignation and fortitude, maintained during his -exile, have elicited the admiration of a historian not lavish -of his compliments to Christian saints. “Every tongue,” says -Gibbon, “repeated the praises of his genius and virtue; and -the respectful attention of the Christian world was fixed on -a desert spot among the mountains of Taurus.”<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">650</a></p> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XXII.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">CHRYSOSTOM’S SUFFERINGS FROM THE WINTER COLD—DEPREDATIONS -OF THE ISAURIANS—THE MISSION IN PHŒNICIA—LETTERS TO INNOCENT -AND THE ITALIAN BISHOPS—CHRYSOSTOM’S ENEMIES OBTAIN -AN ORDER FOR HIS REMOVAL TO PITYUS—HE DIES AT COMANA, -A.D. 407—RECEPTION OF HIS RELIQUES AT CONSTANTINOPLE, A.D. 438.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Thus</span> the autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 404 wore away. The time of the -exile was occupied, not unpleasantly, by sending and receiving -letters, and his spirits were cheered by occasional visits -from friends. The destitute in the neighbourhood of Cucusus -were relieved by his alms; the mourners comforted by his -affectionate sympathy; some persons taken captive by the -Isaurians obtained a release through his intercession or -ransom. But the winter, always severe in that elevated -region, set in this year with unusual rigour: all communication -with the outer world was cut off by the impassable -condition of the roads, and the cold told cruelly on the -delicate constitution of the poor exile. In a letter to -Olympias, written just on the return of spring <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 405, he -draws a pitiable picture of his winter sufferings. For days -together he lay in bed; but, in spite of being wrapped under -a very pile of blankets, with a fire constantly burning in his -room, he could not keep out the cold. He suffered from -constant sleeplessness, headache, sickness and aversion from -all food; but, with the return of milder weather in spring, -“he was brought up again from the gates of death;” and he -compares the softness of the climate at that season to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span> -amenity of the air of Antioch. His spirits also were raised -by the arrival of messengers from Constantinople, bringing -letters from Olympias and other friends.<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">651</a></p> - -<p>But the blessings of restoration to health and warm -weather were counterbalanced by the misery of constant -disturbance from the Isaurian bandits, who commenced -their marauding campaigns as soon as the break-up of -winter made the country practicable for their operations. -They swarmed over the whole neighbourhood, and the roads -which had been impassable from snow were now impassable -from robbers, who mingled much merciless bloodshed with -their plunder. When the full blaze also of summer heat -came, Chrysostom found it almost as injurious to his health -as the excessive cold; but he kept up his correspondence -with his friends with unabated assiduity.<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">652</a></p> - -<p>The mission in Phœnicia occupied a great deal of his -attention during this year. He had written, as already -related, from Nice to Constantius, the superintendent of the -mission, exhorting him not to allow the work to flag, owing -to his own deposition and banishment, but rather to carry it -on with additional energy. The efforts of the missionaries -had begun to provoke a rather fierce opposition on the part -of the Pagans, and attempts were made to deprive them of -the bare necessaries of life. But Chrysostom’s confidence -and zeal never failed for a moment. The missionaries were -to keep him informed of their wants, for, through the -liberality of his friends, he could supply them with all that -they required. He was ably seconded by Nicolaus, a priest, -who, though living at a distance, supplied the mission not -only with money but with men. Gerontius, a presbyter whom -Chrysostom had persuaded to abandon a solitary ascetic way -of life for missionary work, was anxious to visit Cucusus -on his way to Phœnicia; but Chrysostom begs him not to -delay, as the work was urgent and winter was approaching. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span> -He represents the greater advantages of the active life -Gerontius was now embracing. There would be nothing to -prevent him observing his fasts, vigils, and other ascetic -practices, as before, for the good of his own soul, and at the -same time, by his missionary labours, he would reap the -reward of those who save the souls of others.<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">653</a></p> - -<p>The Pagan resistance assumed more alarming proportions -as time went on. A letter written to the missionaries seems -to imply, by its tone of mingled warning and exhortation, -that their courage was beginning to fail. Chrysostom had -recourse to his favourite comparisons of the pilot and the -physician, who exert twofold energy as the violence of -the storm and the disease increase. Rufinus, a presbyter, -seems to have been sent into Phœnicia as a kind of special -agent to restore peace, and is stimulated to his work by an -animated letter. “I hear that the rage of the Greeks in -Phœnicia has burst forth again, that several monks have -been wounded, and some even killed. Wherefore I urge -you the more earnestly to set out upon your journey with -great speed, and take up your position.”... “If you saw -a house in a blaze you would not retreat, but advance upon -it as quickly as possible, so as to anticipate the flames. -When all is tranquillity it is within the compass of almost -any one to make converts, but when Satan is raging and the -devils are in arms, then, to make a gallant stand and rescue -those who are falling into the hands of the enemy, is the -work of a noble, vigilant spirit, a work which befits an -alert and lofty mind like yours, an apostolic achievement -worthy of crowns innumerable and rewards which defy -description.” He entreats Rufinus to write to him from -every halting-place on his journey, and to keep him constantly -informed of all which might take place after his arrival. -He would send, if necessary, ten thousand times to Constantinople, -in order to provide Rufinus with all things -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span>necessary to facilitate his journey and procure his ultimate -success. The letter closes with a passage which remarkably -illustrates the importance attached to reliques. “With -regard to the reliques of the holy martyrs, feel no anxiety, -for I immediately despatched the most religious presbyter, -my Lord Terentius, to my Lord Oneius, the most religious -Bishop of Arabissus, who possesses many reliques indisputably -genuine, which in a few days we will forward to -you into Phœnicia.”... “Use diligence to get the churches -which are yet unroofed completed before the winter.”<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">654</a></p> - -<p>There is no further record of the future progress or -ultimate issue of this mission, in which the heart of the -exile was so deeply wrapped up. Theodoret (v. 29) merely -says that through the energy of Chrysostom the extirpation -of idolatry in Phœnicia, and the destruction of Pagan -temples, were successfully carried on. But there are instances -of the existence of Paganism mentioned in the -middle of the fifth century;<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">655</a> and it is only too certain that, -under the feeble and degenerate successors of Chrysostom, -the work would not receive any powerful impulse. Partly -from the absence of a great central organising force like -the Papacy, partly from the irregular and unpractical temperament -of the Eastern nature, missionary enterprises have -not proceeded in great number from the Eastern Church. -The preaching of Ulphilas to the Goths, the missions -organised by Chrysostom among the Goths and in Phœnicia, -and the missionary labours of the Nestorians in Asia, are -but the rare exceptions which prove the rule.</p> - -<p>The misery and desolation caused in the neighbourhood -of Cucusus by the Isaurians seem to have culminated in -the winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 405-406 and the ensuing spring. The -inhabitants of the villages fled from their homes at the -approach of these formidable robbers, and sought a precarious -refuge in woods and caves. Many perished from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span>cold in these wild retreats, and many more at the hands of -the ruffian robbers, who showed no mercy even to the aged, -the women and children. Chrysostom himself was, like -others, frequently moving from place to place, now in this -village, now in that, sometimes in the woods or secluded -places. The only spot in which the poor harassed people -seem to have found tolerable security was in the strong -fortress of Arabissus, a neighbouring town. Yet even here -they ran considerable risks. A body of 300 Isaurians -attacked and very nearly captured it in the middle of the -night; and the discomfort was extreme at all times, for the -castle was crowded like a prison; the difficulty of obtaining -food was often very great, and the difficulty of corresponding -with friends still greater. Privation, anxiety, and frequent -hurried movements in cold weather brought severe illness -on Chrysostom again. Physicians attended him with great -kindness, but the impossibility of procuring comforts and -wholesome food rendered their services almost nugatory. -His greatest grief, however, seems to have been the difficulty -of maintaining regular correspondence with friends. -The bearer of a letter from Olympias actually fell into the -hands of the robbers, but was released; in consequence of -which Chrysostom entreats her not to send any more special -messengers, but only to avail herself of such persons as -were obliged by business to pass through his place of exile. -He would not add to his present sufferings the distress of -knowing that any life had been lost on his account.<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">656</a></p> - -<p>To the year <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 406 belong those letters of affectionate -gratitude, written to the bishops of the West, for their zeal -in supporting his cause, especially those who had undertaken -a long and perilous voyage to Constantinople to intercede -in his behalf. These letters were sent by the hands -of Evethius, the presbyter, who had for some time been -his companion in exile. One letter may be quoted as an -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span>example: “I had already been amazed at your zeal, on -behalf of the reformation of the Church, displayed for a -long time; but most of all am I now astonished at your -great earnestness, in having undertaken so long a journey -by sea, full of labour and toil, on behalf of the interests of -the Church. I have longed continually to write to you, -and offer you the salutation due to your piety; but since -that is not possible, living as I now am in a region almost -inaccessible, I take advantage of a most honourable and -reverend presbyter to send you greeting, and to beseech -you to persevere to the end in harmony with such a noble -beginning. For ye know how great will be the reward of -your patience, how vast the return from a benevolent God -to those who labour for the common peace, and undergo so -great a conflict.”<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">657</a></p> - -<p>To Chromatius, bishop of Aquileia, he writes thus: “The -loud-voiced trumpet of your warm and genuine affection -has sounded forth even as far as to me, a clear and far-reaching -blast indeed, extending to the very extremities of -the world. Distant as we are, we know, not less than those -present with thee, thy exceeding and burning love; wherefore -we long extremely to enjoy a meeting with thee face -to face. But, since the wilderness in which we are imprisoned -precludes this, we fulfil our desire, as well as we -can, by writing to you through our most honourable and -reverend presbyter, expressing our great gratitude for the -zeal which you have for so long a time displayed in our -behalf; and we beg you, when he returns, or by the hands -of chance messengers who may visit this desolate spot, to -send tidings of your health, for you know how much pleasure -it will afford us to hear frequently of the welfare of those -who are so warmly disposed towards us.”<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">658</a></p> - -<p>The letter written by Chrysostom in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 406 to Innocent -is full of grateful acknowledgments for all the efforts which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span>he had made, and was still making, on his behalf. “Though -separated by so vast a length of journey, yet are we near -your Holiness, beholding with the eye of the soul your -courage, your genuine, inflexible firmness, and we derive -constant and abiding consolation from you. For the higher -the waves are lifted up, the more numerous the rocks and -reefs, the more does your untiring vigilance increase.... -This is now the third year of my exile, spent in the midst -of famine, pestilence, continual sieges, an indescribable -wilderness, and the pillage of the Isaurians. In the midst -of these distresses and dangers, your constant and firm -affection is no ordinary solace to me.”<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">659</a></p> - -<p>There is a letter also addressed to Aurelius,<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">660</a> bishop of -Carthage, thanking him for bold and persevering intercession -in his behalf. The Church of Africa appears to have -adhered to what was at first the resolution of the Roman -Church, to maintain communion with both Chrysostom and -Theophilus. St. Augustine has bestowed a high eulogium -on Chrysostom,<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">661</a> and an African council, in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 407, passed -a resolution to address a letter to Innocent, praying that the -intercourse between the Churches of Rome and Alexandria -might be resumed.</p> - -<p>The health of the exile appears to have suffered less -than usual, in the winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 406-7, from the effects of -the cold. By carefully remaining in the house, and for -the most part in bed, wrapped up in blankets in an apartment -where a fire was kept constantly burning, and by -use of a medicine sent him by a lady, his attacks of headache -and of sickness were averted or alleviated. He had -become inured to the want of exercise, the deprivation of -the bath, and the smokiness of the room; and even the -natives were astonished at the firmness with which so feeble -and “spidery” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἀραχνώδης</span>) a frame endured the severity -of the climate. He began to feel a persuasion that God -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span>would not have preserved him so miraculously through such -various perils, if it were not His purpose to restore him to -his former position, that he might accomplish some work -for the Church.<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">662</a></p> - -<p>But the chief work which he was destined to accomplish -was to exhibit to the close of his life, now rapidly approaching, -a noble spectacle of Christian fortitude and patience, of -one continuing to the last to hope in God, to put his trust -in God, and still to give Him thanks. The malicious envy -of his enemies was augmented by the admiration and affection -which pursued their victim from all parts of Christendom, -and the correspondence which was maintained with -him even in the mountain fortress which they had selected -for his prison. The only remedy was to remove him yet -further, to a more remote and still more inaccessible region. -They worked upon the Emperor and the Court, whose -jealousy had been already excited by the interference of the -West; and, in the middle of June, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 407, an order was -obtained by them for the removal of the exile to Pityus, on -the eastern coast of the Euxine, near the very frontier of -the Empire, in the most desolate country, inhabited by -savage, barbarous people. The two prætorian soldiers -charged with conveying him thither were instructed to -push on the journey with the most inexorable haste, and -encouraged to hope for promotion should their prisoner die -on the road. One of the two had some sparks of humanity, -and furtively showed some little kindness to the sufferer; -but the other followed out the cruel directions given him -with merciless fidelity. Chrysostom had, some time ago, -expressed his conviction that he could not survive the -fatigue of another long and laborious journey, yet for three -months his fragile frame endured the strain till he reached -Comana in Pontus. A former bishop of that place, Basiliscus, -had suffered martyrdom in the persecution of Maxi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span>minus, -together with Lucian of Antioch. Chrysostom was -lodged in the precincts of the church erected in honour of -Basiliscus, above five miles outside the town. Here, so runs -the story, the martyred bishop appeared to him in the -night, stood beside him, and said, “Be of good cheer, for by -to-morrow we shall be together.” A similar vision was -vouchsafed to one of the presbyters of the church. He was -bidden “to prepare a place for our brother John.” In the -morning, Chrysostom entreated his guards to allow him to -stay where he was till eleven o’clock; but they were inflexible, -and the weary march was resumed. When, however, -they had proceeded about thirty stadia, he became -so ill that they were compelled to return to the martyry. -Here he asked for white garments, and having been clothed -in them, he distributed his own raiment among the clergy -who were present. The Eucharist was administered to him, -he spoke a few farewell words to the ecclesiastics who -stood around him, and with the words “Glory be to God -for all things, Amen,” on his lips, the weary exile breathed -his last.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line i05">“Rest comes at length; though life be long and dreary,</div> -<div class="line i1">The day must dawn, and darksome night be past;</div> -<div class="line">All journeys end in welcomes to the weary,</div> -<div class="line i1">And heaven, the heart’s true home, will come at last.”</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>The promise of Basiliscus was literally fulfilled—he was -buried in the same grave with the martyr, in the presence -of a large concourse of monks and nuns.<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">663</a></p> - -<p>The enemies of Chrysostom thus succeeded in wreaking -their vengeance to the full upon the person of their victim—“Non -missura cutem, nisi plena cruoris hirudo;” but -they were powerless to obliterate his memory. A sense -of the cruelty and injustice with which he had been treated -grew throughout Christendom, and he was more honoured -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span>and admired after his death than he had been during his -life. His followers in Constantinople, under the appellation -of Johnites, persisted in refusing to hold any communion -with Atticus; and in the course of ten years, Atticus himself -was constrained, by the solicitations of the Court and people, -by the example of other prelates, especially Alexander of -Antioch, and by a natural desire to maintain communion -with the Western Church, to admit the name of Chrysostom -into the diptychs of the Church of Constantinople. -Cyril, the nephew and successor of Theophilus, who inherited -in too many points his uncle’s spirit as well as -his see, yielded a more tardy and reluctant consent to the -recognition of his uncle’s foe.<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">664</a></p> - -<p>But a still higher honour was yet to be paid to his -memory by the Church from which he had been so violently -expelled. In <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 434, Proclus, formerly a disciple of -Chrysostom, was elevated to the see of Constantinople. -He conceived that the only effectual means of doing justice -to the injured saint, and reconciling the Johnites to the -Church, would be to transport his remains to the city. The -consent of the Emperor Theodosius <span class="smcap">II.</span> was obtained. On -January 27,<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">665</a> <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 438, the reliques of the banished Archbishop -were brought to the shores of the Bosporus. As -once before in his lifetime, to greet him on his return from -exile, so now, and in still greater numbers, the people, -bearing torches, crowded the waters of the strait with their -boats to welcome the return of all which remained of their -beloved and much-wronged spiritual father. The young -Emperor, stooping down, laid his face on the reliquary, and -implored forgiveness of the injuries which his parents had -inflicted on the saint whose ashes it contained. That -reliquary was then deposited near the altar of the Church -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span>of the Apostles.<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">666</a> It is the sad story, so often repeated in -history, of goodness and greatness, unrecognised, slighted, -injured, cut short in a career of usefulness by one generation, -abundantly, but too late, acknowledged in the next; -when posterity, paying to the memory and the tomb the -honours which should have been bestowed on the living -man, can only utter the remorseful prayer—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line i05">“His saltem accumulem donis, et fungar inani</div> -<div class="line">Munere....”</div> -</div></div></div> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER XXIII.</h2> - -<p class="indent f08">SURVEY OF CHRYSOSTOM’S THEOLOGICAL TEACHING—PRACTICAL TONE OF -HIS WORKS—REASON OF THIS—DOCTRINE OF MAN’S NATURE—ORIGINAL -SIN—GRACE—FREE-WILL—HOW FAR CHRYSOSTOM PELAGIAN—LANGUAGE -ON THE TRINITY—ATONEMENT—JUSTIFICATION—THE TWO -SACRAMENTS—NO TRACE OF CONFESSION, PURGATORY, OR MARIOLATRY—RELATIONS -TOWARDS THE POPE—LITURGY OF CHRYSOSTOM—HIS -CHARACTER AS A COMMENTATOR—VIEWS ON INSPIRATION—HIS -PREACHING—PERSONAL APPEARANCE—REFERENCES TO GREEK CLASSICAL -AUTHORS—COMPARISON WITH ST. AUGUSTINE.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> main characteristics of Chrysostom as a theologian and -interpreter of Scripture, as well as a pastor and preacher, -have, it is hoped, been already indicated in the course of -the preceding narrative; but it may be desirable to supplement, -by a fuller and more methodical survey, notices -which were necessarily sometimes brief and incidental in -the biographical chapters.<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">667</a></p> - -<p>Some evidence, therefore, of his theological teaching and -method of interpretation will first of all be collected from -his writings, and arranged under different heads. Two -difficulties in the way of executing this task faithfully -should be borne in mind: first, the voluminous bulk of -Chrysostom’s works (as Suidas observed, that it belonged to -God rather than man to know them all), which renders a -successful search for the selection of what are really the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span>most telling passages in illustration of each point far from -easy; secondly, that Chrysostom, being a preacher rather -than a writer, was of course liable to slip into inexact or -exaggerated language, under the influence of excitement, or -a desire to make an impression on the feelings of his hearers. -An attentive perusal, however, of his writings leads the -reader to the conclusion that he was very seldom carried -away by the impulse of the moment into merely vague or -rhetorical expressions, and that he was especially preserved -from this failing by his habit of combining the expository -with the practical and hortatory line of preaching. His -discourses are careful commentaries as well as practical -addresses. Week after week it was his custom to go -through some book of Holy Scripture, verse by verse, clause -by clause, almost word by word; endeavouring with all -diligence and patience to ascertain the exact meaning of the -passage before him, to place it clearly before his audience, -and to base his practical exhortation upon it.</p> - -<p>The remark has been so often repeated, as to have -become almost a truism, that the theology of the East is -distinguished from the theology of the West by its more -speculative, metaphysical character. It deals more especially -with the most profound and abstract mysteries—the -being and nature of the Godhead, of angels, of the whole -spiritual realm. It might, therefore, occasion some surprise -to find the homilies of Chrysostom marked by such an -eminently practical tone. But the apparent contradiction -is easily explained. It is precisely because Greek philosophy -and theology were chiefly concerned with the most -abstract questions, that the Greek preacher, speaking on -matters not abstract, but practical, relating to moral conduct, -is especially free in his language from philosophical or -technical terms. On the other hand, in the Western Church -exactly the reverse occurs. The best intellectual powers of -the Roman having been mainly exercised on jurisprudence,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span> -the mind of Roman theologians naturally turned most -powerfully towards practical questions which had most -affinity to that science with which they were chiefly conversant—such -as the relation of man to God, the nature of -sin, the means of discharging the debt owed by man, the -problem of the free-will of man, and providence of God. -Western theology is coloured by the language of Roman -law, as Eastern theology is coloured by the language of -Greek philosophy. “Merit,” “satisfaction,” “decrees,” “forensic -justification,” “imputed righteousness,” are terms which -do not occur in the writings of the Greek theologian, because -they are the expressions of ideas in which he felt no interest. -They are the offspring of the Roman mind, in which legal -ideas were dominant. Hence the Western theologian is -most technical and scientific in the region of practical questions; -the Greek, on the other hand, is more entirely free -from the influence of philosophy in that region than in any -other.</p> - -<p>In accordance with this distinction, we find that Chrysostom, -in treating of those practical questions with which, -as a preacher and pastor, he was mainly concerned—the -nature and the work of Jesus Christ, providence, grace, -the nature of man, sin, faith, repentance, good works, and -the like—casts his thoughts into the most free, natural, -untechnical, and therefore forcible language possible.</p> - -<p>To consider first of all his exposition of man’s nature. -The majority of the Oriental fathers made a triple division, -into body, soul, and spirit—the soul (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ψυχή</span>) being equivalent -to the animal life, the spirit (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">πνεῦμα or ψυχὴ λογική</span>) to the -reason. Chrysostom makes a twofold division only, into -body and soul, and reserves the word “spirit” to designate the -Holy Spirit.<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">668</a> Man, when first created, came like a pure -golden statue fresh out of the artist’s hands, destined, if he -had not fallen, to enjoy a yet higher and nobler dignity than -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span>he then possessed.<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">669</a> His being made “in the image of God” -Chrysostom interprets to signify that dominance over the -lower animals which God Himself exercises over the whole -creation, and the peculiar superiority of man’s nature to -theirs consists in his reasoning power, as well as in his -endowment with the gift of immortality.<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">670</a> Man fell through -his own weakness and indolent negligence (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ῥᾳθυμία</span>), and -then became deprived of that immortality and divine wisdom -with which he had been previously gifted; but his nature -was not essentially <em>changed</em>, it was only weakened.<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">671</a> Evil is -not an integral part of man; it is not an inherent substantial -force (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">δύναμις ἐνυπόστατος</span>):<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">672</a> it is the moral purpose (προαίρεσις) -which is perverted when men sin. If evil was a part -of our nature, it would be no more reprehensible than -natural appetites and affections. If man’s will was not -unfettered, there would be no merit in goodness and no -blame in evil. There is no constraint either to holiness or -to sin; neither does God compel to the one, nor do the -fleshly appetites compel to the other.<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">673</a> The body was not, -as the Manichæans erroneously maintained, the seat of sin; -it was the creation of God equally with the soul; the -whole burden, therefore, of responsibility in sin must be -thrown on the “moral purpose.” Here was the root of all -evil; the conception of necessity and immutability is bound -up with the idea of nature. We do not try to alter that -which is by nature (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">φύσει</span>): sin therefore is not by nature, -because by means of education, laws, and punishments we -do seek to alter that.<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">674</a> Sin is through the moral purpose -which is susceptible of change, and till the moral purpose -has come into activity sin cannot properly be said to exist: -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">394</a></span>infants, therefore, and very young children, are free from sin.<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">675</a> -Our first parents fell through moral negligence (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ῥᾳθυμία</span>); -and this is the principal cause of sin now. They marked -out a path which has been trodden ever since; they yielded -to appetite, and the force of the will has been weakened -thereby in all their posterity, who have become subject to -the punishment of death; so that though sin is not a part -of man’s nature, yet his nature is readily inclined to evil -(<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ὀξυῤῥεπὴς πρὸς κακίαν</span>): but this tendency will be controlled -by the moral purpose if that is in a healthy condition.<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">676</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom would thus readily allow the expressions -“hereditary tendency to sin,” “hereditary liability to the -punishment of death,” but he shrinks from the expression -“hereditary sin.” His anxiety to insist on the complete -freedom of the human will was very natural in the earnest -Christian preacher of holiness, who lived in an age when men -were frequently encountered who, in the midst of wickedness, -complained that they were abandoned to the dominion of -devils or to the irresistible course of fate. They transferred -all guilt from themselves to the powers of evil, all responsibility -to the Creator Himself, who had withdrawn from -them, as they maintained, the protection of His good providence. -To counteract the disastrous effects of such philosophy, -which surrendered the will to the current of the -passions, like an unballasted ship cast adrift before the -storm, it was indeed necessary to maintain very resolutely -and boldly the essential freedom of the will, to insist on -man’s moral responsibility, and the duty of vigilant, strenuous -exertion. Chrysostom frequently exposes the absurdity as -well as the moral evil of a doctrine of necessity. If human -actions are necessary and preordained results of circumstances, -then teaching and government become mere pieces -of acting, destitute of any practical influence; they are also -unjust, since you have no right to punish a person who has -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span>acted under compulsion. Such a theory ought, also, logically -to paralyse human industry. If a plentiful harvest is predetermined -by the decrees of fate, you may spare yourself -the trouble of ploughing, sowing, and other laborious operations; -or, if Clotho has turned her distaff in the other direction, -all your exertions will fail to produce an abundant -crop. Such a doctrine is repugnant to our natural sense, -and contradicts our own consciousness and inward experience. -We feel that we are free, and all human action -proceeds on the principle of supposing man to be free. We -teach and we punish. The plea of necessity would be -rejected in a court of law as an impudent and futile excuse -for crime. Such a theory is utterly at variance also with -God’s mode of addressing man, which always implies freedom -of volition; as, for instance, “If <em>ye will</em> hearken unto me, -ye shall eat the fat of the land; but if <em>ye will not</em> hearken, -the sword shall devour you.”<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">677</a></p> - -<p>Profoundly convinced, therefore, of a universal tendency -to sin on the one hand, but of an essential freedom of the -will on the other, Chrysostom sounds alternately the note -of warning and of encouragement—warning against that -weakness, indolence, languor of the moral purpose which -occasions a fall; encouragement to the full use of those -powers with which all men are gifted, and to avoid that -despondency which will prevent a man from rising again -when he has fallen. St. Paul repented, and, not despairing, -became equal to angels; Judas repenting, but despairing, -was hurried into self-inflicted death. Despair was the -devil’s most powerful instrument for working the destruction -of man.<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">678</a> Chrysostom therefore earnestly combated any -view of Christian life which daunted and discouraged man’s -efforts, by winding them too high, or placing before them -an unattainable standard. Men sometimes said we cannot -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span>be like St. Peter and St. Paul, because we are not gifted -with their miraculous power. But, he replies, you may -emulate their Christian graces: these are within the reach -of all, and these are, by our Lord’s own declaration, the most -important. “<em>By this</em> shall all men know that ye are my -disciples, if ye have love one to another;” the moral works -of the Apostles, works of love, mercy, and faith, were far -more instrumental in the conversion of the world than their -merely miraculous powers.<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">679</a></p> - -<p>Urgently, however, as Chrysostom, in his desire to stimulate -exertion and strengthen the moral life, insists on the -absolute freedom of the will, he maintains no less clearly -the insufficiency of man’s nature to accomplish good without -the Divine assistance. No one has described in more forcible -language the powerful hold of sin upon human nature. Sin -is like a terrible pit, containing fierce monsters, and full of -darkness.<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">680</a> It is more terrible than a demon,<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">681</a> it is a great -demon;<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">682</a> it is like fire; when once it has got a hold on the -thoughts of the heart, if it is not quenched it spreads further -and further, and becomes increasingly difficult to subdue;<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">683</a> it -is a heavy burden, more oppressive than lead.<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">684</a> Christ saw -us lying cast away upon the ground, perishing under the -tyranny of sin, and He took compassion on us.<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">685</a> In the -infant weakness and liability to sin are inherent, though not -sin itself. The moral nature of the infant is like a plant, -which will grow healthily by a process of natural development, -unless exposed to injurious influences; but it requires -the protection of grace, “therefore we baptize infants to -impart holiness and goodness, as well as to establish a -relationship with God.” This passage is quoted by St. -Augustine in his earnest vindication of Chrysostom from -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span>Pelagianism.<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">686</a> But the passages on which Augustine mainly -depends to prove Chrysostom’s adherence to the tenet of -original sin are in his exposition of Romans v. 12-14:—“Death -reigned from Adam to Moses. How reigned? In -likeness of the transgression of Adam, who is a figure of -One to come. How a figure? Because, as he became a -cause of death to those who were born from him, although -they had not eaten of the tree, even so Christ has become -to His posterity the procurer of righteousness, though they -have not done righteousness, which He has bestowed upon -us all through His cross.” Augustine quotes also his observation -on Christ’s tears over the grave of Lazarus:—“He -wept to think that men, who were capable of immortality, -had been made mortal by the devil;” and his remarks on -Genesis i. 28, about the subjection of the lower animals to -man: “that man’s present dread of wild beasts was entirely -owing to the Fall, and had not existed previous to that: it -was inherited by all Adam’s posterity, because they inherited -his degradation through the Fall.” All these passages, however, -do not amount to more than the doctrine of a universally -inherited tendency to sin, and therefore liability to its -punishment, death. In his interpretation of the passage, -“the free gift is of many offences unto justification,” this -last word is plainly taken by him in the sense of making -man righteous, not accounting him as such.<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">687</a></p> - -<p>His conception of the relation between the will and -power of God on the one hand, and man’s freedom on the -other, appears to be this:—All men, without exception, -are through Christ called to salvation; predestination -means no more than God’s original design, conceived prior -to the Fall, of bringing all men to salvation. So, after the -Fall, His redemptive plan or purpose embraces all men; but, -on the other hand, it constrains no one. According to His -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">398</a></span>absolute will all men are to be saved; but the accomplishment -of His purpose is limited by the freedom of choice -which He has Himself bestowed on man, whereby man may -either accept the proffered favour and be eternally blessed, -or reject it and be eternally condemned. God’s election of -those who are called is not compulsory, but persuasive;<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">688</a> -hence, many of those who have been called perish through -their rejection of grace: they, and not God, are the authors -of their own condemnation. God knows beforehand what -each man will be, good or bad; but He does not constrain -him to be one or the other.<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">689</a> The illustration of the potter -in Romans ix. 20 must not be pressed too closely; St. -Paul’s object simply is to enforce the duty of unconditional -obedience. A vessel of wrath is one who obdurately resists -God’s grace; he was never <em>intended</em> by God to be a vessel -of wrath. “The vessels of mercy are said to have been prepared -afore by God unto glory,” but the vessels of wrath to -be fitted (not by God—He is not mentioned—but by sin) -unto destruction.<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">690</a> So again, he acutely observes that, in the -account of the final judgment (St. Matt. xxv.), the destiny -of the <em>good</em> only is referred to God. “Come, ye blessed <em>of -my Father</em>, inherit the kingdom prepared <em>for you</em>;” but, -“Depart, ye cursed” (not “of my Father”), “into everlasting -fire, prepared” (not for you, but) “for the devil and his -angels.”</p> - -<p>On St. John vi. 44, he remarks, it is perfectly true that -only they who are drawn and taught by the Father can -come to Christ; but away with the paltry pretence that -those who are not thus drawn and taught are emancipated -from blame; for this very thing, the being led and instructed, -depends on their own moral choice. Two factors, therefore, -Divine grace which presents, and human will which appro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">399</a></span>priates, -are co-efficients in the work of man’s salvation; -God’s love and man’s faith must work hand in hand. God -provides opportunities, encourages by promises, arouses by -calls; and the moment these are responded to, the moment -man begins to will and to do what is right, he is abundantly -assisted by grace. But Chrysostom recognises nothing -approaching the doctrine of final perseverance. St. Paul -might have relapsed, Judas might have been saved (De -Laud. Ap. Pauli, Hom. ii. 4). In his commentary on -Phil. ii. 12-13, “It is God which worketh in us both to will -and to do of his good pleasure,” the spontaneity of man’s -will is carefully maintained. It may be said, if God works -the will in us, why does the apostle exhort us to work? for -if God wrought the wish, it is vain to speak of obedience; -the whole work is God’s from the beginning. No! Chrysostom -says, what St. Paul means is, that if your will works, -God will augment your will, and quicken it into activity and -zeal. Hast thou given alms? you are the more prompted -to give; hast thou abstained from giving? negligence will -increase upon you. The histories of Abraham, Job, Elijah, -St. Paul, and other saints, are frequently cited to prove his -central principle, that God in the moral and spiritual sense -helps those only who help themselves. “When He, who -knows the secrets of our hearts, sees us eagerly prepare for -the contest of virtue, He instantly supplies us with His -assistance, lightening our labours, and strengthening the -weakness of our nature. In the Olympian contests the -trainer stands by as a spectator merely, awaiting the issue, -and unable to contribute anything to the efforts of the contender; -whereas our Master accompanies us, extends His -hand to us, all but subdues our antagonist, arranges everything -to enable us to prevail, that He may place the amaranthine -wreath upon our brows.”<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">691</a> God does not anticipate -(<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">φθάνει</span>) man’s own volitions (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">βουλήσεις</span>), but when these -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">400</a></span>are once bent in the right direction, God’s grace powerfully -promotes them; and without this divine co-operation holiness -is unattainable.<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">692</a> But as, according to Chrysostom’s -conceptions, the first movement towards good moral practice -comes from the man himself, he often speaks of a man’s -salvation depending on his own moral choice. He is not, -therefore, in harmony with the mind of our Church as -expressed in the Article, that “we have no power to do good -works, pleasant and acceptable to God, without the grace of -God <em>preventing</em> us, that we may have a good will;” but his -language thoroughly concurs with the subsequent clause, -“and working with us when we have that good will.” In -the technical language of theology, he recognises assisting, -but not prevenient, grace.</p> - -<p>It has been well remarked by Mr. Alexander Knox -(“Remains,” vol. iii. 79), that “the advocates for efficient -grace have been too generally antiperfectionists, and the -perfectionists, on the other hand, too little aware that we -are not sufficient so much as to think anything as of ourselves, -but that it is God which worketh in us both to will -and to do of His good pleasure.” The perfect conception of -the true Christian standard of character could only be found, -he thought, in a union of the systems of St. Chrysostom -and St. Augustine. It must not be imagined, however, that -Chrysostom regarded Divine grace as merely accessory or -subsidiary to man’s own will and purpose. He fails not to -represent it as indispensable to every human soul, however -powerfully inclined of itself to good. The human will, -weakened and depraved by evil, is not for a moment to rank -as co-ordinate in its action with the work of the Holy -Spirit: the real efficient force in the work of sanctification -is the Holy Spirit. The beginnings, indeed (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἀρχαί</span>), are our -own, and we must contribute what we can, small and cheap -though it be, because, unless we do our part, we shall not -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">401</a></span>obtain the Divine assistance; but though the initiatory step -is ours, the accomplishment of the work is altogether God’s, -and, since the major part is His, we commonly say that the -whole is His.<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">693</a></p> - -<p>He invariably speaks of the Old Dispensation as a period -when Divine grace was given in less measure than under -the Gospel, because then sin had not been blotted out, nor -death vanquished. The achievements of holy men like -Abraham and Job in this period were therefore deserving -of peculiar praise, and their faults, on the other hand, were -entitled to more indulgent judgment, because they laboured -under disadvantages. When the Lamb which taketh away -the sins of the world had been slain, and the reconciliation -between man and God had been effected, then spiritual gifts -of a higher order were imparted as a sign and a pledge that -the old hostility had ceased.