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padding-top: 0;} - - p { - margin-top: .5em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .25em; - } - - - .fright {float: right; text-align: right; padding-left: 2em;} - - .sidenote { - float: left; - clear: none; - font-weight: bold; - max-width: 20%; - } -} - -@media handheld -{ - body {margin: 0;} - - hr { - margin-top: .1em; - margin-bottom: .1em; - visibility: hidden; - color: white; - width: .01em; - display: none; - } - - blockquote {margin: 1.5em 3% 1.5em 3%;} - - .poem-container {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%;} - .poem {display: block;} - .poem .stanza {page-break-inside: avoid;} - - .transnote { - page-break-inside: avoid; - margin-left: 2%; - margin-right: 2%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - padding: .5em; - } - - .covernote {visibility: visible; display: block; text-align: center;} -} - </style> - </head> - -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of A General View of Positivism, by Auguste Comte - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: A General View of Positivism - Or, Summary exposition of the System of Thought and Life - -Author: Auguste Comte - -Commentator: Frederic Harrison - -Translator: J. H. Bridges - -Release Date: December 24, 2016 [EBook #53799] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A GENERAL VIEW OF POSITIVISM *** - - - - -Produced by Josep Cols Canals, Charlie Howard, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="transnote covernote"> -<p class="center">Transcriber’s Note: Cover created by Transcriber and placed in the Public Domain.</p> -</div> - -<p class="newpage p2 in0 bold larger">The New Universal Library</p> - -<h1 class="nobreak p4 vspace wspace">A GENERAL VIEW OF<br /> -POSITIVISM</h1> - -<hr /> - -<p class="newpage p4 center vspace wspace xxlarge bold"> -A GENERAL VIEW<br /> -OF POSITIVISM</p> - -<p class="p2 center wspace larger">Translated from the French of<br /> -<span class="larger">AUGUSTE COMTE</span><br /> -<br /> -By J. H. BRIDGES, M.B.<br /> -<i>Late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford</i></p> - -<p class="p2 center larger">A New Edition, with an Introduction (1908), by<br /> -<span class="larger">FREDERIC HARRISON</span><br /> -<br /> -And the Additional Notes in the last French<br /> -Edition (Paris, 1907)</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 92px;"> -<img src="images/i_tp.jpg" width="92" height="126" class="p2" alt="Printer's logo" /> -</div> - -<p class="p2 center vspace wspace larger"> -LONDON<br /> -GEORGE ROUTLEDGE & SONS LIMITED<br /> -<span class="smaller"><span class="smcap">New York</span>: E. P. DUTTON & CO.</span> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="newpage p4 center"><i>Published by the kind consent of Mrs. Bridges and -the Positivist Committee, to whom the copyright of this -translation belongs.</i></p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="newpage p4 center vspace wspace xlarge bold"> -Republic of the West<br /> -Order and Progress</p> - -<p class="p2 center large wspace vspace">A GENERAL VIEW OF<br /> -POSITIVISM<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smaller">Or,</span><br /> -<i>SUMMARY EXPOSITION OF THE<br /> -SYSTEM OF THOUGHT<br /> -AND LIFE</i> -</p> - -<blockquote class="narrow"> - -<p class="in0 larger vspace">Adapted to the Great Western Republic, -formed of the Five Advanced Nations, the -French, Italian, Spanish, British and German, -which, since the time of Charlemagne, -have always constituted a Political Whole</p></blockquote> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Réorganiser, sans dieu ni roi, par le culte systématique de l’Humanité.</p> - -<p>Nul n’a droit qu’à faire son devoir.</p> - -<p>L’esprit doit toujours être le ministre du coeur, et jamais son esclave.</p> - -<p class="p2">Reorganisation, irrespectively of God or king, by the worship of -Humanity, systematically adopted.</p> - -<p>Man’s only right is to do his duty.</p> - -<p>The Intellect should always be the servant of the Heart, and should -never be its slave.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="p2 center large"> -<span class="smaller">By</span><br /> -AUGUSTE COMTE<br /> -<span class="small"><i>Author of</i> ‘<cite>System of Positive Philosophy</cite>’</span><br /> -<span class="smaller"><span class="smcap">Paris</span>, 1848</span> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii">vii</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="INTRODUCTION"></a>INTRODUCTION<br /> - -<span class="subhead">By FREDERIC HARRISON</span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Although Positivism has been pretty -widely discussed of late, not only by -those interested in philosophy and -religion, but by the general reader -and the public press, perhaps but -few of them, whether readers or critics, -have exactly grasped the full meaning -of it as a system at once of thought -and of life. The vast range of the -ground it covers and the technical, -allusive, and close style of Comte’s -writings in the original have made it -difficult to master the subject as a -whole. It has accordingly been thought -that the time has come to add to the -‘New Universal Library’ a translation -of <cite>The General View of Positivism</cite>, -i.e., the careful summary of the <cite>Positive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii">viii</a></span> -Polity</cite> which Auguste Comte prefixed -to the four volumes of his principal -work. The translation which was published -by Dr. J. H. Bridges in 1865 -is at the same time a most accurate -version by one of Comte’s earliest -followers, and also it is turned in an -easy and simpler style, with the references -and allusions explained, marginal -headings to the paragraphs, and a -complete analysis of the contents.</p> - -<p>Positivism is not simply a system -of Philosophy; nor is it simply a new -form of Religion; nor is it simply a -scheme of social regeneration. It partakes -of all of these, and professes to -harmonize them under one dominant -conception that is equally philosophic -and social. ‘Its primary object,’ -writes Comte, ‘is twofold: to -generalize our scientific conceptions -and to systematize the art of social -life.’ Accordingly Comte’s ideal embraces -the three main elements of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix">ix</a></span> -which human life consists—Thoughts, -Feelings and Actions.</p> - -<p>Now it is clear that no such comprehensive -system was ever before -offered to the world. Neither the -Gospel nor any known type of religion -undertook to give a synthetic grouping -of the Sciences. No synthetic -scheme of philosophy ever attempted -to correlate religion, politics, art, and -industry. No system of Socialism, -ancient or modern, started with mathematics -and led up to an ideal of a human -devotion to duty, with a ritual of -worship, both public and private.</p> - -<p>Now Comte’s famous <cite>Positive Polity</cite> -did attempt this gigantic task. And -the novelty and extent of such a work -explains and accounts for the extreme -difficulty met with by readers of the -original French, and also for the fascination -which it has maintained more -than fifty years after the author’s -death. It has been talked about,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x">x</a></span> -criticized, and even ridiculed, with an -ignorance of its true character which -can only be excused by the abstract -and severe form in which Comte thought -right to condense his thoughts. Comte -was primarily a mathematician, and -neither Descartes nor Newton troubled -themselves about ‘the general reader’. -Kepler, they say, declared himself -satisfied if he had one convert in a -century; and philosophers have seldom -had justice done them until some -generations have passed. The difficulties -presented by the scientific form -of Comte’s works have been obviated -for English readers by the versions of -his English followers, which are at -once literal translations, analyses, -and elucidations. For the ‘general -reader’ nothing could be more serviceable -than Bridges’ clear presentation -of Comte’s own ‘general view’, or -summary of his system.</p> - -<p>The translation itself is a literary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi">xi</a></span> -masterpiece. It renders an extremely -abstract and complex French type of -philosophical dogmatism into easy and -simple English, whilst at the same -time preserving and even elucidating -the somewhat cryptic allusions and -<em>nuances</em> of the original. The thought -in the French is full, pregnant, and -suggestive, at once subtle and abstract, -and rich with words of a new coinage—such -as <em>altruism</em>, <em>sociology</em>, <em>dynamics</em> -(i.e., history), and old words used in -a special sense. This difficulty Dr. -Bridges surmounts by breaking up the -involved sentences, supplying names -and facts indirectly referred to, and -by transferring technical language into -popular English. The success of the -translation has been proved by the -thousands of copies sold in the original -12mo edition of 1865, in the 8vo edition -of 1875, and in the stereotyped reprint -of 1881.</p> - -<p>A pathetic interest attaches to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii">xii</a></span> -history of the translation. In 1860 -Dr. Bridges, just settled as a physician -in Melbourne, lost his young wife by -fever. He at once returned to England, -bringing the remains of his wife -for interment in the family graveyard -in Suffolk. In those days of sailing -vessels the voyage home round Cape -Horn occupied at least three months. -Dr. Bridges resolved to conquer his -sorrow, shut himself in his cabin during -the voyage home and completed the -translation (in 430 pages of print) -within the time at <span class="locked">sea:—</span></p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">The sad mechanic exercise,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Like dull narcotics, numbing pain.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>Auguste Comte always spoke of the -<cite>Positive Polity</cite> as ‘his principal work’. -The <cite>Discours sur l’Ensemble</cite>, or <cite>General -View of Positivism</cite>, formed the introduction -to the four volumes. It forms -a summary of the entire work, and it -is indeed a systematic application of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiii">xiii</a></span> -the doctrine to the actual condition -of society. As the <cite>Polity</cite>, taken as a -whole, professes to embody a set of -doctrines for the regulation of thought -and life, the present <cite>Introduction</cite> is -designed to show the need of such a -body of doctrine, the result that they -would produce, and the mode in which -they are likely to work. Thus, one -who desires to see in one view the -social purpose which Positivism proposes -to effect would find it in no single -volume better than in this treatise.</p> - -<p>The work consists of six chapters, -treating Positivism respectively in its -intellectual aspect, its social aspect, -its influence on the working classes, on -women, on art, and on religion. In -other words it illustrates the application -of the system to Philosophy, -Politics, Industry, The Family, Poetry -and The Future. It opens with a comparison -of Positivist doctrines with -those of the leading extant philosophies.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiv">xiv</a></span> -It closes with a picture of society -should those doctrines be realized. It -is thus both a criticism of current -theories, and an utopia of a possible -Future. Of the intermediate chapters, -the first deals with the principal -changes proposed in our actual political -system: the next chapter deals with -the changes proposed in our present -social system. Then come the last -two chapters, dealing with the principal -agents, Art, Poetry and Religion, by -which those changes may be promoted. -The book is therefore a practical introduction -to the subject as a whole; for -it sets forth the <em>aim</em> of Positivism as a -system, and then how it seeks to effect -that aim.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xv">xv</a></span></p> - -<div id="toc" class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="TABLE_OF_CONTENTS"></a>TABLE OF CONTENTS</h2> - -<p class="center larger"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a></p> - -<p class="in0 wspace"> -INTELLECTUAL CHARACTER OF POSITIVISM <span class="fright">8</span> -</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>The object of Philosophy is to present a systematic view -of human life as a basis for modifying its imperfections—The -Theological Synthesis failed to include the practical -side of human nature—But the Positive spirit originated -in practical life—In human nature, and therefore in -the Positive system, Affection is the preponderating -element—The proper function of Intellect is the service -of the Social Sympathies—Under Theology the Intellect -was the slave of the Heart; under Positivism, its servant—The -subordination of the Intellect to the Heart is the -subjective principle of Positivism—Objective basis of the -system: Order of the external World, as revealed by -Science—By it the selfish affections are controlled; the -unselfish strengthened—Our conception of this External -Order has been gradually growing from the earliest times, -and is but just complete—Even where not modifiable, -its influence on the character is of the greatest value—But -in most cases we can modify it; and in these the knowledge -of it forms the systematic basis of human action—The -chief difficulty of the Positive Synthesis was to complete -our conception of the External Order by extending it to -Social Phenomena—By the discovery of sociological laws -social questions are made paramount; and thus our <em>subjective -principle</em> is satisfied without danger to free thought—Distinction -between Abstract and Concrete laws. It -is the former only that we require for the purpose before -us—In our Theory of Development the required Synthesis -of Abstract conceptions already exists—Therefore we are -in a position to proceed at once with the work of social -regeneration—Error of identifying Positivism with -Atheism, Materialism, Fatalism, or Optimism. Atheism, -like Theology, discusses insoluble mysteries—Materialism -is due to the encroachment of the lower sciences on the -domain of the higher, an error which Positivism rectifies—Nor -is Positivism fatalist, since it asserts the External -Order to be modifiable—The charge of Optimism applies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvi">xvi</a></span> -to Theology rather than to Positivism. The Positivist -judges of all historical actions <em>relatively</em>, but does not -justify them indiscriminately—The word <em>Positive</em> connotes -all the highest intellectual attributes, and will ultimately -have a moral significance.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="p2 center larger"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a></p> - -<p class="in0 wspace"> -THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF POSITIVISM <span class="fright">64</span> -</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>The relation of Positivism to the French Revolution—The -negative or destructive phase of the Revolution -stimulated the desire of Progress, and consequently -the study of social phenomena—The constructive phase -of the Revolution. The first attempts to construct -failed, being based on destructive principles—Counter-revolution -from 1794 to 1830—Political stagnation -between 1830 and 1848—The present position, 1848–1850. -Republicanism involves the great principle of subordinating -Politics to Morals—It gives prominence to the -problem of reconciling Order and Progress—It brings the -metaphysical revolutionary schools into discredit—And -it proves to all the necessity of a true spiritual power; a -body of thinkers whose business is to study and to teach -principles, holding aloof from political action—The need -of a spiritual power is common to the whole Republic of -Western Europe—This Republic consists of the Italian, -Spanish, British, and German populations, grouped -round France as their centre—Relation of Positivism -to the mediæval system, to which we owe the first attempt -to separate Spiritual from Temporal power—But the -mediæval attempt was premature; and Positivism will -renew and complete it—The Ethical system of Positivism—Subjection -of Self-love to Social love is the great ethical -problem. The Social state of itself favours this result; -but it may be hastened by organized and conscious -effort—Intermediate between Self-love and universal -Benevolence are the domestic affections: filial, fraternal, -conjugal, paternal—Personal virtues placed upon a social -basis—Moral education consists partly of scientific demonstration -of ethical truth, but still more of culture of the -higher sympathies—Organization of Public Opinion—Commemoration -of great men—The political motto of -Positivism: Order and Progress—Progress, the development -of Order—Analysis of Progress: material, physical, -intellectual, and moral—Application of our principles -to actual politics. All government must for the present -be provisional—Danger of attempting political reconstruction -before spiritual—Politically what is wanted is -Dictatorship, with liberty of speech and discussion—Such -a dictatorship would be a step towards the separation -of spiritual and temporal power—The motto of 1830, -<em>Liberty and Public Order</em>—Liberty should be extended to -Education—Order demands centralization—Intimate connexion -of Liberty with Order.</p></blockquote> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvii">xvii</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2 center larger"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a></p> - -<p class="in0 wspace"> -THE ACTION OF POSITIVISM UPON THE WORKING CLASSES <span class="fright">140</span> -</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Positivism will not for the present recommend itself -to the governing classes, so much as to the People—The -working man who accepts his position is favourably -situated for the reception of comprehensive principles -and generous sympathies—This the Convention felt; but -they encouraged the People to seek political supremacy, for -which they are not fit—It is only in exceptional cases -that the People can be really ‘sovereign’—The truth -involved in the expression is that the well-being of the -people should be the one great object of government—The -People’s function is to assist the spiritual power in -modifying the action of government—Their combined -efforts result in the formation of Public Opinion—Public -opinion involves, (1) principles of social conduct, (2) their -acceptance by society at large, (3) an organ through -which to enunciate them—Working men’s clubs—All -three conditions of Public Opinion exist, but have not yet -been combined—Spontaneous tendencies of the people -in a right direction. Their Communism—Its new title -of Socialism—Property is in its nature social, and needs -control—But Positivism rejects the Communist solution -of the Problem. Property is to be controlled by moral -not legal agencies—Individualization of functions as -necessary as co-operation—Industry requires its captains -as well as War—Communism is deficient in the historical -spirit—In fact, as a system it is worthless, though prompted -by noble feelings—Property is a public trust, not to be -interfered with legally—Inheritance favourable to its -right employment—Intellect needs moral control as much -as wealth—Action of organized public opinion upon -Capitalists. Strikes—Public Opinion must be based -upon a sound system of Education—Education has two -stages; from birth to puberty, from puberty to adolescence. -The first, consisting of physical and esthetic -training, to be given at home—The second part consists of -public lectures on the Sciences, from Mathematics to -Sociology—Travels of Apprentices—Concentration of -study—Governmental assistance not required, except -for certain special institutions, and this only as a provisional -measure—We are not ripe for this system at -present; and Government must not attempt to hasten -its introduction—Intellectual attitude of the people. -Emancipation from theological belief—From metaphysical -doctrines—Their mistaken preference of literary -and rhetorical talent to real intellectual power—Moral -attitude of the people. The workman should regard -himself as a public functionary—Ambition of power -and wealth must be abandoned—The working classes are -the best guarantee for Liberty and Order—It is from -them that we shall obtain the dictatorial power which is -provisionally required.</p></blockquote> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xviii">xviii</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2 center larger"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a></p> - -<p class="in0 wspace"> -THE INFLUENCE OF POSITIVISM UPON WOMEN <span class="fright">227</span> -</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Women represent the affective element in our nature, -as philosophers and people represent the intellectual -and practical elements—Women have stood aloof from -the modern movement, because of its anti-historic and -destructive character—But they will sympathize with -constructive tendencies; and will distinguish sound -philosophy from scientific specialities—Women’s position -in society. Like philosophers and people, their part is -not to govern, but to modify—The united action of philosophers, -women, and proletaries constitutes Moral Force—Superiority -of the new spiritual power to the old. Self-regarding -tendencies of Catholic doctrine—The spirit of -Positivism, on the contrary, is essentially social. The -Heart and the Intellect mutually strengthen each other—Intellectual -and moral affinities of women with Positivism—Catholicism -purified love, but did not directly strengthen -it—Women’s influence over the working classes and their -teachers—Their social influence in the <em>salon</em>—But the -Family is their principal sphere of action—Woman’s -mission as a wife. Conjugal love an education for universal -sympathy—Conditions of marriage. Indissoluble monogamy—Perpetual -widowhood—Woman’s mission as a -mother—Education of children belongs to mothers. -They only can guide the development of character—Modern -sophisms about Woman’s rights. The domesticity -of her life follows from the principle of Separation of -Powers—The position of the sexes tends to differentiation -rather than identity—Woman to be maintained by -Man—The education of women should be identical with -that of men—Women’s privileges. Their mission is in -itself a privilege—They will receive honour and worship -from men—Development of mediæval chivalry—The -practice of Prayer, so far from disappearing, is purified -and strengthened in Positive religion—The worship of -Woman a preparation for the worship of Humanity—Exceptional -women. Joan of Arc—It is for women to -introduce Positivism into the Southern nations.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="p2 center larger"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a></p> - -<p class="in0 wspace"> -THE RELATION OF POSITIVISM TO ART <span class="fright">304</span> -</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Positivism when complete is as favourable to Imagination, -as, when incomplete, it was unfavourable to it—Esthetic -talent is for the adornment of life, not for its -government—The political influence of literary men a -deplorable sign and source of anarchy—Theory of Art—Art -is the idealized representation of Fact—Poetry is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xix">xix</a></span> -intermediate between Philosophy and Polity—Art calls -each element of our nature into harmonious action—Three -stages in the esthetic process: Imitation, Idealization, -Expression—Classification of the arts on the principle -of decreasing generality, and increasing intensity—Poetry—Music—Painting. -Sculpture. Architecture—The -conditions favourable to Art have never yet been -combined—Neither in Polytheism—Nor under the -Mediæval system—Much less in modern times—Under -Positivism the conditions will all be favourable. There -will be fixed principles, and a nobler moral culture—Predisposing -influence of Education—Relation of Art to Religion—Idealization -of historical types—Art requires the -highest education; but little special instruction—Artists -as a class will disappear. Their function will be appropriated -by the philosophic priesthood—Identity of esthetic -and scientific genius—Women’s poetry—People’s poetry—Value -of Art in the present crisis—Construction of normal -types on the basis furnished by philosophy—Pictures -of the Future of Man—Contrasts with the Past.</p></blockquote> - -<p class="p2 center larger"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a></p> - -<p class="in0 wspace"> -CONCLUSION. THE RELIGION OF HUMANITY <span class="fright">355</span> -</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Recapitulation of the results obtained—Humanity is -the centre to which every aspect of Positivism converges—With -the discovery of sociological laws, a synthesis -on the basis of Science becomes possible, science being -now concentrated on the study of Humanity—Statical -aspects of Humanity—Dynamical aspects—Inorganic -and organic sciences elevated by their connexion with -the supreme science of Humanity—The new religion is -even more favourable to Art than to Science—Poetic -portraiture of the new Supreme Being, and contrast -with the old—Organization of festivals, representing -statical and dynamical aspects of Humanity—Worship -of the dead. Commemoration of their service—All the -arts may co-operate in the service of religion—Positivism -the successor of Christianity, and surpasses it—Superiority -of Positive morality—Rise of the new Spiritual power—Temporal -power will always be necessary, but its action -will be modified by the spiritual—Substitution of duties -for rights—Consensus of the Social Organism—Continuity -of the past with the present—Necessity of a -spiritual power to study and teach these truths, and -thus to govern men by persuasion, instead of by compulsion—Nutritive -functions of Humanity, performed by -Capitalists, as the temporal power—These are modified -by the cerebral functions, performed by the spiritual -power—Women and priests to have their material subsistence -guaranteed—Normal relation of priests, people, -and capitalists—We are not yet ripe for the normal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xx">xx</a></span> -state. But the revolution of 1848 is a step towards it—First -revolutionary motto; Liberty and Equality—Second -motto; Liberty and Order—Third motto; Order -and Progress—Provisional policy for the period of transition—Popular -dictatorship with freedom of speech—Positive -Committee for Western Europe—Occidental -navy—International coinage—Occidental school—Flag -for the Western Republic—Colonial and foreign Associates -of the Committee, the action of which will ultimately -extend to the whole human race—Conclusion. Perfection -of the Positivist ideal—Corruption of Monotheism.</p></blockquote> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="A_GENERAL_VIEW_OF"></a>A GENERAL VIEW OF -POSITIVISM</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p2 center">‘We tire of thinking and even of acting; we never tire of -loving.’</p> - -<p>In the following series of systematic essays upon -Positivism the essential principles of the doctrine -are first considered; I then point out the agencies -by which its propagation will be effected; and I -conclude by describing certain additional features -indispensable to its completeness. My treatment -of these questions will of course be summary; yet -it will suffice, I hope, to overcome several excusable -but unfounded prejudices. It will enable -any competent reader to assure himself that the -new general doctrine aims at something more than -satisfying the Intellect; that it is in reality quite -as favourable to Feeling and even to Imagination.</p> - -<h3>INTRODUCTORY REMARKS</h3> - -<p>Positivism consists essentially of a Philosophy -and a Polity. These can never be dissevered; -the former being the basis, and the latter the end -of one comprehensive system, in which our intellectual -faculties and our social sympathies are -brought into close correlation with each other. -For, in the first place, the science of Society, besides -being more important than any other, supplies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2">2</a></span> -the only logical and scientific link by which all our -varied observations of phenomena can be brought -into one consistent whole<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a>. Of this science it is -even more true than of any of the preceding sciences, -that its real character cannot be understood without -explaining its exact relation in all general -features with the art corresponding to it. Now -here we find a coincidence which is assuredly not -fortuitous. At the very time when the theory of -society is being laid down, an immense sphere is -opened for the application of that theory; the -direction, namely, of the social regeneration of -Western Europe. For, if we take another point -of view, and look at the great crisis of modern -history, as its character is displayed in the natural -course of events, it becomes every day more evident -how hopeless is the task of reconstructing -political institutions without the previous remodelling -of opinion and of life. To form then a -satisfactory synthesis of all human conceptions -is the most urgent of our social wants: and it is -needed equally for the sake of Order and of Progress. -During the gradual accomplishment of -this great philosophical work, a new moral power -will arise spontaneously throughout the West, -which, as its influence increases, will lay down a -definite basis for the reorganization of society. -It will offer a general system of education for the -adoption of all civilized nations, and by this means -will supply in every department of public and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3">3</a></span> -private life fixed principles of judgment and of -conduct. Thus the intellectual movement and -the social crisis will be brought continually into -close connexion with each other. Both will combine -to prepare the advanced portion of humanity -for the acceptance of a true spiritual power, a -power more coherent, as well as more progressive, -than the noble but premature attempt of mediaeval -Catholicism.</p> - -<p>The primary object, then, of Positivism is two-fold: -to generalize our scientific conceptions, and -to systematize the art of social life. These are -but two aspects of one and the same problem. -They will form the subjects of the two first chapters -of this work. I shall first explain the general -spirit of the new philosophy. I shall then show -its necessary connexion with the whole course of -that vast revolution which is now about to terminate -under its guidance in social reconstruction.</p> - -<p>This will lead us naturally to another question. -The regenerating doctrine cannot do its work -without adherents; in what quarter should we -hope to find them? Now, with individual exceptions -of great value, we cannot expect the adhesion -of any of the upper classes in society. They -are all more or less under the influence of baseless -metaphysical theories, and of aristocratic -self-seeking. They are absorbed in blind political -agitation and in disputes for the possession of the -useless remnants of the old theological and military -system. Their action only tends to prolong the -revolutionary state indefinitely, and can never -result in true social renovation.</p> - -<p>Whether we regard its intellectual character -or its social objects, it is certain that Positivism -must look elsewhere for support. It will find a -welcome in those classes only whose good sense -has been left unimpaired by our vicious system<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4">4</a></span> -of education, and whose generous sympathies are -allowed to develop themselves freely. It is among -women, therefore, and among the working classes -that the heartiest supporters of the new doctrine -will be found. It is intended, indeed, ultimately -for all classes of society. But it will never gain -much real influence over the higher ranks till it is -forced upon their notice by these powerful patrons. -When the work of spiritual reorganization is completed, -it is on them that its maintenance will -principally depend; and so too, their combined -aid is necessary for its commencement. Having -but little influence in political government, they -are the more likely to appreciate the need of a -moral government, the special object of which -it will be to protect them against the oppressive -action of the temporal power.</p> - -<p>In the third chapter, therefore, I shall explain -the mode in which philosophers and working men -will co-operate. Both have been prepared for -this coalition by the general course which modern -history has taken, and it offers now the only hope -we have of really decisive action. We shall find -that the efforts of Positivism to regulate and develop -the natural tendencies of the people, make -it, even from the intellectual point of view, more -coherent and complete.</p> - -<p>But there is another and a more unexpected -source from which Positivism will obtain support; -and not till then will its true character and the full -extent of its constructive power be appreciated. -I shall show in the fourth chapter how eminently -calculated is the Positive doctrine to raise and -regulate the social condition of women. It is -from the feminine aspect only that human life, -whether individually or collectively considered, can -really be comprehended as a whole. For the only -basis on which a system really embracing all the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5">5</a></span> -requirements of life can be formed, is the subordination -of intellect to social feeling: a subordination -which we find directly represented in the -womanly type of character, whether regarded in -its personal or social relations.</p> - -<p>Although these questions cannot be treated -fully in the present work, I hope to convince my -readers that Positivism is more in accordance with -the spontaneous tendencies of the people and of -women than Catholicism, and is therefore better -qualified to institute a spiritual power. It should -be observed that the ground on which the support -of both these classes is obtained is, that Positivism -is the only system which can supersede the various -subversive schemes that are growing every day -more dangerous to all the relations of domestic -and social life. Yet the tendency of the doctrine -is to elevate the character of both of these classes; -and it gives a most energetic sanction to all their -legitimate aspirations.</p> - -<p>Thus it is that a philosophy originating in speculations -of the most abstract character, is found -applicable not merely to every department of -practical life, but also to the sphere of our moral -nature. But to complete the proof of its universality -I have still to speak of another very -essential feature. I shall show, in spite of prejudices -which exist very naturally on this point, -that Positivism is eminently calculated to call the -Imaginative faculties into exercise. It is by -these faculties that the unity of human nature -is most distinctly represented: they are themselves -intellectual, but their field lies principally -in our moral nature, and the result of their operation -is to influence the active powers. The -subject of women treated in the fourth chapter, -will lead me by a natural transition to speak in -the fifth of the Esthetic aspects of Positivism. I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6">6</a></span> -shall attempt to show that the new doctrine by -the very fact of embracing the whole range of -human relations in the spirit of reality, discloses -the true theory of Art, which has hitherto been -so great a deficiency in our speculative conceptions. -The principle of the theory is that, in co-ordinating -the primary functions of humanity, Positivism -places the Idealities of the poet midway between -the Ideas of the philosopher and the Realities of -the statesman. We see from this theory how it -is that the poetical power of Positivism cannot be -manifested at present. We must wait until moral -and mental regeneration has advanced far enough -to awaken the sympathies which naturally belong -to it, and on which Art in its renewed state must -depend for the future. The first mental and social -shock once passed, Poetry will at last take her -proper rank. She will lead Humanity onward towards -a future which is now no longer vague and -visionary, while at the same time she enables us -to pay due honour to all phases of the past. -The great object which Positivism sets before us -individually and socially, is the endeavour to become -more perfect. The highest importance is -attached therefore to the imaginative faculties, -because in every sphere with which they deal they -stimulate the sense of perfection. Limited as my -explanations in this work must be, I shall be able -to show that Positivism, while opening out a new -and wide field for art, supplies in the same spontaneous -way new means of expression.</p> - -<p>I shall thus have sketched with some detail the -true character of the regenerating doctrine. All -its principal aspects will have been considered. -Beginning with its philosophical basis, I pass by -natural transitions to its political purpose; thence -to its action upon the people, its influence with -women, and lastly, to its esthetic power. In concluding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7">7</a></span> -this work, which is but the introduction -to a larger treatise, I have only to speak of the -conception which unites all these various aspects. -As summed up in the positivist motto, <em>Love, Order, -Progress</em>, they lead us to the conception of Humanity, -which implicitly involves and gives new force -to each of them. Rightly interpreting this conception, -we view Positivism at last as a complete -and consistent whole. The subject will naturally -lead us to speak in general terms of the future -progress of social regeneration, as far as the history -of the past enables us to foresee it. The movement -originates in France, and is limited at first -to the great family of Western nations. I shall -show that it will afterwards extend, in accordance -with definite laws, to the rest of the white race, -and finally to the other two great races of man.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8">8</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I<br /> - -<span class="subhead">THE INTELLECTUAL CHARACTER OF POSITIVISM</span></h2> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">The object of -Philosophy is -to present a systematic -view -of human life, -as a basis for -modifying its -imperfections</div> - -<p>The object of all true Philosophy is -to frame a system which shall comprehend -human life under every aspect, -social as well as individual. It embraces, -therefore, the three kinds of -phenomena of which our life consists, -Thoughts, Feelings, and Actions. Under all these -aspects, the growth of Humanity is primarily spontaneous; -and the basis upon which all wise -attempts to modify it should proceed, can only be -furnished by an exact acquaintance with the -natural process. We are, however, able to modify -this process systematically; and the importance -of this is extreme, since we can thereby greatly -diminish the partial deviations, the disastrous -delays, and the grave inconsistencies to which so -complex a growth would be liable were it left entirely -to itself. To effect this necessary intervention -is the proper sphere of politics. But a right -conception cannot be formed of it without the aid -of the philosopher, whose business it is to define -and amend the principles on which it is conducted. -With this object in view the philosopher endeavours -to co-ordinate the various elements of man’s existence, -so that it may be conceived of theoretically -as an integral whole. His synthesis can only be -valid in so far as it is an exact and complete representation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9">9</a></span> -of the relations naturally existing. The -first condition is therefore that these relations be -carefully studied. When the philosopher, instead -of forming such a synthesis, attempts to interfere -more directly with the course of practical life, he -commits the error of usurping the province of the -statesman, to whom all practical measures exclusively -belong. Philosophy and Politics are the -two principal functions of the great social organism. -Morality, systematically considered, forms the -connecting link and at the same time the line of -demarcation between them. It is the most important -application of philosophy, and it gives a -general direction to polity. Natural morality, -that is to say the various emotions of our moral -nature, will, as I have shown in my previous work, -always govern the speculations of the one and the -operations of the other. This I shall explain more -fully.</p> - -<p>But the synthesis, which it is the social function -of Philosophy to construct, will neither be real nor -permanent, unless it embraces every department -of human nature, whether speculative, effective, -or practical. These three orders of phenomena -react upon each other so intimately, that any -system which does not include all of them must -inevitably be unreal and inadequate. Yet it is -only in the present day, when Philosophy is reaching -the positive stage, that this which is her highest -and most essential mission can be fully apprehended.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Theological -synthesis -failed to include -the practical -side of -human nature</div> - -<p>The theological synthesis depended -exclusively upon our affective nature; -and this is owing its original supremacy -and its ultimate decline. For -a long time its influence over all our -highest speculations was paramount. This was -especially the case during the Polytheistic period,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10">10</a></span> -when Imagination and Feeling still retained their -sway under very slight restraint from the reasoning -faculties. Yet even during the time of its highest -development, intellectually and socially, theology -exercised no real control over practical life. It -reacted, of course, upon it to some extent, but the -effects of this were in most cases far more apparent -than real. There was a natural antagonism -between them, which though at first hardly perceived, -went on increasing till at last it brought -about the entire destruction of the theological -fabric. A system so purely subjective could not -harmonize with the necessarily objective tendencies -and stubborn realities of practical life. Theology -asserted all phenomena to be under the -dominion of Wills more or less arbitrary: whereas -in practical life men were led more and more -clearly to the conception of invariable Laws. For -without laws human action would have admitted -of no rule or plan. In consequence of this utter -inability of theology to deal with practical life, -its treatment of speculative and even of moral -problems was exceedingly imperfect, such problems -being all more or less dependent on the -practical necessities of life. To present a perfectly -synthetic view of human nature was, then, -impossible as long as the influence of theology -lasted; because the Intellect was impelled by -Feeling and by the Active powers in two totally -different directions. The failure of all metaphysical -attempts to form a synthesis need not be -dwelt upon here. Metaphysicians, in spite of -their claims to absolute truth have never been -able to supersede theology in questions of feeling, -and have proved still more inadequate in practical -questions. Ontology, even when it was most triumphant -in the schools, was always limited to subjects -of a purely intellectual nature; and even<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11">11</a></span> -here its abstractions, useless in themselves, dealt -only with the case of individual development, the -metaphysical spirit being thoroughly incompatible -with the social point of view. In my work -on Positive Philosophy I have clearly proved -that it constitutes only a transitory phase of mind, -and is totally inadequate for any constructive -purpose. For a time it was supreme; but its -utility lay simply in its revolutionary tendencies. -It aided the preliminary development of Humanity -by its gradual inroads upon Theology, which, -though in ancient times entrusted with the sole -direction of society, had long since become in every -respect utterly retrograde.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">But the Positive -spirit originated -in -practical life</div> - -<p>But all Positive speculations owe -their first origin to the occupations -of practical life; and, consequently, -they have always given some indication -of their capacity for regulating our active -powers, which had been omitted from every former -synthesis. Their value in this respect has been -and still is materially impaired by their want of -breadth, and their isolated and incoherent character; -but it has always been instinctively felt. -The importance that we attach to theories which -teach the laws of phenomena, and give us the -power of prevision, is chiefly due to the fact that -they alone can regulate our otherwise blind action -upon the external world. Hence it is that while -the Positive spirit has been growing more and -more theoretical, and has gradually extended to -every department of speculation, it has never -lost the practical tendencies which it derived from -its source; and this even in the case of researches -useless in themselves, and only to be justified as -logical exercises. From its first origin in mathematics -and astronomy, it has always shown its -tendency to systematize the whole of our conceptions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12">12</a></span> -in every new subject which has been brought -within the scope of its fundamental principle. It -exercised for a long time a modifying influence -upon theological and metaphysical principles, -which has gone on increasing; and since the time -of Descartes and Bacon it has become evident that -it is destined to supersede them altogether. Positivism -has gradually taken possession of the preliminary -sciences of Physics and Biology, and in -these the old system no longer prevails. All that -remained was to complete the range of its influence -by including the study of social phenomena. For -this study metaphysics had proved incompetent; -by theological thinkers it had only been pursued -indirectly and empirically as a condition of government. -I believe that my work on Positive Philosophy -has so far supplied what was wanting. I -think it must now be clear to all that the Positive -spirit can embrace the entire range of thought -without lessening, or rather with the effect of -strengthening its original tendency to regulate -practical life. And it is a further guarantee for -the stability of the new intellectual synthesis that -Social science, which is the final result of our researches, -gives them that systematic character -in which they had hitherto been wanting, by supplying -the only connecting link of which they all -admit.</p> - -<p>This conception is already adopted by all true -thinkers. All must now acknowledge that the -Positive spirit tends necessarily towards the formation -of a comprehensive and durable system, -in which every practical as well as speculative -subject shall be included. But such a system -would still be far from realizing that universal -character without which Positivism would be -incompetent to supersede Theology in the spiritual -government of Humanity. For the element which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13">13</a></span> -really preponderates in every human being, that -is to say, Affection, would still be left untouched. -This element it is, and this only, which gives a -stimulus and direction to the other two parts of -our nature: without it the one would waste its -force in ill-conceived, or, at least, useless studies, -and the other in barren or even dangerous contention. -With this immense deficiency the combination -of our theoretical and active powers -would be fruitless, because it would lack the only -principle which could ensure its real and permanent -stability. The failure would be even greater -than the failure of Theology in dealing with practical -questions; for the unity of human nature -cannot really be made to depend either on the -rational or the active faculties. In the life of -the individual, and, still more, in the life of the -race, the basis of unity, as I shall show in the fourth -chapter, must always be feeling. It is to the fact -that theology arose spontaneously from feeling -that its influence is for the most part due. And -although theology is now palpably on the decline, -yet it will retain, in principle at least, some legitimate -claims to the direction of society so long as -the new philosophy fails to occupy this important -vantage-ground. We come then to the final conditions -with which the modern synthesis must -comply. Without neglecting the spheres of Thought -and Action it must also comprehend the moral -sphere; and the very principle on which its claim -to universality rests must be derived from Feeling. -Then, and not till then, can the claims of theology -be finally set aside. For then the new system -will have surpassed the old in that which is the -one essential purpose of all general doctrines. It -will have shown itself able to effect what no other -doctrine has done, that is, to bring the three primary -elements of our nature into harmony. If<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14">14</a></span> -Positivism were to prove incapable of satisfying -this condition, we must give up all hope of systematization -of any kind. For while Positive principles -are now sufficiently developed to neutralize -those of Theology, yet, on the other hand, the -influence of theology would continue to be far -greater. Hence it is that many conscientious -thinkers in the present day are so inclined to -despair for the future of society. They see that the -old principles on which society has been governed -must finally become powerless. What they do -not see is that a new basis for morality is being -gradually laid down. Their theories are too imperfect -and incoherent to show them the direction -towards which the present time is ultimately tending. -It must be owned, too, that their view seems -borne out by the present character of the Positive -method. While all allow its utility in the treatment -of practical, and even of speculative, problems, -it seems to most men, and very naturally, -quite unfit to deal with questions of morality.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">In human -nature, and -therefore in -the Positive -system, Affection -is the -preponderating -element</div> - -<p>But on closer examination they -will see reason to rectify their judgment. -They will see that the hardness -with which Positive science has -been justly reproached, is due to the -speciality and want of purpose with -which it has hitherto been pursued, and is not at -all inherent in its nature. Originating as it did -in the necessities of our material nature, which -for a long time restricted it to the study of the -inorganic world, it has not till now become sufficiently -complete or systematic to harmonize -well with our moral nature. But now that it is -brought to bear upon social questions, which for -the future will form its most important field, it -loses all the defects peculiar to its long period of -infancy. The very attribute of reality which is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15">15</a></span> -claimed by the new philosophy, leads it to treat -all subjects from the moral still more than from -the intellectual side. The necessity of assigning -with exact truth the place occupied by the intellect -and by the heart in the organization of human -nature and of society, leads to the decision that -Affection must be the central point of the synthesis. -In the treatment of social questions Positive -science will be found utterly to discard those -proud illusions of the supremacy of reason, to -which it had been liable during its preliminary -stages. Ratifying, in this respect, the common -experience of men even more forcibly than Catholicism, -it teaches us that individual happiness and -public welfare are far more dependent upon the -heart than upon the intellect. But, independently -of this, the question of co-ordinating the -faculties of our nature will convince us that the -only basis on which they can be brought into harmonious -union, is the preponderance of Affection -over Reason, and even over Activity.</p> - -<p>The fact that intellect, as well as social sympathy, -is a distinctive attribute of our nature, -might lead us to suppose that either of these two -might be supreme, and therefore that there might -be more than one method of establishing unity. -The fact, however, is that there is only one; -because these two elements are by no means -equal in their fitness for assuming the first place. -Whether we look at the distinctive qualities of -each, or at the degree of force which they possess, -it is easy to see that the only position for which -the intellect is permanently adapted is to be the -servant of the social sympathies. If, instead of -being content with this honourable post, it aspires -to become supreme, its ambitious aims, which are -never realized, result simply in the most deplorable -disorder.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16">16</a></span></p> - -<p>Even with the individual, it is impossible to -establish permanent harmony between our various -impulses, except by giving complete supremacy -to the feeling which prompts the sincere and habitual -desire of doing good. This feeling is, no -doubt, like the rest, in itself blind; it has to learn -from reason the right means of obtaining satisfaction; -and our active faculties are then called -into requisition to apply those means. But common -experience proves that after all the principal -condition of right action is the benevolent impulse; -with the ordinary amount of intellect and activity -that is found in men this stimulus, if well sustained, -is enough to direct our thoughts and -energies to a good result. Without this habitual -spring of action they would inevitably waste -themselves in barren or incoherent efforts, and -speedily relapse into their original torpor. Unity -in our moral nature is, then, impossible, except -so far as affection preponderates over intellect -and activity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The proper -function of Intellect -is the -Service of the -Social Sympathies</div> - -<p>True as this fundamental principle -is for the individual, it is in public -life that its necessity can be demonstrated -most irrefutably. The problem -is in reality the same, nor is any -different solution of it required; only it assumes -such increased dimensions, that less uncertainty -is felt as to the method to be adopted. The various -beings whom it is sought to harmonize have -in this case each a separate existence; it is clear, -therefore, that the first condition of co-operation -must be sought in their own inherent tendency -to universal love. No calculations of self-interest -can rival this social instinct, whether in promptitude -and breadth of intuition, or in boldness and -tenacity of purpose. True it is that the benevolent -emotions have in most cases less intrinsic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17">17</a></span> -energy than the selfish. But they have this -beautiful quality, that social life not only permits -their growth, but stimulates it to an almost unlimited -extent, while it holds their antagonists in -constant check. Indeed the increasing tendency -in the former to prevail over the latter is the best -measure by which to judge of the progress of Humanity. -But the intellect may do much to confirm -their influence. It may strengthen social -feeling by diffusing juster views of the relations in -which the various parts of society stand to each -other; or it may guide its application by dwelling -on the lessons which the past offers to the future. -It is to this honourable service that the new philosophy -would direct our intellectual powers. Here -the highest sanction is given to their operations, -and an exhaustless field is opened out for them, -from which far deeper satisfaction may be gained -than from the approbation of the learned societies, -or from the puerile specialities with which they -are at present occupied.