<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">694</a></p> - -<p>Turning now to theology, strictly so called, to the being -and nature of the Godhead, we find comparatively little said -by Chrysostom, except incidentally, on a subject more congenial -to the theologian and student than to the earnest, -practical preacher. In opposition to the rationalistic doctrine -of the Arians, who affected to comprehend the Divine -Nature, he strenuously maintained, as we have seen,<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">695</a> its -inscrutability, and denounced any curious investigation of it -as at once foolish and profane. God has condescended to -appear to us in a form which is intelligible, and it is presumption -to attempt to penetrate beyond the limits which -He has placed to a knowledge of Himself. Chrysostom -takes the dogma of the one substance (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ὁμοουσία</span>), established -at Nice, as the basis of his position against the Arians, and -seeks to prove it, not by speculative argument, after the -manner of the Alexandrian school, but by reference to Holy -Scripture. He uses the word “substance” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">οὐσία</span>) to -designate the essential nature and “person” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ὑπόστασις</span>), -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">402</a></span>the personality of the Godhead, and points out that words -which relate to the <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">οὐσία</span>, as Lord and God, are applied to -all the Persons; whereas the other terms—Father, Son, -Holy Spirit—indicating distinction of personality, are each -applied to one Person only in the Godhead. Yet the -Persons are not related to the substance as parts to the -whole: God the Son is to God the Father as a beam of the -sun, inseparable from Him, identical with Him in substance, -yet retaining His own personality.<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">696</a> He is equally -careful to guard the divinity of Christ against the rationalising -school of Paul of Samosata, and the distinctness of -His personality as against the Sabellians. St. Paul, he -observes, does not dwell too much upon the abasement of -Christ, lest Paul of Samosata should take advantage; -neither does he dwell exclusively upon the exaltation, lest -Sabellius should spring upon him.<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">697</a></p> - -<p>The equal divinity and distinct personality of the Holy -Ghost are no less clearly and forcibly demonstrated by a -collection and comparison of passages. St. Paul, for -instance, in 1 Cor. xii. 6, speaks of God as “working all in -all;” in verse 11 of the same chapter, he uses the same -language of the Holy Spirit. Into any metaphysical, -abstract discussion of the nature of the Godhead Chrysostom -does not enter. He simply endeavours to guard the faith -of the Church by a careful exposition of Holy Scripture, -on which that faith was based, and by an exposure of the -one-sided, or perverted, interpretations on which the current -forms of heresy depended.</p> - -<p>The union of the two natures in the person of our blessed -Lord was, as is well known, a subject of constant speculation -and of prolific error in the first five centuries. Here, again, -the good sense of Chrysostom, united to his careful study of -Holy Scripture, enabled him to hold the balance between -two divergent methods—one which attended too exclusively -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">403</a></span>to the humanitarian point of view, the other which brought -out the divinity, but at the expense of the manhood. He -earnestly maintains the veritable assumption of humanity -by the Word. Our nature could not have been elevated to -the divine if the Saviour had not <em>really</em> partaken of it; -neither could He have brought help to our race if He had -appeared in the unveiled glory of His Godhead, for sun and -moon, earth and sea, and even man himself, would have -perished at the brightness of His presence. Therefore He -veiled his Godhead in flesh, and came not as the Lord in -outward semblance, but in lowliness and abasement.<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">698</a> And -this very condescension enhanced His dignity and extended -His dominion: before the Incarnation He was adored by -angels only, but afterwards by the whole race of redeemed -man.<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">699</a> He assumed our nature, even in its liability to death, -but not as contaminated by sin.<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">700</a> There were in Him three -elements—body and soul making up the human nature, and -the Logos or Word making up the divine. These two -natures were <em>united</em> but not <em>fused</em>. “We, indeed, are body -and soul, but He is God and soul and body; remaining what -He was, He took that which He was not, and having become -flesh, He remained God, being the Word. The one He -became He assumed; the other He was. Let us not then -confound, neither let us divide; one God, one Christ the -Son of God; and when I say one, I speak of union, not -fusion” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἕνωσιν λέγω οὐ σύγχυσιν</span>).<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">701</a> Jesus Christ was -subject to death, susceptible of pain and all those emotions -and sensations which belong to the human body, otherwise -His would not have been a real body, but the weakness pertaining -to human nature was entirely overruled by the -constant operation of the Logos. If He is said to have been -lowered or exalted, this was only as man, since the Godhead -was incapable of either, being absolutely perfect. When the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">404</a></span> -Holy Ghost is said to have descended upon Him at His -baptism, this must be considered to refer to His human -nature only; the manhood, not the Godhead, is anointed. -Or when we read that He walked not in Judæa, because the -Jews sought to kill Him, and then, just afterwards, that He -passed through the midst of His enemies unscathed, we -have a direct manifestation, in close correspondence, of the -Godhead and the manhood.<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">702</a></p> - -<p>In speaking of the redemptive work of our blessed Lord, -Chrysostom’s language is too rapturously eloquent to be very -precise. There are in him several traces of the idea which -began with Irenæus, and was developed by Origen, that the -devil through the Fall acquired an actual right over man, -and that a kind of pious fraud was practised upon him to -deprive him of this right through the Incarnation and death -of Jesus. By the noiseless, unostentatious manner in which -our Saviour assumed humanity, veiling His Godhead under -it, He, as it were, stole unawares upon the devil, who -was not fully conscious of the majesty and might of his -adversary. The devil assaulted Christ as if Christ had been -merely man, and he was disappointed in his expectation. -He was vanquished by his own weapons, his tyranny was -destroyed by means of those very things which were his -strength; the curse of sin and of death were his most -trusted pieces: Christ submitted Himself to be bruised by -them, and yet crushed them by His submission.<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">703</a></p> - -<p>On the other hand, we find also in Chrysostom the customary -conception of a debt discharged, a ransom paid, a -sacrifice offered once for all. “Adam sinned and died; -Christ sinned not and yet died. Wherefore? that he who -sinned and died might be able, through Him who died but -sinned not, to throw off the grasp of death. This is what -takes place also in money transactions. Often some one -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span>who is a debtor, not being able to pay, is detained in bonds; -another, who owes nothing but is able to lay down the sum, -pays it and releases the responsible person. Thus has it -been in the case of man. Man was the debtor, was detained -by the devil, and could not pay; Christ owed nothing, nor -was He holden by the devil, but He was able to pay the -debt. He came and He paid down death on behalf of him -who was detained in bondage.<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">704</a></p> - -<p>From this point of view the person to whom the debt is -due and is discharged is the devil; from another, the satisfaction -is regarded as due to God, owing to the violation of -man’s obedience, and is paid to Him through the sacrifice -of a sinless life. “It was right that all men should fulfil -the righteousness of God; but, since no one did this, Christ -came and completely fulfilled it.”<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">705</a> He was Himself both -the sacrificer and the victim; the cross being the altar. He -suffered outside the city that the prophecy, “He was -numbered with the transgressors,” might be fulfilled, and -also that the <em>universality</em> of the sacrifice might be proclaimed.<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">706</a> -Chrysostom is not careful to distinguish between -the alienation of man from God, and of God from man -through the Fall. He represents the hostility as in some -sort existing on both sides. Christ did the work of a -mediator by interposing Himself between the two parties, -and reconciling each to the other. The references to such a -fundamental verity are of course numerous, often full of -beauty of expression and tenderness of feeling, and glowing -earnestness. What he specially delights to dwell upon, as -might be expected from his warm, affectionate disposition, -is the exceeding love of Christ to man, and the hearty return -which gratitude for such a benefit ought to draw forth from -us. Like St. Paul, he often will break forth, in the midst -of some argument or practical address, into a burst of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">406</a></span>rapturous and adoring praise. “What reward shall I give -unto the Lord for all the benefits which He hath done unto -me? Who shall express the noble acts of the Lord, or show -forth all His praise? He abased Himself that He might -exalt thee; He died to make thee immortal; He became a -curse that thou mightest obtain a blessing.... When -the world lay in darkness, the light of the Cross was held -up like a torch shining in a dark place, and the light at the -top of it was the Sun of Righteousness Himself.”<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">707</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom’s doctrine of justification is naturally coloured -by his ethics. Maintaining, as he did, that the corruption -of man’s nature consisted in a weakness of the moral purpose, -a crooked tendency of the will, rather than in any inherent -indelible stain in that nature itself, his exhortations are -directed rather to inculcate energetic action, a gradual -process of improvement of the will with the Divine help, -than that entire dependence through faith on the mercy of -God which springs out of a deep conviction of the sinner’s -own insufficiency. The logical tendency of the Augustinian -view of the intense and radical depravity of man’s nature is -to induce a total repudiation of the efficacy of personal -effort, a total disavowal of all personal merit. Hence -justification comes to be regarded as purely an act of -acquittal on God’s part, a boon which the despairing sinner -by an act of faith thankfully accepts. Such is not the -position of Chrysostom, or of those who, like the Cambridge -Divines of the seventeenth century, have trodden in his -footsteps. With him the condition of a pardoned sinner -consists rather in that renovation of the spiritual and moral -life which is the result of long and laborious effort, aided of -course by Divine grace, a succession of moral acts eventually -producing “a new creature.” Faith is not so much regarded -merely as the instrument or hand held out, by which God’s -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">407</a></span>gift is appropriated, as the first in a row of good works, a -fruitful source of all good action. “Abraham,” he says, -“believed God, and it was counted to him for righteousness. -Why? To prove that belief itself, in the first instance, and -obedience to the call of God, come from our own good -judgment (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">εὐγνωμοσύνη</span>); but as soon as the foundation -of faith is laid, we require the alliance of the Holy Spirit, -that it may remain constantly unshakable and inflexible.”<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">708</a> -“Faith is the mother of all good, the sure staff of man’s -tottering footsteps, the anchor of his tempest-tossed soul, -without which he would be like a ship cast adrift on the -sea to the mercy of winds and waves.”<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">709</a> “It is more stable -and secure than reason, for it carries its own proof with it; -the conclusions of reason may be diverted by counter-arguments, -but faith stands above argument, and is not -distracted by it.”<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">710</a></p> - -<p>He does not, indeed, shrink from a bold declaration of -the value of good works, but he is far from teaching men to -depend on them as efficient causes of salvation. They are -to be stored up as a kind of viaticum for our journey to the -other world. “As those who are in a foreign country, when -they wish to return to their own land, take pains, a long -time beforehand, to collect means sufficient for their journey, -so surely ought we, who are but strangers and settlers on -this earth, to lay up a store of provisions through spiritual -virtue, that when our Master shall command our return into -our native country, we may be prepared and may carry part -of our store with us, having sent the other in advance.”<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">711</a> -On the other hand, he constantly insists that it is the favour -and mercy of God alone which, in the end, bestows salvation -on us. Faith and good works are necessary conditions, but -not efficient causes of salvation. God has graciously willed -that they who have faith and good works shall be saved: -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">408</a></span>let no man therefore boast. We could not do good works -without God’s assisting grace, nor could they in the end and -at the best save us if it were not His merciful and gracious -will.<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">712</a> Therefore, let no one pride himself on his good works; -above all things, let him cultivate a spirit of humility and -modesty: St. Paul, after all his labours, confessed that he -was not meet to be called an apostle, but was what he was -by the grace of God.<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">713</a> “What is impossible with men is -possible with God.” “Tell me not I have sinned much, and -how can I be saved? <em>Thou</em> art not able, but thy Master is -able so to blot out thy sins that no trace even of them shall -remain. In the natural body, indeed, though the wound -may be healed, yet the scar remains; but God does not suffer -the scar even to remain, but, together with release from -punishment, grants righteousness also, and makes the sinner -to be equal to him who has not sinned. He makes the sin -neither to be nor to have been.... Sin is drowned in the -ocean of God’s mercy, just as a spark is extinguished in a -flood of water.”<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">714</a></p> - -<p>It was, no doubt, the trustful dependence of Chrysostom -on Divine grace, coupled with his firm conviction of the free -capacity of man to turn to what is good, which enabled him -to pitch all his exhortations to Christian holiness in such a -singularly cheerful, hopeful tone. To his sanguine temperament -it seemed as if man’s natural capacities for good, aided -by grace obtained through prayer, could accomplish anything. -“The effect of prayer on the heart is like that of the rising -sun upon the natural world; as the wild beasts come forth -by night to prowl and prey, but the sun ariseth, and they -get them away together and lay them down in their dens, -so, when the soul is illuminated by prayer, the irrational and -brutal passions are put to flight, anger is calmed, lust is -extinguished, envy is expelled; prayer is the treasure of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">409</a></span>poor, the security of the rich; the poorest of all men is rich -if he can pray, and the rich man who cannot pray is miserably -poor. Ahab without prayer was impotent amidst his -splendour; Elijah with prayer was mighty in his coarse -garment of sheepskin.”<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">715</a> “It is impossible, impossible that -a man who calls constantly on God with proper zeal should -ever sin; his spirit is proof against temptation so long as the -effect of his praying lasts, and when it begins to fail, then he -must pray again. And this may be done anywhere, in the -market or in the shop, since prayer demands the outstretched -soul rather than the extended hands.”<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">716</a> Long prayers were -to be avoided; they gave great opportunities to Satan to -distract the attention, which could not easily bear a lengthened -strain. Prayers should be frequent and short; thus -we should best comply with the direction of St. Paul to pray -without ceasing.<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">717</a></p> - -<p>It remains to collect some notices of Chrysostom’s teaching -with reference to the two Sacraments.</p> - -<p>The number of those who, as Christian children of decidedly -Christian parents, were baptized in infancy appears -to have been small at this period, compared with those who, -like Chrysostom himself, joined the ranks of the Church at -a later epoch of life. There were many whose parents, or -who themselves, hovered not so much between Christianity -and any definite form of paganism, as between Christianity -and worldliness. The sermons addressed by Chrysostom -and his contemporaries to catechumens, and the frequent -allusions to them, the minute directions respecting their -instruction, their division into classes, the custom of calling -the first part of the service to which they were admitted the -Missa Catechumenorum, prove that numerous they must -have been. I have failed to find any passages in which -Chrysostom urgently inculcates infant baptism, and, considering -his views respecting original sin, this is not surpris<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">410</a></span>ing; -but he earnestly denounces a custom of deferring -baptism, prevalent among those who were already believers, -or professing to be such. Often it was delayed till men -believed themselves to be at the point of death—a practice -which he especially deprecates, because at such a time -“the recipient was often in a restless, suffering state of -mind and body, most unfit to receive that holy sacrament; -the entrance of the priest was regarded by the sorrowful -attendants as a certain evidence of the approaching end; -and when the sick man could not recognise those who were -present, or hear a voice, or answer in those words by which -he was to enter into a blessed covenant with our Lord, but -lay like a log or a stone, what possible advantage could -there be in the reception of the sacrament?”<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">718</a> Again, it -was often delayed till a man conceived that he had received -a distinct call and intimation that it was the will of God. -This Chrysostom regarded as being too often a mere cloak -for moral indolence, a reluctance of men to bind themselves -under the high responsibilities of the Christian vocation.<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">719</a></p> - -<p>He certainly considered baptism as being not merely a -solemn initiation into the Christian covenant, and instrument -of remission of sin, but also of moral renovation. -This, however, is represented as a blessing naturally derivable -from the entrance into the new and holy federal -relation with God. In his comment on the passage, “and -such were some of you; but ye are washed, but ye are -sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of our Lord -Jesus Christ,” he observes that such words signify that they -were not only purified from past uncleanness, but had -become holy and righteous. “For such is the benevolence -of the Divine gift; if an imperial letter consisting of a few -lines discharges men from liability to punishment for any -number of offences, and advances others to great honour, -much more will the Holy Spirit of God, which can do all -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">411</a></span>things, release us from all wickedness, bestow on us -abundant righteousness, and fill us with much confidence.” -The nature of the baptized was, therefore, like a vessel -which had not only been cleansed from past defilements, but -recast in the furnace so as to come out in a new shape.<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">720</a> -He is far, however, from regarding such a change as final. -The virtue of baptism is effectual at the time, but the grace -then given is as a trust to be carefully guarded; a talent -to be traded with, a seed of righteousness to be diligently -cultivated, the dawning of a light to shine more and more -unto the perfect day. As Christ becomes at that time the -clothing, the food, the habitation of the Christian, the recipient -of these favours has to take care that he does not -wrong this intimate relationship. Therefore he is ordered to -say at baptism, “I renounce thee, Satan;” that is the -declaration of a covenant with his Master. A firm determination -to abandon past sin and eradicate evil habits—in -a word, repentance—should take place previous to baptism. -“Just as the painter freely alters the lineaments of his -picture, when it is sketched in outline, by rubbing out or -putting in, but when once he has added the colour, he is no -longer at liberty to make alterations; in like manner erase -evil habits before baptism, before the true colouring of the -Holy Spirit has been thrown over the soul: take care -when this has been received, and the royal image shines -forth clearly, that you do not blot it out any more, and -inflict wounds and scars on the beauty given thee by -God.”<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">721</a></p> - -<p>In another place he contrasts the baptism of the Jews, of -John the Baptist, and of Jesus Christ. “The first was only -a cleansing of the body from ceremonial defilements, the -second was a means of enforcing an exhortation to repentance, -the third was accompanied by remission of sins: it -releases and purges the soul from sin, and gives a supply -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">412</a></span>of the Holy Spirit.”<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">722</a> “When the merciful God saw the -extremity of our weakness, and the incurable nature of our -sickness, requiring a great work of healing, He conferred -upon us that renovation which comes through the laver of -regeneration, in order that, being divested of the old man, -that is, of evil works, and having put on the new, we might -go forward in the path of virtue.”<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">723</a></p> - -<p>In considering those passages which relate to the Holy -Eucharist, it must be carefully borne in mind that Chrysostom -lived in an age when that Sacrament had not become -a battle-field of controversy. He was under no constraint -in his language, because he did not feel that every word he -used was liable to be criticised, or misunderstood, or torn to -pieces in the strife of contending parties. He enjoyed -because he disputed not. Filled with thankfulness and joy -to overflowing for the unspeakable benefits derived from that -Sacrament, he is not cautious or scrupulously precise in his -expressions, but gives the freest rein to the enthusiasm of -his feelings; his object being not to support any rigidly -defined theory or system, but to infuse a certain spirit, to -encourage a proper moral tone and temper in reference to -the whole subject.</p> - -<p>Three ideas, however, are apparent as dominant in his -mind—a sacrifice, a presence of Christ, a reception of Christ. -In several of the passages about to be presented, all the three -points will appear in similar and simultaneous force. In -one homily,<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">724</a> where he severely censures the too prevalent -custom of attending the Eucharist on great festivals only, -and then behaving in a disorderly manner, the worshippers -hustling and trampling on one another in their tumultuous -haste to approach the holy table, and then hurrying out of -church immediately after the reception, without waiting for -the conclusion of the service—“What,” he exclaims, “O -man, art thou doing? When Christ is present, and the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">413</a></span>angels are standing by, and the awe-inspiring table is spread -before thee, dost thou withdraw?... If you are invited -to a feast and are filled before the other guests, you do not -dare to withdraw while the rest of your friends are still -reclining at the table; and here, when the mysteries of -Christ are being celebrated, and the holy feast is still going -on, dost thou retreat in the middle?” Again: “Since, then, -we are about to see this evening, as a lamb slain and sacrificed, -Him who was crucified, let us approach, I pray you, with -trembling awe. The angels, who surpass our nature, stood -beside His empty tomb with great reverence; and shall we, -who are about to stand beside, not an empty sepulchre, but -the very table which bears the Lamb, shall we approach -with noise and confusion?”<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">725</a> Again: “It is now time to -draw near the awe-inspiring table.... Christ is present, -and He who arranged that first table, even He arranges this -present one. For it is not man who makes the things which -are set before us become the body and blood of Christ, but -it is Christ Himself, who was crucified for us. The priest -stands fulfilling his part (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">σχῆμα</span>) by uttering the appointed -words, but the power and the grace are of God. ‘This is -my body,’ He says. This expression changes the character -(<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">μεταῤῥυθμίζει</span>) of the elements, and as that sentence, ‘increase -and multiply,’ once spoken, extends through all time, -enabling the procreative power of our nature, even so that -expression, ‘this is my body,’ once uttered, does at every -table in the churches from that time to the present day, -and even till Christ’s coming, make the sacrifice perfect.”<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">726</a> -Speaking of the sacrifice of Isaac, he observes that it was -perfect so far as Abraham was concerned, because his <em>intention</em> -did not fail, though the knife was not actually drawn -across his son’s throat; “for a sacrifice is possible even -without blood—the initiated (<i>i.e.</i> the baptized) know what -I mean: on this account, also, that sacrifice was made -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">414</a></span>without blood, since it was destined to be a figure of this -sacrifice of ours.”<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">727</a></p> - -<p>Perhaps the most significant passage with reference to the -sacrificial idea is one where, after contrasting the many -and ineffective sacrifices of the Jews with the one perfect, -efficacious sacrifice of Christ, he proceeds: “What then? do -we not offer every day? We do offer certainly, but making -a memorial of His death; and this memorial is one, not -many. How one, not many? Because the sacrifice was -offered once for all, as that great sacrifice was in the Holy -of Holies. This is a figure of that great sacrifice as that -was of this; for we do not offer one victim to-day and -another to-morrow, but always the same: wherefore the -sacrifice is one. Well, on this ground, because He is offered -in many places, are there many Christs? Nay, by no means, -but one Christ everywhere, complete both in this world and -in the other; one body. As then, though offered in many -places, He is but one body, so is there but one sacrifice. -Our High Priest is He who offers the sacrifice which cleanses -us. We offer that now which was offered then; which is -indeed inconsumable. This takes place now for a memorial -of what took place then: ‘Do this,’ said He, ‘for my memorial.’ -We do not then offer a different sacrifice as the -high priest formerly did, but always the same; <em>or, rather, we -celebrate a memorial of a Sacrifice</em>.”<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">728</a></p> - -<p>There are other passages in which the idea, no less prominently -set forth, is that of a holy feast. Elijah bequeathed -his mantle and a double portion of his spirit to Elisha, “but -the Son of God, when He ascended, left us His own flesh.... -He who did not decline to shed His blood for all, and -imparts to us again His flesh and blood, what will He refuse -to do for our salvation?”<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">729</a> Again: “Consider, O man, what -kind of sacrifice thou art about to touch, what kind of table -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">415</a></span>to approach; reflect that thou who art but dust and ashes -receivest the body and blood of Christ.”<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">730</a> The sedulous care -with which he urges the duty of moral cleansing before -venturing to approach the holy table proceeds chiefly from -regarding it as a holy feast. “How shall we behold the -sacred passover? How shall we receive the sacred feast? -How partake of the adorable mysteries with that tongue -whereby we trampled on the Law of God and defiled our -soul? for if one would not touch a royal robe with defiled -hands, how shall we receive the Lord’s body with an unclean -tongue?”<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">731</a></p> - -<p>These passages, which are but a few specimens extracted -from a large number on the same subject, are yet sufficient -to show how easy it would be for the partisans of contending -schools to press the language of Chrysostom into support -of their own system. The truth is, that in the case of this, -as of other subjects, we find in Chrysostom and his contemporaries -the raw material, which has been wrought out by -the toil and strife of later times into definite sharply chiselled -dogmas. Nothing, therefore, can really be more unfair than -to regard, as a direct friend or opponent, one who lived and -wrote long before controversy had arisen on the subjects of -which he treated. He might innocently employ expressions -which we should deem it incautious to use, because we -know the interpretation of which they are susceptible, or -because we see in them incipient symptoms of an idea which -in process of time grew into a mischievous error. It is -instructive also to notice how harmless doctrines which -afterwards became mischievous were when they were not -pushed to an extremity, not made integral parts of a system -of belief. It does not occur to us, for instance, for a moment -to suppose that such invocation of saints as was manifestly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">416</a></span>approved by Chrysostom was the least detrimental to that -free intercourse which ought to exist between the soul -of man and God Himself. As Dr. Pusey has observed: -“Through volumes of St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom there -is no mention of any reliance except on Christ alone.”<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">732</a> -There is not the least approach to that system of stepping-stones -or halting-places between God and man, which the -Roman Church established by means of confession, saint-worship, -and, above all, Mariolatry.</p> - -<p>There is no trace in Chrysostom of priestly confession as -an ordinance of the Church. When he speaks of the misery -which ensues on the commission of sin, he urges the sinner -to relieve his conscience by a free confession with repentance -and tears. “And why are you ashamed to do so?” he proceeds, -“for to whom do you confess? Is it to a man or a -fellow-servant who might reproach or expose you? Nay, it -is to the Lord, tender and merciful: it is to the physician -that you show your wound.”<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">733</a> Again, in speaking of prayer, -he contrasts the freedom of access to God with the difficulties -and impediments which encounter the delivery of a petition -to some great man. “This last could be reached only through -porters, flatterers, parasites; whereas God is invoked without -the intervention of any one, without money, without expense -of any kind.”<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">734</a> This reads like a prophetical sarcasm on a -Church which ultimately made a traffic of dispensing what -cannot really be dispensed by man, because it is the free gift -of God.</p> - -<p>Nor is there any symptom in Chrysostom of a tendency -to the theory of Purgatory. The condition of man after -death is always represented by him as final and irrevocable. -His tone, when exhorting to repentance, is always in harmony -with the following passage: “For the day will come -when the theatre of this world will be dissolved, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">417</a></span>then it is not possible to contend any longer: this is the -season of repentance, that of judgment; this of contest, that -of crowning; this of labour, that of repose.”<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">735</a></p> - -<p>But of all medieval additions to the purer faith of primitive -times, Mariolatry has grown to the most extraordinary -dimensions.<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">736</a> Of any tendency to this error there is in -Chrysostom a remarkable absence. In fact, his notices of -the Blessed Virgin, not very frequent, are on the whole, we -might almost say, unnecessarily disparaging. In his commentary -on the Marriage Feast at Cana, he suggests that the -Virgin, in mentioning the failure of wine to our Lord, may -have been anxious to draw out His miraculous powers, -partly to place the guests under an obligation to Him, -partly to enhance her own dignity through the display of -her Son’s divine powers. He considers that the appeal -sprang from the same feeling which prompted His brethren -to say, “Show Thyself to the world;” and he proceeds to -observe that our Lord, while never failing to manifest dutiful -reverence and affectionate care towards His mother, has -taught us, by His conduct and language to her, that the tie -of mere earthly kindred entitled her not to higher privileges, -and placed her in no more intimate spiritual relationship -with Himself than any one might through love and obedience -enjoy. “Who is my mother, and who are my brethren? -and looking round about on His disciples, He said, Behold -my mother and my brethren; for whosoever shall do the will -of my Father, the same is my brother, and my sister, and -mother.” “Heavens!” Chrysostom exclaims, “what honour! -what reward! to what a pinnacle does He exalt those who -follow Him! How many women have blessed the Holy -Virgin and her womb, and have longed to be such mothers! -What then prevents it? Behold, he opens a broad way for -us: not women only, but men also are permitted to be -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">418</a></span>placed in the same rank.” “The demand to see Him was -made by His mother in an ambitious spirit: she wished to -show to the people how much authority she possessed over -Him; at any rate, the request was unreasonable and unseasonable. -If she and His brethren desired to speak with -Him on matters of doctrine, they might have done so in the -presence of the others; but if on private matters, it was -an ill-timed interruption to His discourse on weightier subjects.”<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">737</a> -Again: “When a woman in the company cried -out, ‘Blessed is the womb that bare Thee!’ He instantly -corrected her: ‘Yea, <em>rather</em> blessed are they that hear the -word of God and keep it.’” It is possible that the general -sentiment of the age may have regarded the Virgin with -more veneration, but Chrysostom could not have ventured -to use such language had the cultus been in any but its -very earliest stage, if then. She is called holy by him; she -intercedes<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">738</a> for Eve, who is a type of herself, but of worship -paid to her there is not the slightest evidence.<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">739</a></p> - -<p>It is almost superfluous to observe that Chrysostom knew -and acknowledged nothing of papal supremacy, in the sense -which those words conveyed to the minds of later generations. -In common with the rest of Christendom, he paid -great deference and respect to the metropolitan at Rome, -and he was quite free from those feelings of jealousy which -were entertained by the patriarchs of Constantinople, as -time went on, owing to the increasing pretensions and exactions -of the Roman See. If he respects Innocent, as occupying -the chair of St. Peter, he equally respects Flavian, -bishop of Antioch (who was not in communion with Rome), -for the same reason; he calls him “our common father and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">419</a></span>teacher, who has inherited St. Peter’s virtue and his chair.” -The letter written to Innocent during exile was addressed -also to the Bishops of Milan and Aquileia. In his commentary -on Galatians ii. he proves the equality of St. Paul -with St. Peter. No doubt he assigns an eminent rank to St. -Peter, speaking of him as “leader of the band” (κορυφαῖος) -of apostles, and as intrusted with the “presidency” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">προστασίαν</span>) -of the brethren: but these words do not imply -absolute authority, and the same appellations are applied -to St. Paul also.</p> - -<p>Scattered up and down the discourses of Chrysostom there -are abundant references to the liturgical forms, and manner -of using them, which were in vogue in his time. If we had -no other authority, we could learn from him alone that -the service consisted of two parts—the first, called Missa -Catechumenorum, because the catechumens were permitted -to be present at it, which included an opening salutation of -“Peace be with you,” with the response, “And with thy -spirit;” psalms sung antiphonally; appointed lessons according -to the season or the day (as Genesis was read during -Lent, the Acts of the Apostles in Pentecost, that is, during -the fifty days between Easter and Whitsun Day); the sermon, -frequently in Chrysostom’s case on the lesson for the day, -the preacher usually sitting, and the people standing; then -prayers, announced by the deacon, for the catechumens, the -“possessed,” and the penitents; the benediction by the -bishop, and dismissal by the deacon, who bade them “depart -in peace.” The second part of the service then began, called -Missa Fidelium, because the baptized only were permitted -to be present. Chrysostom strongly denounces an increasing -tendency on the part of many to remain during this second -and more sacred portion without participating. He plainly -declares that all those who were baptized should communicate, -and tells them, if they were not worthy to receive the -Eucharist, neither could they be worthy to join in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">420</a></span> -prayers which preceded the reception, and therefore they -ought to quit the church, with the catechumens and penitents, -when the deacon commanded all unbaptized, ungodly, -and unbelieving persons to depart.<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">740</a> The usual order of the -Missa Fidelium was “the silent prayer” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">εὐχὴ διὰ σιωπῆς</span>), -on part of the priest and people (which the latter too often -abused, Chrysostom feared, to imprecate vengeance on their -enemies<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">741</a>); then a prayer somewhat equivalent to our bidding -prayer in form, and to our prayer for the Church Militant in -substance, the deacon bidding or proclaiming the forms, and -the people responding; then a prayer of invocation made by -the bishop, which was also called “collecta,” because in it -the prayers of the people were considered to be gathered -or summed up; the oblations of the people presented by the -deacons; the kiss of peace, the reading of the diptychs, the -ablution of the priest’s hands, the bringing of the elements -to the bishop at the altar, while the priests stood on each -side, and deacons held large fans to drive away the flies; a -secret prayer offered by the bishop; the benediction, “The -grace of our Lord Jesus Christ,” etc., to which the people -responded “And with thy spirit;” followed by “Lift up -your hearts”—“We lift them up unto the Lord;” “Let us -give thanks to our Lord God”—“It is meet and right so to -do;” a long thanksgiving, terminating with the Ter Sanctus, -in which the people joined; the consecration prayer, including -the words of our Lord at the time of institution, and an -invocation of the Holy Spirit to make the elements become -the body and blood of Christ; a prayer for all members of -the Church, living and dead; the doxology, the Creed; -a prayer of the bishop for sanctification; the words pronounced -by him, “Holy things for holy people” (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">τὰ ἅγια -τοῖς ἁγίοις</span>); the reception by the clergy and laity in both -kinds, taking the elements into their hands; concluding -prayers, and dismissal by the deacon proclaiming, “Go in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">421</a></span>peace.” Nearly all of the forms indicated in this sketch are -more or less clearly referred to or quoted in Chrysostom’s -works, and from these, with the aid of other contemporary -writers and documents, we might construct a liturgy which -would more nearly resemble that actually used by him than -the liturgy called by his name resembles it.<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">742</a> For in this, -as in the so-called liturgy of Basil, it is impossible now to -determine how much was actually composed by the Father -who gave his name to it. It cannot be proved that Chrysostom -actually corrected or improved at all the liturgy -which he found in use at Constantinople. It may only have -come to be called after him as being the greatest luminary -who ever occupied the see. The statement, however, made -in a tract ascribed to Proclus, Patriarch of Constantinople in -the fifth century, is not in itself improbable, that Chrysostom -found the existing liturgy so long that many of the congregation, -being men of business, and pressed for time, left -before the service was concluded, or came in after it had -begun, and therefore he abridged and otherwise altered it. -In any case, many alterations were made by different -churches and bishops in the course of time, as in other -liturgies, so also in those which bear the name of Basil and -Chrysostom; and hence, as Montfaucon, Savile, Cave, and -others have remarked, you cannot find any two copies which -are exactly alike.</p> - -<p>A critical estimate of Chrysostom’s value as a commentator -hardly falls within the scope of an essay on his life, but a -few general observations on this head may not be deemed -out of place here. The same fact was the cause in him of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">422</a></span>much excellence and some defect in this department. He -was a preacher whose primary object was to convert souls. -This earnest, practical aim, of which he never lost sight, -helped to protect him from lapsing into idle, fanciful, mystical -interpretations of Scripture; but, on the other hand, it -hindered his entering so fully into all the historical, grammatical, -or even doctrinal questions which might be raised -about a passage as he would have done had he been exclusively -a commentator. His dominant aim being to affect -the heart and the moral practice of his hearers, he is content -when he has elicited from the passage all that will be most -useful for that purpose, and the continuity of the commentary -is frequently marred by sudden digressions. His ignorance -of Hebrew was of course fatal to his being an accurate -interpreter of the Old Testament, since he was entirely -dependent on the Septuagint translation. And even in -Greek, though few would deny him the merit of fine scholarship -on the whole, though his command of the language as -an orator is masterly, his style luminous, his diction copious -and rich without being offensively ornate or redundant, yet -his hold upon the language for critical purposes is neither -that of a man who spoke it when it was in its purest stage, -nor that of a scholar who, living in a later age and speaking -a different tongue, has made a careful, laborious study of it -as a dead language.</p> - -<p>But two invaluable qualifications for an interpreter Chrysostom -did possess—a thorough love for the Sacred Book, -and a thorough familiarity with every part of it. There is -no topic on which he dwells more frequently and earnestly -than on the duty of every Christian man and woman to study -the Bible; and what he bade others do, that he did pre-eminently -himself. He rebukes the silly vanity of rich -people who prided themselves on possessing finely written -and handsomely bound copies of the Bible, but who knew -little about the contents. Study of the Bible was more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">423</a></span> -necessary for the layman than the monk, because he was -exposed to more constant and formidable temptations. The -Christian without a knowledge of his Bible was like a -workman without his tools. Like the tree planted by the -water-side, the soul of the diligent reader would be continually -nourished and refreshed. There were no difficulties -which would not yield to a patient study of it. Neither -earthly grandeur, nor friends, nor indeed any human thing, -could afford in suffering such comfort as the reading of Holy -Scripture, for this was the companionship of God.<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">743</a></p> - -<p>The honest, straightforward common sense which marks -his practical exhortations was a useful quality to him also -as an interpreter. One of his principles is, that sound doctrine -could not be extracted from Holy Scripture but by a -careful comparison of many passages not isolated from their -context.<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">744</a> Allegorical interpretations were by no means to -be rejected, but to be used with caution; men too often made -the mistake of dictating what Scripture should mean instead -of submitting to be taught by it: they <em>introduced</em> a meaning -instead of <em>eliciting</em> it.<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">745</a> Thus, though he often accepts -popular types—as Boaz and Ruth are figures of Christ and -His bride the Church; and Noah, Joseph, Joshua, are all in -different ways representative of our Lord; though sometimes -particular expressions in Messianic prophecies are forced, -for instance, in Isaiah’s description of Immanuel, the “butter -and honey” there spoken of he supposes to be intended to -indicate the reality of our Lord’s humanity<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">746</a>—yet his customary -aim is to discover the literal sense and direct historical -bearing of the passage. At the same time he fully recognises -a general foreshadowing of Jesus Christ, and the complete -fulfilment in Him ultimately of prophecies which immediately -refer to persons and events nearly, if not quite, contemporaneous -with the utterance. He fails not also to point -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">424</a></span>out the moral aspect of prophecy as a system of teaching -rather than prediction, as preparatory to the advent of Jesus -Christ in the flesh, not only by informing men’s minds, but -disciplining their hearts to receive Him.