</p> - -<p>In fact, the ambitious claims which, ever since -the hopeless decline of the theological synthesis, -have been advanced by the intellect, never were -or could be realized. Their only value lay in their -solvent action on the theological system when it -had become hostile to progress. The intellect -is intended for service, not for empire; when it -imagines itself supreme, it is really only obeying -the personal instead of the social instincts. It never -acts independently of feeling, be that feeling good or -bad. The first condition of command is force; now -reason has but light; the impulse that moves it -must come from elsewhere. The metaphysical -Utopias, in which a life of pure contemplation is -held out as the highest ideal, attract the notice of -our men of science; but are really nothing but -illusions of pride, or veils for dishonest schemes.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18">18</a></span> -True there is a genuine satisfaction in the act of -discovering truth; but it is not sufficiently intense -to be an habitual guide of conduct. Indeed, -so feeble is our intellect, that the impulse of some -passion is necessary to direct and sustain it in -almost every effort. When the impulse comes -from kindly feeling it attracts attention on account -of its rarity or value; when it springs from the selfish -motives of glory, ambition, or gain, it is too -common to be remarked. This is usually the only -difference between the two cases. It does indeed -occasionally happen that the intellect is actuated -by a sort of passion for truth in itself, without any -mixture of pride or vanity. Yet, in this case, as -in every other, there is intense egotism in exercising -the mental powers irrespectively of all social -objects. Positivism, as I shall afterwards explain, -is even more severe than Catholicism in its condemnation -of this type of character, whether in -metaphysicians or in men of science. The true -philosopher would consider it a most culpable -abuse of the opportunities which civilization -affords him for the sake of the welfare of society, -in leading a speculative life.</p> - -<p>We have traced the Positive principle from its -origin in the pursuits of active life, and have seen -it extending successively to every department of -speculation. We now find it, in its maturity, -and that as a simple result of its strict adherence -to fact, embracing the sphere of affection, and -making that sphere the central point of its synthesis. -It is henceforth a fundamental doctrine -of Positivism, a doctrine of as great political as -philosophical importance, that the Heart preponderates -over the Intellect.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Under Theology -the intellect -was the -slave of the -heart; under -Positivism, its -servant</div> - -<p>It is true that this doctrine, which -is the only basis for establishing harmony -in our nature, had been, as I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19">19</a></span> -before remarked, instinctively accepted -by theological systems. But it was -one of the fatalities of society in its -preliminary phase, that the doctrine was coupled -with an error which, after a time, destroyed all its -value. In acknowledging the superiority of the -heart the intellect was reduced to abject submission. -Its only chance of growth lay in resistance to the -established system. This course it followed with -increasing effect, till after twenty centuries of insurrection, -the system collapsed. The natural -result of the process was to stimulate metaphysical -and scientific pride, and to promote views subversive -of all social order. But Positivism, while -systematically adopting the principle here spoken -of as the foundation of individual and social discipline, -interprets that principle in a different way. -It teaches that while it is for the heart to suggest -our problems, it is for the intellect to solve them. -Now the intellect was at first quite inadequate to -this task, for which a long and laborious training -was needed. The heart, therefore, had to take -its place, and in default of objective truth, to give -free play to its subjective inspirations. But for -these inspirations, all progress, as I showed in my -<cite>System of Positive Philosophy</cite>, would have been -totally impossible. For a long time it was necessary -that they should be believed absolutely; -but as soon as our reason began to mould its conceptions -upon observations, more or less accurate, -of the external world, these supernatural dogmas -became inevitably an obstacle to its growth. -Here lies the chief source of the important modifications -which theological belief has successively -undergone. No further modifications are now -possible without violating its essential principles; -and since, meantime, Positive science is assuming -every day larger proportions, the conflict between<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20">20</a></span> -them is advancing with increasing vehemence and -danger. The tendency on the one side is becoming -more retrograde, on the other more revolutionary; -because the impossibility of reconciling the -two opposing forces is felt more and more strongly. -Never was this position of affairs more manifest -than now. The restoration of theology to its -original power, supposing such a thing were possible, -would have the most degrading influence -on the intellect, and, consequently, on the character -also; since it would involve the admission that -our views of scientific truth were to be strained into -accordance with our wishes and our wants. Therefore -no important step in the progress of Humanity -can now be made without totally abandoning the -theological principle. The only service of any -real value which it still renders, is that of forcing -the attention of Western Europe, by the very -fact of its reactionary tendencies, upon the greatest -of all social questions. It is owing to its influence -that the central point of the new synthesis is -placed in our moral rather than our intellectual -nature; and this, in spite of every prejudice and -habit of thought that has been formed during the -revolutionary period of the last five centuries. -And while in this, which is the primary condition -of social organization, Positivism, proves more -efficient than Theology, it at the same time terminates -the disunion which has existed so long -between the intellect and the heart. For it follows -logically from its principles, and also from the -whole spirit of the system, that the intellect shall -be free to exercise its full share of influence in -every department of human life. When it is said -that the intellect should be subordinate to the -heart, what is meant is, that the intellect should -devote itself exclusively to the problems which -the heart suggests, the ultimate object being to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21">21</a></span> -find proper satisfaction for our various wants. -Without this limitation, experience has shown too -clearly that it would almost always follow its -natural bent for useless or insoluble questions, -which are the most plentiful and the easiest to deal -with. But when any problem of a legitimate kind -has been once proposed, it is the sole judge of the -method to be pursued, and of the utility of the -results obtained. Its province is to inquire into -the present, in order to foresee the future, and to -discover the means of improving it. In this province -it is not to be interfered with. In a word -the intellect is to be the servant of the heart, not -its slave. Under these two correlative conditions -the elements of our nature will at last be brought -into harmony. The equilibrium of these two -elements, once established, is in little danger of -being disturbed. For since it is equally favourable -to both of them, both will be interested in -maintaining it. The fact that Reason in modern -times has become habituated to revolt, is no ground -for supposing that it will always retain its revolutionary -character, even when its legitimate claims -have been fully satisfied. Supposing the case to -arise, however, society, as I shall show afterwards, -would not be without the means of repressing -any pretensions that were subversive of order. -There is another point of view which may assure -us that the position given to the heart under the -new system will involve no danger to the growth -of intellect. Love, when real, ever desires light, -in order to attain its ends. The influence of true -feeling is as favourable to sound thought as to -wise activity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The subordination -of the -intellect to the -heart is the -<em>Subjective Principle</em> of Positivism</div> - -<p>Our doctrine, therefore, is one which -renders hypocrisy and oppression alike -impossible. And it now stands forward -as the result of all the efforts of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22">22</a></span> -the past, for the regeneration of order, -which, whether considered individually -or socially, is so deeply compromised by the anarchy -of the present time. It establishes a fundamental -principle by which true philosophy and sound -polity are brought into correlation; a principle -which can be felt as well as proved, and which is -at once the keystone of a system and a basis of -government. I shall show, moreover, in the fifth -chapter, that the doctrine is as rich in esthetic -beauty as in philosophical power and in social influence. -This will complete the proof of its efficacy -as the centre of a universal system. Viewed from -the moral, scientific, or poetical aspect, it is equally -valuable; and it is the only principle which can -bring Humanity safely through the most formidable -crisis that she has ever yet undergone. It -will be now clear to all that the force of demonstration, -a force peculiar to modern times, and -which still retains much of its destructive character, -becomes matured and elevated by Positivism. -It begins to develop constructive tendencies, -which will soon be developed more largely. It -is not too much, then, to say that Positivism, -notwithstanding its speculative origin, offers as -much to natures of deep sympathy as to men of -highly cultivated intellects, or of energetic character.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em>Objective basis</em> -of the system; -External Order -of the -World, as revealed -by Science</div> - -<p>The spirit and the principle of the -synthesis which all true philosophers -should endeavour to establish, have -now been defined. I proceed to explain -the method that should be -followed in the task, and the peculiar -difficulty with which it is attended.</p> - -<p>The object of the synthesis will not be secured -until it embraces the whole extent of its domain, -the moral and practical departments as well as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23">23</a></span> -the intellectual. But these three departments -cannot be dealt with simultaneously. They follow -an order of succession which, so far from dissevering -them from the whole to which they belong, is -seen when carefully examined to be a natural -result of their mutual dependence. The truth -is, and it is a truth of great importance, that -Thoughts must be systematized before Feelings, -Feelings before Actions. It is doubtless, owing -to a confused apprehension of this truth, that -philosophers hitherto, in framing their systems -of human nature, have dealt almost exclusively, -with our intellectual faculties.</p> - -<p>The necessity of commencing with the co-ordination -of ideas is not merely due to the fact that -the relations of these, being more simple and more -susceptible of demonstration, form a useful logical -preparation for the remainder of the task. On -closer examination we find a more important, -though less obvious reason. If this first portion -of the work be once efficiently performed, it is the -foundation of all the rest. In what remains no -very serious difficulty will occur, provided always -that we content ourselves with that degree of -completeness which the ultimate purpose of the -system requires.</p> - -<p>To give such paramount importance to this -portion of the subject may seem at first sight inconsistent -with the proposition just laid down, -that the strength of the intellectual faculties is far -inferior to that of the other elements of our nature. -It is quite certain that Feeling and Activity have -much more to do with any practical step that we -take than pure Reason. In attempting to explain -this paradox, we come at last to the peculiar difficulty -of this great problem of human Unity.</p> - -<p>The first condition of unity is a subjective principle; -and this principle in the Positive system<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24">24</a></span> -is the subordination of the intellect to the heart: -Without this the unity that we seek can never be -placed on a permanent basis, whether individually -or collectively. It is essential to have some -influence sufficiently powerful to produce convergence -amid the heterogeneous and often antagonistic -tendencies of so complex an organism as -ours. But this first condition, indispensable as -it is, would be quite insufficient for the purpose, -without some objective basis, existing independently -of ourselves in the external world. That -basis consists for us in the laws or Order of the -phenomena by which Humanity is regulated. -The subjection of human life to this order is incontestable; -and as soon as the intellect has enabled -us to comprehend it, it becomes possible -for the feeling of love to exercise a controlling -influence over our discordant tendencies. This, -then, is the mission allotted to the intellect in the -Positive synthesis; in this sense it is that it should -be consecrated to the service of the heart.</p> - -<p>I have said that our conception of human unity -must be totally inadequate, and, indeed, cannot -deserve the name, so long as it does not embrace -every element of our nature. But it would be -equally fatal to the completeness of this great -conception to think of human nature irrespectively -of what lies outside it. A purely subjective unity, -without any objective basis, would be simply impossible. -In the first place any attempt to co-ordinate -man’s moral nature, without regard to -the external world, supposing the attempt feasible, -would have very little permanent influence on -our happiness, whether collectively or individually; -since happiness depends so largely upon our relations -to all that exists around us. Besides this, -we have to consider the exceeding imperfection -of our nature. Self-love is deeply implanted in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25">25</a></span> -it, and when left to itself is far stronger than Social -Sympathy. The social instincts would never -gain the mastery were they not sustained and -called into constant exercise by the economy of -the external world, an influence which at the same -time checks the power of the selfish instincts.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">By it the selfish -affections -are controlled; -the unselfish -strengthened</div> - -<p>To understand this economy aright; -we must remember that it embraces -not merely the inorganic world, but -also the phenomena of our own existence. -The phenomena of human life, though -more modifiable than any others, are yet equally -subject to invariable laws; laws which form the -principal objects of Positive speculation. Now -the benevolent affections, which themselves act -in harmony with the laws of social development, -incline us to submit to all other laws, as soon as -the intellect has discovered their existence. The -possibility of moral unity depends, therefore, even -in the case of the individual, but still more in that -of society, upon the necessity of recognizing our -subjection to an external power. By this means -our self-regarding instincts are rendered susceptible -of discipline. In themselves they are strong -enough to neutralize all sympathetic tendencies, -were it not for the support that the latter find in -this External Order. Its discovery is due to the intellect; -which is thus enlisted in the service of feeling, -with the ultimate purpose of regulating action.</p> - -<p>Thus it is that an intellectual synthesis, or -systematic study of the laws of nature, is needed -on far higher grounds than those of satisfying our -theoretical faculties, which are, for the most part, -very feeble, even in men who devote themselves -to a life of thought. It is needed, because it solves -at once the most difficult problem of the moral -synthesis. The higher impulses within us are -brought under the influence of a powerful stimulus<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26">26</a></span> -from without. By its means they are enabled -to control our discordant impulses, and to maintain -a state of harmony towards which they have -always tended, but which, without such aid, could -never be realized. Moreover, this conception of -the order of nature evidently supplies the basis -for a synthesis of human action; for the efficacy -of our action depends entirely upon their conformity -to this order. But this part of the subject -has been fully explained in my previous work, and -I need not enlarge upon it further. As soon as the -synthesis of mental conceptions enables us to -form a synthesis of feelings, it is clear that there -will be no very serious difficulties in constructing -a synthesis of actions. Unity of action depends -upon unity of impulse, and unity of design; and -thus we find that the co-ordination of human -nature, as a whole, depends ultimately upon the -co-ordination of mental conceptions, a subject -which seemed at first of comparatively slight -importance.</p> - -<p>The subjective principle of Positivism, that is, -the subordination of the intellect to the heart is -thus fortified by an objective basis, the immutable -Necessity of the external world; and by this -means it becomes possible to bring human life -within the influence of social sympathy. The -superiority of the new synthesis to the old is even -more evident under this second aspect than under -the first. In theological systems the objective -basis was supplied by spontaneous belief in a -supernatural Will. Now, whatever the degree -of reality attributed to these fictions, they all proceeded -from a subjective source; and therefore -their influence in most cases must have been very -confused and fluctuating. In respect of moral -discipline they cannot be compared either for -precision, for force, or for stability, to the conception<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27">27</a></span> -of an invariable Order, actually existing -without us, and attested, whether we will or no, -by every act of our existence.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Our conception -of this External -Order -has been gradually -growing -from the -earliest times, -and is but just -complete</div> - -<p>This fundamental doctrine of Positivism -is not to be attributed in the -full breadth of its meanings to any -single thinker. It is the slow result -of a vast process carried out in separate -departments, which began with -the first use of our intellectual powers, -and which is only just completed in those who -exhibit those powers in their highest form. During -the long period of her infancy Humanity has -been preparing this the most precious of her intellectual -attainments, as the basis for the only system -of life which is permanently adapted to our nature. -The doctrine has to be demonstrated in all the -more essential cases from observation only, except -so far as we admit argument from analogy. Deductive -argument is not admissible, except in such -cases as are evidently compounded of others in -which the proof given has been sufficient. Thus, -for instance, we are authorized by sound logic to -assert the existence of laws of weather; though -most of these are still, and, perhaps, always will -be, unknown. For it is clear that meteorological -phenomena result from a combination of astronomical, -physical and chemical influences, each -of which has been proved to be subject to invariable -laws. But in all phenomena which are not -thus reducible, we must have recourse to inductive -reasoning; for a principle which is the basis of all -deduction cannot be itself deduced. Hence it is -that the doctrine, being so entirely foreign as it -is to our primitive mental state, requires such a -long course of preparation. Without such preparation -even the greatest thinkers could not anticipate -it. It is true that in some cases metaphysical<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28">28</a></span> -conceptions of a law have been formed -before the proof really required had been furnished. -But they were never of much service, except so -far as they generalized in a more or less confused -way the analogies naturally suggested by the laws -which had actually been discovered in simpler -phenomena. Besides, such assertions always remained -very doubtful and very barren in result, -until they were based upon some outline of a really -Positive theory. Thus, in spite of the apparent -potency of this metaphysical method, to which -modern intellects are so addicted, the conception -of an External Order is still extremely imperfect -in many of the most cultivated minds, because -they have not verified it sufficiently in the most -intricate and important class of phenomena, the -phenomena of society. I am not, of course, -speaking of the few thinkers who accept my discovery -of the principal laws of Sociology. Such -uncertainty in a subject so closely related to all -others, produces great confusion in men’s minds, -and affects their perception of an invariable order, -even in the simplest subjects. A proof of this is -the utter delusion into which most geometricians -of the present day have fallen with respect to -what they call the Calculus of Chances; a conception -which presupposes that the phenomena considered -are not subject to law. The doctrine, -therefore, cannot be considered as firmly established -in any one case, until it has been verified -specially in every one of the primary categories -in which phenomena may be classed. But now -that this difficult condition has really been fulfilled -by the few thinkers who have risen to the -level of their age, we have at last a firm objective -basis on which to establish the harmony of our -moral nature. That basis is, that all events whatever, -the events of our own personal and social<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29">29</a></span> -life included, are always subject to natural relations -of sequence and similitude, which in all essential -respects lie beyond the reach of our interference.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Even where -not modifiable, -its influence -on the character -is of the -greatest value</div> - -<p>This, then, is the external basis of -our synthesis, which includes the -moral and practical faculties, as well -as the speculative. It rests at every -point upon the unchangeable Order -of the world. The right understanding of this -order is the principal subject of our thoughts; its -preponderating influence determines the general -course of our feelings; its gradual improvement -is the constant object of our actions. To form a -more precise notion of its influence, let us imagine -that for a moment it were really to cease. The -result would be that our intellectual faculties, -after wasting themselves in wild extravagancies, -would sink rapidly into incurable sloth; our nobler -feelings would be unable to prevent the ascendancy -of the lower instincts; and our active powers -would abandon themselves to purposeless agitation. -Men have, it is true, been for a long time ignorant -of this Order. Nevertheless we have been always -subject to it; and its influence has always tended, -though without our knowledge, to control our -whole being; our actions first, and subsequently -our thoughts, and even our affections. As we -have advanced in our knowledge of it, our thoughts -have become less vague, our desires less capricious, -our conduct less arbitrary. And now that we are -able to grasp the full meaning of the conception, -its influence extends to every part of our conduct. -For it teaches us that the object to be aimed at in -the economy devised by man, is wise development -of the irresistible economy of nature, which cannot -be amended till it is first studied and obeyed. In -some departments it has the character of fate; -that is, it admits of no modification. But even<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30">30</a></span> -here, in spite of the superficial objections to it -which have arisen from intellectual pride, it is -necessary for the proper regulation of human life. -Suppose, for instance, that man were exempt from -the necessity of living on the earth, and were free -to pass at will from one planet to another, the -very notion of society would be rendered impossible -by the licence which each individual would -have to give way to whatever unsettling and distracting -impulses his nature might incline him. -Our propensities are so heterogeneous and so -deficient in elevation, that there would be no fixity -or consistency in our conduct, but for these insurmountable -conditions. Our feeble reason may -fret at such restrictions, but without them all its -deliberations would be confused and purposeless. -We are powerless to create: all that we can do in -bettering our condition is to modify an order in -which we can produce no radical change. Supposing -us in possession of that absolute independence -to which metaphysical pride aspires, it is certain -that so far from improving our condition, it would -be a bar to all development, whether social or individual. -The true path of human progress lies -in the opposite direction; in diminishing the -vacillation, inconsistency, and discordance of our -designs by furnishing external motives for those -operations of our intellectual, moral and practical -powers, of which the original source was purely -internal. The ties by which our various diverging -tendencies are held together would be quite -inadequate for their purpose, without a basis of -support in the external world, which is unaffected -by the spontaneous variations of our nature.</p> - -<p>But, however great the value of Positive doctrine -in pointing out the unchangeable aspects of -the universal Order, what we have principally to -consider are the numerous departments in which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31">31</a></span> -that order admits of artificial modifications. Here -lies the most important sphere of human activity. -The only phenomena, indeed, which we are wholly -unable to modify are the simplest of all, the phenomena -of the Solar System which we inhabit. It -is true that now that we know its laws we can -easily conceive them improved in certain respects; -but to whatever degree our power over nature -may extend, we shall never be able to produce the -slightest change in them. What we have to do -is so to dispose our life as to submit to these -resistless fatalities in the best way we can; and -this is comparatively easy, because their greater -simplicity enables us to foresee them with more -precision and in a more distinct future. Their -interpretation by Positive science has had a most -important influence on the gradual education of -the human intellect: and it will always continue -to be the source from which we obtain the clearest -and most impressive sense of Immutability. Too -exclusively studied they might even now lead to -fatalism; but controlled as their influence will be -henceforward by a more philosophic education, -they may well become a means of moral improvement, -by disposing us to submit with resignation -to all evils which are absolutely insurmountable.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">But in most -cases we can -modify it; and -in these the -knowledge of -it forms the -systematic basis -of human -action</div> - -<p>In other parts of the external -economy, invariability in all primary -aspects is found compatible with -modifications in points of secondary -importance. These modifications become -more numerous and extensive -as the phenomena are more complex. -The reason of this is that the causes from a combination -of which the effects proceed being more -varied and more accessible, offer greater facilities -to our feeble powers to interfere with advantage. -But all this has been fully explained in my <cite>System<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32">32</a></span> -of Positive Philosophy</cite>. The tendency of that -work was to show that our intervention became -more efficacious in proportion as the phenomena -upon which we acted had a closer relation to the -life of man or society. Indeed the extensive -modifications of which society admits, go far to -keep up the common mistake that social phenomena -are not subject to any constant law.</p> - -<p>At the same time we have to remember that -this increased possibility of human intervention -in certain parts of the External Order necessarily -coexists with increased imperfection, for which it -is a valuable but very inadequate compensation. -Both features alike result from the increase of -complexity. Even the laws of the Solar System -are very far from perfect, notwithstanding their -greater simplicity, which indeed makes their defects -more perceptible. The existence of these -defects should be taken into careful consideration; -not indeed with the hope of amending them, but -as a check upon unreasoning admiration. Besides, -they lead us to a clearer conception of the true -position of Humanity, a position of which the -most striking feature is the necessity of struggling -against difficulties of every kind. Lastly, by -observing these defects we are less likely to waste -our time in seeking for absolute perfection, and -so neglecting the wiser course of looking for such -improvements as are really possible.</p> - -<p>In all other phenomena, the increasing imperfection -of the economy of nature becomes a powerful -stimulus to all our faculties, whether moral, -intellectual or practical. Here we find sufferings -which can really be alleviated to a large extent -by wise and well-sustained combination of efforts. -This consideration should give a firmness and -dignity of bearing, to which Humanity could never -attain during her period of infancy. Those who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33">33</a></span> -look wisely into the future of society will feel that -the conception of man becoming, without fear or -boast, the arbiter, within certain limits, of his own -destiny, has in it something far more satisfying -than the old belief in Providence, which implied -our remaining passive. Social union will be -strengthened by the conception, because every -one will see that union forms our principal -resource against the miseries of human life. -And while it calls out our noblest sympathies, it -impresses us more strongly with the importance -of high intellectual culture, being itself the object -for which such culture is required. These important -results have been ever on the increase in -modern times; yet hitherto they have been too -limited and casual to be appreciated rightly, except -so far as we could anticipate the future of -society by the light of sound historical principles. -Art, so far as it is yet organized, does not include -that part of the economy of nature which, being -the most modifiable, the most imperfect, and the -most important of all, ought on every ground -to be regarded as the principal object of human -exertions. Even Medical Art, specially so called, -is only just beginning to free itself from its primitive -routine. And Social Art, whether moral or -political, is plunged in routine so deeply that few -statesmen admit the possibility of shaking it off. -Yet of all the arts, it is the one which best admits -of being reduced to a system; and until this is -done it will be impossible to place on a rational -basis all the rest of our practical life. All these -narrow views are due simply to insufficient recognition -of the fact, that the highest phenomena are -as much subject to laws as others. When the -conception of the Order of Nature has become -generally accepted in its full extent, the ordinary -definition of Art will become as comprehensive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34">34</a></span> -and as homogeneous as that of Science; and it -will then become obvious to all sound thinkers -that the principal sphere of both Art and Science -is the social life of man.</p> - -<p>Thus the social services of the Intellect are not -limited to revealing the existence of an external -Economy, and the necessity of submission to its -sway. If the theory is to have any influence upon -our active powers, it should include an exact estimate -of the imperfections of this economy and of -the limits within which it varies, so as to indicate -and define the boundaries of human intervention. -Thus it will always be an important function of -philosophy to criticize nature in a Positive spirit, -although the antipathy to theology by which such -criticism was formerly animated has ceased to have -much interest, from the very fact of having done -its work so effectually. The object of Positive -criticism is not controversial. It aims simply at -putting the great question of human life in a clearer -light. It bears closely on what Positivism teaches -to be the great end of life, namely, the struggle to -become more perfect; which implies previous -imperfection. This truth is strikingly apparent -when applied to the case of our own nature, for -true morality requires a deep and habitual consciousness -of our natural defects.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The chief -difficulty of -the Positive -Synthesis was -to complete -our conception -of the External -Order, by -extending it to -Social phenomena</div> - -<p>I have now described the fundamental -condition of the Positive Synthesis. -Deriving its subjective principle from -the affections, it is dependent ultimately -on the intellect for its objective -basis. This basis connects it with -the Economy of the external world, -the dominion of which Humanity -accepts, and at the same time modifies. I have -left many points unexplained; but enough has -been said for the purpose of this work, which is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35">35</a></span> -only the introduction to a larger treatise. We -now come to the essential difficulty that presented -itself in the construction of the Synthesis. That -difficulty was to discover the true Theory of human -and social Development. The first decisive step -in this discovery renders the conception of the -Order of Nature complete. It stands out then -as the fundamental doctrine of an universal system, -for which the whole course of modern progress has -been preparing the way. For three centuries men -of science have been unconsciously co-operating -in the work. They have left no gap of any importance, -except in the region of Moral and Social -phenomena. And now that man’s history has -been for the first time systematically considered -as a whole, and has been found to be, like all other -phenomena, subject to invariable laws, the preparatory -labours of modern Science are ended. -Her remaining task is to construct that synthesis -which will place her at the only point of view from -which every department of knowledge can be -embraced.</p> - -<p>In my <cite>System of Positive Philosophy</cite> both these -objects were aimed at. I attempted, and in the -opinion of the principal thinkers of our time successfully, -to complete and at the same time co-ordinate -Natural Philosophy, by establishing the -general law of human development, social as well -as intellectual. I shall not now enter into the -discussion of this law, since its truth is no longer -contested. Fuller consideration of it is reserved -for the third volume of my new treatise. It lays -down, as is generally known, that our speculations -upon all subjects whatsoever, pass necessarily -through three successive stages: a Theological -stage, in which free play is given to spontaneous -fictions admitting of no proof; the Metaphysical -stage, characterized by the prevalence of personified<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36">36</a></span> -abstractions or entities; lastly, the Positive -stage, based upon an exact view of the real facts -of the case. The first, though purely provisional, -is invariably the point from which we start; the -third is the only permanent or normal state; the -second has but a modifying or rather a solvent -influence, which qualifies it for regulating the -transition from the first stage to the third. We -begin with theological Imagination, thence we -pass through metaphysical Discussion, and we -end at last with positive Demonstration. Thus -by means of this one general law we are enabled -to take a comprehensive and simultaneous view -of the past, present, and future of Humanity.</p> - -<p>In my <cite>System of Positive Philosophy</cite>, this law -of Filiation has always been associated with the -law of Classification, the application of which to -Social Dynamics furnishes the second element -requisite for the theory of development. It fixes -the order in which our different conceptions pass -through each of these phases. That order, as is -generally known, is determined by the decreasing -generality, or what comes to the same thing, by -the increasing complexity of the phenomena; -the more complex being naturally dependent upon -those that are more simple and less special. Arranging -the sciences according to this mutual relation, -we find them grouped naturally in six primary -divisions<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a>; Mathematics, Astronomy, Physics, -Chemistry, Biology, and Sociology. Each passes -through the three phases of developments before -the one succeeding it. Without continuous reference -to this classification the theory of development -would be confused and vague.</p> - -<p>The theory thus derived from the combination -of this second or statical law with the dynamical<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37">37</a></span> -law of the three stages, seems at first sight to include -nothing but the intellectual movement. -But my previous remarks will have shown that -this is enough to guarantee its applicability to -social progress also; since social progress has invariably -depended on the growth of our fundamental -beliefs with regard to the economy that -surrounds us. The historical portion of my <cite>Positive -Philosophy</cite> has proved an unbroken connexion -between the development of Activity and that of -Speculation; on the combined influence of these -depends the development of Affection. The -theory therefore requires no alteration: what is -wanted is merely an additional statement explaining -the phases of active, that is to say, of political -development. Human activity, as I have long -since shown, passes successively through the stages -of Offensive warfare, Defensive warfare, and Industry. -The respective connexion of these states -with the preponderance of the theological, then -metaphysical, or the positive spirit leads at once -to a complete explanation of history. It reproduces -in a systematic form the only historical conception -which has become adopted by universal -consent; the division, namely, of history into -Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern.</p> - -<p>Thus the foundation of Social science depends -simply upon establishing the truth of this theory -of development. We do this by combining the -dynamic law, which is its distinctive feature, with -the statical principle which renders it coherent; -we then complete the theory by extending it to -practical life. All knowledge is now brought within -the sphere of Natural Philosophy; and the provisional -distinction by which, since Aristotle and -Plato, it has been so sharply demarcated from -Moral Philosophy, ceases to exist. The Positive -spirit, so long confined to the simpler inorganic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38">38</a></span> -phenomena, has now passed through its difficult -course of probation. It extends to a more important -and more intricate class of speculations, and -disengages them for ever from all theological or -metaphysical influence. All our notions of truth -are thus rendered homogeneous, and begin at once -to converge towards a central principle. A firm -objective basis is consequently laid down for that -complete co-ordination of human existence towards -which all sound Philosophy has ever tended, -but which the want of adequate materials has -hitherto made impossible.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">By the discovery -of Sociological -laws -social questions -are made -paramount; -and thus our -<em>subjective principle</em> -is satisfied -without -danger to free -thought</div> - -<p>It will be felt, I think, that the -principal difficulty of the Positive -Synthesis was met by my discovery -of the laws of development, if we bear -in mind that while that theory completes -and co-ordinates the objective -basis of the system, it at the same time -holds it in subordination to the subjective -principle. It is under the influence -of this moral principle that the whole -philosophical construction should be carried on. -The inquiry into the Order of the Universe is an -indispensable task, and it comes necessarily within -the province of the intellect; but the intellect is -too apt to aim in its pride at something beyond -its proper function, which consists in unremitting -service of the social sympathies. It would willingly -escape from all control and follow its own -bent towards speculative digressions; a tendency -which is at present favoured by the undisciplined -habits of thought naturally due to the first rise of -Positivism in its special departments. The influence -of the moral principle is necessary to recall -it to its true function; since if its investigations -were allowed to assume an absolute character, -and to recognize no limit, we should only be repeating<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39">39</a></span> -in a scientific form many of the worst -results of theological and metaphysical belief. -The Universe is to be studied not for its own sake, -but for the sake of Man or rather of Humanity. -To study it in any other spirit would not only be -immoral, but also highly irrational. For, as statements -of pure objective truth, our scientific theories -can never be really satisfactory. They can -only satisfy us from the subjective point of view; -that is, by limiting themselves to the treatment -of such questions as have some direct or indirect -influence over human life. It is for social feeling -to determine these limits; outside which our knowledge -will always remain imperfect as well as -useless, and this even in the case of the simplest -phenomena; as astronomy testifies. Were the influence -of social feeling to be slackened, the Positive -spirit would soon fall back to the subjects which -were preferred during the period of its infancy; -subjects the most remote from human interest, -and therefore also the easiest. While its probationary -period lasted, it was natural to investigate -all accessible problems without distinction; and -this was often justified by the logical value of many -problems that, scientifically speaking, were useless. -But now that the Positive method has been -sufficiently developed to be applied exclusively to -the purpose for which it was intended, there is no -use whatever in prolonging the period of probation -by these idle exercises. Indeed the want of purpose -and discipline in our researches is rapidly -assuming a retrograde character. Its tendency -is to undo the chief results obtained by the spirit -of detail during the time when that spirit was -really essential to progress.</p> - -<p>Here, then, we are met by a serious difficulty. -The construction of the objective basis for the -Positive synthesis imposes two conditions which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40">40</a></span> -seem, at first sight, incompatible. On the one -hand we must allow the intellect to be free, or else -we shall not have the full benefit of its services; -and, on the other, we must control its natural -tendency to unlimited digressions. The problem -was insoluble, so long as the study of the natural -economy did not include Sociology. But as soon -as the Positive spirit extends to the treatment of -social questions, these at once take precedence of -all others, and thus the moral point of view becomes -paramount. Objective science, proceeding -from without inwards, falls at last into natural -harmony with the subjective or moral principle, -the superiority of which it had for so long a time -resisted. As a mere speculative question it may -be considered as proved to the satisfaction of -every true thinker, that the social point of view -is logically and scientifically supreme over all others, -being the only point from which all our scientific -conceptions can be regarded as a whole. Yet its -influence can never be injurious to the progress of -other Positive studies; for these, whether for the -sake of their method or of their subject matter, will -always continue to be necessary as an introduction -to the final science. Indeed the Positive system -gives the highest sanction and the most powerful -stimulus to all preliminary sciences, by insisting -on the relation which each of them bears to the -great whole, Humanity.</p> - -<p>Thus the foundation of social science bears out -the statement made at the beginning of this work, -that the intellect would, under Positivism, accept -its proper position of subordination to the heart. -The recognition of this, which is the subjective -principle of Positivism, renders the construction -of a complete system of human life possible. The -antagonism which, since the close of the Middle -Ages, has arisen between Reason and Feeling,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41">41</a></span> -was an anomalous though inevitable condition. -It is now for ever at an end; and the only system -which can really satisfy the wants of our nature, -individually or collectively, is therefore ready for -our acceptance. As long as the antagonism existed, -it was hopeless to expect that Social Sympathy -could do much to modify the preponderance -of self-love in the affairs of life. But the case is -different as soon as reason and sympathy are -brought into active co-operation. Separately, -their influence in our imperfect organization is -very feeble; but combined it may extend indefinitely. -It will never, indeed, be able to do away -with the fact that practical life must, to a large -extent, be regulated by interested motives; yet -it may introduce a standard of morality inconceivably -higher than any that has existed in the -past, before these two modifying forces could be -made to combine their action upon our stronger -and lower instincts.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Distinction -between Abstract -and Concrete -laws. It -is the former -only that we -require for the -purpose before -us</div> - -<p>In order to give a more precise conception -of the intellectual basis on -which the system of Positive Polity -should rest, I must explain the general -principle by which it should be limited. -It should be confined to what is really -indispensable to the construction of -that Polity. Otherwise the intellect will be carried -away, as it has been before, by its tendency -to useless digressions. It will endeavour to extend -the limits of its province; thereby escaping -from the discipline imposed by social motives, -and putting off all attempts at moral and social -regeneration for a longer time than the construction -of the philosophic basis for action really demands. -Here we shall find a fresh proof of the -importance of my theory of development. By -that discovery the intellectual synthesis may be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42">42</a></span> -considered as having already reached the point -from which the synthesis of affections may be at -once begun; and even that of actions, at least in -its highest and most difficult part, morality properly -so called.</p> - -<p>With the view of restricting the construction of -the objective basis within reasonable limits, there -is this distinction to be borne in mind. In the -Order of Nature, there are two classes of laws; -those that are simple or Abstract, those that are -compound or Concrete. In my work on <cite>Positive -Philosophy</cite>, the distinction has been thoroughly -established, and frequent use has been made of it. -It will be sufficient here to point out its origin and -the method of applying it.</p> - -<p>Positive science may deal either with objects -themselves as they exist, or with the separate -phenomena that the objects exhibit. Of course -we can only judge of an object by the sum of its -phenomena; but it is open to us either to examine -a special class of phenomena abstracted from all -the beings that exhibit it, or to take some special -object, and examine the whole concrete group of -phenomena. In the latter case we shall be studying -different systems of existence; in the former, -different modes of activity. As good an example -of the distinction as can be given is that, already -mentioned, of Meteorology. The facts of weather -are evidently combinations of astronomical, -physical, chemical, biological, and even social -phenomena; each of these classes requiring its -own separate theories. Were these abstract laws -sufficiently well known to us, then the whole difficulty -of the concrete problem would be so to combine -them, as to deduce the order in which each -composite effect would follow. This, however, -is a process which seems to me so far beyond our -feeble powers of deduction, that, even supposing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43">43</a></span> -our knowledge of the abstract laws perfect, we -should still be obliged to have recourse to the inductive -method.</p> - -<p>Now the investigation of the economy of nature -here contemplated is evidently of the abstract -kind. We decompose that economy into its primary -phenomena, that is to say, into those which -are not reducible to others. These we range in -classes, each of which, notwithstanding the connexion -that exists between all, requires a separate -inductive process; for the existence of laws cannot -be proved in any one of them by pure deduction. -It is only with these simpler and more -abstract relations that our synthesis is directly -concerned: when these are established, they -afford a rational groundwork for the more composite -and concrete researches. The great complexity -of concrete relations makes it probable -that we shall never be able to co-ordinate them -perfectly. In that case the synthesis would -always remain limited to abstract laws. But its -true object, that of supplying an objective basis -for the great synthesis of human life, will none the -less be attained. For this groundwork of abstract -knowledge would introduce harmony between all -our mental conceptions, and thereby would make -it impossible to systematize our feelings and actions, -which is the object of all sound philosophy. The -abstract study of nature is therefore all that is -absolutely indispensable for the establishment of -unity in human life. It serves as the foundation -of all wise action; as the <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">philosophia prima</i>, the -necessity of which in the normal state of humanity -was dimly foreseen by Bacon. When the abstract -laws exhibiting the various modes of activity have -been brought systematically before us, our practical -knowledge of each special system of existence -ceases to be purely empirical, though the greater<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44">44</a></span> -number of concrete laws may still be unknown. -We find the best example of this truth in the most -difficult and important subject of all, Sociology. -Knowledge of the principal statical and dynamical -laws of social existence is evidently sufficient for -the purpose of systematizing the various aspects -of private or public life, and thereby of rendering -our condition far more perfect. Should this knowledge -be acquired, of which there is now no doubt, -we need not regret being unable to give a satisfactory -explanation of every state of society that -we find existing throughout the world in all ages. -The discipline of social feeling will check any foolish -indulgence of the spirit of curiosity, and prevent -the understanding from wasting its powers in -useless speculations; for feeble as these powers -are, it is from them that Humanity derives her -most efficient means of contending against the -defects of the External Order. The discovery of -the principal concrete laws would no doubt be -attended by the most beneficial results, moral as -well as physical; and this is the field in which the -science of the future will reap its richest harvest. -But such knowledge is not indispensable for our -present purpose, which is to form a complete synthesis -of life, effecting for the final state of humanity -what the theological synthesis effected for its -primitive state. For this purpose Abstract philosophy -is undoubtedly sufficient; so that even -supposing that Concrete philosophy should never -become so perfect as we desire, social regeneration -will still be possible.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">In my Theory -of Development, -the required -Synthesis -of Abstract -conceptions already -exists</div> - -<p>Regarded under this more simple -aspect, our system of scientific knowledge -is already so far elaborated, that -all thinkers whose nature is sufficiently -sympathetic may proceed without -delay to the problem of moral regeneration;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45">45</a></span> -a problem which must prepare the way for -that of political reorganization. For we shall find -that the theory of development of which we have -been speaking, when looked at from another point -of view, condenses and systematizes all our abstract -conceptions of the order of nature.</p> - -<p>This will be understood by regarding all departments -of our knowledge as being really component -parts of one and the same science; the science of -Humanity. All other sciences are but the prelude -or the development of this. Before we can enter -upon it directly, there are two subjects which it is -necessary to investigate; our external circumstances, -and the organization of our own nature. -Social life cannot be understood without first -understanding the medium in which it is developed, -and the beings who manifest it. We shall make -no progress, therefore, in the final science until -we have sufficient abstract knowledge of the outer -world and of individual life to define the influence -of these laws on the special laws of social phenomena. -And this is necessary from the logical -as well as from the scientific point of view. The -feeble faculties of our intellect require to be trained -for the more difficult speculations by practice in -the easier. For the same reasons, the study of -the inorganic world should take precedence of the -organic. For, in the first place, the laws of the -more universal mode of existence have a preponderating -influence over those of the more special -modes; and in the second place it is clearly incumbent -on us to begin the study of the Positive -method with its simplest and most characteristic -applications. I need not dwell further upon principles -so fully established in my former work.</p> - -<p>Social Philosophy, therefore, ought on every -ground to be preceded by Natural Philosophy in -the ordinary sense of the word; that is to say by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46">46</a></span> -the study of inorganic and organic nature. It is -reserved for our own century to take in the whole -scope of science; but the commencement of these -preparatory studies dates from the first astronomical -discoveries of antiquity. Natural Philosophy -was completed by the modern science of -Biology, of which the ancients possessed nothing -but a few statical principles. The dependence of -biological conditions upon astronomical is very -certain. But these two sciences differ too much -from each other and are too indirectly connected -to give us an adequate conception of Natural -Philosophy as a whole. It would be pushing the -principle of condensation too far to reduce it to -these two terms. One connecting link was supplied -by the science of Chemistry which arose in -the Middle Ages. The natural succession of Astronomy, -Chemistry, and Biology leading gradually -up to the final science, Sociology, made it possible -to conceive more or less imperfectly of an intellectual -synthesis. But the interposition of Chemistry -was not enough: because, though its relation to -Biology was intimate, it was too remote from -Astronomy. For want of understanding the mode -in which astronomical conditions really affected -us, the arbitrary and chimerical fancies of astrology -were employed, though of course quite valueless -except for this temporary purpose. In the seventeenth -century, however, the science of Physics -specially so called, was founded; and a satisfactory -arrangement of scientific conceptions began -to be formed. Physics included a series of inorganic -researches, the more general branch of which -bordered on Astronomy, the more special on -Chemistry. To complete our view of the scientific -hierarchy we have now only to go back to its origin, -Mathematics; a class of speculations so simple -and so general, that they passed at once and without<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47">47</a></span> -effort into the Positive stage. Without Mathematics, -Astronomy was impossible: and they will -always continue to be the starting-point of Positive -education for the individual as they have been for -the race. Even under the most absolute theological -influence they stimulate the Positive spirit -to a certain degree of systematic growth. From -them it extends step by step to the subjects from -which at first it had been most rigidly excluded.</p> - -<p>We see from these brief remarks that the series -of the abstract sciences naturally arranges itself -according to the decrease in generality and the -increase in complication. We see the reason for -the introduction of each member of the series, and -the mutual connexion between them. The classification -is evidently the same as that before laid -down in my theory of development. That theory -therefore may be regarded, from the statical point -of view, as furnishing a direct basis for the co-ordination -of Abstract conception, on which, as we -have seen, the whole synthesis of human life depends. -That co-ordination at once establishes -unity in our intellectual operations. It realizes -the desire obscurely expressed by Bacon for a -<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">scala intellectûs</i>, a ladder of the understanding, by -the aid of which our thoughts may pass with ease -from the lowest subjects to the highest, or vice -versa, without weakening the sense of their continuous -connexion in nature. Each of the six -terms of which our series is composed is in its central -portion quite distinct from the two adjoining -links; but it is closely related in its commencement -to the preceding term, in its conclusion to the term -which follows. A further proof of the homogeneousness -and continuity of the system is that the -same principle of classification, when applied more -closely, enables us to arrange the various theories -of which each science consists. For example, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48">48</a></span> -three great orders of mathematical speculations, -Arithmetic, Geometry, and Mechanics, follow the -same law of classification as that by which the -entire scale is regulated. And I have shown in -my <cite>Positive Philosophy</cite> that the same holds good -of the other sciences. As a whole, therefore, the -series is the most concise summary that can be -formed of the vast range of Abstract truth; and -conversely, all rational researches of a special kind -result in some partial development of this series. -Each term in it requires its own special processes -of induction; yet in each we reason deductively -from the preceding term, a method which will -always be as necessary for purposes of instruction -as it was originally for the purpose of discovery. -Thus it is that all our other studies are but a preparation -for the final science of Humanity. By -it their mode of culture will always be influenced -and will gradually be imbued with the true spirit -of generality, which is so closely connected with -social sympathy. Nor is there any danger of such -influence becoming oppressive, since the very -principle of our system is to combine a due measure -of independence with practical convergence. -The fact that our theory of classification, by the -very terms of its composition, subordinates intellectual -to social considerations, is eminently calculated -to secure its popular acceptance. It -brings the whole speculative system under the -criticism, and at the same time under the protection -of the public, which is usually not slow to check -any abuse of those habits of abstraction which -are necessary to the philosopher.</p> - -<p>The same theory then which explains the mental -evolution of Humanity, lays down the true method -by which our abstract conceptions should be classified; -thus reconciling the conditions of Order and -Movement, hitherto more or less at variance. Its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49">49</a></span> -historical clearness and its philosophical force -strengthen each other, for we cannot understand -the connexion of our conceptions except by studying -the succession of the phases through which -they pass. And on the other hand, but for the -existence of such a connexion, it would be impossible -to explain the historical phases. So we see -that for all sound thinkers, History and Philosophy -are inseparable.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Therefore we -are in a position -to proceed -at once with -the work of -social regeneration</div> - -<p>A theory which embraces the statical -as well as the dynamical aspects of -the subject, and which fulfils the conditions -here spoken of, may certainly -be regarded as establishing the true -objective basis on which unity can be -established in our intellectual functions. And -this unity will be developed and consolidated as -our knowledge of its basis becomes more satisfactory. -But the social application of the system -will have far more influence on the result than any -overstrained attempts at exact scientific accuracy. -The object of our philosophy is to direct the spiritual -reorganization of the civilized world. It is with -a view to this object that all attempts at fresh discovery -or at improved arrangement should be -conducted. Moral and political requirements will -lead us to investigate new relations; but the -search should not be carried farther than is necessary -for their application. Sufficient for our purpose, -if this incipient classification of our mental -products be so far worked out that the synthesis -of Affection and of Action may be at once attempted; -that is, that we may begin at once to -construct that system of morality under which -the final regeneration of Humanity will proceed. -Those who have read my <cite>Positive Philosophy</cite> will, -I think, be convinced that the time for this attempt -has arrived. How urgently it is needed will appear -in every part of the present work.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50">50</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Error of identifying -Positivism -with -Atheism, Materialism, -Fatalism, -or Optimism. -Atheism, -like Theology, -discusses insoluble -mysteries</div> - -<p>I have now described the general -spirit of Positivism. But there are -two or three points on which some -further explanation is necessary, as -they are the source of misapprehensions -too common and too serious to -be disregarded. Of course I only -concern myself with such objections -as are made in good faith.</p> - -<p>The fact of entire freedom from theological belief -being necessary before the Positive state can -be perfectly attained, has induced superficial observers -to confound Positivism with a state of pure -negation. Now this state was at one time, and -that even so recently as the last century, favourable -to progress; but at present in those who unfortunately -still remain in it, it is a radical obstacle -to all sound social and even intellectual organization. -I have long ago repudiated all philosophical -or historical connexion between Positivism and -what is called Atheism. But it is desirable to -expose the error somewhat more clearly.</p> - -<p>Atheism, even from the intellectual point of -view, is a very imperfect form of emancipation; -for its tendency is to prolong the metaphysical -stage indefinitely, by continuing to seek for new -solutions of Theological problems, instead of setting -aside all inaccessible researches on the ground of -their utter inutility. The true Positive spirit -consists in substituting the study of the invariable -Laws of phenomena for that of their so-called -Causes, whether proximate or primary; in a -word, in studying the <em>How</em> instead of the <em>Why</em>. -Now this is wholly incompatible with the ambitious -and visionary attempts of Atheism to explain -the formation of the Universe, the origin of animal -life, etc. The Positivist comparing the various -phases of human speculation, looks upon these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51">51</a></span> -scientific chimeras as far less valuable even from -the intellectual point of view than the first spontaneous -inspirations of primeval times. The -principle of Theology is to explain everything by -supernatural <em>Wills</em>. That principle can never be -set aside until we acknowledge the search for -<em>Causes</em> to be beyond our reach, and limit ourselves -to the knowledge of <em>Laws</em>. As long as men persist -in attempting to answer the insoluble questions -which occupied the attention of the childhood -of our race, by far the more rational plan is -to do as was done then, that is, simply to give free -play to the imagination. These spontaneous beliefs -have gradually fallen into disuse, not because -they have been disproved, but because -mankind has become more enlightened as to its -wants and the scope of its powers, and has gradually -given an entirely new direction to its speculative -efforts. If we insist upon penetrating the -unattainable mystery of the essential Cause that -produces phenomena, there is no hypothesis more -satisfactory than that they proceed from Wills -dwelling in them or outside them; an hypothesis -which assimilates them to the effect produced by -the desires which exist within ourselves. Were -it not for the pride induced by metaphysical and -scientific studies, it would be inconceivable that -any atheist, modern or ancient, should have believed -that his vague hypotheses on such a subject -were preferable to this direct mode of explanation. -And it was the only mode which really satisfied -the reason, until men began to see the utter inanity -and inutility of all search for absolute truth. The -Order of Nature is doubtless very imperfect in -every respect; but its production is far more compatible -with the hypothesis of an intelligent Will -than with that of a blind mechanism. Persistent -atheists therefore would seem to be most illogical<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52">52</a></span> -of theologists: because they occupy themselves -with theological problems, and yet reject the only -appropriate method of handling them. But the -fact is that pure Atheism even in the present day -is very rare. What is called Atheism is usually a -phase of Pantheism, which is really nothing but a -relapse disguised under learned terms, into a vague -and abstract form of Fetichism. And it is not -impossible that it may lead to the reproduction -in one form or other of every theological phase as -soon as the check which modern society still imposes -on metaphysical extravagance has become -somewhat weakened. The adoption of such -theories as a satisfactory system of belief, indicates -a very exaggerated or rather false view of -intellectual requirements, and a very insufficient -recognition of moral and social wants. It is generally -connected with the visionary but mischievous -tendencies of ambitious thinkers to uphold what -they call the empire of Reason. In the moral -sphere it forms a sort of basis for the degrading -fallacies of modern metaphysicians as to the absolute -preponderance of self-interest. Politically, -its tendency is to unlimited prolongation of the -revolutionary position: its spirit is that of blind -hatred to the past: and it resists all attempts to -explain it on Positive principles, with a view of -disclosing the future. Atheism, therefore, is not -likely to lead to Positivism except in those who -pass through it rapidly as the last and most short-lived -of metaphysical phases. And the wide diffusion -of the scientific spirit in the present day -makes this passage so easy that to arrive at maturity -without accomplishing it, is a symptom of a -certain mental weakness, which is often connected -with moral insufficiency, and is very incompatible -with Positivism. Negation offers but a feeble -and precarious basis for union: and disbelief in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53">53</a></span> -Monotheism is of itself no better proof of a mind -fit to grapple with the questions of the day than -disbelief in Polytheism or Fetichism, which no -one would maintain to be an adequate ground for -claiming intellectual sympathy. The atheistic -phase indeed was not really necessary, except for -the revolutionists of the last century who took -the lead in the movement towards radical regeneration -of society. The necessity has already ceased; -for the decayed condition of the old system makes -the need of regeneration palpable to all. Persistence -in anarchy, and Atheism is the most characteristic -symptom of anarchy, is a temper of mind -more unfavourable to the organic spirit, which -ought by this time to have established its influence, -than sincere adhesion to the old forms. This -latter is of course obstructive: but at least it does -not hinder us from fixing our attention upon the -great social problem. Indeed it helps us to do -so: because it forces the new philosophy to throw -aside every weapon of attack against the older -faith except its own higher capacity of satisfying -our moral and social wants. But in the Atheism -maintained by many metaphysicians and scientific -men of the present day, Positivism, instead of -wholesome rivalry of this kind, will meet with -nothing but barren resistance. Anti-theological -as such men may be, they feel unmixed repugnance -for any attempts at social regeneration, although -their efforts in the last century had to some extent -prepared the way for it. Far, then, from counting -upon their support, Positivists must expect to -find them hostile: although from the incoherence -of their opinions it will not be difficult to reclaim -those of them whose errors are not essentially due -to pride.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Materialism -is due to the -encroachment -of the lower -sciences on the -domain of the -higher: an -error which -Positivism -rectifies</div> - -<p>The charge of Materialism which is -often made against Positive philosophy<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54">54</a></span> -is of more importance. It originates -in the course of scientific study -upon which the Positive system is -based. In answering the charge, I -need not enter into any discussion of -impenetrable mysteries. Our theory -of development will enable us to see distinctly -the real ground of the confusion that exists upon -the subject.</p> - -<p>Positive science was for a long time limited to -the simplest subjects: it could not reach the -highest except by a natural series of intermediate -steps. As each of these steps is taken, the student -is apt to be influenced too strongly by the methods -and results of the preceding stage. Here, as it -seems to me, lies the real source of that scientific -error which men have instinctively blamed as -<em>materialism</em>. The name is just, because the tendency -indicated is one which degrades the higher -subjects of thought by confounding them with -the lower. It was hardly possible that this usurpation -by one science of the domain of another -should have been wholly avoided. For since the -more special phenomena do really depend upon -the more general, it is perfectly legitimate for each -science to exercise a certain deductive influence -upon that which follows it in the scale. By such -influence the special inductions of that science -were rendered more coherent. The result, however, -is that each of the sciences has to undergo a -long struggle against the encroachments of the one -preceding it; a struggle which, even in the case of -the subjects which have been studied longest, is -not yet over. Nor can it entirely cease until the -controlling influence of sound philosophy be established -over the whole scale, introducing juster -views of the relations of its several parts, about -which at present there is such irrational confusion.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55">55</a></span> -Thus it appears that Materialism is a danger inherent -in the mode in which the scientific studies -necessary as a preparation for Positivism were -pursued. Each science tended to absorb the one -next to it, on the ground of having reached the -Positive stage earlier and more thoroughly. The -evil then is really deeper and more extensive than -is imagined by most of those who deplore it. It -passes generally unnoticed except in the highest -class of subjects. These doubtless are more seriously -affected, inasmuch as they undergo the encroaching -process from all the rest; but we find -the same thing in different degrees, in every step -of the scientific scale. Even the lowest step, -Mathematics, is no exception, though its position -would seem at first sight to exempt it. To a philosophic -eye there is Materialism in the common -tendency of mathematicians at the present day -to absorb Geometry or Mechanics into the Calculus, -as well as in the more evident encroachments of -Mathematics upon Physics, of Physics upon -Chemistry, of Chemistry, which is more frequent, -upon Biology, or lastly in the common tendency -of the best biologists to look upon Sociology as a -mere corollary of their own science. In all cases -it is the same fundamental error: that is, an -exaggerated use of deductive reasoning; and in -all it is attended with the same result; that the -higher studies are in constant danger of being disorganized -by the indiscriminate application of the -lower. All scientific specialists at the present -time are more or less materialists, according as -the phenomena studied by them are more or less -simple and general. Geometricians, therefore, -are more liable to the error than any others; they -all aim consciously or otherwise at a synthesis in -which the most elementary studies, those of Number, -Space, and Motion, are made to regulate all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56">56</a></span> -the rest. But the biologists who resist this encroachment -most energetically, are often guilty -of the same mistake. They not unfrequently -attempt, for instance, to explain all sociological -facts by the influence of climate and race, which -are purely secondary; thus showing their ignorance -of the fundamental laws of Sociology, which -can only be discovered by a series of direct inductions -from history.</p> - -<p>This philosophical estimate of Materialism explains -how it is that it has been brought as a -charge against Positivism, and at the same time -proves the deep injustice of the charge. Positivism, -far from countenancing so dangerous an -error, is, as we have seen, the only philosophy -which can completely remove it. The error -arises from certain tendencies which are in themselves -legitimate, but which have been carried -too far; and Positivism satisfies these tendencies -in their due measure. Hitherto the evil has remained -unchecked, except by the theologico-metaphysical -spirit, which, by giving rise to what is -called Spiritualism, has rendered a very valuable -service. But useful as it has been, it could not -arrest the active growth of Materialism, which has -assumed in the eyes of modern thinkers something -of a progressive character, from having been so -long connected with the cause of resistance to a -retrograde system. Notwithstanding all the protests -of the spiritualists, the lower sciences have -encroached upon the higher to an extent that -seriously impairs their independence and their -value. But Positivism meets the difficulty far -more effectually. It satisfies and reconciles all -that is really tenable in the rival claims of both -Materialism and Spiritualism; and, having done -this, it discards them both. It holds the one to -be as dangerous to Order as the other to Progress.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57">57</a></span> -This result is an immediate consequence of the -establishment of the encyclopædic scale, in which -each science retains its own proper sphere of induction, -while deductively it remains subordinate -to the science which precedes it. But what really -decides the matter is the fact that such paramount -importance, both logically and scientifically, is -given by Positive Philosophy to social questions. -For these are the questions in which the influence -of Materialism is most mischievous, and also in -which it is most easily introduced. A system -therefore which gives them the precedence over -all other questions must hold Materialism to be -quite as obstructive as Spiritualism, since both -are alike an obstacle to the progress of that science -for the sake of which all other sciences are studied. -Further advance in the work of social regeneration -implies the elimination of both of them, because -it cannot proceed without exact knowledge of the -laws of moral and social phenomena. In the next -chapter I shall have to speak of the mischievous -effects of Materialism upon the Art or practice of -social life. It leads to a misconception of the -most fundamental principle of that Art, namely, -the systematic separation of spiritual and temporal -power. To maintain that separation, to -carry out on a more satisfactory basis the admirable -attempt made in the Middle Ages by the -Catholic Church, is the most important of political -questions. Thus the antagonism of Positivism -to Materialism rests upon political no less than -upon philosophical grounds.</p> - -<p>With the view of securing a dispassionate -consideration of this subject, and of avoiding all -confusion, I have laid no stress upon the charge -of immorality that is so often brought against -Materialism. The reproach, even when made -sincerely, is constantly belied by experience,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58">58</a></span> -indeed it is inconsistent with all that we know of -human nature. Our opinions, whether right or -wrong, have not, fortunately, the absolute power -over our feelings and conduct which is commonly -attributed to them. Materialism has been provisionally -connected with the whole movement of -emancipation, and it has therefore often been -found in common with the noblest aspirations. -That connexion, however, has now ceased; and -it must be owned that even in the most favourable -cases this error, purely intellectual though it be, -has to a certain extent always checked the free -play of our nobler instincts, by leading men to -ignore or misconceive moral phenomena, which -were left unexplained by its crude hypothesis. -Cabanis gave a striking example of this tendency -in his unfortunate attack upon mediaeval chivalry.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -Cabanis was a philosopher whose moral nature -was as pure and sympathetic as his intellect was -elevated and enlarged. Yet the materialism of -his day had entirely blinded him to the beneficial -results of the attempts made by the most energetic -of our ancestors to institute the Worship of -Woman.</p> - -<p>We have now examined the two principal -charges brought against the Positive system, and -we have found that they apply merely to the -unsystematic state in which Positive principles -are first introduced. But the system is also -accused of Fatalism and of Optimism; charges -on which it will not be necessary to dwell at great -length, because, though frequently made, they are -not difficult to refute.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Nor is Positivism -fatalist, -since it asserts -the External -Order to be -modifiable</div> - -<p>The charge of Fatalism has accompanied -every fresh extension of Positive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59">59</a></span> -science, from its first beginnings. -Nor is this surprising; for when any -series of phenomena passes from the -dominion of Wills, whether modified by metaphysical -abstractions or not, to the dominion of -Laws, the regularity of the latter contrasts so -strongly with the instability of the former, as to -present an appearance of fatality, which nothing -but a very careful examination of the real character -of scientific truth can dissipate. And the -error is the more likely to occur from the fact that -our first types of natural laws are derived from -the phenomena of the heavenly bodies. These, -being wholly beyond our interference, always -suggest the notion of absolute necessity, a notion -which it is difficult to prevent from extending to -more complex phenomena, as soon as they are -brought within the reach of the Positive method. -And it is quite true that Positivism holds the -Order of Nature to be in its primary aspects -strictly invariable. All variations, whether spontaneous -or artificial, are only transient and of -secondary import. The conception of unlimited -variations would in fact be equivalent to the -rejection of Law altogether. But while this -accounts for the fact that every new Positive -theory is accused of Fatalism, it is equally clear -that blind persistence in the accusation shows a -very shallow conception of what Positivism really -is. For, unchangeable as the Order of Nature -is in its main aspects, yet all phenomena, except -those of Astronomy, admit of being modified in -their secondary relations, and this the more as -they are more complicated. The Positive spirit, -when confined to the subjects of Mathematics and -Astronomy, was inevitably fatalist; but this -ceased to be the case when it extended to Physics -and Chemistry, and especially to Biology, where<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60">60</a></span> -the margin of variation is very considerable. -Now that it embraces Social phenomena, the -reproach, however it may have been once deserved, -should be heard no longer, since these phenomena, -which will for the future form its principal field, -admit of larger modification than any others, -and that chiefly by our own intervention. It is -obvious then that Positivism, far from encouraging -indolence, stimulates us to action, especially to -social action, far more energetically than any -Theological doctrine. It removes all groundless -scruples, and prevents us from having recourse -to chimeras. It encourages our efforts everywhere, -except where they are manifestly useless.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The charge -of Optimism -applies to Theology -rather -than to Positivism. -The -positivist judges -of all historical -actions -<em>relatively</em>, but -does not justify -them indiscriminately</div> - -<p>For the charge of Optimism there -is even less ground than for that of -Fatalism. The latter was, to a certain -extent, connected with the rise of the -Positive spirit; but Optimism is -simply a result of Theology; and its -influence has always been decreasing -with the growth of Positivism. Astronomical -laws, it is true, suggest the -idea of perfection as naturally as that of necessity. -On the other hand, their great simplicity places -the defects of the Order of Nature in so clear a -light, that optimists would never have sought -their arguments in astronomy, were it not that the -first elements of the science had to be worked out -under the influence of Monotheism, a system which -involved the hypothesis of absolute wisdom. But -by the theory of development on which the -Positive synthesis is here made to rest, Optimism -is discarded as well as Fatalism, in the direct -proportion of the intricacy of the phenomena. -It is in the most intricate that the defects of -Nature, as well as the power of modifying them, -become most manifest. With regard, therefore,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61">61</a></span> -to social phenomena, the most complex of all, -both charges are utterly misplaced. Any optimistic -tendencies that writers on social subjects -may display, must be due to the fact that their -education has not been such as to teach them the -nature and conditions of the true scientific spirit. -For want of sound logical training, great misuse -has been made in our own time of a property -peculiar to social phenomena. It is that we find -in them a greater amount of spontaneous wisdom -than might have been expected from their complexity. -It would be a mistake, however, to -suppose this wisdom perfect. The phenomena in -question are those of intelligent beings who are -always occupied in amending the defects of their -economy. It is obvious, therefore, that they will -show less imperfection than if, in a case equally -complicated, the agents could have been blind. -The standard by which to judge of action is -always to be taken relatively to the social state -in which the action takes place. Therefore all -historical positions and changes must have at -least some grounds of justification; otherwise -they would be totally incomprehensible, because -inconsistent with the nature of the agents and of -the actions performed by them. Now this -naturally fosters a dangerous tendency to Optimism -in all thinkers, who, whatever their powers -may be, have not passed through any strict -scientific training, and have consequently never -cast off metaphysical and theological modes of -thought in the higher subjects. Because every -government shows a certain adaptation to the -civilization of its time, they make the loose -assertion that the adaptation is perfect; a conception -which is of course chimerical. But it is -unjust to charge Positivism with errors which are -evidently contrary to its true spirit, and merely<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62">62</a></span> -due to the want of logical and scientific training -in those who have hitherto engaged in the study -of social questions. The object of Sociology is to -explain all historical facts; not to justify them -indiscriminately, as is done by those who are -unable to distinguish the influence of the agent -from that of surrounding circumstances.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The word -<em>Positive</em> connotes -all the -highest intellectual -attributes, -and will -ultimately -have a moral -significance</div> - -<p>On reviewing this brief sketch of -the intellectual character of Positivism, -it will be seen that all its essential -attributes are summed up in the word -<em>Positive</em>, which I applied to the new -philosophy at its outset. All the -languages of Western Europe agree -in understanding by this word and its derivatives -the two qualities of <em>reality</em> and <em>usefulness</em>. Combining -these, we get at once an adequate definition -of the true philosophic spirit, which, after all, is -nothing but good sense generalized and put into -a systematic form. The term also implies in all -European languages, <em>certainty</em> and <em>precision</em>, -qualities by which the intellect of modern nations -is markedly distinguished from that of antiquity. -Again, the ordinary acceptation of the term -implies a directly <em>organic</em> tendency. Now the -metaphysical spirit is incapable of organizing; it -can only criticize. This distinguishes it from the -Positive spirit, although for a time they had a -common sphere of action. By speaking of Positivism -as organic, we imply that it has a social -purpose; that purpose being to supersede Theology -in the spiritual direction of the human race.</p> - -<p>But the word will bear yet a further meaning. -The organic character of the system leads us -naturally to another of its attributes, namely its -invariable <em>relativity</em>. Modern thinkers will never -rise above that critical position which they have -hitherto taken up towards the past, except by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63">63</a></span> -repudiating all absolute principles. This last -meaning is more latent than the others, but is -really contained in the term. It will soon become -generally accepted, and the word <em>Positive</em> will be -understood to mean relative as much as it now -means <em>organic</em>, <em>precise</em>, <em>certain</em>, <em>useful</em>, and <em>real</em>. -Thus the highest attributes of human wisdom have, -with one exception, been gradually condensed into -a single expressive term. All that is now wanting -is that the word should denote what at first could -form no part of the meaning, the union of moral -with intellectual qualities. At present, only the -latter are included; but the course of modern -progress makes it certain that the conception -implied by the word Positive, will ultimately -have a more direct reference to the heart than to -the understanding. For it will soon be felt by -all that the tendency of Positivism, and that by -virtue of its primary characteristic, reality, is to -make Feeling systematically supreme over Reason -as well as over Activity. After all, the change -consists simply in realizing the full etymological -value of the word <em>Philosophy</em><a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a>. For it was -impossible to realize it until moral and mental -conditions had been reconciled; and this has -been now done by the foundation of a Positive -science of society.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64">64</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2> - -<blockquote> -<p class="center">THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF POSITIVISM, AS SHOWN BY -ITS CONNEXION WITH THE GENERAL REVOLUTIONARY -MOVEMENT OF WESTERN EUROPE</p></blockquote> -</div> - -<p>As the chief characteristic of Positive Philosophy -is the paramount importance that is given, and -that on speculative grounds, to social considerations, -its efficiency for the purposes of practical -life is involved in the very spirit of the system. -When this spirit is rightly understood, we find -that it leads at once to an object far higher than -that of satisfying our scientific curiosity; the -object, namely, of organizing human life. Conversely, -this practical aspect of Positive Philosophy -exercises the most salutary influence upon its -speculative character. By keeping constantly -before us the necessity of concentrating all scientific -efforts upon the social object which constitutes -their value, we take the best possible means of -checking the tendency inherent in all abstract -inquiries to degenerate into useless digressions. -But this general connexion between theory and -practice would not by itself be sufficient for our -purpose. It would be impossible to secure the -acceptance of a mental discipline, so new and so -difficult, were it not for considerations derived -from the general conditions of modern society; -considerations calculated to impress philosophers -with a more definite sense of obligation to do their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65">65</a></span> -utmost towards satisfying the wants of the time. -By thus arousing public sympathies and showing -that the success of Positivism is a matter of permanent -and general importance, the coherence of the -system as well as the elevation of its aims will be -placed beyond dispute. We have hitherto been -regarding Positivism as the issue in which intellectual -development necessarily results. We have -now to view it from the social side; for until we -have done this, it is impossible to form a true -conception of it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The relation -of Positivism -to the French -Revolution</div> - -<p>And to do this, all that is here -necessary is to point out the close -relation in which the new philosophy -stands to the whole course of the -French Revolution. This revolution has now -been agitating Western nations for sixty years<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a>. -It is the final issue of the vast transition through -which we have been passing during the five -previous centuries.</p> - -<p>In this great crisis there are naturally two -principal phases; of which only the first, or -negative, phase has yet been accomplished. In -it we gave the last blow to the old system, but -without arriving at any fixed and distinct prospect -of the new. In the second or positive phase, -which is at last beginning, a basis for the new -social state has to be constructed. The first -phase led as its ultimate result to the formation -of a sound philosophical system; and by this -system the second phase will be directed. It is -this twofold connexion which we are now to -consider.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The negative -or destructive -phase of the -Revolution stimulated -the -desire of Progress, -and consequently -the -study of social -phenomena</div> - -<p>The strong reaction which was -exercised upon the intellect by the -first great shock of revolution was -absolutely necessary to rouse and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66">66</a></span> -sustain our mental efforts in the -search for a new system. For the -greatest thinkers of the eighteenth -century had been blinded to the true -character of the new state by the effete remnants -of the old. And the shock was especially necessary -for the foundation of social science. For the basis -of that science is the conception of human Progress, -a conception which nothing but the Revolution -could have brought forward into sufficient prominence.</p> - -<p>Social Order was regarded by the ancients as -stationary: and its theory under this provisional -aspect was admirably sketched out by the great -Aristotle. In this respect the case of Sociology -resembles that of Biology. In Biology statical -conceptions were attained without the least knowledge -of dynamical laws. Similarly, the social -speculations of antiquity are entirely devoid of -the conception of Progress. Their historical -field was too narrow to indicate any continuous -movement of Humanity. It was not till -the Middle Ages that this movement became sufficiently -manifest to inspire the feeling that we -were tending towards a state of increased perfection. -It was then seen by all that Catholicism -was superior to Polytheism and Judaism; and this -was afterwards confirmed by the corresponding -political improvement produced by the substitution -of Feudalism for Roman government. -Confused as this first feeling of human Progress -was, it was yet very intense and very largely -diffused; though it lost much of its vitality in -the theological and metaphysical discussions of -later centuries. It is here that we must look if -we would understand that ardour in the cause -of Progress which is peculiar to the Western -family of nations, and which has been strong<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67">67</a></span> -enough to check many sophistical delusions, -especially in the countries where the noble aspirations -of the Middle Ages have been least impaired -by the metaphysical theories of Protestantism or -Deism.</p> - -<p>But whatever the importance of this nascent -feeling, it was very far from sufficient to establish -the conviction of Progress as a fundamental -principle of human society. To demonstrate any -kind of progression, at least three terms are -requisite. Now the absolute character of theological -philosophy, by which the comparison -between Polytheism and Catholicism was instituted, -prevented men from conceiving the bare -possibility of any further stage. The limits of -perfection were supposed to have been reached -by the mediaeval system, and beyond it there -was nothing but the Christian Utopia of a future -life. The decline of mediaeval theology soon set -the imagination free from any such obstacles; but -it led at the same time to a mental reaction which -for a long time was unfavourable to the development -of this first conception of Progress. It -brought a feeling of blind antipathy to the Middle -Ages. Almost all thinkers in their dislike of the -Catholic dogmas were seized with such irrational -admiration for Antiquity as entirely to ignore -the social superiority of the mediaeval system; -and it was only among the untaught masses, -especially in the countries preserved from Protestantism, -that any real feeling of this superiority -was retained. It was not till the middle of the -seventeenth century that modern thinkers began -to dwell on the conception of Progress.</p> - -<p>It re-appeared then under a new aspect. Conclusive -evidence had by that time been furnished -that the more civilized portion of our race had -advanced in science and industry, and even,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68">68</a></span> -though not so unquestionably, in the fine arts. -But these aspects were only partial: and though -they were undoubtedly the source of the more -systematic views held by our own century upon -the subject, they were not enough to demonstrate -the fact of a progression. And indeed, from the -social point of view, so far more important than -any other, Progress seemed more doubtful than -it had been in the Middle Ages.</p> - -<p>But this condition of opinion was changed by -the revolutionary shock which impelled France, -the normal centre of Western Europe, to apply -itself to the task of social regeneration. A third -term of comparison, that is to say the type on -which modern society is being moulded, now -presented itself; though it lay as yet in a distant -and obscure future. Compared with the mediaeval -system it was seen to be an advance as great as -that which justified our ancestors of chivalrous -times in asserting superiority to their predecessors -of antiquity. Until the destruction of Catholic -Feudalism became an overt fact, its effete remnants -had concealed the political future, and the fact -of continuous progress in society had always -remained uncertain. Social phenomena have this -peculiarity, that the object observed undergoes -a process of development as well as and simultaneously -with the observer. Now up to the time -of the Revolution, political development, on which -the principal argument for the theory of Progress -must always be based, corresponded in its imperfection -to the incapacity of the scientific spirit to -frame the theory of it. A century ago, thinkers -of the greatest eminence were unable to conceive -of a really continuous progression; and Humanity, -as they thought, was destined to move in circles -or in oscillations. But under the influence of the -Revolution a real sense of human development<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69">69</a></span> -has arisen spontaneously and with more or less -result, in minds of the most ordinary cast; first -in France, and subsequently throughout the whole -of Western Europe. In this respect the crisis -has been most salutary; it has given us that -mental courage as well as force without which -the conception could never have arisen. It is the -basis of social science and therefore of all Positive -Philosophy; since it is only from the social aspect -that Positive Philosophy admits of being viewed -as a connected whole. Without the theory of -Progress, the theory of Order, even supposing -that it could be formed, would be inadequate as -a basis for Sociology. It is essential that the -two should be combined. The very fact that -Progress, however viewed, is nothing but the -development of Order, shows that Order cannot be -fully manifested without Progress. The dependence -of Positivism upon the French Revolution -may now be understood more clearly. Nor was -it by a merely fortuitous coincidence that by this -time the introductory course of scientific knowledge -by which the mind is prepared for Positivism -should have been sufficiently completed.</p> - -<p>But we must here observe that, beneficial as the -intellectual reaction of this great crisis undoubtedly -was, its effects could not be realized until the -ardour of the revolutionary spirit had been to -some extent weakened. The dazzling light -thrown upon the Future for some time obscured -our vision of the Past. It disclosed, though -obscurely, the third term of the social progression; -but it prevented us from fairly appreciating the -second term. It encouraged that blind aversion -to the Middle Ages, which had been inspired by -the emancipating process of modern times; a -feeling which had once been necessary to induce -us to abandon the old system. The suppression<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70">70</a></span> -of this intermediate step would be as fatal to the -conception of Progress as the absence of the last; -because this last differs too widely from the first -to admit of any direct comparison with it. Right -views upon the subject were impossible therefore -until full justice had been rendered to the Middle -Ages, which form at once the point of union and -of separation between ancient and modern history. -Now it was quite impossible to do this as long as -the excitement of the first years of the revolution -lasted. In this respect the philosophical reaction, -organized at the beginning of our century by the -great De Maistre, was of material assistance in -preparing the true theory of Progress. His -school was of brief duration, and it was no doubt -animated by a retrograde spirit; but it will always -be ranked among the necessary antecedents of the -Positive system; although its works are now -entirely superseded by the rise of the new philosophy, -which in a more perfect form has embodied -all their chief results.</p> - -<p>What was required therefore for the discovery -of Sociological laws, and for the establishment -upon these laws of a sound philosophical system, -was an intellect in the vigour of youth, imbued -with all the ardour of the revolutionary spirit, and -yet spontaneously assimilating all that was -valuable in the attempts of the retrograde school -to appreciate the historical importance of the -Middle Ages. In this way and in no other could -the true spirit of history arise. For that spirit -consists in the sense of human continuity, which -had hitherto been felt by no one, not even by my -illustrious and unfortunate predecessor Condorcet. -Meantime the genius of Gall was completing the -recent attempts to systematize biology, by commencing -the study of the internal functions of the -brain; as far at least as these could be understood<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71">71</a></span> -from the phenomena of individual as distinct from -social development. And now I have explained -the series of social and intellectual conditions by -which the discovery of sociological laws, and -consequently the foundation of Positivism, was -fixed for the precise date at which I began my -philosophical career: that is to say, one generation -after the progressive dictatorship of the Convention, -and almost immediately after the fall -of the retrograde tyranny of Bonaparte.</p> - -<p>Thus it appears that the revolutionary movement, -and the long period of reaction which -succeeded it, were alike necessary, before the new -general doctrine could be distinctly conceived of -as a whole. And if this preparation was needed -for the establishment of Positivism as a philosophical -system, far more needful was it for the -recognition of its social value. For it guaranteed -free exposition and discussion of opinion: and -it led the public to look to Positivism as the -system which contained in germ the ultimate -solution of social problems. This is a point so -obvious that we need not dwell upon it further.</p> - -<p>Having satisfied ourselves of the dependence -of Positivism upon the first phase of the Revolution, -we have now to consider it as the future guide of -the second phase.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The constructive -phase of -the Revolution. -The first -attempts to -construct failed, -being based -on destructive -principles</div> - -<p>It is often supposed that the destruction -of the old regime was brought -about by the Revolution. But history -when carefully examined points to a -very different conclusion. It shows -that the Revolution was not the -cause but the consequence of the -utter decomposition of the mediaeval system; a -process which had been going on for five centuries -throughout Western Europe, and especially in -France; spontaneously at first, and afterwards<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72">72</a></span> -in a more systematic way. The Revolution, far -from protracting the negative movement of -previous centuries, was a bar to its further extension. -It was a final outbreak in which men -showed their irrevocable purpose of abandoning -the old system altogether, and of proceeding at -once to the task of entire reconstruction. The -most conclusive proof of this intention was given -by the abolition of royalty; which had been the -rallying point of all the decaying remnants of the -old French constitution. But with this exception, -which only occupied the Convention during its -first sitting, the constructive tendencies of the -movement were apparent from its outset; and -they showed themselves still more clearly as soon -as the republican spirit had become predominant. -It is obvious, however, that strong as these tendencies -may have been, the first period of the -Revolution produced results of an extremely -negative and destructive kind. In fact the -movement was in this respect a failure. This is -partly to be attributed to the pressing necessities -of the hard struggle for national independence -which France maintained so gloriously against -the combined attacks of the retrograde nations -of Europe. But it is far more largely owing to -the purely critical character of the metaphysical -doctrines by which the revolutionary spirit was -at that time directed.</p> - -<p>The negative and the positive movements which -have been going on in Western Europe since the -close of the Middle Ages, have been of course -connected with each other. But the former has -necessarily advanced with greater rapidity than -the latter. The old system had so entirely declined, -that a desire for social regeneration had -become general, before the groundwork of the -new system had been sufficiently completed for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73">73</a></span> -its true character to be understood. As we have -just seen, the doctrine by which social regeneration -is now to be directed could not have arisen -previously to the Revolution. The impulse which -the Revolution gave to thought was indispensable -to its formation. Here then was an insurmountable -fatality by which men were forced to make -use of the critical principles which had been found -serviceable in former struggles, as the only available -instruments of construction. As soon as the old -order had once been fairly abandoned, there was -of course no utility whatever in the negative -philosophy. But its doctrines had become familiar -to men’s minds, and its motto of ‘Liberty and -Equality’, was at that time the one most compatible -with social progress. Thus the first stage -of the revolutionary movement was accomplished -under the influence of principles that had become -obsolete, and that were quite inadequate to the -new task required of them.</p> - -<p>For constructive purposes the revolutionary -philosophy was valueless; except so far as it put -forward a vague programme of the political future -founded on sentiment rather than conviction, and -unaccompanied by any explanation of the right -mode of realizing it. In default of organic principles -the doctrines of the critical school were -employed: and the result speedily showed their -inherent tendency to anarchy; a tendency as perilous -to the germs of the new order as to the ruins -of the old. The experiment was tried once for all, -and it left such ineffaceable memories that it is not -probable that any serious attempt will be made -to repeat it. The incapacity for construction inherent -in the doctrine in which the revolutionary -spirit had embodied itself was placed beyond the -reach of doubt. The result was to impress every -one with the urgent necessity for social renovation;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74">74</a></span> -but the principles of that renovation were still -left undetermined.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Counter-revolution -from -1794 to 1830</div> - -<p>In this condition of philosophical -and political opinion, the necessity -of Order was felt to be paramount, -and a long period of reaction ensued. Dating -from the official Deism introduced by Robespierre, -it reached its height under the aggressive system -of Bonaparte, and it was feebly protracted, in -spite of the peace of 1815, by his insignificant -successors. The only permanent result of this -period was the historical and doctrinal evidence -brought forward by De Maistre and his school, of -the social inutility of modern metaphysics, while -at the same time their intellectual weakness was -being proved by the successful attempts of Cabanis, -and still more of Gall, to extend the Positive -method to the highest biological questions. In -all other respects this elaborate attempt to prevent -the final emancipation of Humanity proved -a complete failure; in fact, it led to a revival of -the instinct of Progress. Strong antipathies were -roused everywhere by these fruitless efforts at -reconstructing a system which had become so -entirely obsolete, that even those who were labouring -to rebuild it no longer understood its character -or the conditions of its existence.</p> - -<p>A re-awakening of the revolutionary spirit was -thus inevitable; and it took place as soon as peace -was established, and the chief upholder of the retrograde -system had been removed. The doctrines -of negation were called back to life; but very -little illusion now remained as to their capacity -for organizing. In want of something better, -men accepted them as a means of resisting retrograde -principles, just as these last had owed their -apparent success to the necessity of checking the -tendency to anarchy. Amidst these fresh debates<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75">75</a></span> -on worn-out subjects, the public soon became -aware that a final solution of the question had -not yet arisen even in germ. It therefore concerned -itself for little except the maintenance of -Order and Liberty; conditions as indispensable -for the free action of philosophy as for material -prosperity. The whole position was most favourable -for the construction of a definite solution; -and it was, in fact, during the last phase of the -retrograde movement that the elementary principle -of a solution was furnished, by my discovery, -in 1822, of the two-fold law of intellectual development.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Political -stagnation between -1830 and -1848</div> - -<p>The apparent indifference of the -public, to whom all the existing parties -seemed equally devoid of insight -into the political future, was at last -mistaken by a blind government for tacit consent -to its unwise schemes. The cause of Progress -was in danger. Then came the memorable crisis -of 1830, by which the system of reaction, introduced -thirty-six years previously, was brought to -an end. The convictions which that system inspired -were indeed so superficial, that its supporters -came of their own accord to disavow them, -and to uphold in their own fashion the chief -revolutionary doctrines. These again were abandoned -by their previous supporters on their accession -to power. When the history of these times -is written, nothing will give a clearer view of the -revulsion of feeling on both sides, than the debates -which took place on Liberty of Education. Within -a period of twenty years, it was alternately demanded -and refused by both; and this in behalf -of the same principles, as they were called, though -it was in reality a question of interest rather than -principle on either side.</p> - -<p>All previous convictions being thus thoroughly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76">76</a></span> -upset, more room was left for the instinctive feeling -of the public; and the question of reconciling -the spirit of Order with that of Progress now came -into prominence. It was the most important of -all problems, and it was now placed in its true -light. But this only made the absence of a solution -more manifest; and the principle of the solution -existed nowhere but in Positivism, which as yet -was immature. All the opinions of the day had -become alike utterly incompatible both with Order -and with Progress. The Conservative school -undertook to reconcile the two; but it had no constructive -power; and the only result of its doctrine -was to give equal encouragement to anarchy and -to reaction, so as to be able always to neutralize -the one by the other. The establishment of Constitutional -Monarchy was now put forward as the -ultimate issue of the great Revolution. But no -one could seriously place any real confidence in a -system so alien to the whole character of French -history, offering as it did nothing but a superficial -and unwise imitation of a political anomaly essentially -peculiar to England.</p> - -<p>The period then between 1830 and 1848 may -be regarded as a natural pause in the political -movement. The reaction which succeeded the -original crisis had exhausted itself; but the final -or organic phase of the Revolution was still delayed -for want of definite principles to guide it. No -conception had been formed of it, except by a -small number of philosophic minds who had taken -their stand upon the recently established laws of -social science, and had found themselves able, -without recourse to any chimerical views, to gain -some general insight into the political future, of -which Condorcet, my principal predecessor, knew -so little. But it was impossible for the regenerating -doctrine to spread more widely and to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77">77</a></span> -accepted as the peaceful solution of social problems, -until a distinct refutation had been given of the -false assertion so authoritatively made that the -parliamentary system was the ultimate issue of -the Revolution. This notion once destroyed, the -work of spiritual reorganization should be left -entirely to the free efforts of independent thinkers. -In these respects our last political change (1848) -will have accomplished all that is required.