<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">747</a> Hence the holy -men who lived, under the Old Dispensation, in faith on -God’s promises, knew Christ as it were by anticipation, and -were to be reckoned as members of the one body.<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">748</a></p> - -<p>He had a clear conception of the essential coherence -between the Old and New Testament. He observes that -the very words “old” and “new” are relative terms: <em>new</em> -implies an antecedent <em>old</em>, preparatory to it. The condition -of the recipients, the circumstances and age in which they -lived, being different, necessitated a difference in the treatment. -A physician treated the same patient at different -times by directly contrary methods; sometimes administering -sweet, sometimes bitter medicines, sometimes using the -lancet, sometimes cautery, but always with the same ultimate -end in view—the health of his patient. So the Old and -New Testaments were different, but not, as the Manichæans -maintained, antagonistic. The commandment, “Thou shalt -not kill,” attacked the fruit and consequence of vice; the -precept, “Whosoever is angry with his brother without a -cause,” etc., struck at the root. This was an illustration in -a small instance of the general truth that the New Dispensation -was only a completion and expansion of the Old. -Those, therefore, who rejected the Old Testament dishonoured -the New, which was based upon it, and presupposes it.<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">749</a></p> - -<p>He is equally rational in his manner of accounting for -the variations in the Gospel narratives. That they differ -in details, but agree in essential matters, he regards as a -powerful evidence of veracity. Exact and verbal coincidence -in every particular would have excited in the minds of -opponents a suspicion of concerted agreement.<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">750</a> Authors -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">425</a></span>might write variously without being at variance; if there -had been ten thousand evangelists, yet the Gospel itself -would have been but one.<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">751</a> Each evangelist tells substantially -the same tale, but varied according to the readers for -whom he wrote, and the special object which he had in -view. So St. Matthew wrote in Hebrew for the Jews, St. -Mark for the disciples in Egypt, St. John to set forth the -divine aspect of our Lord’s life. Thus we have variety in -unity, and unity in variety.<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">752</a></p> - -<p>In his commentaries on the Epistles he is careful to consider -each as a connected whole; and, in order to impress -this on his hearers, he frequently recapitulates at the -beginning of a homily all the steps by which the part under -consideration has been reached. In his introductions to -each letter he generally makes useful observations on the -author, the time, place, and style of composition, the -readers for whom it was intended, the general character -and arrangement of its contents. He regarded the Bible -as in such a sense written under the inspiration of God, that -no passage, no word even, was to be despised;<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">753</a> that men -wrote as they were moved by the Holy Spirit, but not to -the total deprivation of their own human understanding -and personal character. The prophet was not like the seer -who spoke under constraint, not knowing what he said; he -retained his own faculties and style; only all his powers -were quickened, energised by the Spirit to the utterance of -words which unassisted he could not have uttered.<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">754</a></p> - -<p>Chrysostom’s influence as a preacher was not aided by -any external advantages of person. Like so many men who -have possessed great powers of command over the minds of -others—like St. Paul, Athanasius, John Wesley—he was -little of stature; his frame was attenuated by the austerities -of his youth and his habitually ascetic mode of life; his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">426</a></span>cheeks were pale and hollow; his eyes deeply set, but bright -and piercing; his broad and lofty forehead was furrowed by -wrinkles; his head was bald. He frequently delivered his -discourses sitting in the ambo, or high reading-desk, just -inside the nave, in order to be near his hearers and well -raised above them. But these physical disadvantages were -more than compensated by other more important qualities. -A power of exposition which unfolded in lucid order, passage -by passage, the meaning of the book in hand; a rapid transition -from clear exposition, or keen logical argument, to -fervid exhortation, or pathetic appeal, or indignant denunciation; -the versatile ease with which he could lay hold of -any little incident of the moment, such as the lighting of -the lamps in the church, and use it to illustrate his discourse; -the mixture of plain common-sense, simple boldness, -and tender affection, with which he would strike home to -the hearts and consciences of his hearers—all these are not -only general characteristics of the man, but are usually to -be found manifested more or less in the compass of each -discourse. It is this rare union of powers which constitutes -his superiority to almost all the other Christian preachers -with whom he might be, or has been, compared. Savonarola -had all, and more than all, his fire and vehemence, but -untempered by his sober, calm good sense, and wanting his -rational method of interpretation. Chrysostom was eager -and impetuous at times in speech as well as in action, but -never fanatical. Jeremy Taylor combines, like Chrysostom, -real earnestness of purpose with rhetorical forms of expression -and florid imagery; but, on the whole, his style is far -more artificial, and is overlaid with a multifarious learning -from which Chrysostom’s was entirely free. Wesley is -almost his match in simple, straightforward, practical -exhortation, but does not rise into flights of eloquence like -his. The great French preachers, again, resemble him in -his more ornate and declamatory vein, but they lack that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">427</a></span> -simpler common-sense style of address which equally distinguished -him. Whether the sobriquet of Chrysostomos, -“the golden mouth,” was given to him in his lifetime is -extremely doubtful; at any rate, it seems not to have been -commonly used till afterwards. John is the only name by -which he is mentioned in the writings of historians who -were most nearly contemporaneous, but the other was a well-known -appellation before the end of the fifth century.<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">755</a></p> - -<p>The preservation of Chrysostom’s discourses we owe -mainly to the custom, prevalent in the Eastern Church at -that time, of having the sermons of famous preachers taken -down by shorthand writers as they were spoken; but some -of them Chrysostom published himself.<a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">756</a> To what extent -they may have been written before preaching it is impossible -to say. The expository parts were evidently the result of -previous study and preparation; the actual diction of the -practical portions he may have left to the suggestion of the -moment, though the main subjects of his address had been -always decided upon beforehand. Extempore remarks were -frequently called forth by the behaviour of the congregation, -or some passing incident. The discourse delivered after -his return from exile we also know to have been purely -impromptu; and Suidas observes that he “had a tongue -which exceeded the cataracts of the Nile in fluency, so -that he delivered many of his panegyrics on the martyrs -extempore without the least hesitation.”<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">757</a> His hearers were -sometimes rapt in such profound attention that pickpockets -took advantage of it:<a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">758</a> sometimes they were melted to tears, -or beat their breasts and faces, and uttered groans and cries -to Heaven for mercy; at other times they clapped their -hands or shouted—marks of approbation frequently paid at -that time to eloquent preachers, but always sternly reproved -by Chrysostom.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">428</a></span></p> - -<p>Although his style is generally exuberantly rich, yet it is -seldom offensively redundant, for every word is usually -telling; and at times he is epigrammatically terse. A few -instances will suffice:—“The fire of sin is large, but it is -quenched by a few tears;” “Pain was given on account of -sin, yet through pain sin is dissolved;” “Riches are called -possessions (<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">κτήματα</span>) that we may possess them, not be -possessed by them;” “You are master of much wealth, do -not be a slave to that whereof God has made you master;” -“Scripture relates the sins of saints, that we may fear; the -conversion of sinners, that we may hope.” He refers to a -visitation of Antioch by an earthquake, as God “shaking -the city, but establishing your minds; making the city -crumble, but consolidating your judgment.”</p> - -<p>His familiarity with classical Greek authors is apparent -sometimes in direct references. He speaks of “the smoothness -of Isocrates, the weight of Demosthenes, the dignity -of Thucydides, the sublimity of Plato.”<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">759</a> He quotes the -beginning of the “Apology,” to show that if Socrates did -not put a high value on mere fine talking, how much less -should the Christian.<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">760</a> He illustrates the readiness of men -to supply the wants of the monk by a passage from Plato, -where Crito says that his money, and that of Cebes and -many others, is at the disposal of Socrates; and, go where -he will, he may rely on finding friends.<a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">761</a> Sometimes we -detect a thought derived, it may have been unconsciously, -from classical sources. When he compares the crowd of the -congregation before him to the sea, and the play upon the -surface of that sea of heads to the effect of a strong west -wind stirring and bending the ears of corn,<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">762</a> it is impossible -not to think that the idea was suggested by the well-known -simile in Homer (Il. ii. 147). Again, when, in speaking of -David’s sin, he compares the body to a chariot and the soul -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">429</a></span>to the charioteer, and says that, when the soul is intoxicated -by passion, the chariot is dragged along at random, it can -hardly be fanciful to see a reflection of Plato’s celebrated -image of the charioteer and horses in the “Phædrus.”<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">763</a></p> - -<p>But whatever admiration Chrysostom may have retained -of those authors whom he had studied in his youth, it was -confined to their language, for with their ideas and modes -of thought he had, so far as we can judge, abandoned all -sympathy. Nor was this unnatural. Christianity existed in -such close contact with Pagan corruption, and it had suffered -so much from Pagan persecution, that the revulsion of earnest -Christians from all things Pagan was total and indiscriminating. -“The old order changeth, yielding place to new;” -and the new, having fought a hard struggle with the old, is -for a long time incapable of recognising merit in anything -belonging to it. There are several allusions in Chrysostom -to the “Republic” of Plato, but they are always depreciative. -He fastens on a few points, such as the regulations about -marriage and female work, and condemns it on these as -absurd and childish, quite failing to consider the idea in its -grandeur as a whole.<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">764</a> Yet it is instructive to notice that -he never hesitates to assign to Plato the first place among -the heathen philosophers, dignifying him with the title of -Coryphæus.<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">765</a> He often compares the failure of Plato’s -teaching to regenerate men in every rank with the successful -labours of St. Paul and the other apostles; but while he -rejoices that the writings and doctrine of the philosopher -were eclipsed by the tentmaker and fisherman, and well-nigh -forgotten, he evidently regarded it as the most signal triumph -which Christianity had achieved.<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">766</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">430</a></span></p> - -<p>Unquestionable as the intellectual genius of Chrysostom -was, yet it is rather in the purity of his moral character, his -single-minded boldness of purpose, and the glowing piety -which burns through all his writings, that we find the secret -of his influence. If it was rather the mission of Augustine -to mould the minds of men so as to take a firm grasp of -certain great doctrines, it was the mission of Chrysostom to -inflame the whole heart with a fervent love of God. Rightly -has he been called the great teacher of consummate holiness, -as Augustine was the great teacher of efficient grace;<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">767</a> -rightly has it been remarked that, like Fénélon, he is to be -ranked among those who may be termed disciples of St. John, -men who seem to have been pious without intermission from -their childhood upwards, and of whose piety the leading -characteristics are ease, cheerfulness, and elevation; while -Augustine belongs to the disciples of St. Paul, those who -have been converted from error to truth, or from sin to -holiness, and whose characteristics are gravity, earnestness, -depth.<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">768</a> If Augustine has done more valuable service in -building up the Church at large, Chrysostom is the more -loveable to the individual, and speaks out of a heart overflowing -with love to God and man, unconstrained by the -fetters of a severe and rigid system. Yet it is precisely on this -account that he has not been so generally appreciated as he -deserves. His tone is too catholic for the Romanist, or for -the sectarian partisan of any denomination. “It would be -easy to produce abundant instances of his oratorical abilities; -I wish it were in my power to record as many of his evangelical -excellencies.” Such is the verdict of a narrow-minded -historian,<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">769</a> and the comparative estimation in which he held -St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom may be inferred from the -number of pages in his History given to each: St. Augustine -is favoured with 187, Chrysostom with 20. But he whose -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">431</a></span>judgment is not cramped by the shackles of some harsh and -stiff theory of Gospel truth will surely allow that Chrysostom -not only preached the Gospel but lived it. To the last -moment of his life he exhibited that calm, cheerful faith, -that patient resignation under affliction, and untiring perseverance -for the good of others, which are pre-eminently -the marks of a Christian saint. The cause for which he -fought and died in a corrupt age was the cause of Christian -holiness; and, therefore, by the great medieval poet of -Christendom he is rightly placed in Paradise between two -men who, widely different indeed in character and circumstances -from him and from one another, yet resembled him -in this, that they freely and courageously spoke of God’s -“testimonies even before kings, and were not ashamed”—Nathan -the Seer, and Anselm the Primate of all England:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line i05">“Natan profeta, e’l metropolitano</div> -<div class="line i1">Crisostomo, ed Anselmo....”<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">770</a></div> -</div></div></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">432-433</a></span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX.</h2> - -<p class="center f06">[<i>Vide ante</i>, p. 415 note.]<br /><br /></p> - -<p class="center f08">ON THE LETTER TO CÆSARIUS (<span class="smcap">Chrys. Op.</span> vol. iii. p. 755).</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">The</span> history of this letter, and the controversy connected with -it, are curious and interesting. Peter Martyr transcribed a -Latin translation of it, which he found in a manuscript at -Florence, carried it with him to England, and deposited it in -the library of Archbishop Cranmer. After Cranmer’s death, -and the dispersion of his library, the letter disappeared. Peter -Martyr had not stated the source from which he had derived it, -and, therefore, when the assailants of the doctrine of Transubstantiation -wished to make use of it, their opponents always -maintained that it did not exist. In 1680, however, Emericus -Bigotius discovered a copy in the library of St. Mark’s Convent, -at Florence, probably the same which Peter Martyr, himself -a Florentine, had transcribed. Emericus appended it to -his edition of Palladius’s “Life of Chrysostom,” and in his preface -endeavoured to vindicate its authenticity; but the Doctors -of the Sorbonne suppressed the letter, and such portions of the -preface as related to it. Emericus, however, had retained in -his own possession some of the entire copies after they were -printed, before they came into the licenser’s hands. The translation -was published by Stephanus Le Moyne in 1685, by -Jacob Basnage in 1687, and in 1689 by Harduin, a Jesuit, -who strenuously maintained the Roman Catholic interpretation -of the passage on the Eucharist. Montfaucon adopted Harduin’s -version of it, annexing a few fragments in the Greek, picked -out of Anastasius and John Damascene.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">434</a></span></p> - -<p>John Damascene, Anastasius, and Nicephorus refer to the -letter as authentic, nor does Harduin venture to dispute it; -but there are several points of evidence which seem to mark it -as belonging to a later age than that of Chrysostom. It is not -quoted before Leontius, in the latter part of the sixth century, -although it might usefully have been employed against the -Eutychians. There are expressions in it which were not in -common use till after Cyril of Alexandria had employed them -against Nestorius. The language generally is that of one who -had lived in the midst of the Nestorian and Eutychian controversies, -and the style of the Greek fragments, as well as the -tone of the Latin translation, are extremely unlike Chrysostom’s -manner: the sentences are abrupt and rugged, and a kind -of scholastic, dogmatic tone pervades the whole composition. -The general scope of the letter is clear: it is to maintain the -doctrine of the two natures under one person in Jesus Christ, -against the heresy of the Apollinarians; or, if we accept the -theory of Montfaucon, the intention of the author, living in the -time of the Eutychian heresy, was to strike a blow at that by -forging a letter supposed to be addressed by Chrysostom to a -friend, warning him against Apollinarian errors, which had -much in common with the Eutychian. The passage in which -the writer illustrates his position by a reference to the Holy -Eucharist has been construed by Roman Catholics and Protestants -in a sense agreeable to their own views on the subject. -The writer has been labouring to prove that there were two -distinct natures in the one person of God the Son Incarnate, -and he proceeds as follows:—“Just as the bread before consecration -is called bread, but when the Divine grace sanctifies it -through the agency of the priest it is liberated from the appellation -of bread, and is regarded as worthy of the appellation of -the Lord’s body, although the nature of bread remains in it, -and we speak not of two bodies, but one body of the Son; so -here, the Divine nature being seated in the human body, the -two together make up but one Son, one Person.”</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">435</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="FOOTNOTES" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES:</a></h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> In the case of Savonarola such a -want has now been fairly well supplied -by Villari and other writers. -For a good portrait of Erasmus, see -“Erasmus, his Life and Character,” -by Robert Blackley Drummond, B.A. -2 vols., 1873.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> “That godly clerk and great preacher” is the description of him in the -English Homilies, Hom. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> “Remains,” vol. iii. Letters to Dr. Woodward and Mrs. Hannah More.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Wall, on <em>Infant Baptism</em>, endeavours -to prove that she was a Pagan, -in order to account for the delay in -Chrysostom’s baptism, but his reasons -are far from convincing.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> De Sacerdot. lib. i. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> Julian: Misopogon, p. 363.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> Epist. 1057.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> Epist. ad viduam jun., vol. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Ibid. p. 601.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> Adv. Oppug. Vit. Monast. lib. iii. c. 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Liban. de fortuna sua, pp. 13-137.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> See concluding Chapter.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> See concluding Chapter.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> Quoted by Isidore of Pelusium, -lib. ii. ep. 42.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> Sozomen, viii. c. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> Isidore Pel., lib. ii. ep. 42; De -Sacerdot. i. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Gibbon, iii. 52, note; Milman’s -edition.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> Gibbon, iii. 53; for an account of -the character of lawyers at this period -see Amm. Marcellinus, lxxx. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> As Socrates, book vi. chap. 3, has -done.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> De Sacerdot. lib. i. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> De Sacerdot. c. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> See references in Bingham, vol. iii. b. xi. Wall, vol. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Basil: Exhort. ad Baptismum; -Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 40 de Bapt.; -Nyssen, de Bapt.; Chrysost. in Acta -Apost. vol. ix. hom. i. <i>in fine</i>, and -in Illumin. Catechesis, vol. ii. p. -223.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> Philostorgius, ii. 7; Socrates, i. 23; -Theod. i. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> Socr. i. 24; Theod. i. 22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Athanas. Hist. Arian. 20, 21; -Theod. ii. 9, 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> Socr. ii. 26; he had been deposed -from the rank of presbyter because he -was a eunuch, in accordance with the -provision of the Council of Nice, c. i. -Labbe, i. p. 28.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> Sozom. iii. 20; Theod. ii. 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Sozom. iv. 12-16; Theod. ii. 26. -In consequence of an earthquake at -Nice, it was removed to Seleucia in -Isauria.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> Rufin. i. 21; Socr. ii. 36, 37; -Sozom. iv. 19; Jerome c. Lucif. 18, -19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Socr. ii. 42, 43.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Sozom. iv. 28.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> Theod. ii. 31; Sozom. iv. 28.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> Socr. ii. 45.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> The Arian Bishop George having -been murdered by the Pagan population, -Socr. iii. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> Rufin. i. 27; Socr. iii. 6; Sozom. -v. 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Chrysost. Hom. in Matt. 85, vol. -vii. p. 762.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Chrysost. Hom. in Melet.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> Tillemont, viii. 374.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> Greg. Nazian., Orat. de Bapt. 40; Chrysost. Ep. 132, ad Gemellum.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Tertullian is the first who mentions -it; de Prescript. c. 41.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Just. Nov. cxxiii. c. 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> Quoted in Bingham, vol. i. p. 378.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> Conc. Carth. iv. c. 8; Labbe, -vol. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> <i>Vide</i> quotations in Suicer, Thesaur. <i>sub verbo</i> φιλοσοφία.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> De Sacerdot. i. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Ibid. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Ibid. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> For the oppressive manner in which taxes were collected see Gibbon, iii. 78 -<i>et seq.</i>, Milman’s edit.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> De Sacerdot. i. c. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Ibid. vi. c. 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Socr. vi. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> Ibid. vi. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> In Facund. Hermiana, Pro Def. -trium capit., lib. iv. c. 2, in Gall. and -bibl. patr. xi. p. 706.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Chrysost. Hom. in Diodor., vol. -iii. p. 761.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> Socr. vi. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> Niceph. <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">σειρά</span>, vol. i. pp. 524 and -436.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> Ibid. vol. i. p. 80.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Leont. Byzant. contra Nestor., et -Eutych. lib. iii., in Basnage, Thesaur. -monum. i. 592.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> C. 2-5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> I. c. 8, 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> C. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> C. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> Theod. i. c. 11, <i>in initio</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> C. 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> C. 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> C. 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> C. 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> C. 16 and 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> C. 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> C. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> C. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> Tillemont maintains that the -Theodore to whom the first letter is -addressed must have been a different -person from the fellow-student of -Chrysostom and eventual Bishop of -Mopsuestia, but he stands alone in -this opinion, and his reasons for it -seem inadequate.—Till. xi. note vi. -p. 550.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Possid. Vit. August. c. iv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> Sulp. Sever. Vit. St. Martin. lib. i. -p. 224. The affectation of reluctance -to be consecrated became a fashion in -the Coptic Church. The patriarch-designate -of Alexandria is at this day -brought to Cairo, loaded with chains, -as if to prevent his escape.—Stanley, -Eastern Church, lect. vii. p. 226.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> C. 5. This word may refer to the -bishops or the people. Ambrose calls -the people his “parentes,” because -they had elected him bishop.—Comment. -in Luc. l. viii. c. 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">μειράκια</span>; <i>vide</i> note at end of Chapter.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> I. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> C. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> C. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> C. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> C. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> The words <em>priest</em> and <em>bishop</em> are -employed, in the following translations -and paraphrases, to correspond with -<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἱερεὺς and ἐπίσκοπος</span>, which are used in -the original without much apparent -distinction. Chrysostom is speaking -of the <em>priesthood generally</em>, and it is -not easy to say which Order he has in -his mind at any given moment.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> II. c. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> III. c. 1, 2, 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> III. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> III. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> III. 9, 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> Lamprid. Vita Alex. Sev. c. 45. Paris edit.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Cyprian, Epis. 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Ammian. Marcell. lib. xxvii. c. 3. -Socrat. lib. iv. c. 29. See a multitude -of evidence carefully collected on this -subject in Bingham, vol. i. b. iv. ch. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> III. 15.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> Comp. in Act. Apost. Hom. iii. 5. -“Men now aim at a bishopric like -any secular office. To win glory and -honour among men we peril our salvation.... -Consuls and prefects do -not enjoy such honour as he who presides -over the Church. Go to court, -or to the houses of lords and ladies, -and whom do you find foremost there? -no one is put before the bishop.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> III. c. 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> III. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> III. 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> IV. c. 3-5 and c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> V. c. 1-4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> V. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> V. c. 6, 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> V. c. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> VI. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> VI. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> VI. c. 6-8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> VI. c. 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> VI. c. 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> Which is the date assigned by -Socrates, vi. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> As stated by Palladius, at least in -the Latin translation by Ambrose -Camaldulensis.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Zosimus, lib. iv. 13-15. Ammian. -Marcell. xxix. c. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> In Act. Apost. Hom. 38, <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> Cyril. Catech. x. n. 19. Athanas. Synopsis.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> Euseb. lib. vi. c. 11. Clemens -Alex., Hom., Quis Dives salvetur?</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> Vide Epiphan. 69. Hæres. n. i., -whence it appears that Laura, or Labra, -was the name of an ecclesiastical district -in Alexandria.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Theod. Lector. <span class="smcap">II.</span> l. c. col. 102-104.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> Jerome, Ep. 77, 5; Ambrose, de -Virgin. i. 10, 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> Baron. 398, 49-52; Giesel. <span class="smcap">I.</span> -251.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Sozom. iii. 14; Sulp. Severus.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> At Stridon, on the frontiers of -Pannonia and Dalmatia.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Sozom. iii. 14. Palladius, Hist. Lausiaca, 38.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> In Matt. Hom. 8, p. 87.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> The custom of one monk reading -the Scriptures aloud during dinner -was first adopted, according to Cassian, -in the Cappadocian monasteries.—Cass. -lib. iv. c. 17; Sozom. iii. 14; -Jerome’s translation of the rule.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> But sometimes later.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> Hom. in Matt. 55, vol. vii. p. 545.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> Sozom. iii. 14, 15; Cassian., de Cœnob. Instit. iv. x. 22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> Cod. Theod. ix. 40. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> <i>Vide</i> Müller de Antiq. Antioch. -c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> Chrysost. in Matt. Hom. 69, vol. -vii. p. 652.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> In Matt. Hom. 68, c. 3. When -they received the Eucharist, which -they did twice a week, on Sundays -and Saturdays, they threw off their -coats of skin, and loosened their -girdles.—Sozom. iii. 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> In Matt. Hom. 68, c. 3; 69, c. 3; -in 1 Tim. Hom. 14, c. 4, 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> In Matt. Hom. 72, vol. vii. p. 671.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> In 1 Tim. Hom. 14, c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> In Joh. Hom. 44, c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> De Compunct. i. c. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> De Compunct. i. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> C. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> C. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> C. 4, 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> C. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> C. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> C. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> De Compunct. ii. 1-3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> C. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἔχθρα ἀκήρυκτος</span>, lib. i. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Lib. i. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> The word in the decree is “militare,” -but this term appears to be -applied to civil duties as well as -military. <i>Vide</i> Suicer, <i>sub v.</i> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">στρατεύειν</span>. -The Egyptian monks, however, -do seem to have been specially -forced into the army. De Broglie, v. -303; Gibbon, iv.; Milman, History -of Christianity, iii. 47.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> Adv. Oppug. Vitæ Mon., lib. i. c. 1-3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> C. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> C. 5-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> C. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> Lib. ii. c. 1, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> C. 2-5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> C. 6-10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Lib. iii. c. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> Compare similar remarks by Thucydides, -book iii., in his account of -the Corcyræan sedition, on the misapplication -of names to vices.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> Lib. iii. c. 6, 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> C. 8, 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> Lib. iii. c. 14, 15.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> C. 18, 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. v.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> Ad Stag. a Dæm. vex., vol. i. lib. i. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> Ibid. lib. ii. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> Ad Stag., vol. i. lib. ii. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Ibid. c. 5-9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, Chapter II.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> See preface to his Orat. xliii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> The bishops of Egypt and the -West generally adhered to Paulinus, -Sozom. vii. 11, till by the united -efforts of Chrysostom and Theophilus -the universal acknowledgment of -Flavian was obtained in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 398.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> So Jerome, Ep. xxvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> Conc. Nic., can. 18. (Hefele, -p. 426.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Tertull. de Bapt. cxvii. Jerome -Dial. contr. Lucif.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> Chrysost. Hom. ii. in 2 Cor.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> Constit. Apost. lib. ii. c. 57. -Chrysost. Hom. xxiv. in Act.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> Constit. Apost. lib. ii. c. 31, 32. -Cyprian, Ep. xlix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> Conc. Nic., can. 18. (Hefele, p. 426.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> Jerome, Epist. lxxxv. ad Evang.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> Chrysost. vol. ii. p. 591.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> Ibid. vol. vii. p. 762.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> Ibid. p. 629.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> Euseb. Vita Const. iii. 50. Chrysost. -vol. iii. p. 160 and vol. xi. p. 78. -<i>Vide</i> also Müller de Antiq. Antioch., -p. 103.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> This description of Antioch is -mainly collected from Müller’s admirable -and exhaustive work on the -Antiquities of Antioch, or from the -authorities referred to therein.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> See Socrates vi. 1, and Montfaucon’s preface to “De Sacerdotio.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Ad vid. jun. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> C. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> Ad vid. jun., c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> C. 4. Executed in 371 in the -reign of Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian; -Ammian. Marcell. xxix. 1, who -calls him a Gaul, not, as Chrysostom, -a Sicilian.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> Constans by Magnentius.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> Constantine the younger.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> Jovian.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> Gallus Cæsar by Constantius. -The two who died natural deaths -were Constantine the Great and his -son Constantius.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> The widow of Jovian, whose son -Varronian was deprived of an eye. -See Gibbon, vol. iv. p. 222.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> Doubtful; possibly first wife of -Valentinian <span class="smcap">I</span>., divorced from him and -sent into exile.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> Constantia, wife of Gratian.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> Flacilla, wife of Theodosius. Compare -this mournful list of tragic deaths -of sovereigns with the splendid passage -in Shakespeare’s Richard <span class="smcap">II.</span>:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line i05">“For Heaven’s sake let’s sit upon the ground,</div> -<div class="line">And tell sad stories of the death of kings,” etc.</div> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> De Virginitate, c. 15.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> C. 14-22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> De Virginitate, c. 57.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">τὴν μάλιστα πάντων ἀγαπωμένην</span>, c. 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> De Virginitate, c. 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> C. 62, 63.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> C. 66, 67.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> De Virginitate, c. 83.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Gibbon, iv. p. 111.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> Strabo, p. 750.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> As Verus, Pescennius Niger, Macrinus, and Severus Alexander.—Herodian, -ii. 7, 8, v. 2, vi. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> De S. Babyla, c. 14-16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> Hom. in Matt. vol. vii. p. 762.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> To the establishment of parochial -divisions with separate pastors in Alexandria -we have the direct testimony -of Epiphanius, Hæres. 69; Arian. c. 1. -In Rome, however, and Constantinople, -though the churches were -numerous, the clergy seem to have -been more or less connected with the -mother Church.—<i>Vide</i> Bingham, chap. -viii. 5, book ix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">μειρακίσκος εὐτελὴς καὶ ἀπεῤῥιμμένος</span>—applied -by rather a strong rhetorical -licence to a man forty years -old.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">μηδέπω πρότερον</span>. This seems to -prove that he had not preached during -his diaconate.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> Ecclus. xv. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> Hom. xi. in Act. Apost. <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> Vol. ii. p. 515.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> C. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> See the Monitum to these Homilies, -vol. i. p. 699.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> See Newman’s Arians, chap. i. -sect. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> Arius, in a letter to Eusebius, -addresses him as <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">συλλουκιανιστά</span>, -“fellow Lucianist,” Theod. i. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> I. c. 6, 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> C. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> I. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> II. c. 3, 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> II. c. 4, 5; III. 3, 4, 5, 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> IV. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> V. 2, 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> VII. c. 3, 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> VII. c. 6, 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> III. c. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> III. c. 6, <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> IV. <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> The colours represented the seasons, -and according as one or other -was victorious a plentiful harvest or -prosperous navigation was indicated.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Contra Anom. vii. c. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> De Laz. vii. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> De Anna, iv. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> De Laz. vii. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> It is a treatise, because too long -for a homily, though mutilated of its -proper conclusion. It must belong to -the first two years of his priesthood, -because it promises a more ample -discussion of several points, which -promise we find redeemed in the homilies -against the Jews, and these homilies, -again, can be proved, by internal -evidence, to have been delivered not -later than <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 387. See Montfaucon’s -Monitum, vol. i. pp. 811 and 839.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> C. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> See a singular parallel to this -thought in the Emperor Napoleon <span class="smcap">I.</span>’s -remarks on Christianity: “Table -Talk and Opinions of Napoleon <span class="smcap">I.</span>”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> C. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> C. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> C. 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> C. 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> C. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> C. 2-5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> C. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> C. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> C. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> See Perowne, vol. i. <i>in loco</i>; Ps. lxxii. 6; and Delitzsch in Isa. lx. 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> Milman’s History of the Jews, vol. ii. book xix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> Basnage’s Hist. des Juifs, vi. 41. -Newman’s Arians, ch. i. sect. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> V. <i>in fine</i>; robbers may possibly -be used in a figurative sense.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> I. c. 7. They seem early to have -claimed medical skill. When Simon -Ben Jochai went to Rome as ambassador, -in the reign of Antoninus Pius, -to obtain the abrogation of persecuting -edicts, he won the favour of the -Emperor by curing his sick daughter—Milman, -ii. 443.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> II. 3; vii. <i>in initio</i>; i. c. 3, 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> I. c. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> i. c. 7. So the idle youth of -Rome turned for amusement into the -Synagogue. Horace, Sat. ix. 69.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἐπιγινώσκετε ἀλλήλους</span>. i. 4. -This admonition “Discern one another” -was uttered just at the close -of the Missa Catechumenorum, when -all but the baptized had to depart.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> Newman’s Arians, ch. i. p. 16. Hefele, pp. 305, 306.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> In Jud. iii. c. 6, iv. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> According to Theod. iii. 20, the -Jews had ceased to offer sacrifices by -the reign of Julian, and when he inquired -the reason, said, because it was -unlawful except on the site of the -Temple; and this was one chief reason -why Julian commanded the Temple to -be restored.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> In Jud. v. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> Ibid. c. 4-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> He punished the captives by -cutting off their ears. It is singular -that there is no record of this rebellion -in history.