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The present -position, 1848–1850. -Republicanism -involves -the -great principle -of subordinating -Politics to -Morals</div> - -<p>Thanks to the instinctive sense and -vigour of our working classes, the -reactionist leanings of the Orleanist -government, which had become hostile -to the purpose for which it was originally -instituted, have at last brought -about the final abolition of monarchy -in France. The prestige of monarchy had long -been lost, and it now only impeded Progress, -without being of any real benefit to Order. By -its fictitious supremacy it directly hindered the -work of spiritual reformation, whilst the measure -of real power which it possessed was insufficient to -control the wretched political agitation maintained -by animosities of a purely personal character.</p> - -<p>Viewed negatively, the principle of Republicanism -sums up the first phase of the Revolution. -It precludes the possibility of recurrence to Royalism, -which, ever since the second half of the reign -of Louis XIV, has been the rallying point of all -reactionist tendencies. Interpreting the principle -in its positive sense, we may regard it as a -direct step towards the final regeneration of society. -By consecrating all human forces of whatever -kind to the general service of the community, republicanism -recognizes the doctrine of subordinating -Politics to Morals. Of course it is as a feeling -rather than as a principle that this doctrine is at -present adopted; but it could not obtain acceptance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78">78</a></span> -in any other way; and even when put forward -in a more systematic shape, it is upon the -aid of feeling that it will principally rely, as I have -shown in the previous chapter. In this respect -France has proved worthy of her position as the -leader of the great family of Western nations, and -has in reality already entered upon the normal -state. Without the intervention of any theological -system, she has asserted the true principle -on which society should rest, a principle which -originated in the Middle Ages under the impulse -of Catholicism; but for the general acceptance of -which a sounder philosophy and more suitable -circumstances were necessary. The direct tendency, -then, of the French Republic is to sanction -the fundamental principle of Positivism, the preponderance, -namely, of Feeling over Intellect and -Activity. Starting from this point, public opinion -will soon be convinced that the work of organizing -society on republican principles is one which can -only be performed by the new philosophy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">It gives prominence -to the -problem of -reconciling Order -and Progress</div> - -<p>The whole position brings into fuller -prominence the fundamental problem -previously proposed, of reconciling -Order and Progress. The urgent necessity -of doing so is acknowledged -by all; but the utter incapacity of any of the existing -schools of opinion to realize it becomes increasingly -evident. The abolition of monarchy -removes the most important obstacle to social -Progress: but at the same time it deprives us of -the only remaining guarantee for public Order. -Thus the time is doubly favourable to constructive -tendencies; yet at present there are no opinions -which possess more than the purely negative value -of checking, and that very imperfectly, the error -opposite to their own. In a position which guarantees -Progress and compromises Order, it is naturally<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79">79</a></span> -for the latter that the greatest anxiety is felt; -and we are still without any organ capable -of systematically defending it. Yet experience -should have taught us how extremely fragile every -government must be which is purely material, -that is, which is based solely upon self-interest, -and is destitute of sympathies and convictions. -On the other hand, spiritual order is not to be -hoped for at present in the absence of any doctrine -which commands general respect. Even the -social instinct is a force on the political value of -which we cannot always rely: for when not based -on some definite principle, it not unfrequently becomes -source of disturbance. Hence we are -driven back to the continuance of a material system -of government, although its inadequacy is acknowledged -by all. In a republic, however, such a -government cannot employ its most efficient instrument, -corruption. It has to resort instead -to repressive measures of a more or less transitory -kind, every time that the danger of anarchy -becomes too threatening. These occasional measures, -however, naturally proportion themselves -to the necessities of the case. Thus, though Order -is exposed to greater perils than Progress, it can -count on more powerful resources for its defence. -Shortly after the publication of the first edition -of this work, the extraordinary outbreak of June, -1848, proved that the republic could call into play, -and, indeed, could push to excess, in the cause of -public Order, forces far greater than those of the -monarchy. Thus royalty no longer possesses -that monopoly of preserving Order, which has -hitherto induced a few sincere and thinking men -to continue to support it; and henceforth the sole -political characteristic which it retains is that of -obstructing Progress. And yet by another reaction -of this contradictory position of affairs,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80">80</a></span> -the monarchical party seems at present to have -become the organ of resistance in behalf of material -Order. Retrograde as its doctrines are, yet from -their still retaining a certain organic tendency, -the conservative instincts rally round them. To -this the progressive instincts offer no serious obstacle, -their insufficiency for the present needs -being more or less distinctly recognized. It is -not to the monarchical party, however, that we -must look for conservative principles; for in this -quarter they are wholly abandoned, and unhesitating -adoption of every revolutionary principle -is resorted to as a means of retaining power; so -that the doctrines of the Revolution would seem -fated to close their existence in the retrograde -camp. So urgent is the need of Order that we -are driven to accept for the moment a party which -has lost all its old convictions, and which had -apparently become extinct before the Republic -began. Positivism and Positivism alone can disentangle -and terminate this anomalous position. -The principle on which it depends is manifestly -this: As long as Progress tends towards anarchy, -so long will Order continue to be retrograde. But -the retrograde movement never really attains its -object: indeed its principles are always neutralized -by inconsistent concessions. Judged by the boastful -language of its leaders, we might imagine -that it was destroying republicanism; whereas -the movement would not exist at all, but for the -peculiar circumstances in which we are placed; -circumstances which are forced into greater prominence -by the foolish opposition of most of the -authorities. As soon as the instinct of political -improvement has placed itself under systematic -guidance, its growth will bear down all resistance; -and then the reason of its present stagnation will -be patent to all.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81">81</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">It brings the -metaphysical -revolutionary -schools into -discredit</div> - -<p>And for this Theologism is, unawares, -preparing the way. Its apparent -preponderance places Positivism in -precisely that position which I wished -for ten years ago. The two organic principles -can now be brought side by side, and their relative -strength tested, without the complication of any -metaphysical considerations. For the incoherence -of metaphysical systems is now recognized, and -they are finally decaying under the very political -system which seemed at one time likely to promote -their acceptance. Construction is seen by -all to be the thing wanted: and men are rapidly -becoming aware of the utter hollowness of all -schools which confine themselves to protests -against the institutions of theologism, while admitting -its essential principles. So defunct, indeed, -have these schools become, that they can -no longer fulfil even their old office of destruction. -This has fallen now as an accessory task upon -Positivism, which offers the only systematic -guarantee against retrogression as well as against -anarchy. Psychologists, strictly so called, have -already for the most part disappeared with the -fall of constitutional monarchy; so close is the -relation between these two importations from -Protestantism. It seemed likely therefore that -the Ideologists, their natural rivals, would regain -their influence with the people. But even they -cannot win back the confidence reposed in them -during the great Revolution, because the doctrines -in virtue of which it was then given are now so -utterly exploded. The most advanced of their -number, unworthy successors of the school of -Voltaire and Danton, have shown themselves -thoroughly incapable either morally or intellectually -of directing the second phase of the Revolution, -which they are hardly able to distinguish<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82">82</a></span> -from the first phase. Formerly I had taken as -their type a man of far superior merit, the noble -Armand Carrel, whose death was such a grievous -loss to the republican cause. But he was a complete -exception to the general rule. True republican -convictions were impossible with men who -had been schooled in parliamentary intrigues, and -who had directed or aided the pertinacious efforts -of the French press to rehabilitate the name of -Bonaparte. Their accession to power was futile; -for they could only maintain material order by -calling in the retrograde party; and they soon -became mere auxiliaries of this party, disgracefully -abjuring all their philosophical convictions. There -is one proceeding which, though it is but an episode -in the course of events, will always remain as a -test of the true character of this unnatural alliance. -I allude to the Roman expedition of 1849; a -detestable and contemptible act, for which just -penalties will speedily be imposed on all who were -accessory to it; not to speak of the damnatory -verdict of history. But precisely the same hypocritical -opposition to progress has been exhibited -by the other class of Deists, the disciples, that is, -of Rousseau, who profess to adopt Robespierre’s -policy. Having had no share in the government, -they have not so entirely lost their hold upon the -people; but they are at the present time totally -devoid of political coherence. Their wild anarchy -is incompatible with the general tone of feeling -maintained by the industrial activity, the scientific -spirit, and the esthetic culture of modern life. -These Professors of the Guillotine, as they may -be called, whose superficial sophisms would reduce -exceptional outbreaks of popular fury into a cold-blooded -system, soon found themselves forced, -for the sake of popularity, to sanction the law -which very properly abolished capital punishment<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83">83</a></span> -for political offences. In the same way they are -now obliged to disown the only real meaning of -the red flag which serves to distinguish their party, -too vague as it is for any other name. Equally -wrong have they shown themselves in interpreting -the tendencies of the working classes, from being -so entirely taken up with questions of abstract -rights. The people have allowed these rights to -be taken from them without a struggle whenever -the cause of Order has seemed to require it; yet -they still persist, mechanically, in maintaining -that it is on questions of this sort that the solution -of all our difficulties depends. Taking for their -political ideal a short and anomalous period of -our history which is never likely to recur, they -are always attempting to suppress liberty for the -sake of what they call progress. In a time of -unchangeable peace they are the only real supporters -of war. Their conception of the organization -of labour is simply to destroy the industrial -hierarchy of capitalist and workman established -in the Middle Ages; and, in fact, in every respect -these sophistical anarchists are utterly out of -keeping with the century in which they live. There -are some, it is true, who still retain a measure of -influence with the working classes, incapable and -unworthy though they be of their position. But -their credit is rapidly declining; and it is not -likely to become dangerous at a time when political -enthusiasm is no longer to be won by metaphysical -prejudices. The only effect really produced -by this party of disorder, is to serve as a -bugbear for the benefit of the retrograde party, -who thus obtain official support from the middle -class, in a way which is quite contrary to all the -principles and habits of that class. It is very -improbable that these foolish levellers will ever -succeed to power. Should they do so, however,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84">84</a></span> -their reign will be short, and will soon result in -their final extinction; because it will convince -the people of their profound incapacity to direct -the regeneration of Europe. The position of -affairs, therefore, is now distinct and clear; and -it is leading men to withdraw their confidence from -all metaphysical schools, as they had already -withdrawn it from theology. In this general -discredit of all the old systems the way becomes -clear for Positivism, the only school which harmonizes -with the real tendencies as well as with -the essential needs of the nineteenth century.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">And it proves -to all the necessity -of a -true spiritual -power; a body -of thinkers -whose business -is to study and -to teach principles, -holding -aloof from political -action</div> - -<p>In this explanation of the recent -position of French affairs one point -yet remains to be insisted on. We -have seen from the general course of -the philosophical, and yet more of the -political, movement, the urgent necessity -for a universal doctrine capable -of checking erroneous action, and of -avoiding or moderating popular outbreaks. -But there is another need equally manifest, -the need of a spiritual power, without which -it would be utterly impossible to bring our philosophy -to bear upon practical life. Widely divergent -as the various metaphysical sects are, there -is one point in which they all spontaneously agree; -that is, in repudiating the distinction between -temporal and spiritual authority. This has been -the great revolutionary principle ever since the -fourteenth century, and more especially since the -rise of Protestantism. It originated in repugnance -to the mediaeval system. The so-called philosophers -of our time, whether psychologists or ideologists, -have, like their Greek predecessors, always -aimed at a complete concentration of all social -powers; and they have even spread this delusion -among the students of special sciences. At present<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85">85</a></span> -there is no appreciation, except in the Positive -system, of that instinctive sagacity which led -all the great men of the Middle Ages to institute, -for the first time, the separation of moral from -political authority. It was a masterpiece of human -wisdom; but it was premature, and could not be -permanently successful at a time when men were -still governed on theological principles, and practical -life still retained its military character. This -separation of powers, on which the final organization -of society will principally depend, is understood -and valued nowhere but in the new school -of philosophy, if we except the unconscious and -tacit admiration for it which still exists in the -countries from which Protestantism has been excluded. -From the outset of the Revolution, the -pride of theorists has always made them wish to -become socially despotic; a state of things to -which they have ever looked forward as their -political ideal. Public opinion has by this time -grown far too enlightened to allow any practical -realization of a notion at once so chimerical and -so retrograde. But public opinion not being as -yet sufficiently organized, efforts in this direction -are constantly being made. The longing among -metaphysical reformers for practical as well as -theoretical supremacy is now greater than ever; -because, from the changed state of affairs, their -ambition is no longer limited to mere administrative -functions. Their various views diverge so -widely, and all find so little sympathy in the public, -that there is not much fear of their ever being able -to check free discussion to any serious extent, by -giving legal sanction to their own particular -doctrine. But quite enough has been attempted -to convince every one how essentially despotic -every theory of society must be which opposes -this fundamental principle of modern polity, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86">86</a></span> -permanent separation of spiritual from temporal -power. The disturbances caused by metaphysical -ambition corroborate, then, the view urged -so conclusively by the adherents of the new school, -that this division of powers is equally essential -to Order and to Progress. If Positivist thinkers -continue to withstand all temptations to mix -actively in politics, and go on quietly with their -own work amidst the unmeaning agitation around -them, they will ultimately make the impartial -portion of the public familiar with this great conception. -It will henceforth be judged irrespectively -of the religious doctrines with which it was -originally connected. Men will involuntarily contrast -it with other systems, and will see more and -more clearly that Positive principles afford the -only basis for true freedom as well as for true union. -They alone can tolerate full discussion, because -they alone rest upon solid proof. Men’s practical -wisdom, guided by the peculiar nature of our -political position, will react strongly upon philosophers, -and keep them strictly to their sphere of -moral and intellectual influence. The slightest -tendency towards the assumption of political -power will be checked, and the desire for it will -be considered as a certain sign of mental weakness, -and indeed of moral deficiency. Now that royalty -is abolished, all true thinkers are secure of perfect -freedom of thought, and even of expression, as -long as they abide by the necessary conditions of -public order. Royalty was the last remnant of -the system of castes, which gave the monopoly -of deciding on important social questions to a -special family; its abolition completes the process -of theological emancipation. Of course the -magistrates of a republic may show despotic tendencies; -but they can never become very dangerous -where power is held on so brief a tenure,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87">87</a></span> -and where, even when concentrated in a single -person, it emanates from suffrage, incompetent -as that may be. It is easy for the Positivist to -show that these functionaries know very little -more than their constituents of the logical and -scientific conditions necessary for the systematic -working out of moral and social doctrines. Such -authorities, though devoid of any spiritual sanction, -may, however, command obedience in the -name of Order. But they can never be really -respected, unless they adhere scrupulously to -their temporal functions, without claiming the -least authority over thought. Even before the -central power falls into the hands of men really -fit to wield it, the republican character of our -government will have forced this conviction upon -a nation that has now got rid of all political fanaticism, -whether of a retrograde or anarchical kind. -And the conviction is the more certain to arise, -because practical authorities will become more -and more absorbed in the maintenance of material -order, and will therefore leave the question of -spiritual order to the unrestricted efforts of thinkers. -It is neither by accident nor by personal influence -that I have myself always enjoyed so large a measure -of freedom in writing, and subsequently in -public lectures, and this under governments all -of which were more or less oppressive. Every -true philosopher will receive the same licence, if, -like myself, he offers the intellectual and moral -guarantees which the public and the civil power -are fairly entitled to expect from the systematic -organs of Humanity. The necessity of controlling -levellers may lead to occasional acts of unwise -violence. But I am convinced that respect will -always be shown to constructive thinkers, and -that they will soon be called in to the assistance -of public order. For order will not be able to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88">88</a></span> -exist much longer without the sanction of some -rational principle.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The need of a -spiritual power -is common to -the whole Republic -of Western -Europe</div> - -<p>The result, then, of the important -political changes which have recently -taken place is this. The second -phase of the Revolution, which hitherto -has been restricted to a few advanced -minds, is now entered by the public, and men are -rapidly forming juster views of its true character. -It is becoming recognized that the only firm basis -for a reform of our political institutions, is a complete -reorganization of opinion and of life; and -the way is open for the new religious doctrine to -direct this work. I have thus explained the way -in which the social mission of Positivism connects -itself with the spontaneous changes which are taking -place in France, the centre of the revolutionary -movement. But it would be a mistake to suppose -that France will be the only scene of these reorganizing -efforts. Judging on sound historical -principles, we cannot doubt that they will embrace -the whole extent of Western Europe.</p> - -<p>During the five centuries of revolutionary -transition which have elapsed since the Middle -Ages, we have lost sight of the fact that in all -fundamental questions the Western nations form -one political system. It was under Catholic -Feudalism that they were first united; a union -for which their incorporation into the Roman -empire had prepared them, and which was finally -organized by the incomparable genius of Charlemagne. -In spite of national differences, embittered -as they were afterwards by theological -discord, this great Republic has in modern times -shown intellectual and social growth both in the -positive and negative direction, to which other -portions of the human race, even in Europe, can -show no parallel. The rupture of Catholicism,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89">89</a></span> -and the decline of Chivalry, at first seriously -impaired this feeling of relationship. But it -soon began to show itself again under new forms. -It rests now, though the basis is inadequate, upon -the feeling of community in industrial development, -in esthetic culture, and in scientific discovery. -Amidst the disorganized state of political -affairs, which have obviously been tending towards -some radical change, this similarity in civilization -has produced a growing conviction that we are -all participating in one and the same social movement; -a movement limited as yet to our own -family of nations. The first step in the great -crisis was necessarily taken by the French nation, -because it was better prepared than any other. -It was there that the old order of things had been -most thoroughly uprooted, and that most had -been done in working out the materials of the -new. But the strong sympathies which the -outbreak of our revolution aroused in every part -of Western Europe, showed that our sister-nations -were only granting us the honourable post of -danger in a movement in which all the nobler -portion of Humanity was to participate. And -this was the feeling proclaimed by the great -republican assembly in the midst of their war -of defence. The military extravagances which -followed, and which form the distinguishing -feature of the counter-revolution, of course -checked the feeling of union on both sides. But -so deeply was it rooted in all the antecedents of -modern history that peace soon restored it to life, -in spite of the pertinacious efforts of all parties -interested in maintaining unnatural separation -between France and other countries. What -greatly facilitates this tendency is the decline of -every form of theology, which removes the chief -source of former disagreement. During the last<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90">90</a></span> -phase of the counter-revolution, and still more -during the long pause in the political movement -which followed, each member of the group entered -upon a series of revolutionary efforts more or less -resembling those of the central nation. And our -recent political changes cannot but strengthen -this tendency; though of course with nations -less fully prepared the results of these efforts have -at present been less important than in France. -Meanwhile it is evident that this uniform condition -of internal agitation gives increased security for -peace, by which its extension had been originally -facilitated. And thus, although there is no -organized international union as was the case in -the Middle Ages, yet the pacific habits and intellectual -culture of modern life have already been -sufficiently diffused to call out an instinct of -fraternity stronger than any that has ever existed -before. It is strong enough to prevent the subject -of social regeneration from being ever regarded -as a merely national question.</p> - -<p>And this is the point of view which displays the -character of the second phase of the Revolution in -its truest light. The first phase, although in its -results advantageous to the other nations, was -necessarily conducted as if peculiar to France, -because no other country was ripe for the original -outbreak. Indeed French nationality was stimulated -by the necessity of resisting the counter-revolutionary -coalition. But the final and constructive -phase which has begun now that the -national limits of the crisis have been reached, -should always be regarded as common to the -whole of Western Europe. For it consists essentially -in spiritual reorganization; and the need -of this in one shape or other presses already with -almost equal force upon each of the five nations -who make up the great Western family. Conversely,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91">91</a></span> -the more occidental the character of -the reforming movement, the greater will be the -prominence given to intellectual and moral regeneration -as compared with mere modifications -of government, in which of course there must be -very considerable national differences. The first -social need of Western Europe is community in -belief and in habits of life; and this must be -based upon a uniform system of education controlled -and applied by a spiritual power that shall -be accepted by all. This want satisfied, the -reconstruction of governments may be carried out -in accordance with the special requirements of -each nation. Difference in this respect is legitimate: -it will not affect the essential unity of -the Positivist Republic, which will be bound -together by more complete and durable ties -than the Catholic Republic of the Middle -Ages.</p> - -<p>Not only then do we find from the whole -condition of Western Europe that the movement -of opinion transcends in importance all political -agitation; but we find that everything points -to the necessity of establishing a spiritual power, -as the sole means of directing this free yet systematic -reform of opinion and of life with the -requisite consistency and largeness of view. We -now see that the old revolutionary prejudice of -confounding temporal and spiritual power is -directly antagonistic to social regeneration, -although it once aided the preparation for it. -In the first place it stimulates the sense of nationality -which ought to be subordinate to larger -feelings of international fraternity. And at the -same time, with the view of satisfying the conditions -of uniformity which are so obviously -required for the solution of the common problem, -it induces efforts at forcible incorporation of all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92">92</a></span> -the nations into one, efforts as dangerous as they -are fruitless.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">This Republic -consists of -the Italian, -Spanish, British, -and German -populations, grouped -round France -as their centre</div> - -<p>My work on Positive Philosophy -contains a detailed historical explanation -of what I mean by the expression, -Western Europe. But the conception -is one of such importance in relation -to the questions of our time, that I -shall now proceed to enumerate and -arrange in their order the elements of which this -great family of nations consists.</p> - -<p>Since the fall of the Roman empire, and more -especially from the time of Charlemagne, France -has always been the centre, socially as well as -geographically, of this Western region which -may be called the nucleus of Humanity. On the -one great occasion of united political action on -the part of Western Europe, that is, in the crusades -of the eleventh and twelfth century, it was evidently -France that took the initiative. It -is true that when the decomposition of Catholicism -began to assume a systematic form, the centre -of the movement for two centuries shifted its -position. It was Germany that gave birth to -the metaphysical principles of negation. Their -first political application was in the Dutch and -English revolutions, which, incomplete as they -were, owing to insufficient intellectual preparation, -yet served as preludes to the great final crisis. -These preludes were most important, as showing -the real social tendency of the critical doctrines. -But it was reserved for France to co-ordinate -these doctrines into a consistent system and to -propagate them successfully. France then resumed -her position as the principal centre in which -the great moral and political questions were to -be worked out. And this position she will in all -probability retain, as in fact it is only a recurrence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93">93</a></span> -to the normal organization of the Western Republic, -which had been temporarily modified to -meet special conditions. A fresh displacement -of the centre of the social movement is not to be -expected, unless in a future too distant to engage -our attention. It can indeed only be the result -of wide extension of our advanced civilization -beyond European limits, as will be explained in the -conclusion of this work.</p> - -<p>North and south of this natural centre, we find -two pairs of nations, between which France will -always form an intermediate link, partly from -her geographical position, and also from her -language and manners. The first pair is for the -most part Protestant. It comprises, first, the -great Germanic body, with the numerous nations -that may be regarded as its offshoots; especially -Holland, which, since the Middle Ages, has been -in every respect the most advanced portion of -Germany. Secondly, Great Britain, with which -may be classed the United States, notwithstanding -their present attitude of rivalry. The second -pair is exclusively Catholic. It consists of the -great Italian nationality, which in spite of political -divisions has always maintained its distinct -character; and of the population of the Spanish -Peninsula (for Portugal, sociologically considered, -is not to be separated from Spain), which has so -largely increased the Western family by its -colonies. To complete the conception of this -group of advanced nations, we must add two -accessory members, Greece and Poland, countries -which, though situated in Eastern Europe, are -connected with the West, the one by ancient -history, the other by modern. Besides these, -there are various intermediate nationalities which -I need not now enumerate, connecting or demarcating -the more important branches of the family.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94">94</a></span></p> - -<p>In this vast Republic it is that the new philosophy -is to find its sphere of intellectual and moral -action. It will endeavour so to modify the -initiative of the central nation, by the reacting -influences of the other four, as to give increased -efficiency to the general movement. It is a task -eminently calculated to test the social capabilities -of Positivism, and for which no other system is -qualified. The metaphysical spirit is as unfit for it -as the theological. The rupture of the mediaeval -system is due to the decadence of theology: but -the direct agency in the rupture was the solvent -force of the metaphysical spirit. Neither the one -nor the other then is likely to recombine elements, -the separation of which is principally due to their -own conceptions. It is entirely to the spontaneous -action of the Positive spirit that we owe -those new though insufficient links of union, -whether industrial, artistic, or scientific, which, -since the close of the Middle Ages, have been -leading us more and more decidedly to a reconstruction -of the Western alliance. And now that -Positivism has assumed its matured and systematic -form, its competence for the work is even -more unquestionable. It alone can effectually -remove the national antipathies which still exist. -But it will do this without impairing the natural -qualities of any of them. Its object is by a wise -combination of these qualities, to develop under -a new form the feeling of a common Occidentality.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Relation of -Positivism to -the mediaeval -system, to -which we owe -the first attempt -to separate -spiritual -from temporal -power</div> - -<p>By extending the social movement -to its proper limits, we thus exhibit -on a larger scale the same features -that were noticed when France alone -was being considered. Abroad or at -home, every great social problem that -arises proves that the object of the -second revolutionary phase is a reorganization<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95">95</a></span> -of principles and of life. By this -means a body of public opinion will be formed of -sufficient force to lead gradually to the growth -of new political institutions. These will be -adapted to the special requirements of each nation, -under the general superintendence of the spiritual -power, from whom our fundamental principles -will have proceeded. The general spirit of these -principles is essentially historical, whereas the -tendency of the negative phase of the revolution -was anti-historical. Without blind hatred of the -past, men would never have had sufficient energy -to abandon the old system. But henceforth the -best evidence of having attained complete emancipation -will be the rendering full justice to the past -in all its phases. This is the most characteristic -feature of that relative spirit which distinguishes -Positivism. The surest sign of superiority, -whether in persons or systems, is fair appreciation -of opponents. And this must always be the -tendency of social science when rightly understood, -since its prevision of the future is avowedly based -upon systematic examination of the past. It is -the only way in which the free and yet universal -adoption of general principles of social reconstruction -can ever be possible. Such reconstruction, -viewed by the light of Sociology, will be -regarded as a necessary link in the series of human -development; and thus many confused and -incoherent notions suggested by the arbitrary -beliefs hitherto prevalent will finally disappear. -The growth of public opinion in this respect is -aided by the increasing strength of social feeling. -Both combine to encourage the historical spirit -which distinguishes the second period of the -Revolution, as we see indicated already in so many -of the popular sympathies of the day.</p> - -<p>Acting on this principle, Positivists will always<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96">96</a></span> -acknowledge the close relation between their own -system and the memorable effort of mediaeval -Catholicism. In offering for the acceptance of -Humanity a new organization of life, we would -not dissociate it with all that has gone before. -On the contrary, it is our boast that we are but -proposing for her maturity the accomplishment -of the noble effort of her youth, an effort made -when intellectual and social conditions precluded -the possibility of success. We are too full of the -future to fear any serious charge of retrogression -towards the past. It would be strange were -such a charge to proceed from those of our opponents -whose political ideal is that amalgamation of -temporal and spiritual power which was adopted -by the theocratic or military systems of antiquity.</p> - -<p>The separation of these powers in the Middle -Ages is the greatest advance ever yet made in the -theory of social Order. It was imperfectly -effected, because the time was not ripe for it; but -enough was done to show the object of the separation, -and some of its principal results were -partially arrived at. It originated the fundamental -doctrine of modern social life, the subordination -of Politics to Morals; a doctrine which in -spite of the most obstinate resistance has survived -the decline of the religion which first proclaimed -it. We see it now sanctioned by a republican -government which has shaken off the fetters of -that religion more completely than any other. -A further result of the separation is the keen -sense of personal honour, combined with general -fraternity, which distinguishes Western nations, -especially those who have been preserved from -Protestantism. To the same source is due the -general feeling that men should be judged by their -intellectual and moral worth, irrespectively of -social position, yet without upsetting that subordination<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97">97</a></span> -of classes which is rendered necessary by -the requirements of practical life. And this has -accustomed all classes to free discussion of moral -and even of political questions; since every one -feels it a right and a duty to judge actions and -persons by the general principles which a common -system of education has inculcated alike on all. -I need not enlarge on the value of the mediaeval -church in organizing the political system of -Western Europe, in which there was no other -recognized principle of union. All these social -results are usually attributed to the excellence -of the Christian doctrine; but history when fairly -examined shows that the source from which they -are principally derived is the Catholic principle -of separating the two powers. For these effects -are nowhere visible except in the countries where -this separation has been effected, although a -similar code of morals and indeed a faith identically -the same have been received elsewhere. Besides, -although sanctioned by the general tone of modern -life, they have been neutralized to a considerable -extent by the decline of the Catholic organization, -and this especially in the countries where the -greatest efforts have been made to restore the doctrine -to its original purity and power.</p> - -<p>In these respects Positivism has already appreciated -Catholicism more fully than any of its own -defenders, not even excepting De Maistre himself, -as indeed some of the more candid organs of the -retrograde school have allowed. But the merit of -Catholicism does not merely depend on the fact -that it forms a most important link in the series -of human development. What adds to the glory -of its efforts is that, as history clearly proves, -they were in advance of their time. The political -failure of Catholicism resulted from the imperfection -of its doctrines, and the resistance of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98">98</a></span> -social medium in which it worked. It is true that -Monotheism is far more compatible with the separation -of powers than Polytheism. But from the -absolute character of every kind of theology, -there was always a tendency in the mediaeval system -to degenerate into mere theocracy. In fact, -the proximate cause of its decline was the increased -development of this tendency in the fourteenth -century, and the resistance which it provoked -among the kings, who stood forward to represent -the general voice of condemnation. Again, though -separation of powers was less difficult in the defensive -system of mediaeval warfare than in the aggressive -system of antiquity, yet it is thoroughly -repugnant to the military spirit in all its phases, -because adverse to that concentration of authority -which is requisite in war. And thus it was never -thoroughly realized, except in the conceptions of -a few leading men among both the spiritual and -temporal class. Its brief success was principally -caused by a temporary combination of circumstances. -It was for the most part a condition of -very unstable equilibrium, oscillating between -theocracy and empire.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">But the mediaeval -attempt -was premature; -and Positivism -will renew -and complete -it</div> - -<p>But Positive civilization will accomplish -what in the Middle Ages could -only be attempted. We are aided, -not merely by the example of the -Middle Ages, but by the preparatory -labours of the last five centuries. New -modes of thought have arisen, and practical life -has assumed new phases; and all are alike tending -towards the separation of powers. What in the -Middle Ages was but dimly foreseen by a few ardent -and aspiring minds, becomes now an inevitable -and obvious result, instinctively felt and formally -recognized by all. From the intellectual point of -view it is nothing more than the distinction<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99">99</a></span> -between theory and practice; a distinction which -is already admitted more or less formally throughout -civilized Europe in subjects of less importance; -which therefore it would be unreasonable to abandon -in the most difficult of all arts and sciences. -Viewed socially, it implies the separation of -education from action; or of morals from politics; -and few would deny that the maintenance of this -separation is one of the greatest blessings of our -progressive civilization. The distinction is of -equal importance to morality and to liberty. It -is the only way of bringing opinion and conduct -under the control of principle; for the most -obvious application of a principle has little weight -when it is merely an act of obedience to a special -command. Taking the more general question of -bringing our political forces into harmony, it -seems clear that theoretical and practical power -are so totally distinct in origin and operation, -whether in relation to the heart, or intellect, or -character, that the functions of counsel and of -command ought never to belong to the same organs. -All attempts to unite them are at once retrograde -and visionary, and if successful would lead to the -intolerable government of mediocrities equally -unfit for either kind of power. But as I shall -show in the following chapters this principle of -separation will soon find increasing support among -women and the working classes; the two elements -of society in which we find the greatest amount of -good sense and right feeling.</p> - -<p>Modern society is, in fact, already ripe for the -adoption of this fundamental principle of polity; -and the opposition to it proceeds almost entirely -from its connexion with the doctrines of the -mediaeval church which have now become deservedly -obsolete. But there will be an end of these -revolutionary prejudices among all impartial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100">100</a></span> -observers as soon as the principle is seen embodied -in Positivism, the only doctrine which is wholly -disconnected with Theology. All human conceptions, -all social improvements originated -under theological influence, as we see proved -clearly in many of the humblest details of life. -But this has never prevented Humanity from -finally appropriating to herself the results of the -creeds which she has outgrown. And so it will -be with this great political principle; it has -already become obsolete except for the Positive -school, which has verified inductively all the -minor truths implied in it. The only direct attacks -against it come from the metaphysicians, whose -ambitious aspirations for absolute authority would -be thwarted by it. It is they who attempt to -fasten on Positivism the stigma of theocracy: -a strange and in most cases disingenuous reproach, -seeing that Positivists are distinguished from their -opponents by discarding all beliefs which supersede -the necessity for discussion. The fact is -that serious disturbances will soon be caused by -the pertinacious efforts of these adherents of -pedantocracy to regulate by law what ought -to be left to moral influences; and then the -public will become more alive to the necessity -of the Positivist doctrine of systematically separating -political from moral government. The -latter should be understood to rely exclusively -on the forces of conviction and persuasion; its -influence on action being simply that of counsel; -whereas the former employs direct compulsion, -based upon superiority of physical force.</p> - -<p>We now understand what is meant by the constructive -character of the second revolutionary -phase. It implies a union of the social aspirations -of the Middle Ages with the wise political instincts -of the Convention. In the interval of these two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101">101</a></span> -periods the more advanced nations were without -any systematic organization, and were abandoned -to the two-fold process of transition, which was -decomposing the old order and preparing the new. -Both these preliminary steps are now sufficiently -accomplished. The desire for social regeneration -has become too strong to be resisted, and a philosophical -system capable of directing it has already -arisen. We may, therefore, recommence on a -better intellectual and social basis the great effort -of Catholicism, to bring Western Europe to a social -system of peaceful activity and intellectual culture, -in which Thought and Action should be -subordinated to universal Love. Reconstruction -will begin at the points where demolition began -previously. The dissolution of the old organism -began in the fourteenth century by the destruction -of its international character. Conversely, -reorganization begins by satisfying the intellectual -and mental wants common to the five Western -nations.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The Ethical -system of Positivism</div> - -<p>And here, since the object of this -character is to explain the social value -of Positivism, I may show briefly -that it leads necessarily to the formation of a -definite system of universal Morality; this being -the ultimate object of all Philosophy, and the -starting-point of all Polity. Since it is by its -moral code that every spiritual power must be -principally tested, this will be the best mode of -judging of the relative merits of Positivism and -Catholicism.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Subjection of -Self-love to Social -love is the -great ethical -problem. The -Social state of -itself favours -this result; but -it may be hastened by organized -and -conscious effort</div> - -<p>To the Positivist the object of Morals -is to make our sympathetic instincts -preponderate as far as possible over -the selfish instincts; social feelings -over personal feelings. This way of -viewing the subject is peculiar to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102">102</a></span> -new philosophy, for no other system -has included the more recent additions -to the theory of human nature, of -which Catholicism gave so imperfect a representation.</p> - -<p>It is one of the first principles of Biology that -organic life always preponderates over animal -life. By this principle the Sociologist explains -the superior strength of the self-regarding instincts, -since these are all connected more or less closely -with the instinct of self-preservation. But although -there is no evading this fact, Sociology -shows that it is compatible with the existence of -benevolent affections, affections which Catholicism -had asserted to be altogether alien to our nature, -and to be entirely dependent on superhuman -Grace derived from a sphere beyond the reach of -Law. The great problem, then, is to raise social -feeling by artificial effort to the position which, -in the natural condition, is held by selfish feeling. -The solution is to be found in another biological -principle, namely, that functions and organs are -developed by constant exercise, and atrophied by -prolonged inaction. Now the effect of the Social -state is, that while our sympathetic instincts are -constantly stimulated, the selfish propensities are -restricted; since, if free play were given to them, -human intercourse would very shortly become -impossible. Thus it compensates to some extent -the natural weakness of the Sympathies that they -are capable of almost indefinite extension, while -Self-love meets inevitably with a more or less -efficient check. Both these tendencies naturally -increase with the progress of Humanity, and -their increase is the best measure of the degree of -perfection that we have attained. Their growth, -though spontaneous, may be materially hastened -by organized intervention, both of individuals and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103">103</a></span> -of society, the object being to increase all favourable -influences and diminish the unfavourable. This -is the object of the art of Morals. Like every other -art, it is restricted within certain limits. But in -this case the limits are less narrow, because the -phenomena, being more complex, are also more -modifiable.</p> - -<p>Positive morality differs therefore from that of -theological as well as of metaphysical systems. -Its primary principle is the preponderance of -Social Sympathy. Full and free expansion of -the benevolent emotions is made the first condition -of individual and social well-being, since these -emotions are at once the sweetest to experience, -and are the only feelings which can find expression -simultaneously in all. The doctrine is as deep -and pure as it is simple and true. It is eminently -characteristic of a philosophy which, by virtue -of its attribute of reality, subordinates all scientific -conceptions to the social point of view, as the -sole point from which they can be co-ordinated -into a whole. The intuitive methods of metaphysics -could never advance with any consistency -beyond the sphere of the individual. Theology, -especially Christian theology, could only rise to -social conceptions by an indirect process, forced -upon it, not by its principles, but by its practical -functions. Intrinsically, its spirit was altogether -personal; the highest object placed before each -individual was the attainment of his own salvation, -and all human affections were made subordinate -to the love of God. It is true that the -first training of our higher feelings is due to theological -systems; but their moral value depended -mainly on the wisdom of the priesthood. They -compensated the defects of their doctrine, and at -that time no better doctrine was available, by -taking advantage of the antagonism which naturally<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104">104</a></span> -presented itself between the interests of the -imaginary and those of the real world. The -moral value of Positivism on the contrary, is inherent -in its doctrine, and can be largely developed, -independently of any spiritual discipline, though -not so far as to dispense with the necessity for such -discipline. Thus, while Morality as a science is -made far more consistent by being placed in its -true connexion with the rest of our knowledge, -the sphere of natural morality is widened by -bringing human life, individually and collectively, -under the direct and continuous influence of Social -Feeling.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intermediate -between self-love -and universal -benevolence -are the -domestic affections: -filial, -fraternal, conjugal, -paternal</div> - -<p>I have stated that Positive morality -is brought into a coherent and systematic -form by its principle of universal -love. This principle must now be -examined first in its application to the -separate aspects of the subject, and -subsequently as the means by which -the various parts may be co-ordinated.</p> - -<p>There are three successive states of morality -answering to the three principal stages of human -life; the personal, the domestic, and the social -stage. The succession represents the gradual -training of the sympathetic principle; it is drawn -out step by step by a series of affections which, as -it diminishes in intensity, increases in dignity. -This series forms our best resource in attempting -as far as possible to reach the normal state; subordination -of self-love to social feeling. These -are the two extremes in the scale of human affections; -but between them there is an intermediate -degree, namely, domestic attachment, and it is -on this that the solution of the great moral problem -depends. The love of his family leads Man out -of his original state of Self-love and enables him -to attain finally a sufficient measure of Social<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105">105</a></span> -love. Every attempt on the part of the moral -educator to call this last into immediate action, -regardless of the intermediate stage, is to be condemned -as utterly chimerical and profoundly -injurious. Such attempts are regarded in the -present day with far too favourable an eye. Far -from being a sign of social progress, they would, -if successful, be an immense step backwards; -since the feeling which inspires them is one of -perverted admiration for antiquity.</p> - -<p>Since the importance of domestic life is so great -as a transition from selfish to social feeling, a -systematic view of its relations will be the best -mode of explaining the spirit of Positive morality, -which is in every respect based upon the order -found in nature.</p> - -<p>The first germ of social feeling is seen in the -affection of the child for its parents. Filial love -is the starting-point of our moral education: from -it springs the instinct of Continuity, and consequently -of reverence for our ancestors. It is the -first tie by which the new being feels himself -bound to the whole past history of Man. Brotherly -love comes next, implanting the instinct of Solidarity, -that is to say of union with our contemporaries; -and thus we have already a sort of outline of social -existence. With maturity new phases of feeling -are developed. Relationships are formed of an -entirely voluntary nature; which have therefore -a still more social character than the involuntary -ties of earlier years. This second stage in moral -education begins with conjugal affection, the -most important of all, in which perfect fullness of -devotion is secured by the reciprocity and indissolubility -of the bond. It is the highest type of -all sympathetic instincts, and has appropriated to -itself in a special sense the name of Love. From -this most perfect of unions proceeds the last in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106">106</a></span> -series of domestic sympathies, parental love. It -completes the training by which Nature prepares -us for universal sympathy: for it teaches us to -care for our successors; and thus it binds us to the -Future, as filial love had bound us to the Past.