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> For a full relation of this singular -event, see Milman’s Jews, book xx.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Hom. viii. 4, and <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> Hom. de Anathemate, delivered soon after the discourses against the -Anomœans. See Monitum, vol. i. 944.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> The former chiefly in the Hom. -de Philog. vol. i. 752; the latter in -the Hom. in Nat. Diem Christi, vol. ii. -p. 552.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> De Beato Philog. vol. i. p. 753.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> In Nat. Christi, vol. ii. p. 560.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> De Bapt. Christi, c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> In Kalend. c. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> In Ephes. Hom. vi. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> Perhaps that convulsive twitching -which we call “quick blood.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> In Ephes. Hom. xii. c. 3. In Hom. -viii. and xii. on 1 Cor. he rebukes the -heathenish ceremonies performed at -the birth of a child. One was, to give -it that name which was attached to -the candle that burned longest out of -a row of candles.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> He was executed at Carthage in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 376.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> See Gibbon, c. xxvi. xxvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> Cod. Theod. xvi. 1, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> Sozom. vii. c. 12; Gibbon, c. xxvii.; De Broglie, “L’Église et l’Empire,” -vi. p. 93.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Cod. Theod. xvi. v. 7, lib. 1, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Cod. Theod. xvi. v. 10, lib. 7, 9. -Sozomen informs us (vii. 22) that -Eugenius, the usurper, after the death -of Valentinian <span class="smcap">II.</span>, was persuaded by -divinations to take up arms.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> Sozomen, vii. 15. Theod. v. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> The most distinguished scholar, -and orator, and one of the most upright -statesmen of his time—quæstor, -prætor, and proconsul of Africa.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> Fragments of his speeches preserved -in Mai’s collection, vol. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> Ambrose, Op. vol. ii. Ep. 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> Libanius: Pro templis non exscind. The oration was certainly not spoken -before the Emperor, and probably not even sent to him.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> Cod. Theod. xii. 104-115.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> Theodor. v. 19. A funeral oration -on her and the infant was pronounced -by Gregory Nyssen, Op. vol. -iii. pp. 515, 527, 533.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> Libanius, Or. 12, pp. 391-395.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> Probably the prætorium built in -the reign of Constantine for the Count -of the East, who from that time resided -in Antioch; <i>vide</i> Müller, Antiq. -Antioch., ii. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> Liban. Or. 12, p. 395, and 21, p. 527. Theod. vii. 20. Sozom. vii. 23. Zos. iv. 41.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> Chrys. Hom. de Stat. iii. 1; -xxi. 1. Zosimus (iv. 41) sends Libanius -also to Constantinople, but -this is a palpable error. There is no -trace of his having gone, either in his -own Orations or in any other historian.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> Socrat. vi. 5. The most common practice was for the preacher to sit, the -people to stand.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> Hom. ii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> iii. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> iii. 1, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> ii. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> iii. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> iii. 4, 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> xvi. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> iii. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> xiv. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> v. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> xx. 9. A passage in another -homily on this subject is curious, as -proving that just the same jugglers’ -feats were performed in Antioch in -the fourth century as at the fairs and -races of the present day:—“Persons -pretended it was next to impossible -to conquer an inveterate habit: this -was a paltry excuse, perseverance -could conquer any difficulty. To unlearn -a habit of swearing could not be -more impossible than to acquire the -art of throwing up swords, and catching -them by the handle, or balancing -a pole on the forehead with two boys -at the top of it, or dancing on a tightrope.”—Hom. -in Dom. Serv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> iv. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> iv. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> v. 3. <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">τὸ σῶμα τῇ ψυχῇ περίκειται -καθάπερ ἰμάτιον.</span> Comp. Shakespeare: -“When we have shuffled off this mortal -coil.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> v. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> ix. 3, 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> x. 2, 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> xiii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> xii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> x. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> xii. 2-4; xiii. 3. Comp. Aristotle’s -distinction between natural and -conventional law or justice, Eth. v. 7.1: -<span lang="el" xml:lang="el">φυσικόν and νομικόν δίκαιον</span>. Compare -also his description of προαίρεσις -as the <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἀρχἠ κινήσεως</span> in b. iii., and -of <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">φρόνησις</span> (nearly = Butler’s “Conscience”) -in b. vi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> Comp. again what Aristotle says -of the necessity of <em>training</em> to improve -the <em>natural</em> gifts, b. x. 9, and of the -formation of <em>habits</em> by repeated <em>acts</em>. -Comp. Chrys. Hom. xiii. 3, with Arist. -Eth. ii. 4, 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> xiii. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> xvi. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> Liban. Or. 21, in Helleb. and 20, 517.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> Theodor. v. 20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> xvii. 1, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> Liban. Orat. 20. De Broglie, vi. -150, 151. Chrys. Hom. xvii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> xvii. 2. The colonnades, especially -of the great street which ran -through the city from east to west; -the <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">περιπάτους</span> or promenades were -lined by colonnades with seats.—<i>Vide</i> -Müller, Antiq. Ant. ii. 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> xvii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> xx. 5, and xviii. <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> Liban. Or. 21, p. 536.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> xxi. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> It was the custom to signalise the -great festivals by acts of mercy. “The -oil of mercy glistens on the Festivals -of the Church,” says Ambrose, Serm. -14, on Ps. cxviii. 7. Leo the Great -also, Serm. 39, alludes to the custom. -But, to prevent any abuse of the -practice, it was enacted by Theodosius -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 384-385, that it should apply -only to those accused of petty offences: -the grosser crimes of robbery, adultery, -magic, murder, sacrilege, were to be -excepted from claims to this indulgence.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> xxi. 1-4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> xxi. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> Hom. i. de Anna, vol. iv. c. 1, -where he recapitulates the arguments -which he had used in the Homilies on -the Statues.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> Hom. de Anna, i. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> Called <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">κυριακὴ τῆς ἐπισωζομένης</span>, -this last word being the name of -Ascension Day among the Cappadocians, -possibly because Christ’s work -on earth for man’s redemption was -completed by his return into heaven. -(<i>Vide</i> Leo Allatius, quoted in Suicer, -Thesaur., <i>sub verbo</i> “Episozomene,” -and Bingham, Antiq. b. xx. sect. 5.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> Hom. de Stat. xix. 1, vol. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> Euseb. de Vita Constant. lib. iv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> Chrys. Hom. xl. in Juvent.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> Hom. de Cæmet. et Cruce, vol. ii. -c. i. in Ascens. Christi, vol. ii., and de -Sanct. Martyr. vol. ii. p. 705. The -Sunday corresponding to the present -Trinity Sunday was kept as a kind of -All Saints’ Day. See Bingham, b. xx. -c. 7, sect. 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> Aug. Hom. xxvi. Gelas. Decret. -in Grabe, vol. i. The word “legend” -is perhaps derived from these Acts of -the Saints, which were to be read—“legenda.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> Adv. Judæos viii. c. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> Hom. in Juvent. et Maxim. vol. ii. -p. 576.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> De Bern. et Prosd. vol. ii. p. 640.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> See the letter in Euseb. lib. iv. -c. 15.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">338</span></a> Aug. de Vera Relig. c. 55.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">339</span></a> Aug. contra Faustum, lib. xx. c. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">340</span></a> De Droside, vol. ii. p. 685.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">341</span></a> Flavian caused the remains of -some much-revered saints who were -buried beneath the pavement of the -church to be taken up, and placed in -another separate grave, because the -people were distressed that the reliques -of such venerated personages -should repose in the same vaults with -the remains of less saintly, if not heretical, -characters.—Hom. in Ascen.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">342</span></a> De S. Babyla, c. 12. De Stat. -i. 2, and viii. 2. Quod Christus sit -Deus, c. 7. De Stat. v. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">343</span></a> In S. Ignat. Mart. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">344</span></a> In Juvent. et Maxim. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">345</span></a> Hom. in Martyres, vol. ii. p. 663.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">346</span></a> In Sanct. Jul. vol. ii. p. 673.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">347</span></a> Aug. cont. Faustum, lib. xx. c. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">348</span></a> Aug. Confess. lib. vi. 2. Epist. -64, ad Aurel. Conc. Carth. iii. c. -30.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">349</span></a> Basil. Regul. Major., quæst. 40.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">350</span></a> See Dr. Hessey’s Bampton Lectures, “on Sunday.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">351</span></a> Whether it was a regular custom -for the rustic population to visit Antioch -on this day, or whether it was -the first great influx for trade and -legal business after the recent suspension -of all business, does not appear.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">352</span></a> Ambr. Ep. xx.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">353</span></a> Ambr. Ep. xx. p. 854.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">354</span></a> Sozomen, vii. 13. Ruf. ii. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">355</span></a> Ambr. Ep. xxi. Sermo contra -Aux. p. 868.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">356</span></a> Ignatius is said to have first introduced -antiphonal singing at Antioch, -Flavian and Diodorus to have established -it there; Socr. v. 8; Theod. -ii. 19. Basil refers to it as a common -practice, but Ambrose is generally -allowed to have introduced it to the -Western Church, and on this occasion. -<i>Vide</i> Suicer.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">357</span></a> Aug. Conf. ix. 7, and preceding -books.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">358</span></a> Ambr. Ep. xxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">359</span></a> Ambr. Ep. xxii. Aug. Conf. ix. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">360</span></a> Ambr. Ep. xl. and xli.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">361</span></a> Cod. Theod. iv. v. 4, lib. 2. De Broglie, vi. 257.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">362</span></a> Sozom. vii. 25. Theod. v. 17. Ambr. Ep. li. De Broglie, vi. 302, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">363</span></a> Theod. v. 18. De Broglie, vi. 302 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">364</span></a> Sozom. vii. 15. Socr. v. 15. Ambr. Ep. lvi. Theod. v. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">365</span></a> Ambr. de ob. Val.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">366</span></a> Theod. v. 24. Socr. v. 25. Sozom. vii. 24. De Broglie, vi. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">367</span></a> Ambr. Ep. lxi. lxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">368</span></a> Socr. v. 26. Sozom. vii. 29. Ambrosii -Vita a Paul. scripta, de obit. -Theod.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">369</span></a> Of course I do not forget that the -idea and name of Roman Emperor -and Roman Empire lived on for centuries -more, but the elevation of -Charles the Great was a revolt against -the old order of things. He can -hardly be regarded as a successor of -Theodosius so truly as Theodosius was -a successor of Augustus.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">370</span></a> Claud. de Bello Gild. 293.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">371</span></a> Claud. in Ruf. i. v. 137.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">372</span></a> Philostorg. xi. 3. For much assistance -in his notices of Rufinus and -Eutropius, the writer must pay his -acknowledgments to the admirable -work by Amédée Thierry: “Les -trois ministres des fils de Théodose”—Rufin, -Eutrope, Stilicon.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">373</span></a> Gibbon, iii. 67. Zosim. iv. 51.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">374</span></a> Claud. in Ruf. i. v. 220.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">375</span></a> See references in Thierry, p. 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">376</span></a> De Laud. Stil. ii. v. 379.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">377</span></a> “Noster Scipiades Stilicho.” De Consulat. Stilic. præf. v. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">378</span></a> Claud. de Nupt. Honor. et Mariæ.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">379</span></a> Zosim. v. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">380</span></a> Symmach. Ep. iv. 15 and 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">381</span></a> Possibly alluded to by Chrysostom -in Hom. iv. de Penitentia, c. 2, where -he mentions “incursions of enemies” -among other recent calamities. These -homilies were probably delivered in -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 395.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">382</span></a> Thierry, pp. 35-78. Claud. in Ruf. lib. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">383</span></a> In Eutrop. i. v. 104, 105.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">384</span></a> “Contemptu jam liber erat.”—Claud. in Eutrop. i. v. 132.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">385</span></a> Claud. in Eutrop. i. v. 148, 149.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">386</span></a> Sozom. vii. 22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">387</span></a> Philostorg. xi. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">388</span></a> Claud. in Eutrop. i. 427, etc.; ii. -97, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">389</span></a> Thierry, pp. 97-126. Zosim. v. 5. -Claud. in Eutrop. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">390</span></a> Zosim. v. 8, 9, 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">391</span></a> Sozom. viii. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">392</span></a> Claud. in Eutrop. i. 235, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">393</span></a> Synes. de Regno, p. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">394</span></a> Claud. in Eutrop. ii. 95. Thierry, p. 162, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">395</span></a> Socr. vi. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">396</span></a> See Chrysostom’s own remarks in -De Sacerdotio, lib. iii., cited above -in Ch. iv., and in Act. Apost. Hom. -iii. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">397</span></a> Epist. xxi. ad Valerium.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">398</span></a> Socrat. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">399</span></a> Lib. iii. c. 15, 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">400</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">401</span></a> Socr. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2. Pallad. -Dial.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">402</span></a> Socr. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">403</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">404</span></a> Sozom. viii. 2. Pallad. Dial. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">405</span></a> Socr. vi. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">406</span></a> Bingham, b. ii. c. 11, sec. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">407</span></a> The title Patriarch is occasionally -used in the following pages, although -it does not appear to have been a formally -recognised title till fifty years -later. Socrates (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 440 about) uses -it (<i>vide</i> c. 8), but the first occurrence -of it in any public document is in the -acts of the Council of Chalcedon, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> -451, where it is applied especially to -Leo i. of Rome.—Can. 28. Labbé, -vol. iv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">408</span></a> Hom. xi. in Anom. vol. i. p. 795.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">409</span></a> De Sacerd. lib. vi. c. 6-8, quoted -above, p. 53.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">410</span></a> Soc. vi. 3. Sozom. viii. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">411</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. v. p. 20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">412</span></a> Lib. xxvii. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">413</span></a> Epist. ii. ad Nepotianum.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">414</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. v. and xii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">415</span></a> See Hefele, p. 131, and on the date -of this synod.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">416</span></a> Stanley, Eastern Church, lecture v. -Socr. i. 11. Sozom. i. 23. The truth -of the story has been disputed, but -apparently on insufficient grounds. -<i>Vide</i> Hefele, p. 436.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">417</span></a> Can. 3. Hefele, p. 379.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">418</span></a> Jerome, Ep. xxii. ad Eustoch. -Epiphan. Hær. 63.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">419</span></a> See references in Bingham, b. vi. -c. ii. 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">420</span></a> Contra eos, etc., vol. i. p. 495.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">421</span></a> Ibid. c. 3, 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">422</span></a> Ibid. c. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">423</span></a> Contra eos, etc., c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">424</span></a> Ibid. c. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">425</span></a> Ibid. c. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">426</span></a> Socr. vi. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">427</span></a> Vol. xii. p. 468.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">428</span></a> Vol. xii. p. 485.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">429</span></a> Contra Lud. et Theat. vol. vi. p. 269, <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">430</span></a> Ibid. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">431</span></a> Contra Lud. et Theat. c. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">432</span></a> From this and what follows it -would appear that communicants went -within the rails to receive, and close -to the altar. This was the most primitive -custom. Sometimes the recipients -stood; <i>vide</i> passages cited in -Bingham, b. viii. ch. 6, sec. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">433</span></a> Vol. xii. Hom. ix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">434</span></a> In Coloss. Hom. vii., vol. xi. p. 350.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">435</span></a> Hom. xviii. in Genes., vol. iv. p. 150.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">436</span></a> The use of silk seems from its -first introduction into the Empire to -have been regarded as the <i>ne plus -ultra</i> of luxury. It was condemned by -Pliny, vi. 20, xi. 21. Elagabalus was -the first <em>man</em> as well as the first Emperor -who ventured to wear a material -hitherto confined to female dress. See -Gibbon, vol. vii. c. 40, and his interesting -account of the introduction -of silk-worms from China to Constantinople -by some Persian monks in the -reign of Justinian.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">437</span></a> In Matt. Hom. xlix., vol. vii. p. -501</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">438</span></a> In Psalm. xlviii., vol. v. p. 514.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">439</span></a> Hom. i. de Lazaro, c. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">440</span></a> In Gen. Hom. xli., p. 382.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">441</span></a> In Joan. Hom. lxii., p. 340, and Hom. lxix., p. 380.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">442</span></a> In Act. Apost. p. 147 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">443</span></a> Hom. xx. in Act. Apost. p. 162. -This set of fifty-five Homilies on the -Acts of the Apostles, of which much -use is made in this chapter, was delivered -in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 400, between Easter -and Whitsuntide, in which interval it -was customary to read through the -Acts in the Lessons for the day: <i>vide</i> -Bingham, vol. iv. These homilies are -among the least polished of Chrysostom’s -productions. Erasmus, who -translated them into Latin, was thoroughly -disappointed and out of humour -with them, and even doubts -their authenticity. In a letter to -Tonstal, Bp. of Durham, he declares -that he could have written better -matter himself even when “ebrius ac -stertens.” But most persons familiar -with Chrysostom’s productions will -agree with Montfaucon and Savile that -these homilies could have flowed only -from that golden vein, though the ore -is not so much refined as usual, and -that some passages are in his very -best style. None of his homilies, -except those on the Statues and St. -Matthew, contain more curious revelations -of the manners and customs -of the age.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">444</span></a> In Act. Apost. pp. 74 and 98.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">445</span></a> In Act. Apost. p. 256.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">446</span></a> See Villari’s Life of Savonarola, b. i. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">447</span></a> In Act. Apost. p. 191.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">448</span></a> Hom. in Inscrip. Altaris, i. <i>in initio</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">449</span></a> In Act. Apost. pp. 189, 190.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">450</span></a> Vol. xii. Hom. vi. adv. Cath. pp. -143 and 491.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">451</span></a> Vol. xii. Hom. i., “Quod frequenter,” -etc. Socrates, vi. 22. If we -may estimate the man from the account -by Socrates, his admirer, who -relates a number of his so-called witticisms, -the book is no great loss.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">452</span></a> Greg. de Vita sua, pp. 585-1097. -Orat. xxii., xxvii., xxxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">453</span></a> <i>Vide</i> Gibbon, v. p. 30.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">454</span></a> Socrates, vi. 8. <i>Vide</i> Dean Stanley, -Eastern Church, pp. 131, 132, for -specimens of these Thalia; <i>e.g.</i> one -commences, “Where are those who say -that the Three are but one power?”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">455</span></a> Sozom. viii. 3. Socrat. v. 15.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">456</span></a> Epist. xiv. vol. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">457</span></a> Vol. xii. Hom. viii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">458</span></a> Theod. v. 30.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">459</span></a> Epist. xiv. and ccvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">460</span></a> Theod. v. 29. Tillemont, xi. p. 155.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">461</span></a> Marc. Diac. ap. Baron, an. 401, 49.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">462</span></a> Vol. xii. 471. The titles “mother -of churches,” “nurse of monks,” “staff -of the poor,” etc., were not bestowed -till after his return from his first -exile, vol. iii. p. 446. M. Thierry -has erroneously introduced them into -this earlier stage of his life.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">463</span></a> Claud. in Eutrop. lib. i. The -pathetic appeal is by Claudian put -into the mouth of an allegorical impersonation -of the city. Claudian -was the intimate friend and companion -of Stilicho, and may not improbably -have assisted at this audience. -He is a valuable guide to the -history of this period, and especially -as an indicator of public opinion on -the great events of his day.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">464</span></a> Gibbon, vol. v. p. 361. Claudian, De Consul. Mall. Theod.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">465</span></a> In Eutrop. ii. 39, 136.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">466</span></a> Claud. in Eutrop. ii. 187 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">467</span></a> In Eutrop. ii. 377.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">468</span></a> The above account is taken from Zosimus, lib. v.; Claudian in Eutrop. ii. -Thierry, “Trois Ministres; Eutrope.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">469</span></a> Zosim. v. 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">470</span></a> Claud. in Eutr. ii. 474 and 534, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">471</span></a> Philostorg. xi. 6. Zosim. v. 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">472</span></a> Stanley, (Appendix,) “Memorials of Westminster.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">473</span></a> Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 45.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">474</span></a> Ibid.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">475</span></a> The altar was sometimes called <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἄσυλος τράπεζα</span> (Synesius, Ep. lviii.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">476</span></a> Claud. Prolog. in Eutrop. ii. 25. Chrysost. in Eutrop., c. 3. vol. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">477</span></a> Chrysost. in Eutrop. c. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">478</span></a> De Capto Eutrop. vol. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">479</span></a> In Eutrop. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">480</span></a> De Capto Eutrop. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">481</span></a> In Eutrop. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">482</span></a> Socrat. vi. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">483</span></a> In Eutrop. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">484</span></a> In Eutrop. c. 2-4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">485</span></a> Zosimus, v. 18, <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἐξαρπάσαντες</span>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">486</span></a> De Capto Eutrop. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">487</span></a> Zosim. v. 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">488</span></a> Zosim. v. 18. Cod. Theod. ix. 40, 17. Philostorg. xi. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">489</span></a> Zosim. v. 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">490</span></a> Zosim. v. 18. Socrat. vi. 6. Sozom. viii. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">491</span></a> Hom. cum Saturn. et Aurel. vol. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">492</span></a> Socr. vi. 6. Sozom. viii. 4. Theod. v. 31.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">493</span></a> Sozom. viii. 4. Theod. v. 32.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">494</span></a> Nili Mon. Epist. i. 70, 79, 114, -116, 205, 206, 286.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">495</span></a> Sozom. viii. 4. Socr. vi. 6. Theod. -v. 32.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">496</span></a> Sozom. viii. 4. Socr. vi. 6. Zosim. v. 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">497</span></a> Eunap. Sard. Fragm. 60. Sozom. viii. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">498</span></a> <i>Vide</i> c. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">499</span></a> Sozom. viii. 4. Socr. vi. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">500</span></a> The Alexandrian Chronicle is precise -in fixing Dec. 23, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 400, as the -date of his defeat on the Hellespont, -and Jan. 3, <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 401, as the day on -which his head was brought into Constantinople. -This certainly leaves a -very insufficient interval for the events -recorded in Zosimus.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">501</span></a> <i>Vide</i> c. 33.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">502</span></a> Palladius, author of the Dialogue -prefixed to Migne’s edition of Chrysostom’s -works. On the debated -question whether this Palladius was -the same Bishop of Hellenopolis who -wrote the Lausiaca, <i>vide</i> Tillemont, xi. -“Vie de Pallade.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">503</span></a> There was in fact what might be -called a floating synod of this kind -always in existence in Constantinople; -the Patriarch being <i>ex officio</i> President.—Tillemont, -xv. 703, 704.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">504</span></a> We are in the summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 400, and the capture and death of Gaïnas -occurred in Jan. <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 401.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">505</span></a> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">σοῦ τὴν τιμιότητα;</span> sometimes we have <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ὁσιότητα</span>, “your Holiness.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">506</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 14 and 15.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">507</span></a> See, on this whole subject, Bingham, -viii. 13. 6; and Robertson, i. pp. -187 and 318, and the authorities there -cited.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">508</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 14, 15. Sozomen -(viii. 6) says that Chrysostom deposed -thirteen bishops of Asia, Lycia, and -Phrygia. This is possible, as the -synod may have inquired into other -simoniacal cases beyond the original -six.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">509</span></a> Sozom. viii. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">510</span></a> Tillemont, xi. p. 170.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">511</span></a> Labbé, ii. p. 947. It must always -be borne in mind that Diocese was -the name of the largest <em>civil</em> division of -the Roman Empire. Each diocese contained -several provinces, <i>e.g.</i> Thrace, -six; Asia, ten; Pontus, eleven. The -whole Empire was divided into thirteen -dioceses, and about one hundred -and twenty provinces. The Ecclesiastical -divisions followed more or less -the plan of the civil. An archbishop -was bishop of the metropolis of a -Province, a Patriarch of one or more -<em>Dioceses</em>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">512</span></a> Can. xxviii.; and Can. ix. Chalced. -in Labbé, iv. pp. 769 and 798.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">513</span></a> Comp. Keble, Christian Year, for Easter Day:— -</p> -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="line i05">“Sundays by thee more glorious break,</div> -<div class="line">An Easter Day in every week.”</div> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">514</span></a> Vol. iii. p. 421.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">515</span></a> Socrat. vi. 11. Sozom. viii. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">516</span></a> Vol. iii. p. 424 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">517</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 18, pp. 62 and 67.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">518</span></a> Socrat. vi. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">519</span></a> Sozom. viii. c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">520</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">521</span></a> Greg. Naz. Epp. lvii. lviii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">522</span></a> Greg. Naz. Ep. lvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">523</span></a> Theophilus is said to have fallen -down before her and kissed her knees, -an obeisance prompted by avaricious -hopes on his part, and repelled by -genuine humility on hers.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">524</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 16, 17. Sozom. -viii. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">525</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 6. Tillemont xiv. -p. 219 <i>seq.</i>: <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">ἐγὼ αὐτῷ ἀρτύω χύτραν</span>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">526</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 5, 6, 18, 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">527</span></a> Jerome in Ruf. lib. ii. c. 5. Ep. xxxi. p. 203.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">528</span></a> Tillemont, xi.: Vie de Theophile.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">529</span></a> Euseb. Hist. vi. 3, 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">530</span></a> Jerome declared that Origen had -composed more books than most men -would find time to copy.—Epist. xxix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">531</span></a> The Paschal Letter was a circular -addressed to clergy and monks -throughout the diocese soon after the -Epiphany; the primary object was to -announce the date of the first day of -Lent and of Easter Day, whence the -name; but other matters were, as in -the present instance, frequently introduced. -See Tillemont, xi. 462.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">532</span></a> Socrat. vi. 7. Sozom. viii. 11, 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">533</span></a> Jerome in Ruf. iii.; and Ep. lxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">534</span></a> In Ruf. iii. 33.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">535</span></a> The contest for precedence was -eventually decided in favour of Jerusalem. -The see was made a Patriarchate -in the reign of Theodosius <span class="smcap">II.</span>, -and its jurisdiction fixed to the three -Palestines by the Council of Chalcedon, -<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 451.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">536</span></a> Jerome, Ep. xxxviii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">537</span></a> Jerome, Ep. xxxviii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">538</span></a> Jerome, Ep. cx.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">539</span></a> Ibid. Ep. xxxviii. and xxxix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">540</span></a> Jerome, Ep. xxxviii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">541</span></a> Ibid.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">542</span></a> Pallad. Lausiaca, p. 901. Tillemont, vol. xi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">543</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 6. Other causes -of the enmity of Theophilus are mentioned -by Socrates, vi. 9, and Sozomen, -viii. 12, but not incompatible with the -account of Palladius.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">544</span></a> Socrat. vi. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">545</span></a> Pasch. Epist. of Theoph. quoted in Tillemont, xi. p. 470. Pallad. Dial. 6. -Sozom. viii. 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">546</span></a> Sulpic. Sever. lib. i. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">547</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">548</span></a> Sozom. viii. 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">549</span></a> Jer. Ep. lxx.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">550</span></a> Jer. Ep. lxxviii. in Ruf. Epp. lxvii. -lxxiii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">551</span></a> Socrat. vi. 9. Sozom. viii. 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">552</span></a> Socrat. (vi. c. 13) says that the -writings only of Origen, not the man -himself, were condemned.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">553</span></a> Ep. lxxviii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">554</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">555</span></a> Sozom. viii. 13. Pallad. Dial. c. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">556</span></a> Ep. xvi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">557</span></a> Socrat. vi. c. 12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">558</span></a> Socrat. vi 12. Sozom. viii. 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">559</span></a> Sozom. viii. 14 and 26.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">560</span></a> Socrat. vi. 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">561</span></a> Sozom. viii. 14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">562</span></a> Sozom. c. 15.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">563</span></a> Socrat. vi. 15. Sozom. viii. 15.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">564</span></a> Socrat. vi. 15. Sozom. viii. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">565</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 2 (Epist. of Chrys. to Innocent), and c. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">566</span></a> See Tillemont, vol. xi. ch. 71.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">567</span></a> <i>Vide</i> ante, Ch. <span class="smcap">XIII</span>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">568</span></a> So Palladius, c. 8, on the whole -the most trustworthy authority. -Photius, Biblioth. (c. 59), says there -were forty-five.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">569</span></a> The language is not very clear in this passage, but such is, I conceive, the -drift of it.—c. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">570</span></a> This must have been a slight exaggeration, but the members do seem to have -been mainly Egyptian.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">571</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">572</span></a> Phot. c. 59. Chrys. Ep. 125 ad -Cyr., where he indignantly repels the -charge:—“had he done so, might his -name be blotted out from the roll of -bishops;” but at the same time he -deprecates the treatment of such an -offence (had it been committed) with -extreme severity: for had not our Lord -Himself instituted that holy feast, and -had not St. Paul baptized without previously -fasting? Chrysostom shrinks -in horror from the supposition of such -a gross violation of ecclesiastical rule -as the act in his case would have -been, but refuses to place it on the -same footing with the commission of -a flagrant moral crime, or direct disobedience -to any command of Christ. -There are, however, some doubts -whether this letter is genuine. See -<i>infra</i>, p. 317, and note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">573</span></a> Pallad. Dial. 8. Socr. vi. 15. Soz. viii. 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">574</span></a> Tillemont, vol. xi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">575</span></a> It contains the celebrated passage: -“Herodias again dances and demands -the head of John;” which recurs as -the exordium of another and spurious -homily (vol. viii. p. 485), and also an -indignant repudiation of the offence -of administering baptism after eating.—vol. -iii. 427. Socrates, vi. 16. -Sozom. viii. 17, 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">576</span></a> The authenticity of which has -been questioned. The style is perhaps -not quite worthy of Chrysostom; but -in one of his sermons after his return -from exile he apparently alludes to -some quotations from Job made in -this discourse.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">577</span></a> More strictly speaking, “the Hieron,” -“the sacred spot” where the -Argonauts were supposed to have -offered sacrifice to Zeus on their return -from Colchis.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">578</span></a> Sozom. viii. 18, 19. Socrat. vi. 16, 17. Zosim. v. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">579</span></a> Theod. v. 34. Chrys. vol. iii. p. 446.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">580</span></a> Socr. vi. 16. Soz. viii. 18. Chrys. Ep. ad Innoc. in Dial. Pall. p. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">581</span></a> It appears from subsequent events -that Theophilus had not yet actually -quitted Constantinople, but he and -his partisans had retired for the time -discomfited from the field of active -opposition; and this would justify -the language of Chrysostom, who is -speaking under excitement.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">582</span></a> Sermones 1 and 2, post red. ab exsil. vol. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">583</span></a> Socrat. vi. 17. Sozom. viii. 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">584</span></a> Ep. ad Innoc. in Pallad. Dial. p. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">585</span></a> As distinguished from the Forum of Constantine, which was elliptical in -shape.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">586</span></a> Cod. Theod. vi. 102.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">587</span></a> The celebrated exordium of a -homily supposed to be directed against -Eudoxia—“Again Herodias rages, again -she demands the head of John”—if -actually spoken with reference to John -the Baptist, may easily have been represented -by the malevolent as aimed -at the Empress. But the whole homily -has been pronounced spurious by Savile -and Montfaucon, and on perusal of it -their verdict seems reasonable. The -discourse is the production of a -thorough misogynist, describing with -much coarseness and acrimony the -misery and trouble caused by the -wickedness of women. Most will -agree with Savile, that it is “scarcely -worth reading, and quite unworthy -emendation.”—Vol. viii. p. 485.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">588</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">589</span></a> Sozom. viii. 20. Socrat. vi. 18. Pallad. Dial. c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">590</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">591</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">592</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 9. Chrysostom (Ep. ad Innoc. vol. iii.) speaks of more than -forty friendly bishops.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">593</span></a> Vol. iii. p. 533.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">594</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">595</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 9. Sozom. viii. 21.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">596</span></a> Pallad. Dial. 10. Sozom. viii. 21, 22. Socrat. vi. 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">597</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">598</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 10. Zosim. v. 24. Sozom. viii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">599</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">600</span></a> Ep. ad Episcop. vol. iii. pp. 541 and 673.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">601</span></a> C. 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">602</span></a> Epist. cxxv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">603</span></a> Epist. ccxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">604</span></a> Sozom. viii. 24. Pallad. Dial. c. 20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">605</span></a> Epist. ad Olymp. vi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">606</span></a> Epp. xciv. and civ.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">607</span></a> Pallad. Dial. cc. 1, 2, 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">608</span></a> Ep. cxiii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">609</span></a> Epp. clxviii. clxix. <i>et aliæ</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">610</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">611</span></a> Sozom. viii. 26.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">612</span></a> One previous letter we possess in -Chrys. vol. iii. p. 539, in which he expresses -his horror at the late outrages -in the Church of St. Sophia, and at -the gross violation of justice and law -in the recent so-called trial of Chrysostom.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">613</span></a> Pallad. Dial. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">614</span></a> Nilus, 2 Epp. cclxv. and cclxxix. Sozom. viii. 25.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">615</span></a> Pallad. Dial. 20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">616</span></a> Sozom. viii. 27. Pallad. Dial. 20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">617</span></a> Ep. ad eos qui scandalizati sunt, c. 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">618</span></a> Pallad. Dial. cc. 15 and 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">619</span></a> Theod. v. 34.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">620</span></a> Epp. x. xi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">621</span></a> Ep. xiii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">622</span></a> Epp. cxx. cxxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">623</span></a> Ep. cxxv. <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">624</span></a> Ep. ccxxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">625</span></a> Ep. viii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">626</span></a> Ep. xiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">627</span></a> Epp. xiii. lxxxiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">628</span></a> Ep. cxxv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">629</span></a> Ep. ccxxxiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">630</span></a> Epp. ccxxxiv. ccxxxvi. It is not -mentioned in Pliny or Ptolemy, but -appears in the Itinerary of Antonine -as Cocusus (pp. 10, 13). It stood at -the confluence of several roads, but -apparently not high-roads, one of -which connected Antioch with Asia -Minor.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">631</span></a> Ep. cxxv. <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">632</span></a> Ep. xiii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">633</span></a> Epp. xiii. xiv. ccxxxiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">634</span></a> Vol. iii. p. 549 <i>et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">635</span></a> Ep. ii. c. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">636</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> Epp. lxxxviii. lxxxix. <i>et aliæ</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">637</span></a> Ep. cxxiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">638</span></a> Ep. cxxxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">639</span></a> Ep. cxlvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">640</span></a> Epp. cxxx. ccxxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">641</span></a> Epp. l. li. lxi. <i>et aliæ</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">642</span></a> There seems no doubt that Maruthas -was an able and active missionary -bishop. Socrates (vii. 8) tells strange -stories of his skill in exposing some -tricks of the magi, by which they -attempted to prejudice the Persian -king Isdigerdes against Christianity.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">643</span></a> Ep. ccx.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">644</span></a> Ep. ccxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">645</span></a> Ep. ccxvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">646</span></a> Ep. cciv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">647</span></a> As appears from an edict dated -August 29, addressed to Studius, Prefect -of Constantinople.—Cod. Theod. -vol. ii. p. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">648</span></a> Ep. cxiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">649</span></a> Tillemont, xi. 274.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">650</span></a> Vol. v. ch. xxxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">651</span></a> Ep. vi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">652</span></a> Epp. cxl. cxlvi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">653</span></a> Epp. liii. liv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">654</span></a> Epp. cxxiii. cxxvi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">655</span></a> Photius, p. 1048.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">656</span></a> Epp. lxi. lxix. cxxvii. cxxxi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">657</span></a> Ep. clvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">658</span></a> Ep. clv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">659</span></a> Vol. iii. p. 535.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">660</span></a> Ep. cxlix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">661</span></a> Aug. cont. Jul. p. 370.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">662</span></a> Ep. v.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">663</span></a> Pallad. Dial. pp. 38, 39, who says -that they came out of Syria, Cilicia, -and Armenia: but how could this -be if it took three months to convey -Chrysostom from Cucusus to -Comana?</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">664</span></a> Tillemont, xi. 349.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">665</span></a> This is his day in the Calendar of the Eastern and Western Church.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">666</span></a> The Roman martyrology states -that the remains of the saint were -afterwards translated to St. Peter’s, -Rome, but the statement is not supported -by any trustworthy historical -evidence.—Tillemont, xi. 352.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">667</span></a> I must acknowledge my obligations -in the composition of this chapter to -the very useful and instructive work -of Dr. Th. Foerster, Berlin, entitled -“Chrysostomus in seinem Verhältniss -zur Antiochenischen Schule.”—Gotha, -1869.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">668</span></a> In Rom. Hom. xiii. 2. 1 Cor. Hom. xiii. 3. In Phil. vii. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">669</span></a> Hom. de Stat. xi. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">670</span></a> In Genes. Hom. xxi. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">671</span></a> Ibid. xvi. and xvii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">672</span></a> In Rom. Hom. xii. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">673</span></a> In Genes. Hom. xx. 3. In 1 Cor. -Hom. ii. 2. In Matt. Hom. lix. -1, 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">674</span></a> Comp. Jeremy Taylor, “On Original -Sin,” ch. vi.: “A man is not -naturally sinful as he is naturally -heavy, or upright, naturally apt to -weep and laugh; for these he is -always and unavoidably.” Comp. -also Aristot. Eth. ii. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">675</span></a> In Matt. Hom. xxviii. 3, and lviii. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">676</span></a> In Heb. Hom. xii. 2 and 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">677</span></a> De Fato, Hom. iii.-vi. Comp. Jer. -Taylor, Unum Necessar. ch. 6. sec. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">678</span></a> De Pœnit. Hom. i. 2; et ad Theod. -lapsum.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">679</span></a> In Inscrip. Act. ii. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">680</span></a> In Psalm. cxlii. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">681</span></a> In Act. Hom. xli. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">682</span></a> In Matt. xxxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">683</span></a> De Sanct. Babyla, vol. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">684</span></a> In Johan. vol. viii. p. 482.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">685</span></a> In Hebr. Hom. v. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">686</span></a> Contra Julianum, bk. i. ed. Bened. p. 630; but I have failed to find the -passage in Chrysostom’s works.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">687</span></a> In Rom. Hom. x. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">688</span></a> <span lang="el" xml:lang="el">προτρεπτικὴ οὐ βιαστική</span> in Johan. Hom. xlvii. 4; <i>et</i> in Matt. H. lxxx. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">689</span></a> In 1 Cor. Hom. vii. 2. In Ephes. Hom. i. 2. In 1 Cor. Hom. ii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">690</span></a> In Rom. Hom. xvi. cc. 8, 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">691</span></a> In Genes. Hom. xlii. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">692</span></a> In Johan. Hom. xviii. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">693</span></a> In Heb. Hom. xii. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">694</span></a> De Mac. i. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">695</span></a> Ch. <span class="smcap">VIII.</span></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">696</span></a> In Johan. Hom. iii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">697</span></a> In Heb. Hom. ii. c. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">698</span></a> In Psal. li. Expos.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">699</span></a> In Heb. Hom. iv. 2, 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">700</span></a> In Rom. Hom. xiii. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">701</span></a> In Phil. Hom. vii. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">702</span></a> In Heb. Hom. iii., Hom. iv. c. iii. -In Philog. Beat. In Johan. Hom. -xlviii. c. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">703</span></a> In Matt. Hom. iii.; Expos. in Ps. -li.; in 1 Cor. Hom. xxiv. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">704</span></a> De Resur. J. Chr. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">705</span></a> De Bapt. Christi, c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">706</span></a> De Cœmet. et Cruce, i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">707</span></a> De Cœmet. et Cruce, 3. See also in Ephes. Hom. xx.; and esp. In Ascens. -J. Chr. c. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">708</span></a> De Verb. Apost. vol. iii. p. 276.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">709</span></a> In Johan. Hom. xxxiii. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">710</span></a> In Rom. Hom. viii. c. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">711</span></a> In Gen. Hom. v. c. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">712</span></a> In Ephes. Hom. iv. c. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">713</span></a> In Gen. Hom. xxxi. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">714</span></a> De Pœnit. Hom. viii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">715</span></a> Cont. Anom. vii. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">716</span></a> De Anna, iv. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">717</span></a> Ibid. ii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">718</span></a> Ad illum. Catech. i. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">719</span></a> De Mut. Nom. iv. <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">720</span></a> Ad ilium. Catech. i. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">721</span></a> Ibid. ii. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">722</span></a> De Bapt. Chr. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">723</span></a> In Gen. Hom. xl. c. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">724</span></a> De Bapt. J. Chr. c. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">725</span></a> De Cœmet. et Cruce, <i>in fine</i>, vol. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">726</span></a> De Prod. Jud. vol. ii. Hom. i. c. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">727</span></a> In Eustath. Ant. vol. ii. p. 601.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">728</span></a> In Ep. ad. Hebr. Hom. xvii. c. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">729</span></a> Hom. ii. De Stat. c. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">730</span></a> De Nat. Christi, c. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">731</span></a> De Stat. xi. c. 5. The authenticity -of the letter to Cæsarius is so doubtful -that I have not ventured to introduce -here the celebrated passage which it -contains on this subject. It will be -found in the Appendix, where the -curious history of this letter is related.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">732</span></a> Eirenikon, part i. p. 112.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">733</span></a> De Laz. Hom. iv. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">734</span></a> De Pœnit. Hom. iv. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">735</span></a> De Pœnit. Hom. ix.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">736</span></a> See Dr. Pusey’s history of the -cultus and its mischievous effects, in -Parts i. and ii. of the “Eirenikon.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">737</span></a> In Johan. Hom. xxi. 2; and in -Matt. Hom. xliv. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">738</span></a> De Mundi Creat. vi. 10.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">739</span></a> <i>Vide</i> Dr. Pusey, Eiren. i. p. 113: -“We could preach whole volumes of -the sermons of St. Augustine or St. -Chrysostom to our people, to their -edification and without offence: were -a Roman Catholic preacher to confine -himself to their preaching, he would -(as it has been said among themselves) -be regarded as ‘indevout towards -Mary.’”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">740</span></a> In Ephes. Hom. iii. <i>in fine</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">741</span></a> Vol. iii. p. 362.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">742</span></a> I have not thought it expedient to -crowd the margin with references to -Chrysostom’s works for every one of -the liturgical forms above mentioned. -They may nearly all be consulted in -Bingham, book xv., who has collected -them with great care. The fullest -passages occur in vol. ii. p. 345; iii. -p. 104; x. pp. 200 and 527; xi. p. 323. -The so-called prayer of St. Chrysostom -in our Prayer-Book is found in the -Liturgies of St. Basil and St. Chrysostom, -but cannot certainly be traced -to either of those fathers. It was inserted -at the end of the Litany in 1544, -and of the Daily Service in 1661.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">743</span></a> Vol. ii. pp. 17, 92, 522, <i>et passim</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">744</span></a> Vol vi. 157.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">745</span></a> In Isai. v. 3, and vi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">746</span></a> Ibid. vii. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">747</span></a> In Is. vii. c. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">748</span></a> In Ephes. Hom. x. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">749</span></a> De Verb. Apost. vol. iii. p. 282.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">750</span></a> In Matt. Hom. i. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">751</span></a> In Galat. i. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">752</span></a> In Matt. i. <i>et</i> in Johan. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">753</span></a> In Rom. Hom. xxxi. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">754</span></a> In Psalm xliv.; in 1 Cor. Hom. xxix. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">755</span></a> <i>Vide</i> Tillemont, xi. p. 37.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">756</span></a> Socrat. vi. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">757</span></a> Suidas; <i>vide</i> verb. Johannes.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">758</span></a> Cont. Anom. Hom. iv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">759</span></a> De Sacerdot. iv. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">760</span></a> Adv. Oppugn. Vit. Mon. iii. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">761</span></a> Adv. Oppugn. Vit. Mon. ii. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">762</span></a> De Pœnit. vi. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">763</span></a> De Pœnit. ii. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">764</span></a> In Johan. Hom. ii. 2, and vol. -vii. 30.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">765</span></a> Vol. xi. p. 694.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">766</span></a> Vol. ix. p. 407. Comp. Jerome: -“Quotusquisque nunc Aristotelem -legit? quanti Platonis vel libros novere, -vel nomen? Vix in angulis -otiosi eos senes recolunt; rusticanos -vero et piscatores nostros totus orbis -loquitur, universus mundus sonat.”—In -Galat. iii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">767</span></a> Alex. Knox, “Remains,” vol. iii. -pp. 75-77.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">768</span></a> Jebb, “Pastoral Discourses,” ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">769</span></a> Milner, Hist. ii. p. 302.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">770</span></a> Dante, Parad. xii. 136.</p></div> -<hr /> -<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX">INDEX.</a></h2> - -<ul class="IX"><li><span class="dropcap">A</span>BLAVIUS, the prefect, grandfather of Olympias, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li><li> -Acacius, bishop of Berœa, carries a petition to Rome, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;<ul><li> -a leader of the faction hostile to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li> -plots against Chrysostom after his recall, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li> -undertakes the responsibility, with Antiochus, of the archbishop’s deposition, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li> -bribes Lucius to disperse the people at the Baths, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li> -assists in ordaining Porphyry, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Acacius of Cæsarea preaches at Antioch, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li> -Æmilius, a champion of Roman freedom, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li><li> -Æmilius, bishop of Beneventum, one of the Italian deputation, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li><li> -Aëtius, an extreme Arian, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li><li> -Africa, Church of, maintains communion with Theophilus and Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</li><li> -African Council, resolution of, wishing for intercourse between Rome and Alexandria, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</li><li> -Alaric, a royal Visigoth, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;<ul><li> -descends into Thrace and ravages the country round Constantinople, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -mock interview with Rufinus, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -overruns Greece, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -spreads devastation over Peloponnesus, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -made commander-in-chief of the forces of the East, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -efforts to gain Rome, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Alexander, governor at Antioch, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li><li> -Alexander of Basilinopolis, a friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li><li> -Alexander Severus, Emperor, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li><li> -Alexander succeeds Porphyry in the see of Antioch, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;<ul><li> -pays honour to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Alexandria, vices of the Christian population of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li> -tumults at, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li><li> -products of monks shipped to, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li><li> -religious riots at, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li><li> -parochial divisions, <a href="#Page_103">103</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -sedition at, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li> -order restored by Cynegius, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li> -its mixed population, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -flight of Theophilus to, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Alexandrian school, allegorical interpretations of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li><li> -Almsgiving, Chrysostom on the duty of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li><li> -Amantius, chamberlain of Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li><li> -Ambrose, archbishop of Milan, <a href="#Page_41">41</a> <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -a layman when consecrated, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li> -converts multitudes of women to celibacy, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -sides with Theodosius, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -reply to the appeal of Symmachus, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li><li> -prohibits feasts in the churches, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -his character, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li> -before the royal council, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li> -refuses to surrender the Portian Basilica, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li><li> -will not recognise the edict, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li><li> -served with an order of banishment, but refuses to depart, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li><li> -declines the proposal of arbitration, and remains master of the field, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li> -his triumph, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li> -mission to Maximus, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li> -letter to Theodosius on his commanding the bishop of Callinicum to restore the Jewish synagogue, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li><li> -sermon at Milan on the same subject, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -the Emperor succumbs, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -mission to obtain clemency for the Thessalonians, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -withdraws from Milan into the country, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li><li> -exhorts the Emperor to deep repentance, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li><li> -refuses Theodosius admittance to the cathedral, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li><li> -repulses Rufinus the minister, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li> -prescribes penance to the Emperor, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li> -testimony of Theodosius to his nobility of character, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -strife with Flavian, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -receives the Emperor after his defeat of Arbogastes, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -administers the Eucharist to Theodosius, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -urges Nectarius to depose Gerontius, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Ammianus Marcellinus on the luxury of bishops of great cities, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li><li> -Ammon, bishop of Laodicea, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;<ul><li> -a leader of Chrysostom’s enemies, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">436</a></span> -Ammonius, a Nitrian monk, baptizes Rufinus, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;<ul><li> -one of the “tall brethren,” <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li> -struck by Theophilus, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li><li> -interview with Epiphanius, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li> -prediction of persecution to the Church, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li> -buried at “the Oak,” where he had baptized the minister Rufinus, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li> -Theophilus weeps over his death and eulogises him, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Anastasius, Pope, anathematises Origen, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li><li> -Anathematising denounced by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li><li> -Anchorites, the, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li> -Ancyra in Phrygia, the summer retreat of Arcadius, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;<ul><li> -spectacle of the Emperor’s departure to, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Anomœan doctrine, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom’s homilies against, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-117.</li></ul></li><li> -Anthemius, master of the offices, appealed to, to disperse the congregation at the Baths, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<ul><li> -refuses to interfere, but directs Lucius to exhort the people to return to the churches, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s letter to, on his being made prefect and consul, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Anthropomorphites, or Humanisers, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;<ul><li> -denounced by John, bishop of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li><li> -Theophilus declares himself in their favour, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Anthusa, mother of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<ul><li> -a widow at twenty, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li> -great love for her son, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li><li> -abstains from marrying again, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li> -appeals to Chrysostom not to enter into retirement, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>-27.</li></ul></li><li> -Antioch, the birthplace of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<ul><li> -vices of its Christian inhabitants, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom resident at, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li> -persecutions at, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li><li> -St. Jerome at Church of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -monasteries near, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li><li> -monks in the mountainous heights near, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li><li> -population of, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li><li> -description of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -“the great church” at, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -character of the inhabitants, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li><li> -bishop’s relations to the city, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom appointed preacher at, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li><li> -resides here ten years, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li> -the cradle of Arianism, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li><li> -passion of the people for chariot-races, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li> -influence of the Jews, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -character of its population, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li><li> -its paganism, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li><li> -sedition at, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li> -proclamation of edict levying the tribute, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li> -sedition at, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-153;</li><li> -dejection of the people, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li> -arrival of the commissioners from the Emperor, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li><li> -the city degraded, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom remonstrates against the prevalent discontent, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li><li> -the city is pardoned, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -joy of the people, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -excitable feelings of the populace, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s forcible removal from the city, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Antioch, Church of, vicissitudes in the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-22;<ul><li> -the see in the hands of the Arians for some time, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li> -its Arian bishops, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-20;</li><li> -split into three parties, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li> -its three rival bishops, Paulinus, Meletius, and Euzoius, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li> -a fourth added by the Apollinarians, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li> -the people favour Meletius, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -the schism finally healed by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -its three sections of Meletians, Eustathians, and Arians, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Antioch, Council of (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 341), Twelfth Canon of the, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;<ul><li> -swayed by Arian influence, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li> -its object the harassment of Athanasius, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s enemies stake their whole issue on its Twelfth Canon, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li> -question as to its validity, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li> -its Canons pronounced by Innocent invalid, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Antiochus, bishop of Ptolemais, discourses at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;<ul><li> -a leader of the faction hostile to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li> -plots against the archbishop after his recall, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li> -rage at the proposal of Elpidius, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</li><li> -undertakes the responsibility, with Acacius, of Chrysostom’s deposition, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li> -urges the Emperor to remove him from the city, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li> -assists in ordaining Porphyry, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Antiochus Epiphanes, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li><li> -Antiochus the Great, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li><li> -Antiphonal singing, <a href="#Page_189">189</a> <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Antoninus, bishop of Ephesus, grave charges against, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;<ul><li> -flatly denies the charges, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li> -is alarmed when the archbishop proposes to visit Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li> -his interest at court produces opposition to Chrysostom’s departure, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li><li> -is reconciled to his accuser, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li> -the farce of the inquiry, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Antonius, a reader, made bishop, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li><li> -Antony, the Anchorite, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;<ul><li> -wholesome saying of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Apollo, oracle of, at Daphne, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li><li> -Apostolical constitutions, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li><li> -Applause of the congregation, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;<ul><li> -sternly repressed, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Arabianus, bishop, at the assembly at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li><li> -Arabissus, a fortified town near Cucusus, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;<ul><li> -attacked and nearly captured by Isaurians, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Arbogastes, Valentinian’s general of the forces, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<ul><li> -his ambition and treachery, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">437</a></span> -repulses the first attack of Theodosius, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -is overthrown, his army routed, and himself slain, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -his children pardoned and baptized, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Arcadius, son of Theodosius, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;<ul><li> -Rufinus appointed his guardian, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -does not oppose the ambition of Rufinus, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -Eutropius gains complete mastery of his feeble mind after the death of Rufinus, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li> -neglect of his empire, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -becomes a mere puppet, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li><li> -his palaces and pageants, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li><li> -dismisses Eutropius, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li> -promises Chrysostom to respect his minister’s retreat in the church, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li><li> -entreats the troops to refrain from violence towards Eutropius, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li><li> -misgivings as to beheading his late minister, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li> -yields to the demands of Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li> -ratifies the deposition of Chrysostom by the “Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li> -refuses to attend church on Christmas Day until the archbishop has cleared himself, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li> -the patriarch’s case pleaded before him, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</li><li> -orders Chrysostom to be removed from the church to his palace, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</li><li> -his alarm, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</li><li> -sends for Acacius and Antiochus, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</li><li> -turns a deaf ear to the entreaty of the forty bishops, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li> -permits a concourse of Christians at Pempton to be dispersed, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Archelaus invited Socrates to court, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li><li> -Arian controversy, the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-22.</li><li> -Arianism, at Antioch, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom’s homilies against, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>-117.</li></ul></li><li> -Arians, the, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<ul><li> -their danger to Christianity, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li><li> -forbidden by Theodosius to hold assemblies, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -stronghold of, at Constantinople, in the time of Gregory of Nazianzus, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -molest the peace in Chrysostom’s time, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Aristides, resistance of, to ambition, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li><li> -Arius, probably instructed by Lucian, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;<ul><li> -his Thalia, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Arsacius elevated to the see of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;<ul><li> -his character, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li> -persecution of the Johnites, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Ascension Day, Sunday before, <a href="#Page_177">177</a> <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Ascetic life, commencement of, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;<ul><li> -relapse from, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Asceticism considered the highest form of life, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li><li> -Ascetics, youthful association of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<ul><li> -primitive, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li><li> -called by Eusebius “earnest persons,” and by Clemens Alexandrinus “more elect than the elect,” <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Asia, Church of, disgraceful state of the, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li> -Asia Minor, Chrysostom desires to visit, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;<ul><li> -three delegates appointed to visit, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li> -the Church of, needs a healing hand, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom visits, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li><li> -Theophilus travels through, seeking for disaffected bishops, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Asterius, count of the East, assists in removing Chrysostom from Antioch, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li><li> -Aterbius, a pilgrim, applies himself to the detection of heresy at Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;<ul><li> -denounces John the bishop, Jerome, and Rufinus as Origenists, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Athanasius, archbishop of Alexandria, obscurity of the early years of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<ul><li> -return to Alexandria from exile, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li> -consecrated at an early age, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li> -accompanied to Rome by monks, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -the Twelfth Canon of the Council of Antioch aimed against, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Atticus, a presbyter, an opponent of Chrysostom, elected to the see of Constantinople during the archbishop’s banishment, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;<ul><li> -obtains imperial rescripts against the clergy and laymen, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;</li><li> -the Johnites refuse to hold communion with him, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li><li> -admits the name of Chrysostom into the diptychs of the Church at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Augustine, St., <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;<ul><li> -permits sitting during the reading of the Acts of the Saints, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -on the honour due to saints and martyrs, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li><li> -prohibits feasts in the churches, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -traits of earlier life and baptism, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li><li> -on the discharge of episcopal duties, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -eulogium on Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>;</li><li> -comparison with Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Aurelian, prætorian prefect, presides over the suit instituted against Eutropius, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;<ul><li> -the Empress procures his elevation to the consulship, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li><li> -his surrender demanded by Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -insulted by Gaïnas, and afterwards delivered up, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;<ul><li> -receives a letter from Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Auxentius, the Arian bishop, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li><li> -Avarice, denunciations of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">B</span>ABYLAS, the martyr, Chrysostom’s book on, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<ul><li> -his remains taken to the grove of Daphne, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li><li> -removed hence by Julian, but afterwards brought back, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Basil, bishop of Raphanea, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<ul><li> -his friendship with Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li><li> -his line of life the “true philosophy,” <i>i.e.</i> monasticism, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">438</a></span> -project for a life of seclusion, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li><li> -reluctance to be made a bishop, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-42;</li><li> -remonstrates with Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li><li> -parting from Chrysostom on his appointment to a bishopric, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Basil, bishop of Seleucia, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li><li> -Basil (the Great), bishop of Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<ul><li> -contends against the misconceptions of baptism, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li> -sides with Theodosius, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -reprobates trading near the “martyries,” <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li><li> -qualified admiration of Origen’s teachings, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Basiliscus, bishop of Comana, suffered martyrdom, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>;<ul><li> -story of his appearing to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Baths of Constantine, interrupted services carried on at, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<ul><li> -people refuse to leave, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li> -scenes of violence at, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Bautho, father of Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li><li> -Benedict, St., <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;<ul><li> -establishment of his monastery, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Benedictines of Camaldoli, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li><li> -Bequests made by codicils renounced by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li><li> -Bethlehem, Jerome’s monastic establishment at, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li><li> -Bishops, mode of electing, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<ul><li> -violence at elections of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li> -age at which eligible for, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li> -laymen consecrated, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li> -their high social position, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -canvassing and bribery at their elections, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -luxurious style of living, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Bithynia, Chrysostom conveyed to, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li><li> -Bosporus, the, Chrysostom crosses, to intercede with Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li> -a messenger sent across to seek for Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -studded with boats on the patriarch’s return, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li><li> -“the sea became a city,” <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li><li> -its waters crowded to welcome the reliques of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Botheric, governor of Thessalonica, imprisons a favourite charioteer, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;<ul><li> -refuses to release him, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -is mortally wounded, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Briso, Eudoxia’s chamberlain, wounded in a street fray, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;<ul><li> -the bearer to Chrysostom of a letter from the Empress, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -intercedes for Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Brison, bishop of Philippopolis, a leader of Chrysostom’s enemies, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li><li> -British Isles, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;<ul><li> -reached by Christianity, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li><li> -evangelised, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">C</span>ÆSAREA, pre-eminence of the see of, over that of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom arrives at, on his exile, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</li><li> -violent scenes at, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Cæsarius, Chrysostom’s letter to, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</li><li> -Cæsarius, commissioner to Antioch, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<ul><li> -goes to the Emperor to intercede for the people, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li><li> -his arrival at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -his errand anticipated, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Cæsarius of Arles made reader at the age of seven, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li><li> -Caligula, destruction of Antioch in the reign of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li><li> -Callinicum, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;<ul><li> -its people destroy a Jewish synagogue, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li> -the bishop commanded to restore the building, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li><li> -Ambrose objects to this, and Theodosius gives way, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Camillus, a champion of Roman freedom, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li><li> -Capua, council of Western bishops at, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li><li> -Carterius superintends the studies of youthful ascetics, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li> -Carthage, Fourth Council of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li><li> -Cassianus, John, founder of a monastery at Marseilles, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<ul><li> -his rules of the cloister, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -remains a friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li><li> -custodian of the church treasury at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -flies to Rome, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Castricia, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li> -an enemy of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Catechumens, period of probation for, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li> -Celibacy of the clergy, Chrysostom on, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;<ul><li> -canons of the Council of Nice upon, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -“the ancient tradition of the Church” concerning, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Chalcedon, Council of (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 451), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<ul><li> -the title of “Patriarch” first appears in its Acts, <a href="#Page_216">216</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -extends the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li><li> -grants him equal privileges with the Patriarch of Rome, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li><li> -decides on the precedence of the see of Jerusalem over that of Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_289">289</a> <i>note</i>.