</p> - -<p>I placed the voluntary class of domestic sympathies -after the involuntary, because it was the -natural order of individual development, and it -thus bore out my statement of the necessity of -family life as an intermediate stage between -personal and social life. But in treating more -directly of the theory of the Family as the constituent -element of the body politic, the inverse order -should be followed. In that case conjugal attachment -would come first, as being the feeling through -which the family comes into existence as a new -social unit, which in many cases consists simply of -the original pair. Domestic sympathy, when -once formed by marriage, is perpetuated first by -parental then by filial affection; it may afterwards -be developed by the tie of brotherhood, the -only relation by which different families can be -brought into direct contact. The order followed -here is that of decrease in intensity, and increase -in extension. The feeling of fraternity, which I -place last, because it is usually least powerful, will -be seen to be of primary importance when regarded -as the transition from domestic to social affections; -it is, indeed, the natural type to which all social -sympathies conform. But there is yet another -intermediate relation, without which this brief -exposition of the theory of the family would be -incomplete; I mean the relation of household -servitude, which may be called indifferently domestic -or social. It is a relation which at the present -time is not properly appreciated on account of -our dislike to all subjection; and yet the word -<em>domestic</em> is enough to remind us that in every<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107">107</a></span> -normal state of Humanity, it supplies what would -otherwise be a want in household relations. Its -value lies in completing the education of the social -instinct, by a special apprenticeship in obedience -and command, both being subordinated to the -universal principle of mutual sympathy.</p> - -<p>The object of the preceding remarks was to -show the efficacy of the Positive method in moral -questions by applying it to the most important -of all moral theories, the theory of the Family. -For more detailed proof, I must refer to my treatise -on <cite>Positive Polity</cite>, to which this work is introductory. -I would call attention, however, to the -beneficial influence of Positivism on personal -morality. Actions which hitherto had always -been referred even by Catholic philosophers to -personal interests, are now brought under the -great principle of Love on which the whole Positive -doctrine is based.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Personal virtues -placed -upon a social -basis</div> - -<p>Feelings are only to be developed -by constant exercise; and exercise is -most necessary when the intrinsic -energy of the feeling is least. It is -therefore quite contrary to the true spirit of moral -education to degrade duty in questions of personal -morality to a mere calculation of self-interest. Of -course, in this elementary part of Ethics, it is -easier to estimate the consequences of actions, and -to show the personal utility of the rules enjoined. -But this method of procedure inevitably stimulates -the self-regarding propensities, which are -already too preponderant, and the exercise of -which ought as far as possible to be discouraged. -Besides, it often results in practical failure. To -leave the decision of such questions to the judgment -of the individual, is to give a formal sanction to all -the natural difference in men’s inclinations. When -the only motive urged is consideration for personal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108">108</a></span> -consequences, every one feels himself to be the best -judge of these, and modifies the rule at his pleasure. -Positivism, guided by a truer estimate of the facts, -entirely remodels this elementary part of Ethics. -Its appeal is to social feeling, and not to personal, -since the actions in question are of a kind in -which the individual is far from being the only -person interested. For example, such virtues as -temperance and chastity are inculcated by the -Positivist on other grounds than those of their -personal advantages. He will not of course be -blind to their individual value; but this is an -aspect on which he will not dwell too much, for -fear of concentrating attention on self-interest. -At all events, he will never make it the basis of -his precepts, but will invariably rest them upon -their social value. There are cases in which men -are preserved by an unusually strong constitution -from the injurious effects of intemperance or -libertinage; but such men are bound to sobriety -and continence as vigorously as the rest, because -without these virtues they cannot perform their -social duties rightly. Even in the commonest -of personal virtues, cleanliness, this alteration -in the point of view may be made with advantage. -A simple sanitary regulation is thus ennobled by -knowing that the object of it is to make each one -of us more fit for the service of others. In this -way and in no other, can moral education assume -its true character at the very outset. We shall -become habituated to the feeling of subordination -to Humanity, even in our smallest actions. It is -in these that we should be trained to gain the -mastery over the lower propensities; and the -more so that, in these simple cases, it is less -difficult to appreciate their consequences.</p> - -<p>The influence of Positivism on personal morality -is in itself a proof of its superiority to other systems.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109">109</a></span> -Its superiority in domestic morality we have -already seen, and yet this was the best aspect of -Catholicism, forming indeed the principal basis -of its admirable moral code. On social morality -strictly so called, I need not dwell at length. Here -the value of the new philosophy will be more -direct and obvious, the fact of its standing at the -social point of view being the very feature which -distinguishes it from all other systems. In -defining the mutual duties arising from the various -relations of life, or again in giving solidity and -extension to the instinct of our common fraternity, -neither theological nor metaphysical morality can -bear comparison with Positivism. Its precepts are -adapted without difficulty to the special requirements -of each case, because they are ever in harmony -with the general laws of society and of -human nature. But on these obvious characteristics -of Positivism I need not further enlarge, as -I shall have other occasions for referring to -them.</p> - -<p>After this brief exposition of Positive morality -I must allude with equal brevity to the means by -which it will be established and applied. These -are of two kinds. The first lay down the foundations -of moral training for each individual: they -furnish principles, and they regulate feelings. -The second carry out the work begun, and ensure -the application of the principles inculcated to -practical life. Both these functions are in the -first instance performed spontaneously, under the -influence of the doctrine and of the sympathies -evoked by it. But for their adequate performance -a spiritual power specially devoted to the purpose -is necessary.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Moral education -consists -partly of scientific -demonstration of -ethical truth, -but still more -of culture of -the highest -sympathies</div> - -<p>The moral education of the Positivist -is based both upon Reason and on -Feeling, the latter having always the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110">110</a></span> -preponderance, in accordance with the -primary principle of the system.</p> - -<p>The result of the rational basis is -to bring moral precepts to the test of -rigorous demonstration, and to secure -them against all danger from discussion, by showing -that they rest upon the laws of our individual -and social nature. By knowing these laws, we are -enabled to form a judgment of the influence of -each affection, thought, action, or habit, be that -influence direct or indirect, special or general, -in private life or in public. Convictions based -upon such knowledge will be as deep as any that -are formed in the present day from the strictest -scientific evidence, with the excess of intensity -due to their higher importance and their close -connexion with our noblest feelings. Nor will such -convictions be limited to those who are able to -appreciate the logical value of the arguments. -We see constantly in other departments of Positive -science that men will adopt notions upon trust, -and carry them out with the same zeal and confidence, -as if they were thoroughly acquainted -with all the grounds for their belief. All that is -necessary is, that they should feel satisfied that -their confidence is well bestowed, the fact being, -in spite of all that is said of the independence of -modern thought, that it is often given too readily. -The most willing assent is yielded every day to the -rules which mathematicians, astronomers, physicists, -chemists, or biologists, have laid down in -their respective arts, even in cases where the greatest -interests are at stake. And similar assent will -certainly be accorded to moral rules when they, -like the rest, shall be acknowledged to be susceptible -of scientific proof.</p> - -<p>But while using the force of demonstration to -an extent hitherto impossible, Positivists will take<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111">111</a></span> -care not to exaggerate its importance. Moral -education, even in its more systematic parts, -should rest principally upon Feeling, as the mere -statement of the great human problem indicates. -The study of moral questions, intellectually speaking, -is most valuable; but the effect it leaves is -not directly moral, since the analysis will refer, -not to our own actions, but to those of others; -for all scientific investigations, to be impartial -and free from confusion, must be objective, not -subjective. Now to judge others without immediate -reference to self, is a process which may possibly -result in strong convictions, but so far from calling -out right feelings, it will, if carried too far, interfere -with or check their natural development. -However, the new school of moralists is the less -likely to err in this direction, that it would be totally -inconsistent with that profound knowledge of -human nature in which Positivism has already -shown itself so far superior to Catholicism. No -one knows so well as the Positivist that the -principal source of real morality lies in direct -exercise of our social sympathies, whether systematic -or spontaneous. He will spare no efforts to -develop these sympathies from the earliest years -by every method which sound philosophy can -indicate. It is in this that moral education, -whether private or public, principally consists; -and to it mental education is always to be held -subordinate. I shall revert to these remarks in -the next chapter, when I come to the general question -of educating the People.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Organization -of Public Opinion</div> - -<p>But however efficient the training -received in youth, it will not be enough -to regulate our conduct in after -years, amidst all the distracting influences of -practical life, unless the same spiritual power -which provides the education prolong its influence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112">112</a></span> -over our maturity. Part of its task will be to recall -individuals, classes, and even nations, when the -case requires it, to principles which they have forgotten -or misinterpreted, and to instruct them in -the means of applying them wisely. And here, -even more than in the work of education strictly -so called, the appeal will be to Feeling rather than -to pure Reason. Its force will be derived from -Public Opinion strongly organized. If the spiritual -power awards its praise and blame justly, -public opinion, as I shall show in the next chapter, -will lend it the most irresistible support. This -moral action of Humanity upon each of her -members has always existed whenever there was -any real community of principles and feelings. But -its strength will be far greater under the Positive -system. The reality of the doctrine and the social -character of modern civilization give advantages -to the new spiritual power which were denied to -Catholicism.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Commemoration -of great -men</div> - -<p>And these advantages are brought -forward very prominently by the -Positive system of commemoration. -Commemoration, when regularly instituted, is a -most valuable instrument in the hands of a spiritual -power for continuing the work of moral -education. It was the absolute character of -Catholicism, even more than the defective state of -mediaeval society, that caused the failure of its -noble aspirations to become the universal religion. -In spite of all its efforts, its system of commemoration -has always been restricted to very narrow -limits, both in time and space. Outside these -limits, Catholicism has always shown the same -blindness and injustice that it now complains of -receiving from its own opponents. Positivism, on -the contrary, can yield the full measure of praise -to all times and all countries, without either weakness<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113">113</a></span> -or inconsistency. Possessing the true theory -of human development, every mode and phase of -that development will be celebrated. Thus every -moral precept will be supported by the influence -of posterity; and this in private life as well as in -public, for the system of commemoration will be -applied in the same spirit to the humblest services -as well as to the highest.</p> - -<p>While reserving special details for the treatise -to which this work is introductory, I may yet give -one illustration of this important aspect of Positivism; -an illustration which probably will be the -first step in the practical application of the system. -I would propose to institute in Western Europe -on any days that may be thought suitable, the -yearly celebration of the three greatest of our predecessors, -Caesar, St. Paul and Charlemagne, who -are respectively the highest types of Greco-Roman -civilization, of Mediaeval Feudalism, and of Catholicism, -which forms the link between the two -periods. The services of these illustrious men -have never yet been adequately recognized, for -want of a sound historical theory enabling us to -explain the prominent part which they played in -the development of our race. Even in St. Paul’s -case the omission is noticeable. Positivism gives -him a still higher place than has been given him -by Theology; for it looks upon him as historically -the founder of the religion which bears the inappropriate -name of Christianity. In the other two -cases the influence of Positive principles is even -more necessary. For Caesar has been almost equally -misjudged by theological and by metaphysical -writers; and Catholicism has done very little for -the appreciation of Charlemagne. However, notwithstanding -the absence of any systematic -appreciation of these great men, yet from the -reverence with which they are generally regarded,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114">114</a></span> -we can hardly doubt that the celebration here -proposed would meet with ready acceptance -throughout Western Europe.</p> - -<p>To illustrate my meaning still further, I may -observe that history presents cases where exactly -the opposite course is called for, and which should -be held up not for approbation but for infamy. -Blame, it is true, should not be carried to the same -extent as praise, because it stimulates the destructive -instincts to a degree which is always painful -and sometimes injurious. Yet strong condemnation -is occasionally desirable. It strengthens -social feelings and principles, if only by giving -more significance to our approval. Thus I would -suggest that after doing honour to the three great -men who have done so much to promote the development -of our race, there should be a solemn -reprobation of the two principal opponents of -progress, Julian and Bonaparte; the latter being -the more criminal of the two, the former the more -insensate. Their influence has been sufficiently -extensive to allow of all the Western nations joining -in this damnatory verdict.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a></p> - -<p>The principal function of the spiritual power is -to direct the future of society by means of education; -and, as a supplementary part of education, -to pronounce judgment upon the past in the mode -here indicated. But there are functions of another -kind, relating more immediately to the present; -and these too result naturally from its position as -an educating body. If the educators are men -worthy of their position, it will give them an influence -over the whole course of practical life, -whether private or public. Of course it will merely -be the influence of counsel, and practical men will -be free to accept or reject it; but its weight may<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115">115</a></span> -be very considerable when given prudently, and -when the authority from which it proceeds is recognized -as competent. The questions on which its -advice is most needed are the relations between -different classes. Its action will be coextensive -with the diffusion of Positive principles; for nations -professing the same faith, and sharing in the same -education, will naturally accept the same intellectual -and moral directors. In the next chapter -I shall treat this subject more in detail. I merely -mention it here as one among the list of functions -belonging to the new spiritual power.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The political -motto of Positivism: -Order -and Progress</div> - -<p>It will now not be difficult to show -all the characteristics of Positivism -are summed up in the motto, -<em>Order and Progress</em>, a motto which has -a philosophical as well as political bearing, and -which I shall always feel glad to have put forward.</p> - -<p>Positivism is the only school which has given a -definite significance to these two conceptions, -whether regarded from their scientific or their -social aspect. With regard to Progress, the assertion -will hardly be disputed, no definition of it but -the Positive ever having yet been given. In the -case of Order, it is less apparent; but, as I have -shown in the first chapter, it is no less profoundly -true. All previous philosophies had regarded -Order as stationary, a conception which rendered -it wholly inapplicable to modern politics. But -Positivism, by rejecting the absolute, and yet not -introducing the arbitrary, represents Order in a -totally new light, and adapts it to our progressive -civilization. It places it on the firmest possible -foundation, that is, on the doctrine of the invariability -of the laws of nature, which defends it -against all danger from subjective chimeras. The -Positivist regards artificial Order in Social phenomena, -as in all others, as resting necessarily upon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116">116</a></span> -the Order of nature, in other words, upon the whole -series of natural laws.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Progress, the -development -of Order</div> - -<p>But Order has to be reconciled with -Progress: and here Positivism is still -more obviously without a rival. Necessary -as the reconciliation is, no other system has -even attempted it. But the facility with which -we are now enabled, by the encyclopædic scale, -to pass from the simplest mathematical phenomena -to the most complicated phenomena of -political life, leads at once to a solution of the -problem. Viewed scientifically, it is an instance -of that necessary correlation of existence and movement, -which we find indicated in the inorganic -world, and which becomes still more distinct in -Biology. Finding it in all the lower sciences, we -are prepared for its appearance in a still more -definite shape in Sociology. Here its practical -importance becomes more obvious, though it had -been implicitly involved before. In Sociology the -correlation assumes this form: Order is the condition -of all Progress; Progress is always the object -of Order. Or, to penetrate the question still more -deeply, Progress may be regarded simply as the -development of Order; for the order of nature -necessarily contains within itself the germ of all -possible progress. The rational view of human -affairs is to look on all their changes, not as new -Creations, but as new Evolutions. And we find -this principle fully borne out in history. Every -social innovation has its roots in the past; and the -rudest phases of savage life show the primitive -trace of all subsequent improvement.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Analysis of -Progress: material, -physical, -intellectual, -and moral</div> - -<p>Progress then is in its essence identical -with Order, and may be looked -upon as Order made manifest. Therefore, -in explaining this double conception -on which the Science and Art of society<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117">117</a></span> -depend, we may at present limit ourselves to the -analysis of Progress. Thus simplified it is more -easy to grasp, especially now that the novelty and -importance of the question of Progress are attracting -so much attention. For the public is becoming -instinctively alive to its real significance, as the -basis on which all sound moral and political teaching -must henceforth rest.</p> - -<p>Taking, then, this point of view, we may say -that the one great object of life, personal and social, -is to become more perfect in every way; in our -external condition first, but also, and more especially, -in our own nature. The first kind of Progress -we share in common with the higher animals; -all of which make some efforts to improve their -material position. It is of course the least elevated -stage of progress; but being the easiest, it is the -point from which we start towards the higher -stages. A nation that has made no efforts to improve -itself materially, will take but little interest -in moral or mental improvement. This is the only -ground on which enlightened men can feel much -pleasure in the material progress of our own time. -It stirs up influences that tend to the nobler kinds -of Progress; influences which would meet with -even greater opposition than they do, were not -the temptations presented to the coarser natures -by material prosperity so irresistible. Owing to -the mental and moral anarchy in which we live, -systematic efforts to gain the higher degrees of -Progress are as yet impossible; and this explains, -though it does not justify, the exaggerated importance -attributed nowadays to material improvements. -But the only kinds of improvement really -characteristic of Humanity are those which concern -our own nature; and even here we are not -quite alone; for several of the higher animals -show some slight tendencies to improve themselves -physically.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118">118</a></span></p> - -<p>Progress in the higher sense includes improvements -of three sorts; that is to say, it may be -Physical, Intellectual, or Moral progress; the -difficulty of each class being in proportion to its -value and the extent of its sphere. Physical -progress, which again might be divided on the same -principle, seems under some of its aspects almost -the same thing as material. But regarded as a -whole it is far more important and far more difficult: -its influence on the well-being of Man is also -much greater. We gain more, for instance, by the -smallest addition to length of life, or by any increased -security for health, than by the most -elaborate improvements in our modes of travelling -by land or water, in which birds will probably -always have a great advantage over us. However, -as I said before, physical progress is not exclusively -confined to Man. Some of the animals, for instance, -advance as far as cleanliness, which is the -first step in the progressive scale.</p> - -<p>Intellectual and Moral progress, then, is the only -kind really distinctive of our race. Individual -animals sometimes show it, but never a whole -species, except as a consequence of prolonged -intervention on the part of Man. Between these -two highest grades, as between the two lower, we -shall find a difference of value, extent, and difficulty; -always supposing the standard to be the -manner in which they affect Man’s well-being, -collectively or individually. To strengthen the -intellectual powers, whether for art or for science, -whether it be the powers of observation or those -of induction and deduction, is, when circumstances -allow of their being made available for social purposes, -of greater and more extensive importance, -than all physical, and, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">a fortiori</i> than all material -improvements. But we know from the fundamental -principle laid down in the first chapter of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119">119</a></span> -this work, that moral progress has even more to do -with our well-being than intellectual progress. -The moral faculties are more modifiable, although -the effort required to modify them is greater. If -the benevolence or courage of the human race were -increased, it would bring more real happiness than -any addition to our intellectual powers. Therefore -to the question, What is the true object of human -life, whether looked at collectively or individually? -the simplest and most precise answer would be, -the perfection of our moral nature; since it has a -more immediate and certain influence on our well-being -than perfection of any other kind. All the -other kinds are necessary, if for no other reason -than to prepare the way for this; but from the -very fact of this connexion it may be regarded as -their representative; since it involves them all -implicitly and stimulates them to increased activity. -Keeping then to the question of moral perfection, -we find two qualities standing above the rest in -practical importance, namely, Sympathy and -Energy. Both these qualities are included in the -word <em>Heart</em>, which in all European languages has a -different meaning for the two sexes. Both will be -developed by Positivism, more directly, more -continuously, and with greater result, than under -any former system. The whole tendency of -Positivism is to encourage sympathy; since it -subordinates every thought, desire, and action to -social feeling. Energy is also presupposed, and -at the same time fostered, by the system. For it -removes a heavy weight of superstition, it reveals -the true dignity of man, and it supplies an unceasing -motive for individual and collective action. -The very acceptance of Positivism demands some -vigour of character; it implies the braving of -spiritual terrors, which were once enough to -intimidate the firmest minds.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120">120</a></span></p> - -<p>Progress, then, may be regarded under four -successive aspects: Material, Physical, Intellectual, -and Moral. Each of these might again be -divided on the same principle, and we should then -discover several intermediate phases. These cannot -be investigated here; and I have only to note -that the philosophical principle of this analysis is -precisely the same as that on which I have based -the Classification of the Sciences. In both cases -the order followed is that of increasing generality -and complexity in the phenomena. The only -difference is in the mode in which the two arrangements -are developed. For scientific purposes the -lower portion of the scale has to be expanded into -greater detail; while from the social point of view -attention is concentrated on the higher parts. -But whether it be the scale of the True or that of -the Good, the conclusion is the same in both. Both -alike indicate the supremacy of social considerations; -both point to universal Love as the highest -ideal.</p> - -<p>I have now explained the principal purpose of -Positive Philosophy, namely, spiritual reorganization; -and I have shown how that purpose is involved -in the Positivist motto, Order and Progress. -Positivism, then, realizes the highest aspirations -of mediaeval Catholicism, and at the same time -fulfils the conditions, the absence of which caused -the failure of the Convention. It combines the -opposite merits of the Catholic and the Revolutionary -spirit, and by so doing supersedes them -both. Theology and Metaphysics may now -disappear without danger, because the service -which each of them rendered is now harmonized -with that of the other, and will be performed more -perfectly. The principle on which this result -depends is the separation of spiritual from temporal -power. This, it will be remembered, had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121">121</a></span> -always been the chief subject of contention between -the two antagonistic parties.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Application -of our principles -to actual -politics. All -government -must for the -present be provisional</div> - -<p>I have spoken of the moral and -mental reorganization of Western -Europe as characterizing the second -phase of the Revolution. Let us now -see what are its relations with the -present state of politics. Of course -the development of Positivism will not be much -affected by the retrograde tendencies of the day, -whether theological or metaphysical. Still the -general course of events will exercise an influence -upon it, of which it is important to take account. -So too, although the new doctrine cannot at -present do much to modify its surroundings, there -are yet certain points in which action may be taken -at once. In the fourth volume of this treatise -the question of a transitional policy will be carefully -considered, with the view of facilitating the -advent of the normal state which social science -indicates in a more distant future. I cannot complete -this chapter without some notice of this -provisional policy, which must be carried on until -Positivism has made its way to general acceptance.</p> - -<p>The principal feature of this policy is that it is -temporary. To set up any permanent institution -in a society which has no fixed opinions or principles -of life, would be hopeless. Until the most -important questions are thoroughly settled, both -in principle and practice, the only measures of the -least utility are those which facilitate the process -of reconstruction. Measures adopted with a view -to permanence must end, as we have seen them -end so often, in disappointment and failure, however -enthusiastically they may have been received -at first.</p> - -<p>Inevitable as this consequence of our revolutionary -position is, it has never been understood,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122">122</a></span> -except by the great leaders of the republican movement -in 1793. Of the various governments that -we have had during the last two generations, all, -except the Convention, have fallen into the vain -delusion of attempting to found permanent institutions, -without waiting for any intellectual or -moral basis. And therefore it is that none but -the Convention has left any deep traces in men’s -thoughts or feelings. All its principal measures, -even those which concerned the future more than -the present, were avowedly provisional; and the -consequence was that they harmonized well with -the peculiar circumstances of the time. The true -philosopher will always look with respectful admiration -on these men, who not only had no rational -theory to guide them, but were encumbered with -false metaphysical notions; and who yet notwithstanding -proved themselves the only real statesmen -that Western Europe can boast of since the time -of Frederick the Great. Indeed the wisdom of -their policy would be almost unaccountable, only -that the very circumstances which called for it so -urgently, were to some extent calculated to suggest -it. The state of things was such as to make it -impossible to settle the government on any permanent -basis. Again, amidst all the wild extravagance -of the principles in vogue, the necessity of a -strong government to resist foreign invasion -counteracted many of their worst effects. On the -removal of this salutary pressure, the Convention -fell into the common error, though to a less extent -than the Constituent Assembly. It set up a -constitution framed according to some abstract -model, which was supposed to be final, but which -did not last so long as the period originally proposed -for its own provisional labours. It is on -this first period of its government that its fame -rests.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123">123</a></span></p> - -<p>The plan originally proposed was that the -government of the Convention should last till the -end of the war. If this plan could have been carried -out, it would probably have been extended -still further, as the impossibility of establishing -any permanent system would have been generally -recognized. The only avowed motive for making -the government provisional was of course the -urgent necessity of national defence. But beneath -this temporary motive, which for the time superseded -every other consideration, there was another -and a deeper motive for it, which could not have -been understood without sounder historical principles -than were at that time possible. That -motive was the utterly negative character of the -metaphysical doctrines then accepted, and the -consequent absence of any intellectual or moral -basis for political reconstruction. This of course -was not recognized, but it was really the principal -reason why the establishment of any definite -system of government was delayed. Had the war -been brought to an end, clearer views of the subject -would no doubt have been formed; indeed they -had been formed already in the opposite camp, -by men of the Neo-catholic school, who were not -absorbed by the urgent question of defending the -Republic. What blinded men to the truth was -the fundamental yet inevitable error of supposing -the critical doctrines of the preceding generation -applicable to purposes of construction. They -were undeceived at last by the utter anarchy -which the triumph of these principles occasioned; -and the next generation occupied itself with the -counter-revolutionary movement, in which similar -attempts at finality were made by the various -reactionist parties. For these parties were quite -as destitute as their opponents of any principles -suited to the task of reconstruction; and they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124">124</a></span> -had to fall back upon the old system as the only -recognized basis on which public Order could be -maintained.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Danger of attempting -political -reconstruction -before -spiritual</div> - -<p>And in this respect the situation is -still unchanged. It still retains its -revolutionary character; and any -immediate attempt to reorganize political -administration would only be the signal for -fresh attempts at reaction, attempts which now -can have no other result than anarchy. It is true -that Positivism has just supplied us with a philosophical -basis for political reconstruction. But its -principles are still so new and undeveloped, and -besides are understood by so few, that they cannot -exercise much influence at present on political -life. Ultimately, and by slow degrees, they will -mould the institutions of the future; but meanwhile -they must work their way freely into men’s -minds and hearts, and for this at least one generation -will be necessary. Spiritual organization -is the only point where an immediate beginning -can be made; difficult as it is, its possibility is at -last as certain as its urgency. When sufficient -progress has been made with it, it will cause a -gradual regeneration of political institutions. But -any attempt to modify these too rapidly would -only result in fresh disturbances. Such disturbances, -it is true, will never be as dangerous as -they were formerly, because the anarchy of opinion -is so profound that it is far more difficult for men -to agree in any fixed principles of action. The -absolute doctrines of the last century which inspired -such intense conviction, can never regain -their strength, because, when brought to the -crucial test of experience as well as of discussion, -their uselessness for constructive purposes and their -subversive tendency became evident to every one. -They have been weakened, too, by theological<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125">125</a></span> -concessions which their supporters, in order to -carry on the government at all, were obliged to -make. Consequently the policy with which they -are at present connected is one which oscillates -between reaction and anarchy, or rather which is -at once despotic and destructive, from the necessity -of controlling a society which has become almost -as diverse to metaphysical as to theological rule. In -the utter absence, then, of any general convictions, -the worst forms of political commotion are not to -be feared, because it would be impossible to rouse -men’s passions sufficiently. But unwise efforts -to set up a permanent system of government would -even now lead, in certain cases, to lamentable -disorder, and would at all events be utterly useless. -Quiet at home depends now, like peace -abroad, simply on the absence of disturbing -forces; a most insecure basis, since it is itself a -symptom of the extent to which the disorganizing -movement has proceeded. This singular condition -must necessarily continue until the <em>interregnum</em> -which at present exists in the moral and intellectual -region comes to an end. As long as there -is such an utter want of harmony in feeling as -well as in opinion, there can be no real security -against war or internal disorder. The existing -equilibrium has arisen so spontaneously that it -is no doubt less unstable than is generally supposed. -Still it is sufficiently precarious to excite continual -panics, both at home and abroad, which are not -only very irritating, but often exercise a most -injurious influence over our policy. Now attempts -at immediate reconstruction of political institutions, -instead of improving this state of things, -make it very much worse, by giving factitious life -to the old doctrines, which, being thoroughly worn -out, ought to be left to the natural process of -decay. The inevitable result of restoring them to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126">126</a></span> -official authority will be to deter the public, and -even the thinking portion of it, from that free -exercise of the mental powers by which, and by -which only, we may hope to arrive without disturbance -at fixed principles of action.</p> - -<p>The cessation of war therefore justifies no -change in republican policy. As long as the -spiritual interregnum lasts, it must retain its provisional -character. Indeed this character ought -to be more strongly impressed upon it than ever. -For no one now has any real belief in the organic -value of the received metaphysical doctrines. -They would never have been revived but for the -need of having some sort of political formula to -work with, in default of any real social convictions. -But the revival is only apparent, and it contrasts -most strikingly with the utter absence of systematic -principles in most active minds. There is -no real danger of repeating the error of the first -revolutionists and of attempting to construct with -negative doctrines. We have only to consider the -vast development of industry, of esthetic culture, -and of scientific study, to free ourselves from all -anxiety on this head. Such things are incompatible -with any regard for the metaphysical -teaching of ideologists or psychologists. Nor is -there much to fear in the natural enthusiasm -which is carrying us back to the first days of the -Revolution. It will only revive the old republican -spirit, and make us forget the long period of retrogression -and stagnation which have elapsed since -the first great outbreak; for this is the point on -which the attention of posterity will be finally -concentrated. But while satisfying these very -legitimate feelings, the people will soon find that -the only aspect of this great crisis which we have -to imitate is the wise insight of the Convention -during the first part of its administration, in perceiving<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127">127</a></span> -that its policy could only be provisional, -and that definite reconstruction must be reserved -for better times. We may fairly hope that the -next formal attempt to set up a constitution -according to some abstract ideal, will convince -the French nation, and ultimately the whole West, -of the utter futility of such schemes. Besides, the -free discussion which has now become habitual -to us, and the temper of the people, which is as -sceptical of political entities as of Christian -mysteries, would make any such attempts extremely -difficult. Never was there a time so -unfavourable to doctrines admitting of no real -demonstration: demonstration being now the only -possible basis of permanent belief. Supposing -then a new constitution to be set on foot, and the -usual time to be spent in the process of elaborating -it, public opinion will very possibly discard it -before it is completed; not allowing it even the -short average duration of former constitutions. -Any attempt to check free discussion on the subject -would defeat its own object; since free discussion -is the natural consequence of our intellectual -and social position.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Politically -what is wanted -is Dictatorship, -with liberty -of speech and -discussion</div> - -<p>The same conditions which require -our policy to be provisional while the -spiritual interregnum lasts, point also -to the mode in which this provisional -policy should be carried out. Had -the revolutionary government of the Convention -continued till the end of the war, it would probably -have been prolonged up to the present time. But -in one most important respect a modification -would have been necessary. During the struggle -for independence what was wanted was a vigorous -dictatorship, combining spiritual with temporal -powers: a dictatorship even stronger than the -old monarchy, and only distinguished from despotism<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128">128</a></span> -by its ardour in the cause of progress. -Without complete concentration of political power, -the republic could never have been saved. But -with peace the necessity for such concentration -was at an end. The only motive for still continuing -the provisional system was the absence of social -convictions. But this would also be a motive for -giving perfect liberty of speech and discussion, -which till then had been impossible or dangerous. -For liberty was a necessary condition for elaborating -and diffusing a new system of universal -principles, as the only sure basis for the future -regeneration of society.</p> - -<p>This hypothetical view of changes which might -have taken place in the Conventional government, -may be applied to the existing condition of affairs. -It is the policy best adapted for the republican -government which is now arising in all the security -of a settled peace, and yet amidst the most entire -anarchy of opinion. The successors of the Convention, -men unworthy of their task, degraded -the progressive dictatorship entrusted to them -by the circumstances of the time into a retrograde -tyranny. During the reign of Charles X, which -was the last phase of the reaction, the central -power was thoroughly undermined by the legal -opposition of the parliamentary or local power. -The central government still refused to recognize -any limits to its authority; but the growth of free -thought made its claims to spiritual jurisdiction -more and more untenable, leaving it merely the -temporal authority requisite for public order. -During the neutral period which followed the -counter-revolution, the dictatorship was not -merely restricted to its proper functions, but was -legally destroyed; that is the local power as -represented by parliament took the place of the -central power. All pretentions to spiritual influence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129">129</a></span> -were abandoned by both; their thoughts -being sufficiently occupied with the maintenance -of material order. The intellectual anarchy of the -time made this task difficult enough; but they -aggravated the difficulty by unprincipled attempts -to establish their government on the basis of pure -self-interest, irrespectively of all moral considerations. -The restoration of the republic and the -progressive spirit aroused by it has no doubt -given to both legislative and executive a large -increase of power: to an extent indeed which a -few years back would have caused violent antipathy. -But it would be a grievous error for -either of them to attempt to imitate the dictatorial -style of the Conventional government. Unsuccessful -in any true sense as the attempt would -be, it might occasion very serious disturbances, -which like the obsolete metaphysical principles -in which they originate, would be equally dangerous -to Order and to Progress.</p> - -<p>We see, then, that in the total absence of any -fixed principles on which men can unite, the policy -required is one which shall be purely provisional, -and limited almost entirely to the maintenance -of material order. If order be preserved, the -situation is in all other respects most favourable -to the work of mental and moral regeneration -which will prepare the way for the society of the -future. The establishment of a republic in France -disproves the false claims set up by official writers -in behalf of constitutional government, as if it -was the final issue of the Revolution. Meantime -there is nothing irrevocable in the republic itself, -except the moral principle involved in it, the -absolute and permanent preponderance of Social -Feeling; in other words, the concentration of all -the powers of Man upon the common welfare. -This is the only maxim of the day which we can<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130">130</a></span> -accept as final. It needs no formal sanction, -because it is merely the expression of feelings -generally avowed, all prejudices against it having -been entirely swept away. But with the doctrines -and the institutions resulting from them, through -which this dominion of social feeling is to become -an organized reality, the republic has no direct -connexion; it would be compatible with many -different solutions of the problem. Politically, -the only irrevocable point is the abolition of -monarchy, which for a long time has been in France -and to a less extent throughout the West, the -symbol of retrogression.</p> - -<p>That spirit of devotion to the public welfare, -which is the noblest feature of republicanism, is -strongly opposed to any immediate attempts at -political finality, as being incompatible with -conscientious endeavours to find a real solution of -social problems. For before the practical solution -can be hoped for, a systematic basis for it must -exist: and this we can hardly expect to find in -the remnants left to us of the old creeds. All -that the true philosopher desires is simply that -the question of moral and intellectual reorganization -shall be left to the unrestricted efforts of -thinkers of whatever school. And in advocating -this cause, he will plead the interests of the republic, -for the safety of which it is of the utmost -importance that no special set of principles should -be placed under official patronage. Republicanism -then, will do far more to protect free thought, and -resist political encroachment, than was done -during the Orleanist government by the retrograde -instincts of Catholicism. Catholic resistance to -political reconstructions was strong, but blind: -its place will now be more than supplied by wise -indifference on the part of the public, which has -learnt by experience the inevitable failure of these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131">131</a></span> -incoherent attempts to realize metaphysical -Utopias. The only danger of the position is lest -it divert the public, even the more reflective -portion of it, from deep and continuous thought, -to practical experiments based on superficial and -hasty considerations. It must be owned that the -temper of mind which now prevails would have -been most unfavourable for the original elaboration -of Positivism. That work, however, had already -been accomplished under the Constitutional -system; which, while not so restrictive as the -preceding government, was yet sufficiently so to -concentrate our intellectual powers, which of -themselves would have been too feeble, upon the -task. The original conception had indeed been -formed during the preceding reign; but its development -and diffusion took place under the parliamentary -system. Positivism now offers itself -for practical application to the question of social -progress, which has become again the prominent -question, and will ever remain so. Unfavourable -as the present political temper would have been to -the rise of Positivism, it is not at all so to its -diffusion; always supposing its teachers to be -men of sufficient dignity to avoid the snare of -political ambition into which thinkers are now so -apt to fall. By explaining, as it alone can explain, -the futility and danger of the various Utopian -schemes which are now competing with each -other for the reorganization of society, Positivism -will soon be able to divert public attention from -these political chimeras, to the question of a total -reformation of principles and of life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Such a dictatorship -would -be a step towards -the separation -of spiritual -and temporal -power</div> - -<p>Republicanism, then, will offer no -obstacle to the diffusion of Positivist -principles. Indeed, there is one point -of view from which we may regard -it as the commencement of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132">132</a></span> -normal state. It will gradually lead to the -recognition of the fundamental principle that -spiritual power must be wholly independent of -every kind of temporal power, whether central or -local. It is not merely that statesmen will soon -have to confess their inability to decide on the -merits of a doctrine which supposes an amount of -deep scientific knowledge from which they must -necessarily be precluded. Besides this, the disturbance -caused by the ambition of metaphysical -schemers, who are incapable of understanding the -times in which they live, will induce the public to -withdraw their confidence from such men, and -give it only to those who are content to abandon -all political prospects, and to devote themselves to -their proper function as philosophers. Thus -Republicanism is, on the whole, favourable to -this great principle of Positivism, the separation -of temporal from spiritual power, notwithstanding -the temptations offered to men who wish to carry -their theories into immediate application. The -principle seems, no doubt, in opposition to all our -revolutionary prejudices. But the public, as -well as the government, will be brought to it by -experience. They will find it the only means of -saving society from the consequences of metaphysical -Utopias, by which Order and Progress -are alike threatened. Thinkers too, those of them -at least who are sincere, will cease to regard it -with such blind antipathy, when they see that while -it condemns their aspirations to political influence, -it opens out to them a noble and most extensive -sphere of moral influence. Independently of -social considerations, it is the only way in which -the philosopher can maintain the dignity to which -his position entitles him, and which is at present -so often compromised by the very success of his -political ambition.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133">133</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The motto of -1830, <em>Liberty -and Public -Order</em></div> - -<p>The political attitude which ought for -the present to be assumed is so clearly -indicated by all the circumstances of -the time, that practical instinct has -in this respect anticipated theory. The right -view is well expressed in the motto, <em>Liberty and -Public Order</em>, which was adopted spontaneously -by the middle class at the commencement of the -neutral period in 1830. It is not known who was -the author of it; but it is certainly far too progressive -to be considered as representing the -feelings of the monarchy. It is not of course the -expression of any systematic convictions; but no -metaphysical school could have pointed out so -clearly the two principal conditions required by -the situation. Positivism, while accepting it as -an inspiration of popular wisdom, makes it more -complete by adding two points which should -have been contained in it at first, only that they -were too much opposed to existing prejudices to -have been sanctioned by public opinion. Both -parts of the motto require some expansion. -Liberty ought to include perfect freedom of -teaching; Public Order should involve the preponderance -of the central power over the local. -I subjoin a few brief remarks on these two points, -which will be considered more fully in the fourth -volume of this treatise.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Liberty -should be extended -to Education</div> - -<p>Positivism is now the only consistent -advocate of free speech and free -inquiry. Schools of opinion which do -not rest on demonstration, and would -consequently be shaken by any argumentative -attacks, can never be sincere in their wish for -Liberty, in the extended sense here given to it. -Liberty of writing we have now had for a long -time. But besides this we want liberty of speech; -and also liberty of teaching; that is to say, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134">134</a></span> -abandonment by the State of all its educational -monopolies. Freedom of teaching, of which -Positivists are the only genuine supporters, has -become a condition of the first importance: and -this not merely as a provisional measure, but as -an indication of the normal state of things. In -the first place, it is the only means by which any -doctrine that has the power of fixing and harmonizing -men’s convictions can become generally -known. To legalize any system of education -would imply that such a doctrine had been already -found; it most assuredly is not the way to find -it. But again, freedom of teaching is a step -towards the normal state; it amounts to an -admission that the problem of education is one -which temporal authorities are incompetent to -solve. Positivists would be the last to deny that -education ought to be regularly organized. Only -they assert, first, that as long as the spiritual -interregnum lasts, no organization is possible; -and secondly, that whenever the acceptance of a -new synthesis makes it possible, it will be effected -by the spiritual power to which that synthesis -gives rise. In the meantime no general system -of State education should be attempted. It -will be well, however, to continue State assistance -to those branches of instruction which are the -most liable to be neglected by private enterprise, -especially reading and writing. Moreover, there -are certain institutions either established or revived -by the Convention for higher training in -special subjects; these ought to be carefully -preserved, and brought up to the present state of -our knowledge, for they contain the germs of -principles which will be most valuable when the -problem of reorganizing general education comes -before us. But all the institutions abolished by -the Convention ought now to be finally suppressed.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135">135</a></span> -Even the Academies should form no exception -to this rule, for the harm which they have done, -both intellectually and morally, since their reinstalment, -has fully justified the wisdom of the -men who decided on their abolition. Government -should no doubt exercise constant vigilance over -all private educational institutions; but this -should have nothing to do with their doctrines, -but with their morality, a point scandalously -neglected in the present state of the law. These -should be the limits of state interference in education. -With these exceptions it should be left -to the unrestricted efforts of private associations, -so as to give every opportunity for a definitive -educational system to establish itself. For to -pretend that any satisfactory system exists at -present would only be a hypocritical subterfuge -on the part of the authorities. The most important -step towards freedom of education would -be the suppression of all grants to theological or -metaphysical societies, leaving each man free to -support the religion and the system of instruction -which he prefers. This, however, should be -carried out in a just and liberal spirit worthy of -the cause, and without the least taint of personal -dislike or party feeling. Full indemnity should -be given to members of Churches or Universities, -upon whom these changes would come unexpectedly. -By acting in this spirit it will be far less -difficult to carry out measures which are obviously -indicated by the position in which we stand. As -there is now no doctrine which commands general -assent, it would be an act of retrogression to give -legal sanction to any of the old creeds, whatever -their former claim to spiritual ascendancy. It is -quite in accordance with the republican spirit to -refuse such sanction, notwithstanding the tendency -that there is to allow ideologists to succeed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136">136</a></span> -to the Academic offices held under the constitutional -system by psychologists.