</li></ul></li><li> -Chalcedon, “The Oak” a suburb of, where the synod hostile to Chrysostom was held, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;<ul><li> -a church, monastery, and palace built here by Rufinus, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Character, Eastern and Western, compared, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li><li> -Chariot-races censured, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>-226.</li><li> -Christian morals, Chrysostom on the state of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li><li> -Christian responsibilities, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li><li> -Christian wife, portrait of a, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li><li> -Christianity, recognised position of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;<ul><li> -partially paganised, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li> -“the philosophy” of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">439</a></span> -imperilled by corruption of morals and faith, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li> -its progress, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li><li> -recognition by the empire, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -its humanising influence in a heartless age, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Christmas, observance of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li><li> -Christmas Day, the Emperors attend divine service in state on, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li><li> -Christ’s equality with the Father, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>-116;<ul><li> -zealous defence of His pure divinity, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Chromatius, bishop of Aquileia, sends a letter by the Italian deputation, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom’s letters to, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Chrysostom, St. John: Probable date of his birth, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.<ul><li> -His birthplace Antioch in Syria, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li><li> -His parents, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li><li> -Father’s death, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li><li> -Early training, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li><li> -Destined for the legal profession, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li><li> -Attendance at the lectures of Libanius, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li><li> -Nascent powers of eloquence, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li> -Appellation of Chrysostomos, or the “Golden Mouth,” <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>.</li><li> -Libanius praises his speech in honour of the Emperors, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li> -Commences practice as a lawyer, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li> -Disgust with a secular life, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li><li> -Study of Holy Scripture, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li><li> -Early friendship with Basil, bishop of Raphanea, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li><li> -Forms acquaintance with Meletius, bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li><li> -Delay in his baptism, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">alleged cause for the delay, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</span></li><li> -Baptized by Meletius, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li><li> -Becomes for a time an enthusiastic ascetic, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li><li> -His intense piety and love to God, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li><li> -Ordained reader by Meletius, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li><li> -Project for retiring into seclusion, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li><li> -Frustrated by his mother’s entreaties, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>-27.</li><li> -Letters of exhortation to Theodore, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-39.</li><li> -Reluctance to be consecrated a bishop, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li><li> -His “pious fraud,” <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li><li> -Dissension with Basil, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li><li> -Books on the priesthood, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-55.</li><li> -Reasons for declining a bishopric, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li><li> -Narrow escape from persecution, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li><li> -Retirement into a monastery, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li><li> -Exults at the growth of monasticism in Egypt, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li><li> -Description of the daily life of the monks, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li><li> -Admiration for monastic communities, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li><li> -Treatises composed during monastic life, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li><li> -Epistle to Demetrius, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li><li> -Epistle to Stelechius, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li><li> -Treatise addressed “to the assailants of monastic life,” <a href="#Page_73">73</a>-80.</li><li> -Becomes an ardent ascetic, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li><li> -Enters a cave near Antioch, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li><li> -Breakdown of health, and abandonment of monastic life, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li><li> -Returns to his home at Antioch, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li><li> -Epistle to Stagirius, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>-85.</li><li> -Ordained a deacon by Meletius, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li><li> -Congenial duties of the diaconate, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li><li> -Treatise “On Virginity,” <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li><li> -Letter to a young widow, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>-95.</li><li> -Views on marriage and celibacy, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>-100.</li><li> -Treatise, “De S. Babyla contra Julianum et Gentiles,” <a href="#Page_100">100</a>-102.</li><li> -Ordained to the priesthood by Flavian, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Chrysostom, St. John, as preacher at Antioch: Inaugural discourse at Antioch, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>-106.<ul><li> -Preaches at Antioch for ten years, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li><li> -Sermon on bishop Meletius, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li><li> -Homilies against Arians, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>-115.</li><li> -Profound acquaintance with Scripture, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li><li> -All argument based upon Scripture, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li><li> -Rebukes his hearers for their neglect of the celebration of the Eucharist, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">for applauding his words, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</span></li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">and for their love of the circus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>-120.</span></li><li> -Homilies against Pagans, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>-124.</li><li> -Occasional defects of interpretation of the Scriptures, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li><li> -Homilies against Jews and Judaising Christians, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>-133.</li><li> -Homily against anathematising, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li><li> -Sermon on Christmas Day, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li><li> -Indignation at riotous festivity, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li><li> -Homily on New Year’s Day, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li><li> -Rebukes gross and senseless superstitions, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li><li> -Agrees with the Emperor Theodosius, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li><li> -Immense efforts after the tumult at Antioch, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li><li> -Encourages the people to hope for clemency, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">440</a></span> -Chrysostom, St. John, as preacher at Antioch: Homilies on the statues, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>-164.<ul><li> -Exhortations to repentance, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on this world’s wealth, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</span></li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the method of keeping Lent, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</span></li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on fasting, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</span></li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">against rash oaths, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</span></li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on death, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</span></li><li> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the signs of a Creator, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</span></li><li> -Similes from Nature, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li><li> -Ethical doctrine, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li><li> -Praise of the hermits for their courage, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li><li> -Expostulates with the people on their discontent, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li><li> -Thanksgiving for the pardon of Antioch, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li><li> -Describes the interview between Flavian and the Emperor, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>-174.</li><li> -His illness, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li><li> -Homilies on festivals of saints and martyrs, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>-183.</li><li> -Belief in the intercessory power of saints, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li><li> -Exhorts the people to imitate the lives of the martyrs, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li><li> -Homily on the Sunday before Ascension Day, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li><li> -Praise of the peasant clergy, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li><li> -Elected to the see of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li><li> -Force and fraud employed to remove him from Antioch, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Chrysostom, St. John, as archbishop of Constantinople: Arrival at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.<ul><li> -His consecration as archbishop, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li><li> -The “sermo enthronisticus,” <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li><li> -Too much the saint of the cloister for his new position, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li><li> -His unpopular reforms, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li><li> -Denounces “spiritual sisters,” and implores the clergy to liberate themselves from these disgraceful connections, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>-221.</li><li> -Exacts rigorous discipline from the clergy, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li><li> -Conducts, with the Empress, a torch-light procession on the removal of some martyrs’ reliques, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li><li> -Eulogium on the Empress, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li><li> -Denunciations of avarice, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li><li> -Censures the people for their attachment to chariot-races, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li><li> -Denounces fashionable follies, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-228.</li><li> -Portrays the character of a Christian wife, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li><li> -Represents to property holders their duties, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li><li> -Dilates on Christian responsibilities, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li><li> -Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles, <a href="#Page_231">231</a> <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Indignation at the practice of oath-taking, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li><li> -Censures addiction to the pleasures of the table, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li><li> -Character of his flock, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li><li> -Combats the errors of the Novatians and Arians, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li><li> -Labours to heal the schism at Antioch, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li><li> -Missionary efforts in Scythia, Syria, and Palestine, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li><li> -Assigns a church at Constantinople for the Scythians (or Goths), <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li><li> -Endeavours to extirpate paganism, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li><li> -Affords protection to Eutropius, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li><li> -Maintains, when taken before the Emperor, the Church’s right of asylum, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li><li> -Sermon on the degradation of Eutropius, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>-254.</li><li> -Intercedes with Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li><li> -Homily after returning from his intercession, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li><li> -Contest with Gaïnas, who desired the law prohibiting Arian worship within the city to be abolished, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li><li> -Proposes to visit Asia Minor to investigate the charges against Antoninus, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li> -His visit opposed by the court, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li><li> -Appoints delegates to proceed to Asia, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li><li> -Solicited by the clergy of Ephesus to come to them, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li><li> -Proceeds to Ephesus, and is welcomed by the clergy and seventy bishops, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li><li> -Proposes Heracleides as bishop of Ephesus, who is elected, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li><li> -Holds a synod at Ephesus, and deprives six simoniacal bishops of their sees, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li><li> -Returning through Bithynia, he deposes Gerontius, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li><li> -Extent of his jurisdiction as Patriarch of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li><li> -Received with demonstrations of joy on his return, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li><li> -Dismisses Severian from the city, but recalls him by command of the Empress, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li><li> -Denounces crimes and follies, and becomes unpopular, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">441</a></span> -His friends, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li><li> -Leaders of the hostile faction, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li><li> -Qualified admiration of Origen’s teaching, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li><li> -Reception of the Nitrian monks, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li><li> -Letter to Theophilus, beseeching him to be reconciled with the fugitives, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li><li> -Refuses to join in the condemnation of Origen and his writings, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li><li> -The plots of his enemies, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li><li> -Farewell to Epiphanius, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li> -Irritates the Empress by a sermon against the follies of fashionable ladies, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li><li> -Theophilus refuses his hospitality, and declines all communication, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li><li> -Directed by the court to preside at the inquiry at Pera into the conduct of Theophilus, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li><li> -Declines to judge him out of his province, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li><li> -Scene at the palace with his bishops, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li><li> -Summoned to appear before the “Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li><li> -Indignation of his bishops, and their reply to Theophilus, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li><li> -Letter refusing to attend the synod until his declared enemies are ejected, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li><li> -Charges laid against him by archdeacon John and Isaac the monk, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li><li> -Steadfastly refuses to attend the synod, and appeals to a general council, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li><li> -Deposed by the synod, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li><li> -Deposition ratified by the Emperor, and sentenced to banishment, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li><li> -Sermon before departing, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li><li> -Bows to the storm, and surrenders himself, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li><li> -Embarks, and is conveyed to Hieron, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li><li> -Removes to Prænetum, opposite Nicomedia, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li><li> -Receives an abject letter from the Empress, entreating him to return, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li><li> -Crosses the Bosporus, and refuses at first to enter Constantinople until acquitted by a general council, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li><li> -Urged to enter the city, and consents, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li><li> -Halts before the Church of the Apostles, but is borne in by the people, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li><li> -Compelled to sit on the throne, and pronounce a benediction, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li><li> -An extempore address, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li><li> -Sermon after recall, in which he extols the Empress, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li><li> -Denounces the ceremony at the erection of the image of Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li><li> -Incurs the resentment of the Empress, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li><li> -Further plots of his enemies, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li><li> -Continues to discharge his duties, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li><li> -Will not cease to officiate unless compelled by force, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li><li> -Removed from the church to his palace, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li><li> -Letter to Innocent I. on the disturbances at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li><li> -His flock, after many trials, broken up, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li><li> -Attempts made to assassinate him, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li><li> -Receives the mandate of deposition, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li><li> -Farewell to his bishops and deaconesses, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li><li> -Departure from the Church—“the Angel of the Church went out with him,” <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Chrysostom, St. John, in exile: Conveyed to the Bithynian coasts, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.<ul><li> -Suspected of incendiarism, and loaded with chains, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li><li> -Implores the Emperor to be allowed to defend himself and clergy against the atrocious charges, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li> -Journeys to Nice, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li> -Encourages his suffering friends, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li><li> -Cheered by the fortitude and loyalty of Olympias, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li><li> -Persuades Pentadia to remain at Constantinople, to support the afflicted, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li><li> -Letter to Constantius, missionary priest, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li><li> -Travels from Nice to Cæsarea, where fanatical monks besiege the house in which he is lodged, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li><li> -Falls ill with fever, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li><li> -Is removed from Cæsarea to the house of Seleucia, who is menaced by Pharetrius, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li><li> -Taken thence, and totters in darkness along the Cappadocian mountains, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li><li> -Monks and nuns meet him on the road, and bewail his calamities, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li><li> -Cucusus, the place of his exile, is reached, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li><li> -Received with much consideration and kindness, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li><li> -Letters to Olympias from Cucusus, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">442</a></span> -Letters to friendly bishops and laymen, to Gemellus, and to Anthemius, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li><li> -Receives old friends from Antioch, who come to him for guidance, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li><li> -Letters to clergy and others, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li><li> -Influence over the empire in his exile, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li><li> -Sufferings from the winter cold, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li><li> -Interest in the mission in Phœnicia, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li><li> -Letters to Gerontius and Rufinus the Presbyter, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>-382.</li><li> -Privation, anxiety, and rapid removals, bring on illness, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li><li> -Letters to the Italian bishops, to Chromatius, to Innocent, and to Aurelius, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>-385.</li><li> -Suffers less, and thinks God will restore him to his position in the Church, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li><li> -His enemies get him removed to Pityus, in a desolate country, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li><li> -Arrives at Comana, in Pontus, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li><li> -Story of the vision of the martyred Basiliscus, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li><li> -Wishes to remain at the church, but is hurried on by his guards, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li><li> -Is taken ill, and brought back to the martyry, where he dies after partaking of the Eucharist, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li><li> -Honoured after his death, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li><li> -His reliques brought to Constantinople, and deposited in the Church of the Apostles, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Chrysostom, St. John, theological teaching of: Survey of his theological teaching, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>.<ul><li> -Practical character of his works, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>.</li><li> -His natural and forcible language, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>.</li><li> -On the nature of man, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>.</li><li> -Sin and necessity, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</li><li> -Free-will and grace, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>-396.</li><li> -God’s will and man’s freedom, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</li><li> -Co-operation of God’s will with man’s, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</li><li> -Divine grace, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>.</li><li> -Nature of the Godhead, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li><li> -Manhood and Godhead in Christ, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>-404.</li><li> -The Redemption, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>-406.</li><li> -Justification, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</li><li> -Faith and good works, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>.</li><li> -The efficacy of prayer, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li><li> -Baptism, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>-412.</li><li> -The Holy Eucharist, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>-415.</li><li> -No trace of confession, purgatory, or Mariolatry, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>-418.</li><li> -No acknowledgment of papal supremacy, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</li><li> -Liturgical forms, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>-421.</li><li> -Character as a commentator, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>-424.</li><li> -The New Testament a completion of the Old, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li><li> -Variations in the Gospel narratives, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li><li> -Inspiration of the Bible, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li><li> -Characteristics as a preacher, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li><li> -Personal appearance, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li><li> -Preservation of his discourses, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>.</li><li> -Style of language, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li><li> -Allusions to Greek classical authors, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</li><li> -Depreciation of Pagan modes and ideas, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</li><li> -Compared with St. Augustine, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li><li> -His fight in the cause of Christian holiness, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Church, the, Chrysostom does not rely on the tradition of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;<ul><li> -its power and progress, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li><li> -claims pre-eminence over civil law, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li><li> -tradition with regard to clerical celibacy, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -custom concerning the preaching of strangers, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li><li> -its stability, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</li><li> -its degradation, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Claudian, his verses on Stilicho, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;<ul><li> -his appeal against the consulship of Eutropius, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li> -companion of Stilicho, <a href="#Page_242">242</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -sarcasm aimed at the adulation of the Byzantines, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li> -dramatic account of Tribigild’s meeting with his wife, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li><li> -his description of Leo, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Claudius, Antioch shattered in the reign of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li><li> -Clemens Alexandrinus terms ascetics “more elect than the elect,” <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li> -Clergy, the, treatment of, by Constantine and Theodosius, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;<ul><li> -Jerome on their worldly hospitality, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li><li> -exempted from curial office by Constantine, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li> -those who were curiales forbidden to be ordained, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Cœnobia, the, founded by Pachomius, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li> -Comana, in Pontus, Chrysostom arrives at, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>;<ul><li> -dies at the martyry outside the town, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Commodus, the Olympic games instituted in the time of, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li><li> -Communicants received within the rails and close to the altar, <a href="#Page_225">225</a> and <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Congregation rebuked by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;<ul><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">443</a></span>its applause of Chrysostom’s words, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li> -customary to stand while the preacher sat, <a href="#Page_154">154</a> <i>note</i>.</li></ul></li><li> -Conscience, the law of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li><li> -Constantia, sister of the Emperor, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li> -Constantine favours the Arians, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<ul><li> -deposes the Catholic bishops, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li> -commences building “the great church” of Antioch, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -statutes concerning the Jews, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -exemptions of the clergy, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li><li> -his forgiveness of an injury, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li><li> -right of asylum transferred in his time from Pagan temples to Christian churches, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li> -exempted the clergy from curial office, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Constantinople, vices of the Christian population of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li> -Arian synod at, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li><li> -tumults at, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li><li> -St. Jerome at church of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -religious riots at, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li><li> -division into districts, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li><li> -passion of the people for chariot-races, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li> -edict of Theodosius, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -surrounding country ravaged by Alaric, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -competition for its see, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom appointed archbishop, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -mixture of population, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li> -its forms of error, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -stronghold of Arianism in the time of Gregory of Nazianzus, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -occupied by Gaïnas and the Goths, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li> -circular to its clergy announcing Chrysostom’s deposition, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li> -the people, enraged at the sentence, guard him against abduction, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li><li> -the populace demand the restoration of the patriarch, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -visited by an earthquake, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -sanguinary frays in the streets, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -flight of Theophilus from, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -shocking tumult at St. Sophia on Easter Eve, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li> -its churches deserted during Chrysostom’s absence, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li> -the interrupted services continued at the Baths, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</li><li> -fresh scenes of violence, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>-338;</li><li> -fury of the people on discovering the removal of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</li><li> -the cathedral-church and senate-house burnt down, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -visited by destructive hailstorms, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</li><li> -coercion ineffectual in bringing the people to submit to Atticus and his clergy, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Constantinople, Council of (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<ul><li> -presided over by Meletius, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li><li> -project for a general council after, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -restricts the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li><li> -gave him first rank after the bishop of Rome, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Constantius, a missionary in Phœnicia, receives a letter from Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li><li> -Constantius, a priest, described by Palladius, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;<ul><li> -the people of Antioch desire to make him their bishop, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li><li> -Porphyry procures his banishment, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li><li> -escapes to Cyprus, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li><li> -follows Chrysostom into exile, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Constantius, Emperor, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<ul><li> -deposes Stephen, bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li> -summons a general council, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li><li> -orders the creed of Rimini to be signed, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li><li> -visits Antioch, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li> -finishes “the great church” at Antioch, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li><li> -statutes concerning the Jews, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Cornelius, bishop of Rome, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li><li> -Crates resists ambition, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li><li> -Creator, signs of a, in the universe, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li><li> -Crito, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li><li> -Cross, honour paid to the, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li><li> -Cucusus, a village in the Tauric range, subject to attacks from Isaurians, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;<ul><li> -selected by Eudoxia as the place of Chrysostom’s exile, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</li><li> -arrival of the archbishop at, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li><li> -ravaged by the Isaurians, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Cynegius, prefect of the East, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;<ul><li> -enforces the law against informers, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li><li> -quells the sedition at Alexandria, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Cyprian on a legitimate ordination, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<ul><li> -consecrated bishop when a layman, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Cyprus, Council of, decree of the, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li><li> -Cyriacus, bishop of Synnada, accompanies Chrysostom on board the vessel, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;<ul><li> -detained in chains at Bithynia, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -taken to Chalcedon, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -dismissed, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -a fugitive to Rome, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li><li> -accompanies the Italian deputation, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</li><li> -confined in a Persian fortress, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</li><li> -intercedes for Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Cyril, successor of Theophilus, reluctant to recognise Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li><li> -Cyrinus, bishop of Chalcedon, joins Chrysostom at Bithynia, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;<ul><li> -denounces the archbishop, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li><li> -plots against him after his recall, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li> -urges the Emperor to remove Chrysostom from Constantinople, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">D</span>AMASUS contests the see of Rome, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li><li> -Damophilus exiled by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li><li> -Dante, the position assigned in Paradise to Chrysostom by, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.</li><li> -Daphne, grove of, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<ul><li> -description of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li><li> -destruction of its temple, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Deacons, called “Levites of the Christian Church,” <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<ul><li> -duties of, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li><li> -their peculiar office in the early Church, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">444</a></span> -Death, Chrysostom on, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li><li> -Decious, persecution of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li> -Demetrius, bishop of Pessina, Chrysostom’s epistle to, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>-71;<ul><li> -denounces the “Synod of the Oak,” and returns to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li><li> -accompanies the Italian deputation, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</li><li> -dies of harsh treatment when being conveyed to one of the Egyptian oases, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -“De Sacerdotio,” Chrysostom’s, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-46.</li><li> -Diocese, meaning of, <a href="#Page_274">274</a> <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Diodorus, influence of, upon Chrysostom and Theodore, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<ul><li> -founder of a method of Biblical interpretation, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li> -made bishop of Tarsus by Meletius, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li> -attacked by Julian, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li><li> -commentary on the Old and New Testaments, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li><li> -his theology, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>-31;</li><li> -its rationalistic tendency, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li><li> -writings condemned by the Fifth Œcumenical Council, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li><li> -rational system of conducting monasteries, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Diogenes, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li><li> -Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li><li> -Dioscorus, a Nitrian monk, one of the “tall brethren,” <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;<ul><li> -made bishop of Hermopolis by Theophilus, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li> -a victim of the rage of Theophilus, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Dispensations, teaching of the Old and New, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li><li> -Divination, arts of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li> -Domitianus, widows and virgins in the care of, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li><li> -Domninus blinded to the preparations of Maximus, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li><li> -Doxology, Arian form of the, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">E</span>ASTER DAY, vast crowds attend the church on, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li><li> -Easter Eve, a great day for the baptism of converts, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;<ul><li> -the vigil on, interrupted at St. Sophia, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Easter kept according to Jewish calculation, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;<ul><li> -this practice condemned by the Council of Nice, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li><li> -and denounced by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eastern Church, the, acknowledges Meletius as bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li> -the parent of asceticism, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li><li> -the festival of Christmas in, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li><li> -favourable to clerical celibacy, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li> -finds the teaching of Origen congenial, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li><li> -the “Synod of the Oak” a stain upon, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li> -appeals to the Western Church, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li><li> -not famed for missionary enterprise, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</li><li> -desire to maintain communion with the West, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Education in monasteries, Chrysostom urges the advantage of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li><li> -Elpidius, a priest, bribes a slave to assassinate Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li><li> -Elpidius, bishop of Laodicea, friendly to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;<ul><li> -his adroit proposal, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</li><li> -deposed and imprisoned for his attachment to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;</li><li> -the archbishop writes thanking him for his zeal, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;</li><li> -restored to his see by Alexander, bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Elvira, synod of, enjoins celibacy of the clergy, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li><li> -Emperors, fate of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;<ul><li> -half idolatrous homage paid to, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li><li> -custom of attending church in state on Christmas Day, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Epaminondas not allured by ambition, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li><li> -Ephesus, Chrysostom arrives at, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;<ul><li> -election of a bishop to the see of, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li><li> -synod at, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li> -worship of Midas suppressed at, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li><li> -its see occupied by a monster of iniquity, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia and Cyprus, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;<ul><li> -visits Jerusalem, and accepts the hospitality of Bishop John, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li> -preaches against the doctrines of Origen, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li><li> -leaves Jerusalem, and breaks off communion with its bishop, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li> -forcibly ordains Paulinian deacon and priest, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li> -receives an apologetic letter from Theophilus, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li><li> -goes to Constantinople, irregularly ordains a deacon, and refuses the hospitality of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li><li> -his attempt to enter the church and denounce the writings of Origen prevented by Serapion, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li> -his prayers implored by the Empress on her son’s behalf, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li> -interview with Ammon and his brethren, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li><li> -his compunction and departure from Constantinople, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Essenes, the, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li> -Eucharist, congregation neglect the celebration of the, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom censures irreverent conduct at, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li><li> -character of some of its partakers, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eucharistic elements burned at the pillage of the Nitrian monks, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;<ul><li> -profaned by soldiers at St. Sophia, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;<ul><li> -weds Arcadius, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li><li> -baptized and educated in the Christian faith, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s eulogium of, at the removal of the remains of some martyrs, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li><li> -aims at the fall of Eutropius, and makes an ally of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li><li> -contributes to the support of the churches and the relief of the poor, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">445</a></span> -profound jealousy of the power of Eutropius, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li> -relates the minister’s insults to her to Arcadius, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li> -remains mistress of the field after the death of Eutropius, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li><li> -stands unrivalled in the management of the empire, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li><li> -gives birth to a male heir to the throne, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li><li> -proclaimed Empress under the title of Augusta, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li><li> -commands Chrysostom to recall Severian and admit him to communion, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li><li> -becomes the enemy of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li><li> -accosted by the Nitrian monks, and promises that the council they desire shall be convened, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li> -implores the prayers of the monks, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li> -asks the prayers of Epiphanius on her son’s behalf, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li> -terrified by an earthquake, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -sends a humble letter to Chrysostom, entreating him to return, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -her image placed in front of the cathedral, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li><li> -ceremony at its erection denounced by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li><li> -her fierce resentment, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</li><li> -will not listen to the entreaty of the forty bishops, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li> -receives a solemn warning from Paul, bishop of Crateia, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li><li> -her death, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eudoxius, bishop of Germanicia, seizes the see of Antioch, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<ul><li> -made archbishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eugenius’s children pardoned and baptized, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li><li> -Eugraphia, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;<ul><li> -an enemy of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li><li> -her house the rendezvous of the disaffected, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eulysius, bishop of Apamea, accompanies Chrysostom on board the vessel, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;<ul><li> -detained in chains at Bithynia, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -taken to Chalcedon, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -dismissed, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -a fugitive to Rome, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li><li> -accompanies the Italian deputation, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</li><li> -imprisoned in Arabia, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eunomians forbidden by Theodosius to hold meetings, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li><li> -Eunomius, an extreme Arian, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;<ul><li> -founder of the Eunomian or Anomœan sect, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Euphronius, Arian bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li> -Eusebius, a deacon, seeks an interview with Innocent <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li><li> -Eusebius, a Nitrian monk, one of the “tall brethren,” <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;<ul><li> -made presbyter by Theophilus, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, instructed by Lucian, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li><li> -Eusebius, bishop of Valentinopolis, presents grave charges against Antoninus, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;<ul><li> -commits the crime he has denounced, and is reconciled to Antoninus, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li> -postpones the production of witnesses, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li> -departs for Constantinople, and affects illness, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li> -is excommunicated, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li><li> -requests to be readmitted to communion with his brethren, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eusebius, bishop of Vercelli, goes to Antioch to heal the division, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li><li> -Eusebius, of Cæsarea, calls ascetics “earnest persons,” <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;<ul><li> -use of the word “martyry,” <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, deposed by Constantine, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li> -Euthymius, a Nitrian monk, one of the “tall brethren,” <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li><li> -Eutropius, a reader and Johnite, tortured to the death, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li><li> -Eutropius, the chamberlain, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;<ul><li> -frustrates Rufinus’s scheme for marrying his daughter to Arcadius, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -strange career and rise, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li><li> -became the adviser of Arcadius, and virtually his master, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li><li> -tyrannous conduct, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -abolishes the right of asylum in the Church, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -probably suggested Chrysostom’s election, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li><li> -scheme for removing Chrysostom from Antioch, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li> -threatens Theophilus for refusing to assist at Chrysostom’s ordination, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li> -does not find Chrysostom a complaisant servant, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</li><li> -induces the Emperor to make him consul, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li><li> -adulation of the Byzantines at his inauguration, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li> -indignation in the West, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li> -treats the rebellion of Tribigild as a petty insurrection, and offers him a bribe, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li><li> -appoints Leo a commander of the legions, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -his arrogance towards the Empress Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li> -degraded by the Emperor, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li><li> -seeks asylum in the Church, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li><li> -protected by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li><li> -the populace demand his death, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li><li> -his degradation made the subject of a sermon by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>-254;</li><li> -secretly quits the sanctuary, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li> -banished to Cyprus, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li><li> -accused of treason, recalled from Cyprus to Chalcedon, and there beheaded, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Euzoius, an associate of Arius, made bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li> -Evagrius, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;<ul><li> -recognised by Ambrose as bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -sudden death, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Evethius, a priest, companion of Chrysostom in his exile, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;<ul><li> -takes letters to the Italian bishops from Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">446</a></span><br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">F</span>ASHIONABLE follies censured, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>-229.</li><li> -Fasting, Chrysostom on, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>-159.</li><li> -Flaccilla, daughter of Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li><li> -Flacilla, the Empress, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -her humility and gratitude, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li> -influence upon Theodosius, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li> -her death, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Flavian, bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;<ul><li> -elected by the Meletians, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li><li> -accused of perjury, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li><li> -ordains Chrysostom to the priesthood, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s encomium on, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li><li> -besought by the people of Antioch to intercede for them after their rioting, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li> -undertakes the mission of mercy, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom is hopeful of his mission, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li><li> -arrives at Constantinople, and obtains pardon for Antioch, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -returns to Antioch in time for the Easter celebration, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -reception by the people, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -interview with the Emperor, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>-174;</li><li> -removes the remains of some saints, <a href="#Page_181">181</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -rivalry with Evagrius produces strife with Ambrose, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Fravitta, a loyal Goth, defeats Gaïnas in several engagements, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;<ul><li> -pursuit of the enemy, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li> -made consul, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">G</span>AÏNAS returns with Stilicho’s troops, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;<ul><li> -is commanded to compass the death of Rufinus, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li><li> -sympathises with his relative Tribigild, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li> -is retained at Constantinople in command of the city troops, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -despatched, after Leo’s defeat, to confront Tribigild, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -believes the surrender of Eutropius would cause Tribigild to become loyal, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -disdains to be directed by the Empress and her lady advisers, and joins his forces with those of Tribigild, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -menaces Constantinople, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -opens negotiations with the Emperor, and demands the surrender of three court favourites, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -subjects them to insults and a grim practical jest, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -interview with the Emperor, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li><li> -demands to be made consul and commander-in-chief, to which the Emperor yields, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li> -demands the abolition of the law forbidding Arian worship, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li> -is opposed in this by Chrysostom, who debates the question with him, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li> -his rapacity, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li><li> -flight from the city, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li><li> -declared by royal decree a public enemy, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li><li> -takes to a life of plunder, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li> -defeated in several engagements by Fravitta, and a large portion of his army afterwards drowned in crossing the Hellespont, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li> -retreat towards the Danube, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li><li> -final defeat and death, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Gallus Cæsar endeavours to reform the licentiousness of Daphne, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li><li> -Gaudentius, Count, appointed to suppress paganism, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li> -Gelasius, Pope, forbade reading the Acts of the Saints, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li><li> -Gemellus, Chrysostom’s letter to, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li><li> -General Council, Chrysostom is willing to be judged by, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;<ul><li> -demanded by the people of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li><li> -summonses issued, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -counterfeited, and packed with bishops hostile to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</li><li> -desired by Innocent, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</li><li> -suggested by Honorius to be held at Thessalonica, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -George of Laodicea discourses at Antioch, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li><li> -Germanus, a priest, friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;<ul><li> -custodian of the church treasury at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li><li> -goes to Rome, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Gerontius, archbishop of Nicomedia, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;<ul><li> -skill in curing diseases, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li><li> -deposed by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li><li> -accompanies Theophilus to Constantinople to oppose Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Gerontius, a presbyter, anxious to visit Cucusus, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;<ul><li> -persuaded by Chrysostom to go direct to Phœnicia, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Gervasius, the martyr, discovery of the remains of, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li><li> -Gibbon, his character as an historian, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;<ul><li> -his admiration of Chrysostom in exile, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Gluttony censured by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li><li> -God, nature of: Chrysostom on the, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>-112.</li><li> -Godhead, Three Persons of the: Chrysostom on the, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>-112.</li><li> -Goths, the, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<ul><li> -menace the Danubian frontier, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li><li> -hear the Bible read in their own tongue at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li> -revolt under Tribigild, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li> -defeat the army of Leo, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -occupy Constantinople, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li><li> -numbers perish after the flight of Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Gratian, the Emperor of the West, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;<ul><li> -his flight and assassination, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -succeeded by his brother Valentinian, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Grecian legend, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li><li> -Greek theology, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li><li> -Gregories, the two, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li><li> -Gregory of Nazianzus, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;<ul><li> -made archbishop by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -elected to the see of Constantinople when it was</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">447</a></span> -<span style="margin-left: 2em;">a stronghold of Arianism, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</span></li><li> -subdued the Arian opposition, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li><li> -letter on the marriage of Olympias, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li><li> -sends a poem to Olympias on her duties, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li> -qualified admiration of Origen’s teachings, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Gregory of Nyssa, funeral oration of, on Meletius, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li> -preaches the sermon at the baptism of Rufinus, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">H</span>ADRIAN, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li><li> -Heaven and hell, Chrysostom on, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>-36.</li><li> -Helladius, bishop of Heraclea, consecrates Gerontius, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;<ul><li> -a friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Hellebicus, commissioner to Antioch, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<ul><li> -remains at Antioch to keep order, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li> -receives the rescript of pardon for the city, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -received everywhere with ovation, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Heracleides, a deacon, elected to the see of Ephesus, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;<ul><li> -friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li><li> -accusations made against him by Theophilus and his partisans, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -his friends and Chrysostom protest against the illegality of such proceedings, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Heretics, edict of Theodosius against, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li><li> -Hermione, Theodore wishes to marry, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom’s reference to, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li><li> -abandoned by Theodore, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Hermits, intercession of, for the people of Antioch, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom’s joy at their courage, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li><li> -their letter to Theodosius, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Hesychius, bishop of Parium, withdraws from his appointment as delegate to Asia, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li><li> -Hieron, Chrysostom is conveyed to, <a href="#Page_320">320</a> and <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Hilarius introduces Pachomian monasticism into Syria, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li><li> -Hilary of Arles charged with ordaining bishops without the people’s consent, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li><li> -Hippodrome, the, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>-120.</li><li> -Holy Saturday, vast crowds assemble in the churches on, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li><li> -Holy Scripture, Chrysostom’s intimate acquaintance with, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;<ul><li> -Arians do not deny its authority, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li><li> -disputes as to its interpretation, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s occasional defects of interpretation, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Honorius accompanies his father Theodosius to Rome, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;<ul><li> -is sent for to Milan by his father, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -Stilicho appointed his guardian, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -receives a deputation of Romans on the consulship of Eutropius, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li> -gives a favourable reply, and nominates Mallius Theodorus consul, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li><li> -convenes an Italian synod to consider the state of the Church at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</li><li> -suggests to his brother Arcadius a general council to be held at Thessalonica, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Hymn of Pachomian monks, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">I</span>GNATIUS, effect of the death of, in confirming souls, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li><li> -Illyria ravaged by Huns, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li> -Illyrian provinces occupied by Alaric, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li><li> -Infant baptism the ordinary practice of the early Church, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;<ul><li> -popular reasons for delaying, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li><li> -the two Gregories, the great Basil, and Chrysostom contend against its misconceptions, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Innocent <span class="smcap">I.</span>, bishop of Rome, appealed to by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li> -is advised by Theophilus to cease communion with Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li><li> -four bishops bring him Chrysostom’s letter, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li><li> -decisive letter to Theophilus, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li><li> -receives another letter from him, on the minutes of the “Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li> -sends a second letter of reproof to Theophilus, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li> -orders prayers and fasts for the restoration of concord, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li> -letter of condolence to the clergy of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li> -treats the letter of the cabal with disdain, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li><li> -reply to the letter brought by Germanus, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</li><li> -writes to Chrysostom a letter of encouragement and consolation, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</li><li> -intercedes with Honorius for the Church of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</li><li> -remains attached to Chrysostom’s cause, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li><li> -approves of the restoration of Elpidius to his see, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;</li><li> -letter from Chrysostom in exile, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Isaac, a Syrian monk, sent to Antioch to inquire into Chrysostom’s early life, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;<ul><li> -brings a list of charges against the archbishop at the “Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</li><li> -comes to the archbishop with a peremptory message, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Isaurians ravage Syria and Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;<ul><li> -Cucusus, the destination of Chrysostom, subject to attacks from, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</li><li> -ravage the neighbourhood of Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</li><li> -molest the roads round Cucusus, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</li><li> -cause extreme misery to the inhabitants of Cucusus and the neighbourhood, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">448</a></span> -Isidore, abbot of Pelusium, on the discharge of episcopal duties, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li><li> -Isidore, presbyter of Alexandria, a candidate for the see of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;<ul><li> -the depositary of an awkward secret of Theophilus’s, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -carries a petition to Rome, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -despatched to Palestine, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li> -some account of his life, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li> -accepts a charitable trust, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li> -refuses to surrender the money to Theophilus, who charges him with a horrible crime, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li> -is expelled from the priesthood, and flies to the desert of Nitria, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Italian deputation to Arcadius, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;<ul><li> -maltreated, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</li><li> -failure of its mission, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</li><li> -returns home, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Italian synod convened by Honorius, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;<ul><li> -result of its deliberations, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</li><li> -memorialise Arcadius on the restoration of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">J</span>EALOUSY of wives and husbands, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.<ul><li> -Jeremy Taylor quoted, <a href="#Page_393">393</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -as a preacher, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Jerome quoted, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<ul><li> -promotes the advance of monasticism, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -sides with Theodosius, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -three years’ residence at Rome, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -admonition on the worldly hospitality of the clergy, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li> -description of Theophilus of Alexandria, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li> -opinion of Origen’s merits, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li><li> -repudiates Aterbius’s charge of being an Origenist, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li> -sides with Epiphanius, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li> -strife with John of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li> -commendation of Theophilus’s letter on Origenistic errors, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li><li> -styles Chrysostom a parricide, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Jerusalem the only lawful place for Jewish sacrifices, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;<ul><li> -see of, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li> -made a patriarchate, its precedence over Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_289">289</a> <i>note</i>.</li></ul></li><li> -Jews, Chrysostom’s opposition to, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<ul><li> -danger to Christianity, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s method of argument against, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li><li> -homilies against, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>-128;</li><li> -their character and influence at Antioch, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -statutes concerning, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li><li> -ranged on the Arian side in dissensions, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li><li> -scenes at their festivals, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li><li> -increasing influence in Antioch, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s vehemence against, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>-131;</li><li> -their sacrifices, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -the four Captivities foretold, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -revolts under Hadrian and Constantine, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -jeer at the tumult at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -John, archdeacon of Constantinople, cherishes malice against Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;<ul><li> -brings a list of charges against him at the “Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -John, bishop of Jerusalem, an admirer of Origen, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;<ul><li> -indignation at the accusation of Aterbius, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li> -his pride wounded, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li><li> -preaches against the Anthropomorphites, and on the Christian verities, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li><li> -places the monasteries of Bethlehem under an interdict, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li><li> -strife with Jerome, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -John, Count, appointed Comptroller of the Royal Treasury, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;<ul><li> -his surrender demanded by Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;</li><li> -insulted by Gaïnas, and afterwards delivered up, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -John, hermit of the Thebaid, consulted by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li><li> -Johnites, followers of Chrysostom, prisons filled with, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;<ul><li> -persecuted by Arsacius and Optatus, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Jovinus, Count, commissioned to suppress paganism, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li> -Judaising Christians, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>-130.</li><li> -Julian, Emperor: his efforts to resuscitate paganism, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li> -friend of Libanius, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li><li> -recalls all the exiled prelates, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li> -consulted the oracle of Apollo at Daphne, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li> -attempt to rebuild the Temple frustrated, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li><li> -beheaded two soldiers for being Christians, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Jupiter, destruction of the temple of, at Apamea, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li> -Justina, the queen-mother, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;<ul><li> -her flight to Thessalonica, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Justinian, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">K</span>EBLE, Rev. John, quoted, <a href="#Page_275">275</a> <i>note</i>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">L</span>AODICEA made the capital of Syria, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li><li> -“Laura,” a, or street, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li> -Law, the profession of, the avenue to distinction, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li><li> -Lent, how to keep, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>-159.</li><li> -Leo appointed to the command of the troops sent against Tribigild, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<ul><li> -crosses the Bosporus and pursues the enemy to Pamphylia, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -want of discipline in his army, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -his camp attacked by night, the troops fleeing in disorder, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -is drowned in mud, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Leontius, the eunuch, Arian bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<ul><li> -tries to conciliate the Catholics, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li><li> -instructed by Lucian, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">449</a></span> -Leontius, bishop of Ancyra, a leader of Chrysostom’s enemies, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;<ul><li> -utters a palpable lie, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom escapes him when journeying into exile, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -“Let us pray,” in our Liturgy, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li><li> -Letters to Olympius, remarks on the, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li><li> -Libanius the sophist, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;<ul><li> -an eloquent defender of paganism, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li><li> -his lectures attended by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li><li> -an opponent of Christianity on principle, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li><li> -elegy over the shrine of Apollo, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li><li> -apology for paganism, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li> -attachment to antiquity, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li> -invective against the monks, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li><li> -regrets the destruction of the Pagan temples, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li><li> -before the commissioners at Antioch, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li><li> -orations in honour of Theodosius and the commissioners, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -“Love-feast,” <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li><li> -Lucian, bishop of Antioch, held doctrines afterwards called Arian, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;<ul><li> -presbyter of Antioch, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li><li> -teacher of Eusebius, Leontius, and probably Arius, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li><li> -suffered martyrdom, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Lucifer of Cagliari at Antioch, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<ul><li> -consecrates Paulinus bishop, and increases the confusion, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Lucius directed by Anthemius to implore the people to return to the churches, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<ul><li> -harangues the congregation, but with no effect, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li> -is bribed by Acacius, and commits scenes of violence at the Baths, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li><li> -waiting with troops to compel Chrysostom’s departure, if need be, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">M</span>ACEDONIANS forbidden by Theodosius to hold assemblies, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li><li> -Macedonius, archbishop of Constantinople, deposed, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li><li> -Macedonius the hermit, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;<ul><li> -his appeal for the people of Antioch, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Magical arts, decree of Valens against the practisers of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li><li> -Mallius Theodorus nominated consul by Honorius, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li><li> -Manes, error of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li><li> -Manichæans, the, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<ul><li> -celibacy of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li><li> -their danger to Christianity, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li><li> -forbidden to hold assemblies, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Marcellina, the example of, converted many women to celibacy, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li><li> -Marcellus, bishop, killed, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li><li> -Marcia, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;<ul><li> -an enemy of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Marcion, error of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li><li> -Marcionites, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;<ul><li> -their danger to Christianity, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Mariamna, Chrysostom arrives at, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li><li> -Marriage, Chrysostom on, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;<ul><li> -how arranged, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li><li> -its trials and troubles, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>-100.</li></ul></li><li> -Martin, St., bishop of Tours, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;<ul><li> -founder of religious houses, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -followed to his grave by two thousand brethren, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Martyries, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;<ul><li> -trading near, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li><li> -visited by Arcadius and Eudoxia at Easter-tide, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Martyrs, appeal for assistance to, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;<ul><li> -churches built to commemorate their death, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li><li> -their numerous festivals, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s homilies on, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>-183;</li><li> -St. Augustine on the honour to be paid to them, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li><li> -increasing veneration to them in the Church, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -discovery of skeletons, and cures effected, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -procession conducted by Chrysostom and the Empress, on the removal of some reliques, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Maruthas, bishop of Martyropolis, in Persia, an active missionary, <a href="#Page_375">375</a> and <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Maruthas, bishop of Mesopotamia, accidentally causes the death of Cyrinus, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li><li> -Maximian, persecution of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li><li> -Maximin, persecution of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li> -Maximus, bishop of Seleucia, adopts a secluded life, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li><li> -Maximus the usurper’s progress arrested by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;<ul><li> -his disloyalty, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li><li> -passage of the Alps, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li> -defeated by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li> -beheaded, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Meletius, bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;<ul><li> -translated from Sebaste in Armenia to Antioch, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li><li> -preaches by command of Constantius on the text, “The Lord possessed me,” <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li> -dissents from the Arians, and is banished to Melitene, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li><li> -recalled by Julian, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li><li> -banished again in <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 367, and afterwards by the Emperor Valens, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li><li> -returns after the death of Valens (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 378), <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -presided over the Council of Constantinople (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 381), <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -died during its session, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -his funeral oration, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -one of his last acts, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s encomium, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li><li> -invocation to, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Milan, astonishment of the people of, at Theodosius’s act of treachery, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li><li> -Milman, Dean, quoted, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li><li> -Moduarius, a deacon, a messenger to Chrysostom in exile, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.<br /> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">450</a></span><br /> -Monasteries of Bethlehem placed under an interdict by John of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li><li> -Monasteries, tranquillity of, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;<ul><li> -education at, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Monasticism, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;<ul><li> -rise of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li><li> -rule of Pachomius, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li><li> -introduced into Syria by Hilarion, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li><li> -promoted in the West by St. Jerome, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -Eastern and Western, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>-66;</li><li> -St. Chrysostom’s admiration for, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li><li> -contemplative form of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li><li> -enemies of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li><li> -its necessity, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li><li> -called “the true philosophy,” <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Monica, the mother of St. Augustine, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li><li> -Monk, calm life of the, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;<ul><li> -powerful influence of the, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Monks, custom of reading aloud during dinner, <a href="#Page_63">63</a> <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -interfere in political contests, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li><li> -Eastern and Western monks, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li><li> -daily life, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li><li> -reception of the Eucharist, <a href="#Page_66">66</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -persecution of, by Valens, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li><li> -exempt from love, avarice, etc., <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li> -fanatical fury, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li> -Libanius’s invective against, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Monks of Nitria, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;<ul><li> -the “tall brethren,” persecuted by Theophilus, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>-297;</li><li> -they fly to Palestine, and find a new home at Scythopolis, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li> -the malice of their persecutor follows them here, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li> -they embark for Constantinople, and reach that city fifty in number, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li> -they appeal to Chrysostom, who receives them with kindness, but acts cautiously, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li><li> -resolve to appeal to the civil powers, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li><li> -draw up documents of charges against Theophilus and their accusers, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li> -accost the Empress, who promises the council they desire shall be called, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li> -interview with Epiphanius, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li><li> -Theophilus reconciled with “the tall brethren,” <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Monks, Pachomian, number of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<ul><li> -period of probation, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li><li> -dress and habits, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li><li> -division into classes, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">N</span>EBRIDIUS, prefect of Constantinople, husband of Olympias, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<ul><li> -his death two years after marriage, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Nebridius, husband of Salvina, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li><li> -Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<ul><li> -his subservience to the Emperor, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li><li> -had desired to make Arsacius bishop of Tarsus, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Neocæsarea, Council of (about <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 320), <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li><li> -Nestorius consecrated a bishop when a layman, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li><li> -New Year’s Day a riotous festival, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li><li> -Nice, Council of (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 325), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<ul><li> -the custom of keeping Easter according to Jewish calculation condemned, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li><li> -proposal of clerical celibacy defeated by Paphnutius, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -prohibition as to unmarried clergy living with women other than mother, sister, or aunt, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li><li> -canons of, on ecclesiastical affairs being judged in their own province, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Nicolaus, a priest, supplies money and men to the Phœnician mission, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li><li> -Nilus, an anchorite, addresses letters of warning to Arcadius, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li><li> -Novatians, pretension of the, to purity of doctrine and life, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;<ul><li> -refuse readmission of penitents, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li><li> -incur Chrysostom’s indignation, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">O</span>ATHS, the taking of, excites Chrysostom’s indignation, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li><li> -Œcumenical Council, the Fifth (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 553), <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li><li> -Olympias, the deaconess, friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<ul><li> -early life, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li><li> -married to Nebridius, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li><li> -death of her husband, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li> -devotes herself to the interests of the Church, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li><li> -attends to the wants of the Nitrian monks, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s farewell to, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</li><li> -accused of incendiarism, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li> -conduct before Optatus, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li> -refuses communion with Arsacius, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li> -is fined, and retires to Cyzicus, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</li><li> -intercedes for Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</li><li> -the archbishop’s letters to her from Cucusus, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>-373.