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Order demands -centralization</div> - -<p>But Positivism will have as beneficial -an influence on Public Order as -on Liberty. It holds, in exact opposition -to revolutionary prejudices, that the central -power should preponderate over the local. The -constitutionalist principle of separating the legislative -from the executive is only an empirical -imitation of the larger principle of separating -temporal and spiritual power, which was adopted -in the Middle Ages. There will always be a contest -for political supremacy between the central -and local authorities; and it is an error into -which, from various causes, we have fallen recently, -to attempt to balance them against each other. -The whole tendency of French history has been -to let the central power preponderate, until it -degenerated and became retrograde towards the -end of the seventeenth century. Our present -preference for the local power is therefore an -historical anomaly, which is sure to cease as soon -as the fear of reaction has passed away. And -as Republicanism secures us against any dangers -of this kind, our political sympathies will soon -resume their old course. The advantages of the -central power are, first, that it is more directly -responsible than the other; and, secondly, that -it is more practical and less likely to set up any -claims to spiritual influence. This last feature -is of the highest importance, and is likely to become -every day more marked. Whereas the local -or legislative power, not having its functions -clearly defined, is very apt to interfere in theoretical -questions without being in any sense qualified for -doing so. Its preponderance would, then, in -most cases be injurious to intellectual freedom, -which, as it feels instinctively, will ultimately<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137">137</a></span> -result in the rise of a spiritual authority destined -to supersede its own. On the strength of these -tendencies, which have never before been explained, -Positivists have little hesitation in siding -in almost all cases with the central as against the -local power. Philosophers, whom no one can -accuse of reactionist or servile views, who have -given up all political prospects, and who are -devoting themselves wholly to the work of spiritual -reorganization, need not be afraid to take this -course; and they ought to exert themselves -vigorously in making the central power preponderant, -limiting the functions of the local power -to what is strictly indispensable. And, notwithstanding -all appearances to the contrary, republicanism -will help to modify the revolutionary -feeling on this point. It removes the distrust of -authority caused naturally by the retrograde -spirit of the old monarchy; and it makes it easier -to repress any further tendencies of the same -kind, without necessitating an entire change in -the character of our policy for the sake of providing -against a contingency, of which there is now so -little fear. As soon as the central power has -given sufficient proof of its progressive intentions, -there will be no unwillingness on the part of the -French public to restrict the powers of the legislative -body, whether by reducing it to one-third -of its present numbers, which are so far too large, -or even by limiting its functions to the annual -vote of the supplies. During the last phase of the -counter-revolution, and the long period of parliamentary -government which followed, a state of -feeling has arisen on this subject, which is quite -exceptional, and which sound philosophical teaching, -and wise action on the part of government, -will easily modify. It is inconsistent with the -whole course of French history; and only leads<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138">138</a></span> -us into the mistake of imitating the English constitution, -which is adapted to no other country. -The very extension which has just been given to -the representative system will bring it into discredit, -by showing it to be as futile and subversive -in practice as philosophy had represented it to be -in theory.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intimate -connexion of -Liberty with -Order</div> - -<p>Such, then, is the way in which -Positivism would interpret these two -primary conditions of our present -policy, Liberty and Public Order. -But besides this, it explains and confirms the -connexion which exists between them. It teaches -in the first place, that true liberty is impossible -at present without the vigorous control of a central -power, progressive in the true sense of the word, -wise enough to abdicate all spiritual influence, and -keep to its own practical functions. Such a -power is needed in order to check the despotic -spirit of the various doctrines now in vogue. As -all of them are more or less inconsistent with the -principle of separation of powers, they would all -be willing to employ forcible means of securing -uniformity of opinion. Besides, the anarchy -which is caused by our spiritual interregnum, -might, but for a strong government, very probably -interfere with the philosophical freedom which -we now enjoy. Conversely, unless Liberty in the -sense here spoken of be granted, it will be impossible -for the central power to maintain itself -in the position which public order requires. The -obstacle to that position at present is the fear of -reaction; and a scrupulous regard for freedom -is the only means of removing these feelings which, -though perhaps unfounded, are but too natural. -All fears will be allayed at once when liberty of -instruction and association becomes part of the -law of the land. There will then be no hope,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139">139</a></span> -and indeed no wish, on the part of government to -regulate our social institutions in conformity -with any particular doctrine.</p> - -<p>The object of this chapter has been to show the -social value of Positivism. We have found that -not merely does it throw light upon our Future -policy, but that it also teaches us how to act upon -the Present; and these indications have in both -cases been based upon careful examination of the -Past, in accordance with the fundamental laws of -human development. It is the only system -capable of handling the problem now proposed -by the more advanced portion of our race to all -who would claim to guide them. That problem -is this; to reorganize human life, irrespectively -of god or king; recognizing the obligation of no -motive, whether public or private, other than -Social Feeling, aided in due measure by the -positive science and practical energy of Man.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140">140</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III<br /> - -<span class="subhead">THE ACTION OF POSITIVISM UPON THE WORKING -CLASSES</span></h2> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Positivism -will not for the -present recommend -itself to -the governing -classes, so -much as to the -People</div> - -<p>Positivism, whether looked at as a -philosophical system or as an instrument -of social renovation, cannot -count upon much support from any -of the classes, whether in Church or -State, by whom the government of -mankind has hitherto been conducted. There -will be isolated exceptions of great value, and -these will soon become more numerous: but the -prejudices and passions of these classes will present -serious obstacles to the work of moral and mental -reorganization which constitutes the second phase -of the great Western revolution. Their faulty -education and their repugnance to system prejudice -them against a philosophy which subordinates -specialities to general principles. Their aristocratic -instincts make it very difficult for them to -recognize the supremacy of Social Feeling; that -doctrine which lies at the root of social regeneration, -as conceived by Positivism. That no support -can be expected from the classes who were in the -ascendant before the Revolution, is of course -obvious; and we shall probably meet with opposition, -quite as real though more carefully concealed, -from the middle classes, to whom that -revolution transferred the authority and social<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141">141</a></span> -influence which they had long been coveting. -Their thoughts are entirely engrossed with the -acquisition of power; and they concern themselves -but little with the mode in which it is used, or the -objects to which it is directed. They were quite -convinced that the Revolution had found a satisfactory -issue in the parliamentary system instituted -during the recent period of political oscillation. -They will long continue to regret that stationary -period, because it was peculiarly favourable to -their restless ambition. A movement tending to -the complete regeneration of society is almost as -much dreaded now by the middle classes as it was -formerly by the higher. And both would at all -events agree in prolonging the system of theological -hypocrisy, as far as republican institutions admitted -of it. That policy is now the only means -by which retrogression is still possible. Ignoble -as it is, there are two motives for adopting it; it -secures respect and submission on the part of the -masses, and it imposes no unpleasant duties on -their governors. All their critical and metaphysical -prejudices indispose them to terminate -the state of spiritual anarchy which is the greatest -obstacle to social regeneration: while at the same -time their ambition dreads the establishment of a -new moral authority, the restrictive influence of -which would of course press most heavily upon -themselves. In the eighteenth century, men of -rank, and even kings, accepted the purely negative -philosophy that was then in vogue; it removed -many obstacles, it was an easy path to reputation, -and it imposed no great sacrifice. But we can -hardly hope from this precedent that the wealthy -and literary classes of our own time will be equally -willing to accept Positive philosophy; the avowed -purpose of which is to discipline our intellectual -powers, in order to reorganize our modes of life.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142">142</a></span></p> - -<p>The avowal of such a purpose is quite sufficient -to prevent Positivism from gaining the sympathies -of any one of the governing classes. The classes -to which it must appeal are those who have been -left untrained in the present worthless methods -of instruction by words and entities, who are -animated with strong social instincts, and who -consequently have the largest stock of good sense -and good feeling. In a word it is among the -Working Classes that the new philosophers will -find their most energetic allies. They are the -two extreme terms in the social series as finally -constituted; and it is only through their combined -action that social regeneration can become -a practical possibility. Notwithstanding their -difference of position, a difference which indeed -is more apparent than real, there are strong -affinities between them, both morally and intellectually. -Both have the same sense of the real, -the same preference for the useful, and the same -tendency to subordinate special points to general -principles. Morally they resemble each other -in generosity of feeling, in wise unconcern for -material prospects, and in indifference to worldly -grandeur. This at least will be the case as soon -as philosophers in the true sense of that word -have mixed sufficiently with the nobler members -of the working classes to raise their own character -to its proper level. When the sympathies which -unite them upon these essential points have had -time to show themselves, it will be felt that the -philosopher is, under certain aspects, a member -of the working class fully trained; while the -working man is in many respects a philosopher -without the training. Both too will look with -similar feelings upon the intermediate or capitalist -class. As that class is necessarily the possessor -of material power, the pecuniary existence of -both will as a rule be independent upon it.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143">143</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The working -man who accepts -his position -is favourably -situated -for the reception -of comprehensive -principles -and -generous sympathies</div> - -<p>These affinities follow as a natural -result from their respective position -and functions. The reason of their -not having been recognized more distinctly -is, that at present we have -nothing that can be called a philosophic -class, or at least it is only represented -by a few isolated types. Workmen -worthy of their position are happily far less -rare; but hitherto it is only in France, or rather -in Paris, that they have shown themselves in their -true light, as men emancipated from chimerical -beliefs, and careless of the empty prestige of -social position. It is, then, only in Paris that the -truth of the preceding remarks can be fully -verified.</p> - -<p>The occupations of working men are evidently -far more conducive to philosophical views than -those of the middle classes; since they are not so -absorbing, as to prevent continuous thought, -even during the hours of labour. And besides -having more time for thinking, they have a moral -advantage in the absence of any responsibility -when their work is over. The workman is preserved -by his position from the schemes of aggrandisement, -which are constantly harassing the -capitalist. Their difference in this respect causes -a corresponding difference in their modes of -thought; the one cares more for general principles, -the other more for details. To a sensible workman, -the system of dispersive speciality now so -much in vogue shows itself in its true light. He -sees it, that is, to be brutalizing, because it would -condemn his intellect to the most paltry mode of -culture, so much so that it will never be accepted -in France, in spite of the irrational endeavours -of our Anglo-maniac economists. To the capitalist, -on the contrary, and even to the man of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144">144</a></span> -science, that system, however rigidly and consistently -carried out, will seem far less degrading; -or rather it will be looked upon as most desirable, -unless his education has been such as to counteract -these tendencies, and to give him the desire and -the ability for abstract and general thought.</p> - -<p>Morally, the contrast between the position of -the workman and the capitalist is even more -striking. Proud as most men are of worldly -success, the degree of moral or mental excellence -implied in the acquisition of wealth or power, -even when the means used have been strictly -legitimate, is hardly such as to justify that pride. -Looking at intrinsic qualities rather than at -visible results, it is obvious that practical success, -whether in industry or in war, depends far more -on character than on intellect or affection. The -principal condition for it is the combination of a -certain amount of energy with great caution, and a -fair share of perseverance. When a man has -these qualities, mediocrity of intellect and moral -deficiency will not prevent his taking advantage -of favourable chances; chance being usually a -very important element in worldly success. Indeed -it would hardly be an exaggeration to say -that poverty of thought and feeling has often -something to do with forming and maintaining -the disposition requisite for the purpose. Vigorous -exertion of the active powers is more frequently -induced by the personal propensities of avarice, -ambition, or vanity, than by the higher instincts. -Superiority of position, when legitimately obtained, -deserves respect; but the philosopher, like the -religionist, and with still better grounds, refuses -to regard it as a proof of moral superiority, a -conclusion which would be wholly at variance -with the true theory of human nature.</p> - -<p>The life of the workman, on the other hand,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145">145</a></span> -is far more favourable to the development of the -nobler instincts. In practical qualities he is -usually not wanting, except in caution, a deficiency -which makes his energy and perseverance less -useful to himself, though fully available for society. -But it is in the exercise of the higher feelings that -the moral superiority of the working class is most -observable. When our habits and opinions have -been brought under the influence of systematic -principles, the true character of this class, which -forms the basis of modern society, will become -more distinct; and we shall see that home affections -are naturally stronger with them than with -the middle classes, who are too much engrossed -with personal interests for the full enjoyment of -domestic ties. Still more evident is their superiority -in social feelings strictly so called, for these -with them are called into daily exercise from -earliest childhood. Here it is that we find the -highest and most genuine types of friendship, and -this even amongst those who are placed in a -dependent position, aggravated often by the -aristocratic prejudices of those above them, and -whom we might imagine on that account condemned -to a lower moral standard. We find -sincere and simple respect for superiors, untainted -by servility, not vitiated by the pride of learning, -not disturbed by the jealousies of competition. -Their personal experience of the miseries of life -is a constant stimulus to the nobler sympathies. -In no class is there so strong an incentive to social -feeling, at least to the feeling of Solidarity between -contemporaries; for all are conscious of the support -that they derive from union, support which -is not at all incompatible with strong individuality -of character. The sense of Continuity with the -past has not, it is true, been sufficiently developed; -but this is a want which can only be supplied by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146">146</a></span> -systematic culture. It will hardly be disputed -that there are more remarkable instances of -prompt and unostentatious self-sacrifice at the -call of a great public necessity in this class than -in any other. Note, too, that in the utter absence -of any systematic education, all these moral -excellences must be looked upon as inherent in the -class. It is impossible to attribute them to -theological influence, now that they have so -entirely shaken off the old faith. The type I -have described would be generally considered -imaginary; and at present it is only in Paris that -it can be fully realized. But the fact of its existence -in the centre of Western Europe is enough -for all rational observers. A type so fully in -accordance with what we know of human nature -cannot fail ultimately to spread everywhere, -especially when these spontaneous tendencies -are placed under the systematic guidance of -Positivism.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">This the -Convention -felt; but they -encouraged -the People to -seek political -supremacy, for -which they are -not fit</div> - -<p>These remarks will prepare us to -appreciate the wise and generous -instincts of the Convention in looking -to the Proletariate as the mainspring -of its policy; and this is not merely on -account of the incidental danger of -foreign invasion, but in dealing with -the larger question of social regeneration, which -it pursued so ardently, though in such ignorance -of its true principles. Owing, however, to the -want of a satisfactory system, and the disorder -produced by the metaphysical theories of the -time, the spirit in which this alliance with the -people was framed was incompatible with the real -object in view. It was considered that government -ought as a rule to be in the hands of the -people. Now under the special circumstances of -the time popular government was undoubtedly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147">147</a></span> -very useful. The existence of the republic depended -almost entirely upon the proletariate, the -only class that stood unshaken and true to its -principles. But in the absolute spirit of the -received political theories, this state of things was -regarded as normal, a view which is incompatible -with the most important conditions of modern -society. It is of course always right for the people -to assist government in carrying out the law, -even to the extent of physical force, should the -case require it. Interference of this subordinate -kind, whether in foreign or internal questions, so -far from leading to anarchy, is obviously a guarantee -for order which ought to exist in every -properly constituted society. Indeed in this -respect our habits in France are still very defective; -men are too often content to remain mere -lookers on, while the police to whom they owe -their daily protection is doing its duty. But for -the people to take a direct part in government, -and to have the final decision of political measures, -is a state of things which in modern society is -only adapted to times of revolution. To recognize -it as final would lead at once to anarchy, were it -not so utterly impossible to realize.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">It is only -in exceptional -cases that the -People can be -really ‘sovereign’</div> - -<p>Positivism rejects the metaphysical -doctrine of the Sovereignty of the -people. But it appropriates all that -is really sound in the doctrine, and -this with reference not merely to exceptional -cases but to the normal state; while at -the same time it guards against the danger involved -in its application as an absolute truth. In the -hands of the revolutionary party the doctrine is -generally used to justify the right of insurrection. -Now in Positive Polity, this right is looked upon -as an ultimate resource, with which no society -should allow itself to dispense. Absolute submission,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148">148</a></span> -which is too strongly inculcated by -modern Catholicism, would expose us to the danger -of tyranny. Insurrection may be regarded, -scientifically, as a sort of reparative crisis, of -which societies stand in more need than individuals -in accordance with the well-known biological law, -that the higher and the more complicated the -organism, the more frequent and also the more -dangerous is the pathological state. Therefore, -the fear that Positivism, when generally accepted, -will encourage passive obedience, is perfectly -groundless; although it is certainly not favourable -to the pure revolutionary spirit, which would fain -take the disease for the normal type of health. -Its whole character is so essentially relative, that -it finds no difficulty in accepting subordination -as the rule, and yet allowing for exceptional cases -of revolt; a course by which good taste and -human dignity are alike satisfied. Positivism looks -upon insurrection as a dangerous remedy that -should be reserved for extreme cases; but it would -never scruple to sanction and even to encourage -it when it is really indispensable. This is quite -compatible with refusing, as a rule, to submit the -decision of political questions and the choice of -rulers to judges who are obviously incompetent; -and who, under the influence of Positivism, will -of their own free will abdicate rights which are -subversive of order.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The truth involved -in the -expression is -that the well-being -of the -people should -be the one -great object of -government</div> - -<p>The metaphysical doctrine of the -Sovereignty of the people, contains, -however, a truth of permanent value, -though in a very confused form. This -truth Positivism separates very distinctly -from its dangerous alloy, yet -without weakening, on the contrary, -with the effect of enforcing, its social import. -There are two distinct conceptions in this doctrine,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149">149</a></span> -which have hitherto been confounded; a political -conception applicable to certain special cases; a -moral conception applicable to all.</p> - -<p>In the first place the name of the whole body -politic ought to be invoked in the announcement -of any special measure, of which the motives are -sufficiently intelligible, and which directly concern -the practical interests of the whole community. -Under this head would be included decisions of -law courts, declarations of war, etc. When society -has reached the Positive state, and the sense of -universal solidarity is more generally diffused, -there will be even more significance and dignity -in such expressions than there is now, because the -name invoked will no longer be that of a special -nation, but that of Humanity as a whole. It -would be absurd, however, to extend this practice -to those still more numerous cases where the people -is incompetent to express any opinion, and has -merely to adopt the opinion of superior officers -who have obtained its confidence. This may be -owing either to the difficulty of the question or to -the fact of its application being indirect or limited. -Such, for instance, would be enactments, very often -of great importance, which deal with scientific -principles; or again most questions relating to -special professions or branches of industry. In -all these cases popular good sense would, under -Positivist influence, easily be kept clear from -political illusions. It is only under the stimulus -of metaphysical pride that such illusions become -dangerous; and the untaught masses have but -little experience of this feeling.</p> - -<p>There is, however, another truth implied in the -expression, Sovereignity of the people. It implies -that it is the first of duties to concentrate -all the efforts of society upon the common good. -And in this there is a more direct reference to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150">150</a></span> -working class than to any other; first, on account -of their immense numerical superiority, and, -secondly, because the difficulties by which their -life is surrounded require special interference to -a degree which for other classes would be unnecessary. -From this point of view it is a principle -which all true republicans may accept. It is, in -fact, identical with what we have laid down as the -universal basis of morality, the direct and permanent -preponderance of social feeling over all personal -interests. Not merely, then, is it incorporated -by Positivism, but, as was shown in the first -chapter, it forms the primary principle of the -system, even under the intellectual aspect. Since -the decline of Catholicism the metaphysical spirit -has been provisionally the guardian of this great -social precept. Positivism now finally appropriates -it, and purifies it for the future from all taint of -anarchy. Revolutionists, as we should expect -from their characteristic dislike to the separation -of the two powers, had treated the question -politically. Positivism avoids all danger by shifting -it to the region of morality. I shall show -presently that this very salutary change, so far -from weakening the force of the principle, increases -its permanent value, and at the same time -removes the deceptive and subversive tendencies -which are always involved in the metaphysical -mode of regarding it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The People’s -function is to -assist the spiritual -power in -modifying the -action of government</div> - -<p>What then, it will be asked, is the -part assigned to the Proletariate in the -final constitution of society? This -similarity of position which I pointed -out between themselves and the -philosophic class suggests the answer. -They will be of the most essential service to the -spiritual power in each of its three social functions, -judgment, counsel, and even education. All the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151">151</a></span> -intellectual and moral qualities that we have just -indicated in this class concur in fitting them for -this service. If we except the philosophic body, -which is the recognized organ of general principles, -there is no class which is so habitually inclined to -take comprehensive views of any subject. Their -superiority in Social Feeling is still more obvious. -In this even the best philosophers are rarely their -equals; and it would be a most beneficial corrective -of their tendency to over-abstraction to come into -daily contact with the noble and spontaneous -instincts of the people. The working class, then, -is better qualified than any other for understanding, -and still more for sympathizing with the -highest truths of morality, though it may not be -able to give them a systematic form. And, as we -have seen, it is in social morality, the most important -and the highest of the three branches of Ethics, -that their superiority is most observable. Besides, -independently of their intrinsic merits, whether -intellectual or moral, the necessities of their daily -life serve to impress them with respect for the -great rules of morality, which in most cases were -framed for their own protection. To secure the -application of these rules in daily life is a function -of the spiritual power in the performance of which -they will meet with but slight assistance from the -middle classes. It is with them that temporal -power naturally resides, and it is their misuse of -power that has to be controlled and set right. The -working classes are the chief sufferers from the -selfishness and domineering of men of wealth and -power. For this reason they are the likeliest to -come forward in defence of public morality. And -they will be all the more disposed to give it their -hearty support if they have nothing to do directly -with political administration. Habitual participation -in temporal power, to say nothing of its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152">152</a></span> -unsettling influence, would lead them away from -the best remedy for their sufferings of which the -constitution of society admits. Popular sagacity -will soon detect the utter hollowness of the off-hand -solutions that are now being obtruded upon -us. The people will rapidly become convinced -that the surest method of satisfying all legitimate -claims lies in the moral agencies which Positivism -offers, though it appears to them at the same -time to abdicate political power which either -yields them nothing or results in anarchy.</p> - -<p>So natural is this tendency of the people to rally -round the spiritual power in defence of morality, -that we find it to have been the case even in -mediaeval times. Indeed this it is which explains -the sympathies which Catholicism still retains, -notwithstanding its general decline, in the countries -where Protestantism has failed to establish itself. -Superficial observers often mistake these sympathies -for evidence of sincere attachment to the -old creeds, though in point of fact they are more -thoroughly undermined in those countries than -anywhere else. It is an historical error which -will, however, soon be corrected by the reception -which these nations, so wrongly imagined to be -in a backward stage of political development, -will give to Positivism. For they will soon see its -superiority to Catholicism in satisfying the primary -necessity with which their social instincts are so -justly preoccupied.</p> - -<p>In the Middle Ages, however, the relations between -the working classes and the priesthood were -hampered by the institution of serfage, which was -not wholly abolished until Catholicism had begun -to decline. In fact a careful study of history will -show that one of the principal causes of its decline -was the want of popular support. The mediaeval -church was a noble, but premature attempt.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153">153</a></span> -Disbelief in its doctrines, and also retrograde tendencies -in its directors, had virtually destroyed it, -before the Proletariate had attained sufficient -social importance to support it successfully, -supposing it could have deserved their support. -But we are now sufficiently advanced for the perfect -realization of the Catholic ideal in Positivism. -And the principal means of realizing it will be the -formation of an alliance between philosophers and -the working classes, for which both are alike -prepared by the negative and positive progress of -the last five centuries.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Their combined -efforts -result in the -formation of -Public Opinion</div> - -<p>The direct object of their combined -action will be to set in motion the -force of Public Opinion. All views -of the future condition of society, the -views of practical men as well as of philosophic -thinkers, agree in the belief that the principal -feature of the state to which we are tending, will -be the increased influence which Public Opinion -is destined to exercise.</p> - -<p>It is in this beneficial influence that we shall -find the surest guarantee for morality; for domestic -and even for personal morality, as well as for -social. For as the whole tendency of Positivism -is to induce every one to live as far as possible -without concealment, the public will be intrusted -with a strong check upon the life of the individual. -Now that all theological illusions have become so -entirely obsolete, the need of such a check is greater -than it was before. It compensates for the insufficiency -of natural goodness which we find in most -men, however wisely their education has been conducted. -Except the noblest of joys, that which -springs from social sympathy when called into -constant exercise, there is no reward for doing -right so satisfactory as the approval of our fellow-beings. -Even under theological systems it has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154">154</a></span> -been one of our strongest aspirations to live -esteemed in the memory of others. And still more -prominence will be given to this noble form of -ambition under Positivism, because it is the only -way left us of satisfying the desire which all men -feel of prolonging their life into the Future. And -the increased force of Public Opinion will correspond -to the increased necessity for it. The peculiar -reality of Positive doctrine and its constant -conformity with facts facilitate the recognition -of its principles, and remove all obscurity in their -application. They are not to be evaded by subterfuges -like those to which metaphysical and -theological principles, from their vague and absolute -character, have been always liable. Again, -the primary principle of Positivism, which is to -judge every question by the standard of social -interests, is in itself a direct appeal to Public -Opinion; since the public is naturally the judge -of the good or bad effect of action upon the common -welfare. Under theological and metaphysical -systems no appeal of this sort was recognized; -because the objects upheld as the highest aims of -life were purely personal.</p> - -<p>In political questions the application of our -principle is still more obvious. For political -morality Public Opinion is almost our only guarantee. -We feel its force even now in spite of the -intellectual anarchy in which we live. Neutralized -as it is in most cases by the wide divergences -of men’s convictions, yet it shows itself on the -occasion of any great public excitement. Indeed, -we feel it to our cost sometimes when the popular -mind has taken a wrong direction; government -in such cases being very seldom able to offer -adequate resistance. These cases may convince -us how irresistible this power will prove when used -legitimately, and when it is formed by systematic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155">155</a></span> -accordance in general principles instead of by a -precarious and momentary coincidence of feeling. -And here we see more clearly than ever how -impossible it is to effect any permanent reconstruction -of the institutions of society, without a -previous reorganization of opinion and of life. -The spiritual basis is necessary not merely to -determine the character of the temporal reconstruction, -but to supply the principal motive force -by which the work is to be carried out. Intellectual -and moral harmony will gradually be restored, -and under its influence the new political system -will by degrees arise. Social improvements of -the highest importance may therefore be realized -long before the work of spiritual reorganization is -completed. We find in mediaeval history that -Catholicism exercised a powerful influence on -society during its emergence from barbarism, -before its own internal constitution had advanced -far. And this will be the case to a still greater -degree with the regeneration which is now in -progress.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Public opinion -involves, -(1) principles -of social conduct, -(2) their -acceptance by -society at -large, (3) an -organ through -which to enunciate -them</div> - -<p>Having defined the sphere within -which Public Opinion should operate, -we shall find little difficulty in determining -the conditions requisite for -its proper organization. These are, -first, the establishment of fixed principles -of social action; secondly, -their adoption by the public, and its -consent to their application in special cases; and, -lastly, a recognized organ to lay down the principles, -and to apply them to the conduct of daily -life. Obvious as these three conditions appear, -they are still so little understood, that it will be -well to explain each of them somewhat more fully.</p> - -<p>The first condition, that of laying down fixed -principles, is, in fact, the extension to social questions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156">156</a></span> -of that separation between theory and -practice, which in subjects of less importance is -universally recognized. This is the aspect in -which the superiority of the new spiritual system -to the old is most perceptible. The principles of -moral and political conduct that were accepted in -the Middle Ages were little better than empirical, -and owed their stability entirely to the sanction -of religion. In this respect, indeed, the superiority -of Catholicism to the systems which preceded it, -consisted merely in the fact of separating its precepts -from the special application of them. By -making its precepts the distinct object of preliminary -study, it secured them against the bias of -human passions. Yet important as this separation -was, the system was so defective intellectually, -that the successful application of its principles -depended simply on the good sense of the teachers; -for the principles in themselves were as vague and -as absolute as the creeds from which they were -derived. The influence exercised by Catholicism -was due to its indirect action upon social feeling -in the only mode then possible. But the claims -with which Positivism presents itself are far more -satisfactory. It is based on a complete synthesis; -one which embraces, not the outer world only, -but the inner world of human nature. This, while -in no way detracting from the practical value of -social principles, give them the imposing weight -of theoretical truth; and ensures their stability -and coherence, by connecting them with the whole -series of laws on which the life of man and of -society depend. For these laws will corroborate -even those which are not immediately deduced -from them. By connecting all our rules of action -with the fundamental conception of social duty, -we render their interpretation in each special -case clear and consistent, and we secure it against<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157">157</a></span> -the sophisms of passion. Principles such as these, -based on reason, and rendering our conduct independent -of the impulses of the moment, are the -only means of sustaining the vigour of Social -Feeling, and at the same time of saving us from -the errors to which its unguided suggestions so -often lead. Direct and constant culture of Social -Feeling in public as well as in private life is no -doubt the first condition of morality. But the -natural strength of Self-love is such that something -besides this is required to control it. The -course of conduct must be traced beforehand in -all important cases by the aid of demonstrable -principles, adopted at first upon trust, and afterwards -from conviction.</p> - -<p>There is no art whatever in which, however -ardent and sincere our desire to succeed, we can -dispense with knowledge of the nature and conditions -of the object aimed at. Moral and political -conduct is assuredly not exempt from such an -obligation, although we are more influenced in -this case by the direct promptings of feeling than -in any other of the arts of life. It has been shown -only too clearly by many striking instances how far -Social Feeling may lead us astray when it is not -directed by right principles. It was for want of -fixed convictions that the noble sympathies entertained -by the French nation for the rest of Europe -at the outset of the Revolution so soon degenerated -into forcible oppression, when her retrograde leader -began his seductive appeal to selfish passions. -Inverse cases are still more common; and they -illustrate the connexion of feeling and opinion as -clearly as the others. A false social doctrine has -often favoured the natural ascendency of Self-love -by giving a perverted conception of public -well-being. This has been too plainly exemplified -in our own time by the deplorable influence which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158">158</a></span> -Malthus’s sophistical theory of population obtained -in England. This mischievous error met with very -little acceptance in the rest of Europe, and it has -been already refuted by the nobler thinkers of his -own country; but it still gives the show of scientific -sanction to the criminal antipathy of the governing -classes in Great Britain to all effectual measures -of reform.</p> - -<p>Next to a system of principles, the most important -condition for the exercise of Public Opinion is -the existence of a strong body of supporters -sufficient to make the weight of these principles -felt. Now it was here that Catholicism proved so -weak; and therefore, even had its doctrine been -less perishable, its decline was unavoidable. -But the defect is amply supplied in the new -spiritual order, which, as I have before shown, -will receive the influential support of the working -classes. And the need of such assistance is as -certain as the readiness with which it will be -yielded. For though the intrinsic efficacy of -Positive teaching is far greater than that of any -doctrine which is not susceptible of demonstration, -yet the convictions it inspires cannot be expected -to dispense with the aid of vigorous popular support. -Human nature is imperfectly organized; -and the influence which Reason exercises over it -is not by any means so great as this supposition -would imply. Even Social Feeling, though its -influence is far greater than that of Reason, would -not in general be sufficient for the right guidance -of practical life, if Public Opinion were not constantly -at hand to support the good inclinations -of individuals. The arduous struggle of Social -Feeling against Self-love requires the constant -assertion of true principles to remove uncertainty -as to the proper course of action in each case. But -it requires also something more. The strong reaction<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159">159</a></span> -of All upon Each is needed, whether to control -selfishness or to stimulate sympathy. The tendency -of our poor and weak nature to give way -to the lower propensities is so great that, but for -this universal co-operation, Feeling and Reason -would be almost inadequate to their task. In the -working class we find the requisite conditions. -They will, as we have seen, form the principal -source of opinion, not merely from their numerical -superiority, but also from their intellectual and -moral qualities, as well as from the influence -directly due to their social position. Thus it is -that Positivism views the great problem of human -life, and shows us for the first time that the bases -of a solution already exist in the very structure -of the social organism.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Working -men’s clubs</div> - -<p>Working men, whether as individuals -or, what is still more important, collectively, -are now at liberty to criticize all the -details, and even the general principles, of the -social system under which they live; affecting, -as it necessarily does, themselves more nearly than -any other class. The remarkable eagerness lately -shown by our people to form clubs, though there -was no special motive for it, and no very marked -enthusiasm, was a proof that the checks which had -previously prevented this tendency from showing -itself were quite unsuited to our times. Nor is -this tendency likely to pass away; on the contrary, -it will take deeper root and extend more -widely, because it is thoroughly in keeping with -the habits, feelings, and wants of working men, -who form the majority in these meetings. A consistent -system of social truth will largely increase -their influence, by giving them a more settled -character and a more important aim. So far from -being in any way destructive, they form a natural -though imperfect model of the mode of life which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160">160</a></span> -will ultimately be adopted in the regenerate condition -of Humanity. In these unions social sympathies -are kept in constant action by a stimulus -of a most beneficial kind. They offer the speediest -and most effectual means of elaborating Public -Opinion: this at least is the case when there has -been a fair measure of individual training. No -one at present has any idea of the extent of the -advantages which will one day spring from these -spontaneous meetings, when there is an adequate -system of general principles to direct them. -Spiritual reorganization will find them its principal -basis of support, for they secure its acceptance by -the people; and this will have the greater weight, -because it will always be given without compulsion -or violence. The objection that meetings of this -kind may lead to dangerous political agitation, -rests upon a misinterpretation of the events of the -Revolution. So far from their stimulating a desire -for what are called political rights, or encouraging -their exercise in those who possess them, their -tendency is quite in the opposite direction. They -will soon divert working men entirely from all useless -attempts to interfere with existing political -institutions, and bring them to their true social -function, that of assisting and carrying out the -operations of the new spiritual power. It is a -noble prospect which is thus held out to them by -Positivism, a prospect far more inviting than any -of the metaphysical illusions of the day. The real -intention of the Club is to form a provisional -substitute for the Church of old times, or rather -to prepare the way for the religious building of the -new form of worship, the worship of Humanity; -which, as I shall explain in a subsequent chapter, -will be gradually introduced under the regenerating -influence of Positive doctrine. Under our present -republican government all progressive tendencies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161">161</a></span> -are allowed free scope, and therefore it will not -be long before our people accept this new vent for -social sympathies, which in former times could find -expression only in Catholicism.</p> - -<p>In this theory of Public Opinion one condition -yet remains to be described. A philosophic organ -is necessary to interpret the doctrine; the influence -of which would otherwise in most cases be very -inadequate. This third condition has been much -disputed; but it is certainly even more indispensable -than the second. And in fact it has never been -really wanting, for every doctrine must have had -some founder, and usually has a permanent body -of teachers. It would be difficult to conceive that -a system of moral and political principles should -be possessed of great social influence, and yet at -the same time that the men who originate or inculcate -the system should exercise no spiritual -authority. It is true that this inconsistency did -for a time exist under the negative and destructive -influence of Protestantism and Deism, because -men’s thoughts were for the time entirely taken up -with the struggle to escape from the retrograde -tendencies of Catholicism. During this long -period of insurrection, each individual became a -sort of priest; each, that is, followed his own -interpretation of a doctrine which needed no -special teachers, because its function was not to -construct but to criticize. All the constitutions -that have been recently established on metaphysical -principles give a direct sanction to this -state of things, in the preambles with which they -commence. They apparently regard each citizen -as competent to form a sound opinion on all social -questions, thus exempting him from the necessity -of applying to any special interpreters. This -extension to the normal state of things of a phase -of mind only suited to the period of revolutionary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162">162</a></span> -transition, is an error which I have already sufficiently -refuted.</p> - -<p>In the minor arts of life, it is obvious that general -principles cannot be laid down without some theoretical -study; and that the application of these -rules to special cases is not to be entirely left to the -untaught instinct of the artisan. And can it be -otherwise with the art of Social Life, so far harder -and more important than any other, and in which, -from its principles being less simple and less precise, -a special explanation of them in each case is -even more necessary? However perfect the demonstration -of social principles may become, it must -not be supposed that knowledge of Positive doctrine, -even when it has been taught in the most -efficient way, will dispense with the necessity of -frequently appealing to the philosopher for advice -in questions of practical life, whether private or -public. And this necessity of an interpreter to -intervene occasionally between the principle and -its application, is even more evident from the -moral than it is from the intellectual aspect. -Certain as it is that no one will be so well acquainted -with the true character of the doctrine as the -philosopher who teaches it, it is even more certain -that none is so likely as himself to possess the moral -qualifications of purity, of exalted aims, and of -freedom from party spirit, without which his -counsels could have but little weight in reforming -individual or social conduct. It is principally -through his agency that we may hope in most cases -to bring about that reaction of All upon Each, -which, as we have seen, is of such indispensable -importance to practical morality. Philosophers -are not indeed the principal source of Public -Opinion, as intellectual pride so often leads them -to believe. Public Opinion proceeds essentially -from the free voice and spontaneous co-operation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163">163</a></span> -of the people. But in order that the full weight -of their unanimous judgment may be felt, it must -be announced by some recognized organ. There -are, no doubt, rare cases where the direct expression -of popular feeling is enough, but these are quite -exceptional. Thus working men and philosophers -are mutually necessary, not merely in the creation -of Public Opinion, but also in most cases in the -manifestation of it. Without the first, the doctrine, -however well established, would not have -sufficient force. Without the second, it would -usually be too incoherent to overcome those -obstacles in the constitution of man and of society, -which make it so difficult to bring practical life -under the influence of fixed principles.</p> - -<p>In fact this necessity for some systematic organ -to direct and give effect to Public Opinion, has -always been felt, even amidst the spiritual anarchy -which at present surrounds us, on every occasion in -which such opinion has played any important part. -For its effect on these occasions would have been -null and void but for some individual to take the -initiative and personal responsibility. This is -frequently verified in private life by cases in which -we see the opposite state of things; we see principles -which no one would think of contesting, -practically inadequate, for want of some recognized -authority to apply them. It is a serious -deficiency, which is, however, compensated, -though imperfectly, by the greater facility of -arriving at the truth in such cases, and by the -greater strength of the sympathies which they call -forth. But in public life, with its more difficult -conditions and more important claims, such entire -absence of systematic intervention could never be -tolerated. In all public transactions even now we -may perceive the participation of a spiritual -authority of one kind or other; the organs of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164">164</a></span> -which, though constantly varying, are in most -cases metaphysicians or literary men writing for -the press. Thus even in the present anarchy of -feelings and convictions, Public Opinion cannot -dispense with guides and interpreters. Only it -has to be content with men who at the best can -only offer the guarantee of personal responsibility, -without any reliable security either for the stability -of their convictions or the purity of their feelings. -But now that the problem of organizing Public -Opinion has once been proposed by Positivism, -it cannot remain long without a solution. It -plainly reduces itself to the principle of separating -the two social powers; just as we have seen that -the necessity of an established doctrine rested on -the analogous principle of separating theory from -practice. It is clear, on the one hand, that sound -interpretation of moral and political rules, as in -the case of any other art, can only be furnished -by philosophers engaged in the study of the natural -laws on which they rest. On the other hand these -philosophers, in order to preserve that breadth -and generality of view which is their principal -intellectual characteristic, must abstain scrupulously -from all regular participation in practical -affairs, and especially from political life: on the -ground that its specializing influence would soon -impair their speculative capacity. And such a -course is equally necessary on moral grounds. It -helps to preserve purity of feeling and impartiality -of character; qualities essential to their influence -upon public as well as upon private life.</p> - -<p>Such, in outline, is the Positive theory of Public -Opinion. In each of its three constituent elements, -the Doctrine, the Power, and the Organ, it is -intimately connected with the whole question of -spiritual reorganization; or rather, it forms the -simplest mode of viewing that great subject. All<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165">165</a></span> -the essential parts of it are closely related to each -other. Positive principles, on the one hand, cannot -count on much material support, except from -the working classes; these in their turn will for -the future regard Positivism as the only doctrine -with which they can sympathize. So, again, -with the philosophic organs of opinion; without -the People, their necessary independence cannot -be established or sustained. To our literary -classes the separation of the two powers is instinctively -repugnant, because it would lay down -systematic limits to the unwise ambition which -we now see in them. And it will be disliked as -strongly by the rich classes, who will look with -fear upon a new moral authority destined to impose -an irresistible check upon their selfishness. At -present it will be generally understood and welcomed -only by the proletary class, who have more -aptitude for general views and for social sympathy. -In France especially they are less under the delusion -of metaphysical sophisms and of aristocratic -prestige than any other class; and the Positivist -view of this primary condition of social regeneration -will find a ready entrance into their minds and -hearts.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">All three -conditions of -Public Opinion -exist, but have -not yet been -combined</div> - -<p>Our theory of Public Opinion shows -us at once how far we have already -gone in organizing this great regulator -of modern society; how far we still -fall short of what is wanted. The -Doctrine has at last arisen: there is no doubt of -the existence of the Power; and even the Organ -is not wanting. But they do not as yet stand in -their right relation to each other. The effective -impulse towards social regeneration depends, then, -on one ultimate condition; the formation of a firm -alliance between philosophers and proletaries.</p> - -<p>Of this powerful coalition I have already spoken.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166">166</a></span> -I have now to explain the advantages which it -offers to the people in the way of obtaining sufficient -recognition of all legitimate claims.</p> - -<p>Of these advantages, the principal, and that by -which the rest will speedily be developed and -secured, is the important social function which is -hereby conferred upon them. They become -auxiliaries of the new spiritual power; auxiliaries -indispensable to its action. This vast proletary -class, which ever since its rise in the Middle Ages -has been shut out from the political system, will -now assume the position for which by nature it is -best adapted, and which is most conducive to the -general well-being of society. Its members, -independently of their special vocation, will at last -take a regular and most important part in public -life, a part which will compensate for the hardships -inseparable from their social position. Their -combined action, far from disturbing the established -order of things, will be its most solid guarantee, -from the fact of being moral, not political. -And here we see definitely the alteration which -Positivism introduces in the revolutionary conception -of the action of the working classes upon -society. For stormy discussions about rights, it -substitutes peaceable definition of duties. It -supersedes useless disputes for the possession of -power, by inquiring into the rules that should regulate -its wise employment.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Spontaneous -tendencies in -the people of -a right direction. -Their -Communism</div> - -<p>A superficial observer of the present -state of things might imagine our -working classes to be as yet very far -from this frame of mind. But he who -looks deeper into the question will see -that the very experiment which they are now -trying, of extending their political rights, will soon -have the effect of showing them the hollowness of -a remedy which has so slight a bearing upon the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167">167</a></span> -objects really important to them. Without making -any formal abdication of rights, which might seem -inconsistent with their social dignity, there is -little doubt that their instinctive sagacity will lead -them to the still more efficacious plan of indifference. -Positivism will readily convince them that -whereas spiritual power, in order to do its work, -must ramify in every direction, it is essential to -public order that political power should be as a -rule concentrated. And this conviction will grow -upon them, as they see more clearly that the -primary social problems which are very properly -absorbing their attention are essentially moral -rather than political.</p> - -<p>One step in this direction they have already -taken of their own accord, though its importance -has not been duly appreciated. The well-known -scheme of Communism, which has found such -rapid acceptance with them, serves, in the absence -of sounder doctrine, to express the way in which -they are now looking at the great social problem. -The experience of the first part of the Revolution -has not yet wholly disabused them of political -illusions, but it has at least brought them to feel -that Property is of more importance than Power -in the ordinary sense of the word. So far Communism -has given a wider meaning to the great -social problem, and has thereby rendered an -essential service, which is not neutralized by the -temporary dangers involved in the metaphysical -forms in which it comes before us. Communism -should therefore be carefully distinguished from -the numerous extravagant schemes brought forward -in this time of spiritual anarchy; a time -which stimulates incompetent and ill-trained minds -to the most difficult subjects of thought. The -foolish schemes referred to have so few definite -features, that we have to distinguish them by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168">168</a></span> -names of their authors. But Communism bears -the name of no single author, and is something -more than an accidental product of anomalous -circumstances. We should look upon it as the -natural progress in the right direction of the -revolutionary spirit; progress of a moral rather -than intellectual kind. It is a proof that revolutionary -tendencies are now concentrating themselves -upon moral questions, leaving all purely -political questions in the background. It is -quite true that the solution of the problem which -Communists are now putting forward, is still as -essentially political as that of their predecessors; -since the only mode by which they propose to regulate -the employment of property, is by a change -in the mode of its tenure. Still it is owing to them -that the question of property is at last brought -forward for discussion: and it is a question which -so evidently needs a moral solution, the solution -of it by political means is at once so inadequate -and so destructive, that it cannot long continue to -be debated, without leading to the more satisfactory -result offered by Positivism. Men will see -that it forms a part of the final regeneration of -opinion and of life, which Positivism is now -inaugurating.</p> - -<p>To do justice to Communism, we must look at -the generous sympathies by which it is inspired, -not at the shallow theories in which those sympathies -find expression provisionally, until circumstances -enable them to take some other shape. -Our working classes, caring but very little for metaphysical -principles, do not attach nearly the same -importance to these theories as is done by men of -literary education. As soon as they see a better -way of bringing forward the points on which they -have such legitimate claims, they will very soon -adopt the clear and practical conceptions of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169">169</a></span> -Positivism, which can be carried out peaceably -and permanently, in preference to these vague -and confused chimeras, which, as they will instinctively -feel, lead only to anarchy. Till then -they will naturally abide by Communism, as the -only method of bringing forward the most fundamental -of social problems in a way which there -shall be no evading. The very alarm which their -present solution of the problem arouses helps to -stir public attention, and fix it on this great subject. -But for this constant appeal to their fears, -the metaphysical delusions and aristocratic self-seeking -of the governing classes would shelve the -question altogether, or pass it by with indifference. -The errors of Communism must be rectified; but -there is no necessity for giving up the name, which -is a simple assertion of the paramount importance -of Social Feeling. However, now that we have -happily passed from monarchy to republicanism, -the name of <em>Communist</em> is no longer indispensable; -the word <em>Republican</em> expresses the meaning as well, -and without the same danger. Positivism, then, -has nothing to fear from Communism; on the -contrary, it will probably be accepted by most Communists -among the working classes, especially in -France where abstractions have but little influence -on minds thoroughly emancipated from theology. -The people will gradually find that the solution -of the great social problem which Positivism offers -is better than the Communistic solution.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Its new title -of Socialism</div> - -<p>A tendency in this direction has -already shown itself since the first -edition of this work was published. The working -classes have now adopted a new expression, -<em>Socialism</em>, thus indicating that they accept the -problem of the Communists while rejecting their -solution. Indeed that solution would seem to be -finally disposed of by the voluntary exile of their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170">170</a></span> -leader. Yet, if the Socialists at present keep clear -of Communism, it is only because their position is -one of criticism or inaction. If they were to -succeed to power, with principles so far below the -level of their sympathies, they would inevitably -fall into the same errors and extravagances which -they now instinctively feel to be wrong. Consequently -the rapid spread of Socialism very -naturally alarms the upper classes; and their -resistance, blind though it be, is at present the -only legal guarantee for material order. In fact, -the problem brought forward by the Communists -admits of no solution but their own, so long as the -revolutionary confusion of temporal and spiritual -power continues. Therefore the universal blame -that is lavished on these utopian schemes cannot -fail to inspire respect for Positivism, as the only -doctrine which can preserve Western Europe -from some serious attempt to bring Communism -into practical operation. Positivists stand forward -now as the party of construction, with a definite -basis for political action; namely, systematic -prosecution of the wise attempt of mediaeval -statesmen to separate the two social powers. On -this basis they are enabled to satisfy the Poor, and -at the same time to restore the confidence of the -Rich. It is a final solution of our difficulties -which will make the titles of which we have been -speaking unnecessary. Stripping the old word -<em>Republican</em> of any false meaning at present -attached to it, we may retain it as the best expression -of the social sympathies on which the regeneration -of society depends. For the opinions, -manners, and even institutions of future society, -<em>Positivist</em> is the only word suitable.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Property is -in its nature -social, and -needs control</div> - -<p>The peculiar reality of Positivism, -and its invariable tendency to concentrate -our intellectual powers upon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171">171</a></span> -social questions, are attributes, both of which -involve its adoption of the essential principle -of Communism; that principle being, that Property -is in its nature social, and that it needs -control.</p> - -<p>Property has been erroneously represented by -most modern jurists as conferring an absolute -right upon the possessor, irrespectively of the good -or bad use made of it. This view is instinctively -felt by the working classes to be unsound, and all -true philosophers will agree with them. It is an -anti-social theory, due historically to exaggerated -reaction against previous legislation of a peculiarly -oppressive kind, but it has no real foundation -either in justice or in fact. Property can neither -be created, nor even transmitted by the sole -agency of its possessor. The co-operation of the -public is always necessary, whether in the assertion -of the general principle or in the application -of it to each special case. Therefore the tenure of -property is not to be regarded as a purely individual -right. In every age and in every country the state -has intervened, to a greater or less degree, making -property subservient to social requirements. -Taxation evidently gives the public an interest in -the private fortune of each individual; an interest -which, instead of diminishing with the progress -of civilization, has been always on the increase, -especially in modern times, now that the connexion -of each member of society with the whole is -becoming more apparent. The practice of confiscation, -which also is in universal use, shows that in -certain extreme cases the community considers itself -authorized to assume entire possession of private -property. Confiscation has, it is true, been abolished -for a time in France. But this isolated -exception is due only to the abuses which recently -accompanied the exercise of what was in itself an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172">172</a></span> -undoubted right; and it will hardly survive when -the causes which led to it are forgotten, and the -power which introduced it has passed away. In -their abstract views of property, then, Communists -are perfectly able to maintain their ground against -the jurists.</p> - -<p>They are right, again, in dissenting as deeply as -they do from the Economists, who lay it down as -an absolute principle that the application of wealth -should be entirely unrestricted by society. This -error, like the one just spoken of, is attributable to -instances of unjustifiable interference. But it is -utterly opposed to all sound philosophical teaching, -although it has a certain appearance of truth, -in so far as it recognizes the subordination of social -phenomena to natural laws. But the Economists -seem to have adopted this important principle -only to show how incapable they are of comprehending -it. Before they applied the conception -of Law to the higher phenomena of nature, they -ought to have made themselves well acquainted -with its meaning, as applied to the lower and more -simple phenomena. Not having done so, they -have been utterly blind to the fact that the Order -of nature becomes more and more modifiable as -it grows more complicated. This conception lies -at the very root of our whole practical life; therefore -nothing can excuse the metaphysical school -of Economists for systematically resisting the -intervention of human wisdom in the various -departments of social action. That the movement -of society is subject to natural laws is certain; -but this truth, instead of inducing us to abandon -all efforts to modify society, should rather lead to -a wiser application of such efforts, since they are -at once more efficacious, and more necessary in -social phenomena than in any other.</p> - -<p>So far, therefore, the fundamental principle of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173">173</a></span> -Communism is one which the Positivist school -must obviously adopt. Positivism not only confirms -this principle, but widens its scope, by -showing its application to other departments of -human life; by insisting that, not wealth only, -but that all our powers shall be devoted in the -true republican spirit to the continuous service of -the community. The long period of revolution -which has elapsed since the Middle Ages has -encouraged individualism in the moral world, as -in the intellectual it has fostered the specializing -tendency. But both are equally inconsistent with -the final order of modern society. In all healthy -conditions of Humanity, the citizen, whatever his -position, has been regarded as a public functionary, -whose duties and claims were determined more or -less distinctly by his faculties. The case of -property is certainly no exception to this general -principle. Proprietorship is regarded by the -Positivist as an important social function; the -function, namely, of creating and administering -that capital by means of which each generation -lays the foundation for the operations of its successor. -This is the only tenable view of property; -and wisely interpreted, it is one which, -while ennobling to its possessor, does not exclude -a due measure of freedom. It will in fact place his -position on a firmer basis than ever.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">But Positivism -rejects the -Communist solution -of the problem. Property -is to be -controlled by -moral not legal -agencies</div> - -<p>But the agreement here pointed out -the between sociological science and the -spontaneous inspirations of popular -judgment, goes no farther. Positivists -accept, and indeed enlarge, the -programme of Communism; but we -reject its practical solution on the -ground that it is at once inadequate and subversive. -The chief difference between our own solution and -theirs is that we substitute moral agencies for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174">174</a></span> -political. Thus we come again to our leading -principle of separating spiritual from temporal -power; a principle which, disregarded as it has -hitherto been in the system of modern renovators, -will be found in every one of the important problems -of our time to be the sole possible issue. In -the present case, while throwing such light on the -fallacy of Communism, it should lead us to excuse -the fallacy, by reminding us that politicians of -every accredited school are equally guilty of it. -At a time when there are so very few, even of -cultivated minds, who have a clear conception of -this the primary principle of modern politics, it -would be harsh to blame the people for still -accepting a result of revolutionary empiricism, -which is so universally adopted by other classes.</p> - -<p>I need not enter here into any detailed criticism -of the utopian scheme of Plato. It was conclusively -refuted twenty-two centuries ago, by the -great Aristotle, who thus exemplified the organic -character, by which, even in its earliest manifestations, -the Positive spirit is distinguished. In -modern Communism, moreover, there is one fatal -inconsistency, which while it proves the utter -weakness of the system, testifies at the same time -to the honourable character of the motives from -which it arose. Modern Communism differs from -the ancient, as expounded by Plato, in not making -women and children common as well as property; -a result to which the principle itself obviously -leads. Yet this, the only consistent view of -Communism, is adopted by none but a very few -literary men, whose affections, in themselves too -feeble, have been perverted by vicious intellectual -training. Our untaught proletaries, who are the -only Communists worthy our consideration, are -nobly inconsistent in this respect. Indivisible -as their erroneous system is, they only adopt that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175">175</a></span> -side of it which touches on their social requirements. -The other side is repugnant to all their -highest instincts, and they utterly repudiate it.</p> - -<p>Without discussing these chimerical schemes in -detail, it will be well to expose the errors inherent -in the method of reasoning which leads to them, -because they are common to all the other progressive -schools, the Positivist school excepted. -The mistake consists in the first place, in disregarding -or even denying the natural laws which -regulate social phenomena; and secondly, in -resorting to political agencies where moral agency -is the real thing needed. The inadequacy and the -danger of the various utopian systems which are -now setting up their rival claims to bring about -the regeneration of society, are all attributable in -reality to these two closely-connected errors. -For the sake of clearness, I shall continue to refer -specially to Communism as the most prominent -of these systems. But it will be easy to extend the -bearing of my remarks to all the rest.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Individualization -of functions -as necessary -as co-operation</div> - -<p>The ignorance of the true laws of -social life under which Communists -labour is evident in their dangerous -tendency to suppress individuality. -Not only do they ignore the inherent preponderance -in our nature of the personal instincts; -but they forget that, in the collective Organism, -the separation of functions is a feature no -less essential than the co-operation of functions. -Suppose for a moment that the connexion between -men could be made such that they were physically -inseparable, as has been actually the case with -twins in certain cases of monstrosity; society -would obviously be impossible. Extravagant as -this supposition is, it may illustrate the fact that -in social life individuality cannot be dispensed -with. It is necessary in order to admit of that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176">176</a></span> -variety of simultaneous efforts which constitutes -the immense superiority of the Social Organism -over every individual life. The great problem for -man is to harmonize, as far as possible, the freedom -resulting from isolation, with the equally urgent -necessity for convergence. To dwell exclusively -upon the necessity of convergence would tend to -undermine not merely our practical energy, but -our true dignity; since it would do away with the -sense of personal responsibility. In exceptional -cases where life is spent in forced subjection to -domestic authority, the comforts of home are often -not enough to prevent existence from becoming -an intolerable burden, simply from the want of -sufficient independence. What would it be, then, -if everybody stood in a similar position of dependence -towards a community that was indifferent -to his happiness? Yet no less a danger than -this would be the result of adopting any of -those utopian schemes which sacrifice true liberty -to uncontrolled equality, or even to an exaggerated -sense of fraternity. Wide as the divergence between -Positivism and the Economic schools is, -Positivists adopt substantially the strictures which -they have passed upon Communism; especially -those of Dunoyer, their most advanced writer.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Industry requires -its captains -as well -as War</div> - -<p>There is another point in which -Communism is equally inconsistent -with the laws of Sociology. Acting -under false views of the constitution -of our modern industrial system, it proposes to -remove its directors, who form so essential a part -of it. An army can no more exist without officers -than without soldiers; and this elementary truth -holds good of Industry as well as of War. The -organization of modern industry has not been found -practicable as yet; but the germ of such organization -lies unquestionably in the division which has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177">177</a></span> -arisen spontaneously between Capitalist and -Workman. No great works could be undertaken -if each worker were also to be a director, or if the -management, instead of being fixed, were entrusted -to a passive and irresponsible body. It is evident -that under the present system of industry there -is a tendency to a constant enlargement of undertakings: -each fresh step leads at once to still -further extension. Now this tendency, so far -from being opposed to the interests of the working -classes, is a condition which will most seriously -facilitate the real organization of our material -existence, as soon as we have a moral authority -competent to control it. For it is only the larger -employers that the spiritual power can hope to -penetrate with a strong and habitual sense of duty -to their subordinates. Without a sufficient concentration -of material power, the means of satisfying -the claims of morality would be found wanting, -except at such exorbitant sacrifices as would be -incompatible with all industrial progress. This -is the weak point of every plan of reform which -limits itself to the mode of acquiring power, -whether public power or private, instead of aiming -at controlling its use in whosever hands it may be -placed. It leads to a waste of those forces which, -when rightly used, form our principal resource in -dealing with grave social difficulties.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Communism -is deficient in -the historical -spirit</div> - -<p>The motives, therefore, from which -modern Communism has arisen, however -estimable, lead at present, in the -want of proper scientific teaching, to a -very wrong view both of the nature of the disease -and of its remedy. A heavier reproach against it -is, that in one point it shows a manifest insufficiency -of social instinct. Communists boast of their -spirit of social union; but they limit it to the -union of the present generation, stopping short<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178">178</a></span> -of historical continuity, which yet is the principal -characteristic of Humanity. When they have -matured their moral growth, and have followed -out in Time that connexion which at present they -only recognize in Space, they will at once see the -necessity of these general conditions which at -present they would reject. They will understand -the importance of inheritance, as the natural -means by which each generation transmits to -its successor the result of its own labours and the -means of improving them. The necessity of -inheritance, as far as the community is concerned, -is evident, and its extension to the individual -is an obvious consequence. But whatever reproaches -Communists may deserve in this respect -are equally applicable to all the other progressive -sects. They are all pervaded by an anti-historic -spirit, which leads them to conceive of -Society as though it had no ancestors; and -this, although their own ideas for the most part -can have no bearing except upon posterity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">In fact, as a -system, it is -worthless, -though prompted -by noble -feelings</div> - -<p>Serious as these errors are, a philosophic -mind will treat the Communism -of our day, so far as it is adopted in -good faith, with indulgence, whether -he look at the motives from which it -arose, or at the practical results which will follow -from it. It is hardly fair to criticize the intrinsic -merits of a doctrine, the whole meaning and value -of which are relative to the peculiar phase of -society in which it is proposed. Communism -has in its own way discharged an important -function. It has brought prominently forward -the greatest of social problems; and, if we except -the recent Positivist explanation, its mode of -stating it has never been surpassed. And let no -one suppose that it would have been enough simply -to state the problem, without hazarding any<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179">179</a></span> -solution of it. Those who think so do not understand -the exigencies of man’s feeble intellect. -In far easier subjects than this, it is impossible to -give prolonged attention to questions which are -simply asked, without any attempt to answer -them. Suppose, for instance, that Gall and Broussais -had limited themselves to a simple statement -of their great problems without venturing on any -solution; their principles, however incontestable, -would have been barren of result, for want of that -motive power of renovation which nothing can -give but a systematic solution of some kind or -other, hazardous as the attempt must be at first. -Now it is hardly likely that we should be able -to evade this condition of our mental faculties -in subjects which are not only of the highest difficulty, -but also more exposed than any others to -the influence of passion. Besides, when we compare -the errors of Communism with those of other -social doctrines which have recently received official -sanction, we shall feel more disposed to palliate -them. Are they, for instance, more shallow and -more really dangerous than the absurd and -chimerical notion which was accepted in France -for a whole generation, and is still upheld by so -many political teachers; the notion that the -great Revolution has found its final issue in the -constitutional system of government, a system -peculiar to England during her stage of transition? -Moreover, our so-called conservatives only escape -the errors of Communism by evading or ignoring -its problems, though they are becoming every -day more urgent. Whenever they are induced -to deal with them, they render themselves liable -to exactly the same dangers, dangers common to -all schools which reject the division of the two -powers, and which consequently are for ever -trying to make legislation do the work of morality.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180">180</a></span> -Accordingly we see the governing classes nowadays -upholding institutions of a thoroughly -Communist character, such as alms-houses, foundling -hospitals, etc.; while popular feeling strongly -and rightly condemns such institutions, as being -incompatible with that healthy growth of home -affection which should be common to all ranks.</p> - -<p>Were it not that Communism is provisionally -useful in antagonizing other doctrines equally -erroneous, it would have, then, no real importance, -except that due to the motives which originated -it; since its practical solution is far too chimerical -and subversive ever to obtain acceptance. Yet, -from the high morality of these motives, it will -probably maintain and increase its influence -until our working men find that their wants can -be more effectually satisfied by gentler and surer -means. Our republican system seems at first -sight favourable to the scheme; but it cannot fail -soon to have the reverse effect, because, while -adopting the social principle which constitutes -the real merit of Communism, it repudiates its -mischievous illusions. In France, at all events, -where property is so easy to acquire and is consequently -so generally enjoyed, the doctrine cannot -lead to much practical harm; rather its reaction -will be beneficial, because it will fix men’s minds -more seriously on the just claims of the People. -The danger is far greater in other parts of Western -Europe; especially in England, where aristocratic -influence is less undermined, and where consequently -the working classes are less advanced -and more oppressed. And even in Catholic -countries, where individualism and anarchy have -been met by a truer sense of fraternity, Communistic -disturbances can only be avoided finally -by a more rapid dissemination of Positivism, -which will ultimately dispel all social delusions,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181">181</a></span> -by offering the true solution of the questions -that gave rise to them.</p> - -<p>The nature of the evil shows us at once that the -remedy we seek must be almost entirely of a -moral kind. This truth, based as it is on real -knowledge of human nature, the people will soon -come to feel instinctively. And here Communists -are, without knowing it, preparing the way for -the ascendancy of Positivism. They are forcing -upon men’s notice in the strongest possible way -a problem to which no peaceable and satisfactory -solution can be given, except by the new philosophy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Property is -a public trust, -not to be interfered -with legally</div> - -<p>That philosophy, abandoning all -useless and irritating discussion as to -the origin of wealth and the extent of -its possession, proceeds at once to -the moral rules which should regulate it as a -social function. The distribution of power among -men, of material power especially, lies so far -beyond our means of intervention, that to set it -before us as our main object to rectify the defects -of the natural order in this respect, would be to -waste our short life in barren and interminable -disputes. The chief concern of the public is -that power, in whosever hands it may be placed, -should be exercised for their benefit; and this is -a point to which we may direct our efforts with -far greater effect. Besides, by regulating the -employment of wealth, we do, indirectly, modify -its tenure; for the mode in which wealth is held has -some secondary influence over the right use of it.</p> - -<p>The regulations required should be moral, not -political in their source; general, not special, in -their application. Those who accept them will -do so of their own free will, under the influence -of their education. Thus their obedience, while -steadily maintained, will have, as Aristotle long -ago observed, the merit of voluntary action. By<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182">182</a></span> -converting private property into a public function, -we would subject it to no tyrannical interference; -for this, by the destruction of free impulse and -responsibility, would prove most deeply degrading -to man’s character. Indeed, the comparison of -proprietors with public functionaries will frequently -be applied in the inverse sense; with the view, -that is, of strengthening the latter rather than -of weakening the former. The true principle of -republicanism is, that all forces shall work together -for the common good. With this view we have -on the one hand, to determine precisely what -it is that the common good requires; and on the -other, to develop the temper of mind most likely -to satisfy the requirement. The conditions -requisite for these two objects are, a recognized -Code of principles, an adequate Education, and -a healthy direction of Public Opinion. For such -conditions we must look principally to the philosophic -body which Positivism proposes to establish -at the apex of modern society. Doubtless this -purely moral influence would not be sufficient of -itself. Human frailty is such that Government, -in the ordinary sense of the word, will have as -before to repress by force the more palpable and -more dangerous class of delinquencies. But this -additional control, though necessary, will not fill -so important a place as it did in the Middle Ages -under the sway of Catholicism. Spiritual rewards -and punishments will preponderate over temporal, -in proportion as human development evokes a -stronger sense of the ties which unite each with -all, by the threefold bond of Feeling, Thought, -and Action.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inheritance -favourable to -its right employment</div> - -<p>Positivism, being more pacific and -more efficacious than Communism, -because more true, is also broader and -more complete in its solution of great<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183">183</a></span> -social problems. The superficial view of property, -springing too often from envious motives, which -condemns Inheritance because it admits of possession -without labour, is not subversive merely, but -narrow. From the moral point of view we see at -once the radical weakness of these empirical -reproaches. They show blindness to the fact that -this mode of transmitting wealth is really that -which is most likely to call out the temper requisite -for its right employment. It saves the mind and -the heart from the mean and sordid habits which -are so often engendered by slow accumulation of -capital. The man who is born to wealth is more -likely to feel the wish to be respected. And thus -those whom we are inclined to condemn as idlers -may very easily become the most useful of the -rich classes, under a wise reorganization of opinions -and habits. Of course too, since with the advance -of Civilization the difficulty of living without industry -increases, the class that we are speaking -of becomes more and more exceptional. In every -way, then, it is a most serious mistake to wish to -upset society on account of abuses which are -already in course of removal, and which admit -of conversion to a most beneficial purpose.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intellect -needs moral -control as -much as -wealth</div> - -<p>Again, another feature in which the -Positivist solution surpasses the Communist, -is the remarkable completeness -of its application. Communism takes -no account of anything but wealth; as if wealth -were the only power in modern society badly distributed -and administered. In reality there are -greater abuses connected with almost every other -power that man possesses; and especially with -the powers of intellect; yet these our visionaries -make not the smallest attempt to rectify. Positivism -being the only doctrine that embraces the -whole sphere of human existence, is therefore<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184">184</a></span> -the only doctrine that can elevate Social Feeling -to its proper place, by extending it to all departments -of human activity without exception. -Identification, in a moral sense, of private functions -with public duties is even more necessary in the -case of the scientific man or the artist, than in -that of the proprietor; whether we look at the -source from which his powers proceed, or at the -object to which they should be directed. Yet the -men who wish to make material wealth common, -the only kind of wealth that can be held exclusively -by an individual, never extend their utopian -scheme to intellectual wealth, in which it would -be far more admissible. In fact the apostles -of Communism often come forward as zealous -supporters of what they call literary property. -Such inconsistencies show the shallowness of -the system; it proclaims its own failure in the -very cases that are most favourable for the application. -The extension of the principle here suggested -would expose at once the inexpediency of -political regulations on the subject, and the -necessity of moral rules; for these and these only -can ensure the right use of all our faculties without -distinction. Intellectual effort, to be of any -value, must be spontaneous; and it is doubtless -an instinctive sense of this truth which prevents -Communists from subjecting intellectual faculties -to their utopian regulations. But Positivism -can deal with these faculties which stand in the -most urgent need of wise direction, without inconsistency -and without disturbance. It leaves -to them their fair measure of free action; and in -the case of other faculties which, though less -eminent, are hardly less dangerous to repress, it -strengthens their freedom. When a pure morality -arises capable of impressing a social tendency -upon every phase of human activity, the freer our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185">185</a></span> -action becomes the more useful will it be to the -public. The tendency of modern civilization, -far from impeding private industry, is to entrust -it more and more with functions, especially with -those of a material kind, which were originally -left to government. Unfortunately this tendency, -which is very evident, leads economists into the -mistake of supposing that industry may be left -altogether without organization. All that it -really proves is that the influence of moral principles -is gradually preponderating over that of -governmental regulations.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Action of organized -public -opinion upon -Capitalists. -Strikes</div> - -<p>The method which is peculiar to -Positivism of solving our great social -problems by moral agencies, will be -found applicable also to the settlement -of industrial disputes, so far as the popular claims -involved are well founded. These claims will -thus become clear from all tendency to disorder, -and will consequently gain immensely in force; -especially when they are seen to be consistent with -principles which are freely accepted by all, and -when they are supported by a philosophic body -of known impartiality and enlightenment. This -spiritual power, while impressing on the people -the duty of respecting their temporal leaders, -will impose duties upon these latter, which they -will find impossible to evade. As all classes will -have received a common education, they will all -alike be penetrated with the general principles -on which these special obligations will rest. And -these weapons, derived from no source but that -of Feeling and Reason, and aided solely by Public -Opinion, will wield an influence over practical -life, of which nothing in the present day can give -any conception. We might compare it with the -influence of Catholicism in the Middle Ages, only -that men are too apt to attribute the results of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186">186</a></span> -Catholicism to the chimerical hopes and fears -which it inspired, rather than to the energy with -which praise and blame were distributed. With -the new spiritual power praise and blame will form -the only resource; but it will be developed and -consolidated to a degree which, as I have before -shown, was impossible for Catholicism.</p> - -<p>This is the only real solution of the disputes -that are so constantly arising between workmen -and their employers. Both parties will look to -this philosophic authority as a supreme court -of arbitration. In estimating its importance, -we must not forget that the antagonism of -employer and employed has not yet been pushed -to its full consequences. The struggle between -wealth and numbers would have been far more -serious, but for the fact that combination, without -which there can be no struggle worth speaking -of, has hitherto only been permitted to the -capitalist. It is true that in England combinations -of workmen are not legally prohibited. But -in that country they are not yet sufficiently emancipated -either intellectually or morally, to make -such use of the power as would be the case in -France. When French workmen are allowed to -concert their plans as freely as their employers, -the antagonism of interests that will then arise -will make both sides feel the need of a moral -power to arbitrate between them. Not that the -conciliating influence of such a power will ever be -such as to do away entirely with extreme measures; -but it will greatly restrict their application, and -in cases where they are unavoidable, will mitigate -their excesses. Such measures should be limited -on both sides to refusal of co-operation; a power -which every free agent ought to be allowed to -exercise, on his own personal responsibility, with -the object of impressing on those who are teaching<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187">187</a></span> -him unjustly the importance of the services which -he has been rendering. The workman is not to -be compelled to work any more than the capitalist -to direct. Any abuse of this extreme protest on -either side will of course be disapproved by the -moral power; but the option of making the protest -is always to be reserved to each element in the -collective organism, by virtue of his natural independence. -In the most settled times functionaries -have always been allowed to suspend their services -on special occasions. It was done frequently in -the Middle Ages by priests, professors, judges, etc. -All we have to do is to regulate this privilege, and -embody it into the industrial system. This will be -one of the secondary duties of the philosophic body, -who will naturally be consulted on most of these -occasions, as on all others of public or private -moment. The formal sanction which it may give -to a suspension or positive prohibition of work -would render such a measure far more effective -than it is at present. The operation of the measure -is but partial at present, but it might in this way -extend, first to all who belong to the same trade, -then to other branches of industry, and even -ultimately to every Western nation that accepts -the same spiritual guides. Of course persons who -think themselves aggrieved may always resort to -this extreme course on their own responsibility, -against the advice of the philosophic body. True -spiritual power confines itself to giving counsel: -it never commands. But in such cases, unless the -advice given by the philosophers has been wrong, -the suspension of work is not likely to be sufficiently -general to bring about any important result.</p> - -<p>This theory of trade-unions is, in fact, in the -industrial world, what the power of insurrection -is with regard to the higher social functions; it -is an ultimate resource which every collective<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188">188</a></span> -organism must reserve. The principle is the -same in the simpler and more ordinary cases as in -the more unusual and important. In both the -intervention of the philosophic body, whether -solicited or not, whether its purpose be to organize -popular effort or to repress it, will largely influence -the result.</p> - -<p>We are now in a position to state with more -precision the main practical difference between -the policy of Positivism, and that of Communism -or of Socialism. All progressive political schools -agree in concentrating their attention upon the -problem, How to give the people their proper place -as a component element of modern Society, which -ever since the Middle Ages has been tending more -and more distinctly to its normal mode of existence. -They also agree that the two great requirements -of the working classes are, the organization -of Education, and the organization of Labour. -But here their agreement ends. When the means -of effecting these two objects have to be considered, -Positivists find themselves at issue with all other -Progressive schools. They maintain that the -organization of Industry must be based upon the -organization of Education. It is commonly supposed -that both may be begun simultaneously: -or indeed that Labour may be organized irrespectively -of Education. It may seem as if we -are making too much of a mere question of arrangement; -yet the difference is one which affects the -whole character and method of social reconstruction. -The plan usually followed is simply a repetition -of the old attempt to reconstruct politically -without waiting for spiritual reconstruction; in -other words, to raise the social edifice before its -intellectual and moral foundations have been laid. -Hence the attempts made to satisfy popular -requirements by measures of a purely political<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189">189</a></span> -kind, because they appear to meet the evil directly; -a course which is as useless as it is destructive. -Positivism, on the contrary, substitutes for such -agencies, an influence which is sure and peaceful, -although it be gradual and indirect; the influence -of a more enlightened morality, supported by a -purer state of Public Opinion; such opinion being -organized by competent minds, and diffused freely -amongst the people. In fact, the whole question, -whether the solution of the twofold problem before -us is to be empirical, revolutionary, and therefore -confined simply to France; or whether it is to be -consistent, pacific, and applicable to the whole of -Western Europe, depends upon the preference -or the postponement of the organization of Labour -to the organization of Education.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Public Opinion -must be -based upon a -sound system -of Education</div> - -<p>This conclusion involves a brief explanation -of the general system of education -which Positivism will introduce. This -the new spiritual power regards as its -principal function, and as its most -efficient means of satisfying the working -classes in all reasonable demands.</p> - -<p>It was the great social virtue of Catholicism, -that it introduced for the first time, as far as circumstances -permitted, a system of education -common to all classes without distinction, not -excepting even those who were still slaves. It -was a vast undertaking, yet essential to its purpose -of founding a spiritual power which was to be -independent of the temporal power. Apart from -its temporary value, it has left us one imperishable -principle, namely that in all education worthy of -the name, moral training should be regarded as of -greater importance than scientific teaching. -Catholic education, however, was of course, -extremely defective; owing partly to the circumstances -of the time, and partly to the weakness of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190">190</a></span> -the doctrine on which it rested. Having reference -almost exclusively to the oppressed masses, the -principal lesson which it taught was the duty of -almost passive resignation, with the exception -of certain obligations imposed upon rulers. Intellectual -culture in any true sense there was none. -All this was natural in a faith which directed men’s -highest efforts to an object unconnected with -social life, and which taught that all the phenomena -of nature were regulated by an impenetrable Will. -Catholic Education was consequently quite -unsuited to any period but the Middle Ages; a -period during which the advanced portion of -Humanity was gradually ridding itself of the -ancient institution of slavery, by commuting it -first into serfdom, as a preliminary step to entire -personal freedom. In the ancient world Catholic -education would have been too revolutionary; at -the present time it would be servile and inadequate. -Its function was that of directing the long and -difficult transition from the social life of Antiquity -to that of Modern times. Personal emancipation -once obtained, the working classes began to develop -their powers and rise to their true position as a -class; and they soon became conscious of intellectual -and social wants which Catholicism was -wholly incapable of satisfying.</p> - -<p>And yet this is the only real system of universal -education which the world has hitherto seen. -For we cannot give that name to the so-called -University system which metaphysicians began to -introduce into Europe at the close of the Middle -Ages; and which offered little more than the -special instruction previously given to the priesthood; -that is, the study of the Latin language, -with the dialectical training required for the -defence of their doctrines. Morals were untaught -except as a part of the training of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191">191</a></span> -professed theologian. All this metaphysical and -literary instruction was of no great service to social -evolution, except so far as it developed the critical -power; it had, however, a certain indirect influence -on the constructive movement, especially on the -development of Art. But its defects, both practical -and theoretical, have been made more -evident by its application to new classes of society, -whose occupations, whether practical or speculative, -required a very different kind of training. -And thus, while claiming the title of Universal, -it never reached the working classes, even in -Protestant countries, where each believer became to -a certain extent his own priest.</p> - -<p>The theological method being obsolete, and the -metaphysical method inadequate, the task of -founding an efficient system of popular education -belongs to Positivism; the only doctrine capable -of reconciling these two orders of conditions, the -intellectual and the moral, which are equally -necessary, but which since the Middle Ages have -always proved incompatible. Positivist education, -while securing the supremacy of the heart over the -understanding more efficiently than Catholicism, -will yet put no obstacle in the way of intellectual -growth. The function of Intellect, in education -as in practical life, will be to regulate Feeling; -the culture of which, beginning at birth, will be -maintained by constant exercise of the three -classes of duties relative to Self, to the Family, -and to Society.</p> - -<p>I have already explained the mode in which the -principles of universal morality will be finally co-ordinated; -a task which, as I have shown, is -connected with the principal function of the new -spiritual power. I have now only to point out the -paramount influence of morality on every part of -Positive Education. It will be seen to be connected<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192">192</a></span> -at first spontaneously, and afterwards in a -more systematic form, with the entire system of -human knowledge.</p> - -<p>Positive Education, adapting itself to the -requirements of the Organism with which it has -to deal, subordinates intellectual conditions to -social. Social conditions are considered as the -main object, intellectual as but the means of -attaining it. Its principal aim is to induce the -working classes to accept their high social function -of supporting the spiritual power, while at the -same time it will render them more efficient in -their own special duties.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Education -has two stages: -from birth to -puberty, from -puberty to adolescence. -The -first, consisting -of physical -and esthetic -training to be -given at home</div> - -<p>Presuming that Education extends -from birth to manhood, we may -divide it into two periods, the first -ending with puberty, that is, at the -beginning of industrial apprenticeship. -Education here should be essentially -spontaneous, and should be carried on -as far as possible in the bosom of the -family. The only studies required should be of an -esthetic kind. In the second period, Education -takes a systematic form, consisting chiefly of a -public course of scientific lectures, explaining the -essential laws of the various orders of phenomena. -These lectures will be the groundwork of Moral -Science, which will co-ordinate the whole, and -point out the relation of each part to the social -purpose common to all. Thus, at about the time -which long experience has fixed as that of legal -majority, and when in most cases the term of -apprenticeship closes, the workman will be prepared -intellectually and morally for his public and -private service.</p> - -<p>The first years of life, from infancy to the end of -the period of second dentition, should be devoted -to education of the physical powers, carried on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193">193</a></span> -under the superintendence of the parents, especially -of the mother. Physical education, as usually -practised, is nothing but mere muscular exercise; -but a more important object is that of training the -senses, and giving manual skill, so as to develop -from the very first our powers of observation and -action. Study, in the ordinary acceptation, there -should be none during this period, not even reading -or writing. An acquaintance with facts of various -kinds, such as may spontaneously attract the -growing powers of attention, will be the only instruction -received. The philosophic system of -the infant individual, like that of the infant -species, consists in pure Fetichism, and its natural -development should not be disturbed by unwise -interference. The only care of the parents will be -to impress those feelings and habits for which a -rational basis will be given at a later period. By -taking every opportunity of calling the higher instincts -into play, they will be laying down the best -foundation for true morality.</p> - -<p>During the period of about seven years comprised -between the second dentition and puberty, -Education will become somewhat more systematic; -but it will be limited to the culture of the fine arts; -and it will be still most important, especially on -moral grounds, to avoid separation from the -family. The study of Art should simply consist -in practising it more or less systematically. No -formal lectures are necessary, at least for the purposes -of general education, though of course for -professional purposes they may still be required. -There is no reason why these studies should not be -carried on at home by the second generation of -Positivists, when the culture of the parents will -be sufficiently advanced to allow them to superintend -it. They will include Poetry, the art on -which all the rest are based; and the two most<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194">194</a></span> -important of the special arts, music and drawing. -Meantime the pupil will become familiar with the -principal Western languages, which are included -in the study of Poetry, since modern poetry cannot -be properly appreciated without them. Moreover, -independently of esthetic considerations, a -knowledge of them is most important morally, as -a means of destroying national prejudices, and of -forming the true Positivist standard of Occidental -feeling. Each nation will be taught to consider -it a duty to learn the language of contiguous -countries; an obvious principle, which, in the -case of Frenchmen, will involve their learning all -the other four languages, as a consequence of that -central position which gives them so many advantages. -When this rule becomes general, and the -natural affinities of the five advanced nations are -brought fully into play, a common Occidental -language will not be long in forming itself spontaneously, -without the aid of any metaphysical -scheme for producing a language that shall be -absolutely universal.</p> - -<p>During the latter portion of primary Education, -which is devoted to the culture of the imaginative -powers, the philosophic development of the individual, -corresponding to that of the race, will carry -him from the simple Fetichism with which he -began to the state of Polytheism. This resemblance -between the growth of the individual and -that of society has always shown itself more or -less, in spite of the irrational precautions of Christian -teachers. They have never been able to give -children a distaste for those simple tales of fairies -and genii, which are natural to this phase. The -Positivist teacher will let this tendency take its -own course. It should not, however, involve any -hypocrisy on the part of the parents, nor need it -lead to any subsequent contradiction. The simple<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195">195</a></span> -truth is enough. The child may be told that these -spontaneous beliefs are but natural to his age, but -that they will gradually lead him on to others, by -the fundamental law of all human development. -Language of this kind will not only have the -advantage of familiarizing him with a great principle -of Positivism, but will stimulate the nascent -sense of sociability, by leading him to sympathize -with the various nations who still remain at his -own primitive stage of intellectual development.