</li></ul></li><li> -Olympic games instituted by Commodus at Antioch, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li><li> -Optatus, a Pagan, succeeds Studius as prefect at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;<ul><li> -persecutes Chrysostom’s followers, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</li><li> -fines Olympias, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Origen, allegorical interpretations of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;<ul><li> -his voluminous writings, and the controversy upon his teachings, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>-288;</li><li> -the Egyptian Church proud of him, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Orontes, the, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li><li> -Ostrogoths, a colony of, established in Phrygia and Lydia, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">P</span>ACHOMIUS, the Benedict of the East, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;<ul><li> -his practice of asceticism, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">451</a></span> -his rule acknowledged by three thousand monks during his lifetime, and fifty thousand after his death, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Pagan temples, edict for the destruction of, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li><li> -Paganism, Chrysostom’s method of argument and homily against, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>-124;<ul><li> -Theodosius’s laws against, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li> -its hold upon the people, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li><li> -its apologists, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li> -prevalent in Phœnicia, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li><li> -not extirpated in the fifth century, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Pagans, conversion of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li><li> -Palladius, bishop of Hellenopolis, visits the Egyptian monasteries, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;<ul><li> -his narrative of events, <a href="#Page_265">265</a> and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -a delegate on the affair of Antoninus, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li><li> -joins Chrysostom at Bithynia, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li><li> -on Chrysostom’s consistency, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li><li> -account of Chrysostom and his bishops before being summoned to “the Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_309">309</a>-311;</li><li> -description of Arsacius, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li><li> -a fugitive to Rome, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li><li> -accompanies the Italian deputation, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</li><li> -imprisoned near Ethiopia, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</li><li> -description of Constantius the priest, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Pamphylia, Tribigild awaits Leo at, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li><li> -Pansophius, bishop of Pissida, desired to “offer the gifts,” <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li><li> -Pansophius elected to the see of Nicomedia, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li><li> -Paphnutius, an Egyptian monk, defeats the proposal of clerical celibacy at the Council of Nice, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li><li> -Parents, worldliness of, reproved by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li><li> -Paschal letter, the, <a href="#Page_288">288</a> <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Paternus, an emissary from the cabal to Innocent, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li><li> -Patriarch, the title, <a href="#Page_216">216</a> and <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Patricius, the notary, conveys to Chrysostom the mandate of his deposition, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li><li> -Paul, bishop of Crateia, solemnly warns Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li><li> -Paul, bishop of Heraclea, deputed to conciliate Eusebius, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;<ul><li> -joins Chrysostom at Bithynia, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Paul, bishop of Tibur, interrupted while consecrating Ursicinus, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li><li> -Paul of Samosata deposed from the see of Antioch, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;<ul><li> -his Sabellian doctrines, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li><li> -originally a sophist, and unfitted to build up a system, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Paul the Anchorite retires to the Egyptian Thebaid during the persecution of Decius, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li><li> -Paulinian forcibly ordained deacon and priest by Epiphanius, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li><li> -Paulinus consecrated bishop by Lucifer of Cagliari, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li> -recognised by Ambrose as bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Peanius praised for his loyal zeal, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li><li> -Peasant clergy, Chrysostom’s praise of, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;<ul><li> -simplicity of their wives, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Pempton, congregation at, dispersed, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li><li> -Pentadia, wife of Timasius, friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<ul><li> -the archbishop’s farewell to, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li> -imprisoned, and charged with incendiarism, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li><li> -protests her innocence and silences her enemies, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</li><li> -is persuaded by Chrysostom to remain at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Persecution intensifies attachment to the Church, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li><li> -Peter, a priest, the bearer of a letter from Theophilus to Innocent, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li><li> -Pharetrius, bishop of Cæsarea, does not greet Chrysostom on his journey, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;<ul><li> -his envy of the exile, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</li><li> -menaces Seleucia, at whose house Chrysostom is lodged, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Philippopolis, Arian Council of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li><li> -“Philosophers” of Antioch, cowardice of, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;<ul><li> -peasant clergy more than a match for, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Phœnicia, mission in, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>-382;<ul><li> -Pagan resistance to the mission, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Phrygia overrun by Tribigild, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li><li> -Pityus, on the Euxine, Chrysostom to be removed to, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li><li> -Placidia, sister of Honorius, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li><li> -Plato, dialogues of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;<ul><li> -compared with Dionysius the Tyrant, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li> -Chrysostom on the teaching of, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Polycarp, bishop, removal of his remains, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li><li> -Porphyry, a priest, procures the banishment of Constantius, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;<ul><li> -imprisons some of the clergy of Antioch, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li><li> -enters the church, and with closed doors is hurriedly ordained bishop of Antioch by Acacius, Severian, and Antiochus, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li><li> -is threatened by the populace, and protected by troops, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Porphyry, bishop of Gaza, urges the destruction of Pagan temples, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li><li> -Preaching, Chrysostom’s remarks on, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li><li> -Priesthood, the, Chrysostom’s books on, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-55;<ul><li> -probable date of writing, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li><li> -age at which eligible for, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Priestly office, dignity, difficulty, and danger of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>-45;<ul><li> -qualifications for, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Priscillianists, the, ruthlessly persecuted, by Maximus, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li><li> -Prisoners, custom of releasing, <a href="#Page_172">172</a> and <i>note</i>.</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">452</a></span> -Procla, Chrysostom’s farewell to, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li><li> -Proclus, friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;<ul><li> -elevated to the see of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li><li> -gains the consent of the Emperor to transport Chrysostom’s remains to the city, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Procopius, uncle and guardian of Olympias, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li><li> -Promotus assassinated by order of Rufinus, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li><li> -Property holders, duties of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li><li> -Protasius, discovery of the reliques of, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li><li> -Ptolemy Philadelphus deposits the Septuagint in the temple of Serapis, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li><li> -Pulcheria, daughter of Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li><li> -Pusey, Dr., quoted, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">R</span>AVENNA, Honorius at, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;<ul><li> -court of, not powerful enough to enforce the convocation of a general council, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Reader in the Church, office of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;<ul><li> -ceremony of ordination to, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Reliques, importance attached to, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li><li> -Remigius of Rheims made bishop at the age of twenty-two, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li><li> -Repentance, Chrysostom on, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li><li> -Rhadagaisus covets Rome, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li><li> -Right of asylum in the Church abolished by Eutropius, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;<ul><li> -transferred from Pagan temples, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li> -sought by Eutropius, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li><li> -maintained by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Rimini, the creed of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li><li> -Roman Catholic countries, abuse of saints’ days in, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li><li> -Rome, bishop of, growing tendency of Christendom to appeal to, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li> -no jealousy entertained by Chrysostom of him, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Rome, contest for the see of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<ul><li> -persecutions at, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li><li> -St. Jerome at, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -division into districts, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li><li> -love of the people for chariot-races, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li><li> -triumphal entry of Theodosius, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -its mixed population, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -deputation of the inhabitants to Stilicho and Honorius against the consulship of Eutropius, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li> -arrival of fugitives from Constantinople, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</li><li> -efforts of Alaric to conquer, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Rufinus, a presbyter, sent to Phœnicia to restore peace, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom’s letter to, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Rufinus, minister of Theodosius, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;<ul><li> -his view of the sedition at Thessalonica, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -endeavours to console Theodosius, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li> -seeks an interview with Ambrose, but is repulsed, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li> -appointed guardian to Arcadius, and regent of the East, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -some account of his life, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li><li> -his “accursed thirst” for gain, and his extortions, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -display of piety, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -builds a monastery and church at “the Oak,” and is baptized therein, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -surrounds himself with a powerful party, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li><li> -jealousy of Stilicho, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -scheme to marry his daughter to Arcadius frustrated, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -villanous plot of overrunning the country with Huns, Goths, etc., <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -his death just when he had attained the height of his ambition, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Rufinus, monk of Aquileia, a warm admirer of Origen, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;<ul><li> -is accused of being an Origenist by Aterbius, and refuses to defend himself, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li><li> -sides with Bishop John of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">S</span>ABELLIANS, the, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;<ul><li> -their danger to Christianity, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Sabiniana, the deaconess, follows Chrysostom into exile, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li><li> -Saints’ days, abuse of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li><li> -Saints, the Old Testament, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;<ul><li> -growth of devotion to, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li><li> -appeal for assistance to, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li><li> -their festivals grow numerous, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -special days of commemoration, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -character of the festivals, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -their Acts or Passions, <a href="#Page_178">178</a> and <i>note</i>;</li><li> -Chrysostom’s belief in their intercessory power, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li><li> -feeling in the Church in regard to their invocation, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li><li> -popular faith in the miraculous power of their remains, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -pilgrimages to their tombs, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li><li> -relics removed by Flavian, <a href="#Page_181">181</a> <i>note</i>.</li></ul></li><li> -Salustius, a priest, rebuked by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li><li> -Salvina, daughter of Gildo, friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;<ul><li> -the archbishop’s farewell to, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Saracens, the nomadic, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li><li> -Sardica, Council of (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 342), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<ul><li> -(<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 343, 344), <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li><li> -repudiates the Twelfth Canon of the Council of Antioch, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Saturninus, husband of Castricia: his surrender demanded by Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<ul><li> -insulted by Gaïnas, and afterwards delivered up, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Savile, Sir Henry: his edition of Chrysostom’s works, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li><li> -Savonarola, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;<ul><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">453</a></span> -character of the people preached to by, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li><li> -compared with Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Schism of Antioch, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li><li> -Secundus, father of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<ul><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Seleucia lodges Chrysostom at her house, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;<ul><li> -is threatened by Pharetrius, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Seleucus, Count, father of Olympias, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li><li> -Septuagint, the, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li><li> -Serapion, archdeacon, encourages Chrysostom in his severity towards the clergy, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;<ul><li> -his dislike of and discourtesy to Severian, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li> -remains Chrysostom’s friend, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li><li> -exclamation on the teaching of Theophilus, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li><li> -summoned before the “Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li><li> -now bishop of Heraclea, scourged and exiled, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</li><li> -seeks shelter with Gothic monks, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Serapis, the temple of, Septuagint deposited at, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<ul><li> -silver image of, at Alexandria, destroyed, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Serena, wife of Stilicho, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li><li> -Severian, bishop of Gabala, deputed to act for Chrysostom during his absence, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;<ul><li> -endeavours to undermine the archbishop’s influence, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</li><li> -his efforts to win admiration, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li> -irritation with Serapion’s discourtesy, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li><li> -expelled from Constantinople by Chrysostom, but recalled by command of Eudoxia, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li><li> -becomes a leader of the faction hostile to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li><li> -extols the deposition of the patriarch, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -again plotting against him after his recall, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li><li> -urges the Emperor to remove Chrysostom from the city, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li><li> -assists in secretly ordaining Porphyry, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Severus, Emperor Alexander: his admiration of the mode of electing bishops, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li><li> -Shakespeare quoted, <a href="#Page_95">95</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Sicinnius, the Novatian bishop, writes against Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;<ul><li> -admired by Socrates, <a href="#Page_235">235</a> <i>note</i>.</li></ul></li><li> -Silk, the use of, <a href="#Page_227">227</a> and <i>note</i>.</li><li> -Simeon Stylites on his pillar, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<ul><li> -a caricature of the anchorite, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Siricius, Pope, decree of, on celibacy of the clergy, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li><li> -Socrates, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;<ul><li> -invited by Archelaus to court, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li><li> -resists the allurements of ambition, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Socrates, historian, terms dedicatory churches “martyries,” <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;<ul><li> -says the treatises of Chrysostom on “spiritual sisters” were composed during his diaconate, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li><li> -account of the pursuit of Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li> -stories of Maruthas, <a href="#Page_375">375</a> <i>note</i>.</li></ul></li><li> -Sozomen on the dress of Pachomian monks, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;<ul><li> -on their industries, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li><li> -his account of the pursuit of Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Spiritual agency, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>-84.</li><li> -“Spiritual sisters” of priests, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li><li> -Stagirius, excessive austerities of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<ul><li> -their effect, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li><li> -consoled by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Stanley, Dean, quoted, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li><li> -Stelechius, Chrysostom’s book addressed to, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li><li> -Stephen, bishop of Antioch, president of the Arian Council of Philippopolis, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<ul><li> -deposed by the Emperor Constantius, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Stilicho, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;<ul><li> -Theodosius commends to him Honorius and the West, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -likened by Claudian to Scipio, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -Honorius betrothed to his daughter, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li><li> -advances against Alaric, but is prevented from attacking him by a message from Constantinople, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -sends back his troops under Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li><li> -again hastens to attack Alaric, but hears that he is commander-in-chief of the forces of the East, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li><li> -receives a deputation of Romans on the consulship of Eutropius, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li><li> -rumours of his march to the East, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -efforts to restrain Alaric and Rhadagaisus, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Strabo’s description of Daphne, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li><li> -Superstitions, description of, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;<ul><li> -rebuked by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Swearing, admonition against, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li><li> -Symmachus, his apology for paganism, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;<ul><li> -eloquent appeal for the retention of the statue of Victory, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li><li> -his character, <a href="#Page_145">145</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -Ambrose’s reply to his appeal, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li><li> -obtains a professorial chair for St. Augustine, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li><li> -cordially received by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Syncletius, bishop of Trajanopolis, a delegate on the affair of Antoninus, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li><li> -“Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;<ul><li> -Chrysostom summoned to the, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li> -not an Œcumenical Council, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li> -its display of formalities, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li><li> -the archbishop refuses to attend, and is deposed, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li> -its sentence ratified by the Emperor, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li><li> -its proceedings declared illegal, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Syria: Antioch degraded, and Laodicea made its capital, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<ul><li> -Theophilus travels through, bringing disaffected bishops to Constantinople, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li><li> -overrun by Isaurians, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Syrus, an old ascetic, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">454</a></span> - -<span class="dropcap">“T</span>ALL brethren” persecuted by Theophilus, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;<ul><li> -their dwellings pillaged, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li><li> -fly to Palestine, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li> -thence to Constantinople, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li> -Theophilus is reconciled to them, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Temple, the only lawful place to offer sacrifices, <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -Julian commands its restoration, <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -failure to rebuild, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Tertullian, saying of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li><li> -Thalia, the, of Arius, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li><li> -Thebaid, the Egyptian, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;<ul><li> -Pachomius, a native of the, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Theodore, bishop of Mopsuestia, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<ul><li> -joins an ascetic brotherhood, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li><li> -returns to a worldly life, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li><li> -letters of lamentation from Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-39;</li><li> -returns again to the brotherhood, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li><li> -made bishop of Mopsuestia (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 394), <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li><li> -his character, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Theodore of Tyana, friendly to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;<ul><li> -quits Constantinople on seeing the unfair construction of the council, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Theodoret’s story of the meeting of Gaïnas and Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;<ul><li> -on the jurisdiction of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li><li> -on idolatry in Phœnicia, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Theodoras executed, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li><li> -Theodosia, sister of Amphilocius, and instructress of Olympias, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li><li> -Theodosius <span class="smcap">I.</span>, on amicable terms with Libanius, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;<ul><li> -his defeats of the Goths, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li><li> -deservedly called “The Great,” <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li><li> -his services against Scots and Saxons, Moors and Goths, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li><li> -disgraced, and retires to Spain, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li><li> -recalled, and made Emperor, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li><li> -his character, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li><li> -military achievements, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -a Christian, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -efforts to establish a uniform type of religion, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -his baptism, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -solemn declaration of faith, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -makes Gregory of Nazianzus bishop, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -project for a general council, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -edict against heretics, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li><li> -forbids the practice of divination, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li> -laws against Pagans, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li><li> -his impartiality, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li> -his wife Flacilla, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li> -choleric temper, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li><li> -pardons Antioch after the tumult, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</li><li> -interview with Flavian, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>-174;</li><li> -victory over Maximus, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li> -generosity to his enemies, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li> -commands the bishop of Callinicum to rebuild the Jewish synagogue, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li> -remonstrance of Ambrose, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li><li> -the order annulled, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -triumphal entry into Rome, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -two popular enactments, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -abstains from interfering in religious debates, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li><li> -resentment at the sedition of Thessalonica, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -barbarous act of ferocity, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -confronted by Ambrose, and refused admittance to the cathedral, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li><li> -exhorted to deep repentance, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li><li> -his penance, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -forbidden to sit with the clergy during the celebration, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li><li> -collects a huge force, and solicits the favour of heaven, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -arrives near the scene of his former victory, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -assaults Arbogastes, but is repulsed, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -his vision, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -rallies his army, and completely defeats the enemy, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -received at Milan with transports of joy, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -free pardon granted to the Milanese who had revolted, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -his health gives way, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -receives the Eucharist at the hands of Ambrose, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -beseeches the Western bishops to acknowledge Flavian, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li><li> -implores the Pagan Roman senators to become Christians, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -last appearances in public, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -his death, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li><li> -his law on the right of asylum, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li><li> -conduct towards Olympias, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Theodosius <span class="smcap">II.</span>, attacked by an alarming illness, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;<ul><li> -suppresses the Pagan homage paid to Emperors, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li><li> -consents to Chrysostom’s reliques being brought to Constantinople, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li><li> -implores forgiveness for his parents’ wrongs to the saint, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Theodosius the elder, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;<ul><li> -executed at Carthage, <a href="#Page_139">139</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -his statue destroyed by the mob at Antioch, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Theophilus, a priest, rebuked by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li><li> -Theophilus, archbishop of Alexandria, appointed arbitrator between Flavian and Evagrius, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<ul><li> -pushes the claims of Isidore for the see of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li><li> -refuses to take part in Chrysostom’s ordination until threatened by Eutropius, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li><li> -his opposition is silenced, and he assists in the consecration, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li><li> -joins Chrysostom in urging the recognition of Flavian, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li><li> -behaviour to Olympias, <a href="#Page_282">282</a> <i>note</i>;</li><li> -becomes the chief of Chrysostom’s foes, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li> -his character, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li><li> -earnest defender of the teaching of Origen, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li><li> -made arbitrator between Jerome and John of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li> -his letter intended for John is delivered to Vinctius, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li><li> -changes sides, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li><li> -brings a horrible charge against Isidore, who is ejected from the ministry, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li><li> -persecutes the “tall brethren,” <a href="#Page_294">294</a>-297;</li><li> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">455</a></span> -his malice follows the Nitrian monks to Palestine, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li><li> -schemes for the overthrow of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li><li> -apologetic letter to Epiphanius, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li><li> -writes a sharp complaint to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li><li> -summoned to Constantinople to defend his conduct towards the Nitrian monks, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li><li> -arrival at the city with twenty-eight bishops, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li><li> -declines the hospitality of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li><li> -resides at Pera, in a house of the Emperor’s, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li><li> -refuses all communication with the archbishop, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li><li> -his house the resort of the disaffected, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li><li> -bribes to the city, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li><li> -draws up a list of accusations against Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li> -holds a synod at “the Oak,” and summons the archbishop to appear, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li><li> -after his object is attained, is reconciled to the “tall brethren,” <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li><li> -arrives at Constantinople with a large retinue, and restores the worthless clergy, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li><li> -remains in the city after the recall of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -his flight when summonses were issued for a general council, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -excuses himself from attending the council, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li><li> -invited by Chrysostom’s enemies again to visit Constantinople, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</li><li> -declines, and sends three “pitiful bishops,” <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</li><li> -his letter to Pope Innocent received with displeasure, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</li><li> -reproved by Innocent, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Theotecnus brings to Innocent a letter from twenty-five bishops, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li><li> -Theotimus, a Goth, bishop of Tomis, at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;<ul><li> -a determined opponent of Epiphanius, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li><li> -called by the Huns “the god of the Christians,” <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li><li> -denounces the unseemly condemnation of the works of Origen, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Therapeutæ, the, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li><li> -Therasius: Chrysostom addresses a letter to the widow of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li><li> -Thermopylæ, pass of, violated by Alaric, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li><li> -Thessalonica, sedition at, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<ul><li> -its Christian population, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -failure of the mission of Ambrose to obtain clemency, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li><li> -barbarous massacre of 7000 inhabitants, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Thrace, Flacilla dies at, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<ul><li> -overrun by Alaric, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li><li> -ravaged by Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li><li> -ravaged by Huns, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Tiberias, Patriarch of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li><li> -Tiberius restricted the right of asylum, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li><li> -Tigrius summoned before the “Synod of the Oak,” <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;<ul><li> -scourged, and put on the rack, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</li><li> -survives, and is banished to Mesopotamia, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Tillemont’s opinion of Theodore, <a href="#Page_39">39</a> <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -floating synod at Constantinople, <a href="#Page_266">266</a> <i>note</i>.</li></ul></li><li> -Tomis, a market of Goths and Huns, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li><li> -Tradition, Chrysostom’s arguments not based on, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li><li> -Trajan, Antioch nearly destroyed in the reign of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li><li> -Tranquillus, a friend of Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li><li> -Tribigild, the Ostrogoth, solicits promotion for himself and more pay for his soldiers, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;<ul><li> -his suit coldly dismissed by the Emperor’s minister, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li><li> -returns home, and resolves to cast off allegiance to the empire, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li><li> -overruns Phrygia, and captures some fortified towns, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li><li> -refuses to treat with Eutropius, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -his army retreats to Pamphylia, where he awaits Leo, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li><li> -swoops down upon his prey at night, scattering Leo’s army, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li><li> -his forces joined with those of Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Trinity Sunday, <a href="#Page_178">178</a> <i>note</i>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">U</span>LDES, or Uldin, pursues Gaïnas and kills him, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li><li> -Ulphilas, preaching of, to the Goths, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li><li> -Unilas, a Gothic bishop, appointed by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;<ul><li> -dies after a short but active career, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Ursicinus, consecration of, by Paul, bishop of Tibur, violently stopped by Damasus, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">V</span>ALENS, the Emperor, on amicable terms with Libanius, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;<ul><li> -favoured the Arians, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li><li> -expelled bishop Meletius, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li><li> -his decree against the practisers of magic, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li><li> -persecution of the monks, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>-75;</li><li> -destruction by the Goths, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li> -forbids the sacrifice of animals, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Valentinian, his decree against magicians, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<ul><li> -his fate, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li><li> -territory secured to him by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li><li> -forbids the sacrifice of animals, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Valentinian <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;<ul><li> -flight to Thessalonica, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li><li> -accompanies Theodosius to Rome, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li><li> -in possession of his dominions, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li><li> -treachery of his general of the forces, Arbogastes, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li><li> -found strangled, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Valentinians, a church of, set fire to by fanatics, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.<br /> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">456</a></span><br /> -Valentinus, error of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li><li> -Valentinus, entreated to benevolence by Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li><li> -Venerius, bishop of Milan, Chrysostom’s letter to, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<ul><li> -sends a letter by the Italian deputation, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Vincentius, presbyter and friend of Jerome, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li><li> -Victor Uticensis, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li><li> -Victory, news of, proclaimed gratuitously by Theodosius, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li><li> -Visigoths, a colony of, established in Thrace, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.<br /><br /></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">W</span>EALTH, Chrysostom on, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li><li> -Wesley, John, at Oxford, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<ul><li> -as a preacher, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Western Church, the, acknowledges Paulinus as bishop of Antioch, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<ul><li> -favourable to clerical celibacy, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li><li> -does not fully accept Origen’s teachings, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li><li> -appealed to by the Eastern Church, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li><li> -not able to insist on justice to Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</li><li> -breaks off communion with Theophilus and Atticus, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li><li> -demands the convocation of a general council, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</li></ul></li><li> -Western theology, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li><li> -Westminster, sanctuary of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li><li> -Women, influence of, on early Christianity, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<ul><li> -they baffle Julian and Governor Alexander at Antioch, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li> -Libanius’s letter on, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li><li> -interference in the election of bishops, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li><li> -multitudes take vows of celibacy, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li><li> -degraded position in the East, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.<br /><br /></li></ul></li><li> - -<span class="dropcap">Z</span>OSIMUS, <a href="#Page_153">153</a> <i>note</i>;<ul><li> -account of the pursuit of Gaïnas, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li></ul></li> -</ul> - -<hr /> -<p class="center">Edinburgh University Press:<br /> - -THOMAS AND ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE, PRINTERS TO HER MAJESTY.</p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Saint John Chrysostom, his Life and -Times, by W. 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