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The second -part consists of -public lectures -on the Sciences, -from -Mathematics -to Sociology</div> - -<p>The second part of Positivist Education -cannot be conducted altogether -at home, since it involves public -lectures, in which of course the part -taken by the parent can only be -accessory. But this is no reason for -depriving the pupil of the advantages of family -life; it remains as indispensable as ever to his -moral development, which is always to be the first -consideration. It will be easy for him to follow -the best masters without weakening his sense of -personal and domestic morality, which is the -almost inevitable result of the monastic seclusion -of modern schools. The public-school system is -commonly thought to compensate for these disadvantages, -by the knowledge of the world which it -gives; but this is better obtained by free intercourse -with society, where sympathies are far more -likely to be satisfied. Recognition of this truth -would do much to facilitate and improve popular -education; and it applies to all cases, except perhaps -to some special professions, where seclusion -of the pupils may still be necessary, though even in -these cases probably it may be ultimately dispensed -with.</p> - -<p>The plan to be followed in this period of education, -will obviously be that indicated by the encyclopædic -law of Classification, which forms part<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196">196</a></span> -of my Theory of Development. Scientific study, -whether for the working man or the philosopher, -should begin with the inorganic world around us, -and then pass to the subject of Man and Society; -since our ideas on these two subjects form the -basis of our practical action. The first class of -studies, as I have stated before, includes four -sciences which we may arrange in pairs: Mathematics -and Astronomy forming the first pair; -Physics and Chemistry the second. To each of -these pairs, two years may be given. But as the -first ranges over a wide field, and is of greater -logical importance, it will require two lectures -weekly; whereas, for all the subsequent studies -one lecture will be sufficient. Besides, during -these two years, the necessities of practical life -will not press heavily, and more time may fairly -be spent in mental occupation. From the study -of inorganic science, the pupil will proceed to -Biology: this subject may easily be condensed in -the fifth year into a series of forty lectures, without -really losing either its philosophic or its popular -character. This concludes the introductory part -of Education. The student will now co-ordinate -all his previous knowledge by the direct study of -Sociology, statically and dynamically viewed. On -this subject also forty lectures will be given, in -which the structure and growth of human societies, -especially those of modern times, will be clearly -explained. With this foundation we come to the -last of the seven years of pupillage, in which the -great social purpose of the scheme is at last reached. -It will be devoted to a systematic exposition of -Moral Science, the principles of which may be now -fully understood by the light of the knowledge -previously obtained of the World, of Life, and of -Humanity.</p> - -<p>During this course of study, part of the three<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197">197</a></span> -unoccupied months of each year will be spent in -public examinations, to test the degree to which -the instruction has been assimilated. The pupils -will of their own accord continue their esthetic -pursuits, even supposing their natural tastes in -this direction not to be encouraged as they ought -to be. During the last two years the Latin and -Greek languages might be acquired, as an accessory -study, which would improve the poetic culture of -the student, and be useful to him in the historical -and moral questions with which he will then be -occupied. For the purposes of Art, Greek is the -more useful of the two; but in the second object, -that of enabling us to realize our social Filiation, -Latin is of even greater importance.</p> - -<p>In the course of these seven years the philosophic -development of the individual, preserving its -correspondence with that of the race, will pass -through its last phase. As the pupil passed before -from Fetichism to Polytheism, so he will now pass, -as spontaneously, into Monotheism, induced by -the influence on his imaginative powers which -hitherto have been supreme, of the spirit of discussion. -No interference should be offered to this -metaphysical transition, which is the homage that -he pays to the necessary conditions under which -mankind arrives at truth. There is something in -this provisional phase which evidently harmonizes -well with the abstract and independent character -of Mathematics, with which the two first years of -the seven are occupied. As long as more attention -is given to deduction than to induction, the mind -cannot but retain a leaning to metaphysical -theories. Under their influence the student will -soon reduce his primitive theology to Deism of -a more or less distinct kind; and this during his -physico-chemical studies will most likely degenerate -into a species of Atheism; which last phase,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198">198</a></span> -under the enlightening influence of biological and -still more of sociological knowledge, will be finally -replaced by Positivism. Thus at the time fixed -for the ultimate study of moral science, each new -member of Humanity will have been strongly -impressed by personal experience, with a sense of -historical Filiation, and will be enabled to sympathize -with his ancestors and contemporaries, while -devoting his practical energies to the good of his -successors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Travels of -Apprentices</div> - -<p>There is an excellent custom prevalent -among the working men of France -and creditable to their good sense, with which our -educational scheme seems at first sight incompatible. -I refer to the custom of travelling from place to -place during the last years of apprenticeship; -which is as beneficial to their mind and character, -as the purposeless excursions of our wealthy and -idle classes are in most cases injurious. But there -is no necessity for its interfering with study, since -it always involves long residence in the chief -centres of production, where the workman is sure -to find annual courses of lectures similar to those -which he would otherwise have been attending at -home. As the structure and distribution of the -philosophic body will be everywhere the same, -there need be no great inconvenience in these -changes. For every centre not more than seven -teachers will be required; each of whom will take -the whole Encyclopædic scale successively. Thus -the total number of lectures will be so small as to -admit of a high standard of merit being everywhere -attained, and of finding everywhere a fair measure -of material support. So far from discouraging -the travelling system, Positivism will give it a new -character, intellectually and socially, by extending -the range of travel to the whole of Western Europe, -since there is no part of it in which the workman<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199">199</a></span> -will not be able to prosecute his education. The -difference of language will then be no obstacle. -Not only would the sense of fraternity among -Western nations be strengthened by such a plan, -but great improvement would result esthetically. -The languages of Europe would be learnt -more thoroughly, and there would be a keener -appreciation of works of art, whether musical, -pictorial, or architectural; for these can never be -properly appreciated but in the country which -gave them birth.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Concentration -of study</div> - -<p>Judging by our present practice, it -would seem impossible to include such -a mass of important scientific studies, as are here -proposed, in three hundred and sixty lectures. -But the length to which courses of lectures on any -subject extend at present, is owing partly to the -special or professional object with which the course -is given, and still more to the discursive and unphilosophical -spirit of most of the teachers, consequent -on the miserable manner in which our scientific -system is organized. Such a regeneration of -scientific studies as Positivism proposes, will -animate them with a social spirit, and thus give -them a larger and more comprehensive tendency. -Teachers will become more practised in -the art of condensing, and their lectures will be -far more substantial. They will not indeed be a -substitute for voluntary effort, on which all the -real value of teaching depends. Their aim will -be rather to direct such effort. A striking example, -which is not so well remembered as it should be, -will help to explain my meaning. At the first -opening of the Polytechnic School, courses of -lectures were given, very appropriately named -<em>Revolutionary Courses</em>, which concentrated the -teaching of three years into three months. What -was in that case an extraordinary anomaly, due<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200">200</a></span> -to republican enthusiasm, may become the normal -state when a moral power arises not inferior in -energy, and yet based upon a consistent intellectual -synthesis, of which our great predecessors -of the Revolution could have no conception.</p> - -<p>Little attention has hitherto been given to the -didactic value of Feeling. Since the close of the -Middle Ages, the heart has been neglected in proportion -as the mind has been cultivated. But it -is the characteristic principle of Positivism, a -principle as fertile in intellectual as in moral results, -that the Intellect, whether we look at its natural -or at its normal position, is subordinate to Social -Feeling. Throughout this course of popular -education, parents and masters will seize every -suitable occasion for calling Social Feeling into -play; and the most abstruse subjects will often -be vivified by its influence. The office of the mind -is to strengthen and to cultivate the heart; the -heart again should animate and direct the mental -powers. This mutual influence of general views -and generous feelings will have greater effect upon -scientific study, from the esthetic culture previously -given, in which such habits of mind will have -been formed, as will give grace and beauty to the -whole life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Governmental -assistance -not required, -except for certain -special institutions, -and -this only as -a provisional -measure</div> - -<p>When I speak of this education as -specially destined for the people, I am -not merely using words to denote its -comprehensiveness and philosophic -character. It is, in my opinion, the -only education, with the exception of -certain special branches, for which -public organization is needed. It should be looked -on as a sacred debt which the republic owes to the -working classes. But the claim does not extend -to other classes, who can easily pay for any special -instruction that they may require. Besides such<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201">201</a></span> -instruction will be only a partial development of -the more general teaching, or an application of it -to some particular purpose. Therefore if the -general training be sound, most people will be -able to prosecute accessory studies by themselves. -Apprenticeship to any business involves very little, -except the practice of it. Even in the highest -arts, no course of systematic instruction is necessary. -The false views now prevalent on the subject -are due to the unfortunate absence of all -general education, since the decay of Catholicism. -The special institutions founded in Europe during -the last three centuries, and carefully remodelled in -France by the Convention, are only valuable as containing -certain germs of truth, which will be found -indispensable when general education is finally -reorganized. But important as they may be from -a scientific aspect, their practical utility, which -seems to have been the motive for establishing -them, is exceedingly doubtful. The arts which -they were intended to promote could have done -perfectly well without them. I include in these -remarks such institutions as the Polytechnic -School, the Museum of Natural History, etc. -Their value, like that of all good institutions of -modern times, is purely provisional. Viewed in -this light, it may be worth our while to reorganize -them. Positivist principles, discarding all attempts -to make them permanent, will be all the -better able to adapt them to their important -temporary purpose. Indeed there are some new -institutions which it might be advisable to form; -such, for instance, as a School of Comparative -Philology, the object of which would be to range -all human languages according to their true affinities. -This would compensate the suppression of -Greek and Latin professorships, which is certainly -an indispensable measure. But the whole of this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202">202</a></span> -provisional framework would no doubt disappear -before the end of the nineteenth century, when a -system of general education will have been thoroughly -organized. The present necessity for a -provisional system should lead to no misconception -of its character and purpose. Working men are -the only class who have a real claim upon the -State for instruction; and this, if wisely organized, -dispenses with the necessity of special institutions. -The adoption of these views would at once facilitate -and ennoble popular education. Nations, -provinces, and towns will vie with one another in -inviting the best teachers that the spiritual authorities -of Western Europe can supply. And every -true philosopher will take pride in such teaching, -when it becomes generally understood that the -popular character of his lectures implies that they -shall be at the same time systematic. Members -of the new spiritual power will in most cases regard -teaching as their principal occupation, for at least -a considerable portion of their public life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">We are not -ripe for this -system at present; -and Government -must -not attempt to -hasten its introduction</div> - -<p>What has been said makes it clear that -any organization of such education -as this at the present time would be impossible. -However sincere the intentions -of governments to effect this -great result might be, any premature -attempt to do it would but injure the work, -especially if they put in a claim to superintend it. -The truth is that a system of education, if it deserve -the name, presupposes the acceptance of a definite -philosophical and social creed to determine its -character and purpose. Children cannot be brought -up in convictions contrary to those of their parents; -indeed, the influence of the parent is essential to the -instructor. Opinions and habits that have been -already formed may subsequently be strengthened -by an educational system; but the carrying out<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203">203</a></span> -of any such system is impossible, until the principles -of combined action and belief have been well -established. Till then the organization that we -propose can only be effected in the case of individuals -who are ripe for it. Each of these will endeavour -to repair the faults and deficiencies of his -own education in the best way he can, by the aid of -the general doctrine which he accepts. Assuming -that the doctrine is destined to triumph, the number -of such minds gradually increases, and they superintend -the social progress of the next generation. This -is the natural process, and no artificial interference -can dispense with it. So far, then, from inviting -government to organize education, we ought -rather to exhort it to abdicate the educational -powers which it already holds, and which, I refer -more especially to France, are either useless or a -source of discord. There are only two exceptions -to this remark, namely, primary education, and -special instruction in certain higher branches. Of -these I have already spoken. But with these -exceptions, it is most desirable that government, -whether municipal or central, should surrender -its unreasonable monopoly, and establish real -liberty of teaching; the condition of such liberty -being, as I said before, the suppression of all -annual grants whatsoever for theological or metaphysical -purposes. Until some universal faith -has been accepted on its own merits, all attempts -made by Government to reform education must -necessarily be reactionary; since they will always -be based on some one of the retrogressive creeds -which it is our object to supersede altogether.</p> - -<p>It is with adults, then, that we must deal. We -must endeavour to disseminate systematic convictions -among them, and thus open the door to -a real reform of education for the next generation. -The press and the power of free speech offer many<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204">204</a></span> -ways of bringing about this result. The most -important of these would be a more or less connected -series of popular lectures on the various -positive sciences, including history, which may -now be ranked among them. Now for these -lectures to produce their full effect, they must -even when treating of the most elementary point -in mathematics, be thoroughly philosophic and -consequently animated by a social spirit. They -must be entirely independent of government, so -as not to be hampered by any of the authorized -views. Lastly, there is a condition in which all -the rest are summed up. These lectures should -be Occidental, not simply National. What we -require is a free association of philosophers throughout -Western Europe, formed by the voluntary co-operation -of all who can contribute efficiently to -this great preliminary work; their services being -essentially gratuitous. It is a result which no -system but Positivism is capable of effecting. By -its agency that coalition between philosophers and -the working classes, on which so much depends, -will speedily be established.</p> - -<p>While the work of propagating Positivist convictions -is going on in the free and unrestricted -manner here described, the spiritual authority will -at the same time be forming itself, and will be prepared -to make use of these convictions as the basis -for social regeneration. Thus the transitional -state will be brought as nearly as possible into -harmony with the normal state; and this the -more in proportion as the natural affinity between -philosophers and workmen is brought out more -distinctly. The connexion between Positivist -lectures and Positivist clubs will illustrate my -meaning. While the lectures prepare the way for -the Future, the clubs work in the same direction -by judging the Past, and advising for the Present;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205">205</a></span> -so that we have at once a beginning of the three -essential functions of the new spiritual power.</p> - -<p>We have now a clear conception of popular -education in its provisional, and in its normal state. -Long before the normal state can be realized, the -mutual action of philosophers and workmen will -have done great service to both. Meeting with -such powerful support from the people, the rising -spiritual power will win the respect if not the -affection of their rulers, even of those among them -who are now the most contemptuous of every -influence but that of material power. Their excess -of pride will often be so far humbled that they will -invite its mediation in cases where the people have -been roused to just indignation. The force of -numbers seems at first so violent as to carry all -before it; but in the end it usually proves far -inferior to that of wealth. It cannot exist for any -length of time without complete convergence of -opinion and feeling. Hence, a spiritual power -has very great weight in controlling or directing -its action. Philosophers will never, indeed, be -able to manage the working classes as they please, -as some unprincipled agitators have imagined; -but when they exercise their authority rightly, -whether it be in the cause of Order or that of -Progress, they will have great power over their -passions and conduct. Such influence can only -spring from long cherished feelings of gratitude -and trust, due not merely to presumed capacity -but to services actually rendered. No one is a fit -representative of his own claims; but the philosopher -may honourably represent the cause of -working men before the governing classes; and -the people will in their turn compel their rulers to -respect the new spiritual power. By this habitual -exchange of services the aspirations of the people -will be kept clear of all subversive tendencies, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206">206</a></span> -philosophers will be led to abandon the folly of -seeking political power. Neither class will degrade -itself by making its own interest the chief consideration: -each will find its own reward in keeping -to the nobler course of its own social duty.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intellectual -attitude of the -people. Emancipation -from -theological belief</div> - -<p>To complete this view of the political -attitude which Positivism recommends -to the working class, I have now to -speak of the intellectual and moral -conditions which that attitude requires, -and on which the character of their spiritual -leaders depends. What is wanted is only a more -perfect development of tendencies which already -exist in the people, and which have already shown -themselves strong in Paris, the centre of the great -Western movement.</p> - -<p>Intellectually the principal conditions are two; -Emancipation from obsolete beliefs, and a sufficient -amount of mental culture.</p> - -<p>The emancipation of the working classes from -theology is complete, at least in Paris. In no -other class has it so entirely lost its power. The -shallow deism, which satisfies so many of our -literary men, finds little favour with the people. -They are happily unversed in studies of words and -abstractions, without which this last stage in the -process of emancipation speedily comes to an end. -We only require a stronger expression of popular -feeling on this point, so as to avoid all deception -and false statement as to the intellectual character -of the reorganization that is going on. And the -freedom that we are now enjoying will admit of -these feelings being unmistakably manifested, -especially now that they have the new philosophy -for their exponent. A distinct declaration of -opinion on this subject is urgently needed on social -grounds. That hypocritical affectation of theological -belief against which we have to fight, is designed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207">207</a></span> -to prevent, or at least has the effect of preventing, -the just enforcement of popular claims. These -unscrupulous attempts to mystify the people -involve their mental subjection. The result is, -that their legitimate aspirations for real progress -are evaded, by diverting their thoughts towards -an imaginary future state. It is for the working -classes themselves to break through this concerted -scheme, which is even more contemptible than it -is odious. They have only to declare without -disguise what their intellectual position really is; -and to do this so emphatically as to make any -mistake on the part of the governing classes impossible. -They will consequently reject all teachers -who are insufficiently emancipated, or who in any -way support the system of theological hypocrisy, -which, from Robespierre downwards, has been the -refuge of all reactionists, whether democrat or -royalist. But there are teachers of another kind, -who sincerely maintain that our life here on earth -is a temporary banishment, and that we ought to -take as little interest in it as possible. A prompt -answer may be given to such instructors as these. -They should be requested to follow out their principle -consistently, and to cease to interfere in the -management of a world which is so alien to what, -in their ideas, is the sole aim of life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">From metaphysical -doctrines</div> - -<p>Metaphysical principles have more -hold on our working classes than theological; -yet their abandonment is -equally necessary. The subtle extravagances by -which the German mind has been so confused, -find, it is true, little favour in Catholic countries. -But even in Paris the people retains a prejudice in -favour of metaphysical instruction, though happily -it has not been able to obtain it. It is most desirable -that this last illusion of our working classes -should be dissipated, as it forms the one great<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208">208</a></span> -obstacle to their social action. One reason for it -is that they fall into the common error of confounding -knowledge with intelligence, and imagine in -their modesty that none but instructed men are -capable of governing. Now this error, natural -as it is, often leads them to choose incompetent -leaders. A truer estimate of modern society -would teach them that it is not among our literary, -or even our scientific men, proud as they may be -of their attainments, that the largest number of -really powerful intellects are to be found. There -are more of them among the despised practical -class, and even amongst the most uninstructed -working men. In the Middle Ages this truth was -better known than it is now. Education was -thought more of than instruction. A knight -would be appreciated for his sagacity and penetration, -and appointed to important posts, though he -might be extremely ignorant. Clear-sightedness, -wisdom, and even consistency of thought, are -qualities which are very independent of learning; -and, as matters now stand, they are far better -cultivated in practical life than in scholastic study. -In breadth of view, which lies at the root of all -political capacity, our literary classes have certainly -shown themselves far below the average.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Their mistaken -preference -of literary -and rhetorical -talent to -real intellectual -power</div> - -<p>And now we come to another and -a deeper reason for the prejudice of -which I am speaking. It is that they -make no distinction between one kind -of instruction and another. The -unfortunate confidence which they -still bestow on literary men and lawyers shows -that the prestige of pedantry lingers among them -longer than the prestige of theology or monarchy. -But all this will soon be altered under the influence -of republican government, and the strong discipline -of a sound philosophical system. Popular instinct<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209">209</a></span> -will soon discover that constant practice of the -faculty of expression, whether in speech or in -writing, is no guarantee for real power of thought; -indeed that it has a tendency to incapacitate men -from forming a clear and decided judgment on any -question. The instruction which such men receive -is utterly deficient in solid principles, and it almost -always either presupposes or causes a total absence -of fixed convictions. Most minds thus trained, -while skilled in putting other men’s thoughts into -shape, become incapable of distinguishing true -from false in the commonest subjects, even when -their own interest requires it. The people must -give up the feeling of blind respect which leads -them to intrust such men with their higher interests. -Reverence for superiors is doubtless indispensable -to a well-ordered state; only it needs to -be better guided than it is now.</p> - -<p>What then, working men may ask, is the proper -training for themselves, and consequently for -those who claim to guide them? The answer is, -systematic cultivation of the Positive spirit. It -is already called into exercise by their daily occupations; -and all that is wanted is to strengthen it by -a course of scientific study. Their daily work -involves a rudimentary application of the Positive -method: it turns their attention to many most -important natural laws. In fact, the workmen -of Paris, whom I take as the best type of their class, -have a clearer sense of that union of reality with -utility by which the Positive spirit is characterized, -than most of our scientific men. The speciality -of their employment is no doubt disadvantageous -with respect to breadth and coherence of ideas. -But it leaves the mind free from responsibility, -and this is the most favourable condition for developing -these qualities to which all vigorous intellects -are naturally disposed. But nothing will so<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210">210</a></span> -strongly impress on the people the importance of -extending and organizing their scientific knowledge, -as their interest in social questions. Their -determination to rectify a faulty condition of -society will suggest to them that they must first -know what the laws of Social life really are; knowledge -which is obviously necessary in every other -subject. They will then feel how impossible it is -to understand the present state of society, without -understanding its relation on the one hand with the -Past, and on the other with the Future. Their -desire to modify the natural course of social -phenomena will make them anxious to know -the antecedents and consequences of these phenomena, -so as to avoid all mischievous or useless -interference. They will thus discover that Political -Art is even more dependent than other arts, upon -its corresponding Science. And then they will -soon see that this science is no isolated department -of knowledge, but that it involves preliminary -study of Man and of the World. In -this way they will pass downwards through the -hierarchic scale of Positive conceptions, until they -come back to the inorganic world, the sphere more -immediately connected with their own special -avocations. And thus they will reach the conclusion -that Positivism is the only system which can -satisfy either the intellectual or material wants of -the people, since its subject-matter and its objects -are identical with their own, and since, like themselves, -it subordinates everything to social considerations. -All that it claims is to present in a -systematic form principles which they already hold -instinctively. By co-ordinating these principles of -morality and good sense, their value, whether in -public or in private questions, is largely increased; -and the union of the two forms of wisdom, theoretical -and practical wisdom, is permanently secured.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211">211</a></span> -When all this is understood, the people will feel -some shame at having entrusted questions of the -greatest complexity to minds that have never -quite comprehended the difference between a cubic -inch and a cubic foot. As to men of science, in -the common acceptation of the word, who are so -respected by the middle classes, we need not be -afraid of their gaining much influence with the -people. They are alienated from them by their -utter indifference to social questions; and before -these their learned puerilities fade into insignificance. -Absorbed in the details of their own special -science, they are quite incapable of satisfying unsophisticated -minds. What the people want is to -have clear conceptions on all subjects, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">des clartés -de tout</i>, as Molière has it. Whenever the savants -of our time are drawn by their foolish ambition -into politics, ordinary men find to their surprise -that, except in a few questions of limited extent -and importance, their minds have become thoroughly -narrow under the influence of the specializing -system of which they are so proud. Positivism -explains the mystery, by showing that, since the -necessity for the specializing system now no longer -exists, it naturally results if prolonged, in a sort of -academic idiocy. During the last three centuries -it did real service to society, by laying down the -scientific groundwork for the renovation of Philosophy -projected by Bacon and Descartes. But as -soon as the groundwork was sufficiently finished -to admit of the formation of true Science, that is, -of Science viewed relatively to Humanity, the -specializing method became retrograde. It ceased -to be of any assistance to the modern spirit; and -indeed it is now, especially in France, a serious -obstacle to its diffusion and systematic working. -The wise revolutionists of the Convention were -well aware of this when they took the bold step<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212">212</a></span> -of suppressing the Academy of Sciences. The -beneficial results of this statesman-like policy will -soon be appreciated by our workmen. The danger -lest, in withdrawing their confidence from metaphysicians -or literary men, they should fall into the -bad scientific spirit, is not therefore very great. -With the social aims which they have in view, they -cannot but see that generality in their conceptions -is as necessary as positivity. The Capitalist class -by which industry is directed, being more concentrated -on special objects, will always look on men -of pure science with more respect. But the people -will be drawn by their political leanings towards -philosophers in the true sense of that word. The -number of such men is but very small at present; -but it will soon increase at the call of the working -classes, and will indeed be recruited from their -ranks.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Moral attitude -of the -people. The -workman -should regard -himself as a -public functionary</div> - -<p>This, then, should be the attitude -of the working class, intellectually. -Morally, what is required is, that they -should have a sufficient sense of the -dignity of labour, and that they should -be prepared for the mission that now -lies before them.</p> - -<p>The workman must learn to look upon himself, -morally, as a public servant, with functions of a -special and also of a general kind. Not that he is -to receive his wages for the future from the State -instead of from a private hand. The present -plan is perfectly well adapted to all services which -are so direct and definite, that a common standard -of value can be at once applied to them. Only -let it be understood that the service is not sufficiently -recompensed, without the social feeling of -gratitude towards the agent that performs it. -In what are called liberal professions, this feeling -already obtains. The client or patient is not dispensed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213">213</a></span> -from gratitude by payment of his fee. In -this respect the republican instincts of the Convention -have anticipated the teaching of philosophy. -They valued the workman’s labour at its true worth. -Workmen have only to imagine labour suppressed -or even suspended in the trade to which they -may belong, to see its importance to the whole -fabric of modern society. Their general function -as a class, the function of forming public opinion, -and of supporting the action of the spiritual power, -it is of course less easy for them to understand at -present. But, as I have already shown, it follows -so naturally from their character and position, -and corresponds so perfectly with their requirements -as a class, that they cannot fail to appreciate -its importance, when the course of events allows, -or rather compels them to bring it into play. The -only danger lies in their insisting on the possession -of what metaphysicians call political rights, and -in engaging in useless discussions about the distribution -of power, instead of fixing their attention on -the manner in which it is used. Of this, however, -there is no great fear, at all events in France, -where the metaphysical theory of Right has never -reached so fanatical a pitch with the working -classes as elsewhere. Ideologists may blame them, -and may use their official influence as they will; -but the people have too much good sense to be -permanently misled as to their true function in -society. Deluged as they have been with electoral -votes, they will soon voluntarily abandon this useless -qualification, which now has not even the -charm of a privilege. Questions of pure politics -have ceased to interest the people; their attention -is fixed, and will remain fixed, on social questions, -which are to be solved for the most part through -moral agencies. That substitutions of one person -or party for another, or that mere modifications<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214">214</a></span> -of any kind in the administration should be looked -on as the final issue of the great Revolution, is a -result in which they will never acquiesce.</p> - -<p>And if this is to be the attitude of the people, -it must be the attitude no less of those who seek -to gain their confidence. With them, as with the -people, political questions should be subordinate -to social questions; and with them the conviction -should be even more distinct, that the solution of -social problems depends essentially on moral -agencies. They must, in fact, accept the great -principle of separation of spiritual from temporal -power, as the basis on which modern society is to -be prominently organized. So entirely does the -principle meet the wants of the people, that -they will soon insist on its adoption by their -teachers. They will accept none who do not -formally abandon any prospects they may have -of temporal power, parliamentary as well as -administrative. And by thus dedicating their -lives without reservation to the priesthood of -Humanity, they will gain confidence, not merely -from the people, but from the governing classes. -Governments will offer no impediment to social -speculations which do not profess to be susceptible -of immediate application; and thus the normal -state may be prepared for in the future without -disturbance, and yet without neglecting the present. -Practical statesmen meanwhile, no longer interfered -with by pretentious sophists, will give up -their retrograde tendencies, and will gradually -adapt their policy to the new ideas current in the -public mind, while discharging the indispensable -function of maintaining material order.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Ambition of -power and -wealth must -be abandoned</div> - -<p>For the people to rise to the true -level of their position, they have only -to develop and cultivate certain dispositions -which already exist in them<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215">215</a></span> -spontaneously. And the most important of these -is, absence of ambition for wealth or rank. Political -metaphysicians would say that the sole object -of the Great Revolution was to give the working -classes easier access to political and civil power. -But this, though it should always be open to them, -is very far from meeting their true wants. Individuals -among them may be benefited by it, but the -mass is left unaffected, or rather is placed often in -a worse position, by the desertion of the more -energetic members. The Convention is the only -government by which this result has been properly -appreciated. It is the only government which -has shown due consideration for working men as -such; which has recognized the value of their services, -and encouraged what is the chief compensation -for their condition of poverty, their participation -in public life. All subsequent governments, -whether retrograde or constitutional, have, on -the contrary, done all they could to divert the -people from their true social function, by affording -opportunity for individuals among them to rise to -higher positions. The monied classes, under the -influence of blind routine, have lent their aid to -this degrading policy, by continually preaching -to the people the necessity of saving; a precept -which is indeed incumbent on their own class, -but not on others. Without saving, capital could -not be accumulated and administered; it is therefore -of the highest importance that the monied -classes should be as economical as possible. But -in other classes, and especially in those dependent -on fixed wages, parsimonious habits are uncalled -for and injurious; they lower the character of the -labourer, while they do little or nothing to improve -his physical condition; and neither the working -classes nor their teachers should encourage them. -Both the one and the other will find their truest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216">216</a></span> -happiness in keeping clear of all serious practical -responsibility, and in allowing free play to their -mental and moral faculties in public as well as -private life. In spite of the Economists, savings-banks -are regarded by the working classes with -unmistakable repugnance. And the repugnance -is justifiable; they do harm morally, by checking -the exercise of generous feelings. Again, it is the -fashion to declaim against wine-shops; and yet -after all they are at present the only places where -the people can enjoy society. Social instincts are -cultivated there which deserve our approval far -more than the self-helping spirit which carries men -to the savings-bank. No doubt this unconcern for -money, wise as it is, involves real personal risk; -but it is a danger which civilization is constantly -tending to diminish, without effacing qualities -which do the workman honour, and which are the -source of his most cherished pleasures. The danger -ceases when the mental and moral faculties are -called into stronger exercise. The interest which -Positivism will arouse among the people in public -questions, will lead to the substitution of the club -for the wine-shop. In these questions, the generous -inspirations of popular instinct hold out a -model which philosophers will do well to follow -themselves. Fondness for money is as much a disqualification -for the spiritual government of -Humanity, as political ambition. It is a clear -proof of moral incompetence, which is generally -connected in one way or other with intellectual -feebleness.</p> - -<p>One of the principal results of the spiritual -power exercised by philosophers and the working -classes under the Positivist system, will be to -compensate by a just distribution of blame and -praise for the imperfect arrangements of social -rank, in which wealth must always preponderate.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217">217</a></span> -Leaving the present subordination of offices -untouched, each functionary will be judged by the -intrinsic worth of his mind and heart, without -servility and yet without any encouragement to -anarchy. It must always be obvious that the -political importance which high position gives, is -out of all proportion to the real merit implied in -gaining that position. The people will come to see -more and more clearly that real happiness, so far -from depending on rank, is far more compatible -with their own humble station. Exceptional men -no doubt there are, whose character impels them -to seek power; a character more dangerous than -useful, unless there be sufficient wisdom in the -social body to turn it to good account. The best -workmen, like the best philosophers, will soon -cease to feel envy for greatness, laden, as it always -must be, with heavy responsibilities. At present, -the compensation which I hold out to them has -not been realized; but when it exists, the people -will feel that their spiritual and temporal leaders -are combining all the energies of society for the -satisfaction of their wants. Recognizing this, -they will care but little for fame that must be -bought by long and tedious meditation, or for -power burdened with constant care. There are -men whose talents call them to these important -duties, and they will be left free to perform them; -but the great mass of society will be well satisfied -that their own lot is one far more in keeping with -the constitution of our nature; more compatible -with that harmonious exercise of the faculties of -Thought, Feeling, and Action, which is most conducive -to happiness. The immediate pressure of -poverty once removed, the highest reward of -honourable conduct will be found in the permanent -esteem, posthumous as it may be sometimes, -of that portion of Humanity which has witnessed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218">218</a></span> -it. In a word the title, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">servus servorum</i>, -which is still retained by the Papacy from false -humility, but which originated in anticipation of -a social truth, is applicable to all functionaries -in high position. They may be described as -the involuntary servants of voluntary subordinates. -It is not chimerical to conceive Positivist society so -organized that its theoretical and practical directors, -with all their personal advantages, will often -regret that they were not born, or that they did not -remain, in the condition of workmen. The only -solid satisfaction which great minds have hitherto -found in political or spiritual power has been that, -being more occupied with public interests, they -had a wider scope for the exercise of social feeling. -But the excellence of the future condition of society -will be, that the possibility of combining public -and private life will be open to all. The humblest -citizen will be able to influence not by command -but by counsel, in proportion to his energy and -worth.</p> - -<p>All the views brought forward in this chapter -bear out the statement with which it began, that -the Proletariate forms the principal basis of the -social system, not merely as finally constituted, -but in its present state of transition; and admitting -this, the present state will be seen to have no -essential difference from the normal future to -which it tends. The principal conditions of our -transitional policy were described at the conclusion -of the last chapter. The security for these conditions -is to be found in the natural tendencies of -the people of Western Europe, and especially of -France. Our governors will do well to follow -these tendencies instead of attempting to lead -them; for they are in perfect keeping with the -two great requirements of the present time, Liberty -and Public Order.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219">219</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The working -classes are the -best guarantee -for Liberty -and for Order</div> - -<p>Liberty of thought and speech is -enjoyed in France, and especially in -Paris, to an extent impossible in any -other country, and it is due principally -to the intellectual emancipation of our -workmen. They have rid themselves of theology -in all its forms, and yet have not accepted any -metaphysical system. At the same time, though -totally devoid at present of systematic convictions, -there is in them a submissiveness of mind which -predisposes them to receive convictions combining -reality with utility. In all other classes there is a -tendency to use forcible measures in spreading -their doctrines when discussion fails. It is only -to the people that philosophers can look for the -support and extension of Liberty, which is so -essential to their objects; and from this they -derive moral confidence far more reassuring than -any legal security. However reactionary or -stationary the views of particular leaders or sects -may be, with such a population as that of Paris, -no real oppression is possible. Of all the claims -which France has to the leadership of Europe, -this is the strongest. The resistance which is still -offered to freedom of association and freedom of -education will soon be overcome by the force of -its liberal sympathies. A population of such -strong social feeling as ours will certainly not allow -itself to be permanently deprived of the power of -meeting together freely in clubs; institutions most -conducive both to its culture and to the protection -of its interests. It will insist with equal force -upon perfect liberty of teaching, feeling deeply -the need of solid instruction, and the incapacity -of metaphysicians and theologians to give it. -Without popular pressure, the essential conditions -of educational liberty will always be evaded.</p> - -<p>And if Liberty depends upon popular support,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220">220</a></span> -Public Order, whether at home or abroad, depends -upon it no less. The inclinations of the working -classes are altogether on the side of peace. Their -strong dislike of war is the principal reason of the -present remarkable tranquillity of Europe. The -foolish regret expressed by all the retrograde parties -for the decline of the military spirit is a sufficient -indication of what the popular feeling is; but even -more significant is the necessity for compulsory -enlistment, which began in France and has extended -to other parts of Europe. There has been much -factitious indignation on the subject, but at least -it must be allowed, that in our armies the officers -are the only volunteers. Again, the working class -is more free than any other from international -prejudices, which still disunite the great family -of Western nations, although they are very much -weaker than formerly. They are strongest in the -middle classes, a fact principally due to industrial -competition. But working men feel how similar -their wants and their conditions are in all countries, -and this feeling checks their animosity. And the -consciousness of union will become far stronger, -now that the great social problem of their incorporation -into modern society is being raised everywhere. -No errors that statesmen can commit, -whether in matters of war or peace, can prevent -this from becoming the preponderating question in -every European country; and thus it tends to -preserve their mutual concord.</p> - -<p>Popular sympathies of this sort are, it may be -said, less conducive to internal tranquillity than to -pacific foreign relations. But the alarm which is -naturally aroused by the spiritual anarchy around -us must not blind us to the real guarantees for -Order which popular tendencies, rightly interpreted, -hold out. It is to the people that we -must look for the ascendancy of central over local<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221">221</a></span> -power, which, as we have seen, is so indispensable -to public order. The executive authority, provided -only that it gives no cause to fear reaction, -will always have their support when opposed by -an assembly the prevalent tendencies of which will -usually be adverse to their interests. They will -always turn instinctively to the dictatorial rather -than to the parliamentary branch of the administration; -feeling that from its practical character -and the directness of its action, it is more likely to -meet their wants. Useless discussions on constitutional -questions may suit ambitious members of -the middle classes, by facilitating their arrival to -power. But the people take very little interest in -all this unmeaning agitation, and often treat it -with merited contempt. They know that it can be -of no use to them, and that its only result is to -evade their real wants by undermining the only -authority that can do them justice. Consequently -the people are certain to give their support to every -government that deserves it; especially in France, -where political passions have already yielded to -the superior and more permanent interest of social -questions. And while strengthening the government -they may do much to elevate its character; -by confining it strictly to its practical function, -and resisting any attempts that it may make to -interfere with opinion. In all these respects the -spontaneous influence of the working classes will -be of material assistance in carrying out the systematic -conceptions of social philosophy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">It is from -them that we -shall obtain -the dictatorial -power which -is provisionally -required</div> - -<p>But a more striking proof of the -political influence to be exercised by -the people is this. The dictatorship -which our transitional policy requires -as long as the spiritual interregnum -lasts must arise in the first instance -from their ranks.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222">222</a></span></p> - -<p>In the word <em>People</em>, especially in the French -language, there is a fortunate ambiguity, which -may serve to remind us that the proletariate class -is not, properly speaking, a class at all, but constitutes -the body of society. From it proceed the -various special classes, which we may regard as -organs necessary to that body. Since the abolition -of royalty, the last remnant of caste, our political -leaders have been recruited, and will continue to -be so, from the working class. In the normal -state, however, it will be required as a preliminary -condition, that the holder of dictatorial power shall -have first received the political training which is -given by the exercise of authority in his own business. -In a settled state of society, Government, -strictly so called, is a mere extension of civil influence. -Ultimately, therefore, political power will -fall into the hands of the great leaders of industry. -As spiritual reorganization proceeds, they will -gradually become more worthy of it than they are -at present. Besides, the tenure of power will -become less burdensome, because it will be confined -to duties of a purely practical kind.</p> - -<p>As yet, however, the case is very different; and -therefore the wealthy, though ultimately they will -be the administrators of power, are not those to -whom it should as a rule be entrusted in our present -condition. Special departments may be given to -them with advantage, as we have seen proved -recently, and that in cases where the functions -to be performed had no relation whatever to industrial -skill. But they are not competent as yet for -dictatorial power, the power which has to supply -the place of royalty. Individual exceptions, of -course, there may be, though none have appeared -hitherto, and at least they are not enough for our -provisional system to rely on. As yet the wealthy -classes have shown themselves too debased in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223">223</a></span> -thought and feeling for an office of such importance. -Nor do we find greater aptitude for it outside the -industrial class. Scientific men are most assuredly -unfit for it, especially in France, where the system -of Academies has narrowed the mind, withered the -feelings, and enervated the character to such an -extent, that most of them fail in the conduct of common -life, and are utterly unworthy of the smallest -post of authority, even in their own department.</p> - -<p>All other classes failing us, we have to look to -the working class, which has been left more free -to form broad views, and in which the sense of duty -has been better cultivated. On historical grounds -I feel convinced that the workmen of France are -more likely than any other class to supply men -competent for supreme power, as long as the spiritual -interregnum lasts; that is, for at least one -generation.</p> - -<p>On looking at this question calmly and without -scholastic or aristocratic prejudice, it will be seen, -as I pointed out at the beginning of this chapter, -that the working class is better situated than any -other with respect to generality of views and -generosity of feeling. In knowledge and experience -of administration they would ordinarily be -deficient; they would therefore not be fit for -the work of any special department. But this is -no disqualification for the supreme power, or indeed -for any of the higher offices for which -breadth of view rather than special knowledge is -required. These may be filled by working men, -whose good sense and modesty will at once lead -them to choose their agents for special departments -from the classes who have usually furnished them -before. The practical character and progressive -spirit of such a government being beyond suspicion, -special talent of whatever kind may be -made available, even in the case of men who, if<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224">224</a></span> -they had been placed in a higher position, would -have proved thoroughly hostile to republican -institutions. Of all the diversified elements of -modern society, there is not one which may not be -of real service in assisting the transition. Among -soldiers and magistrates, for instance, there are -many who will join the popular movement, and -become sincere supporters of republicanism. A -government of this kind would tranquillize the -people, would obviate the necessity for violent -compressive measures, and would at the same -time have a most beneficial influence on the capitalist -class. It would show them the necessity of -attaining to greater purity of feeling and greater -breadth of view, if they are to become worthy of -the position for which they are ultimately destined.</p> - -<p>Thus, whether we look at the interests of -Public Order, or at those of Liberty, it appears -necessary as a provisional measure, during the -continuance of our spiritual interregnum, that the -holders of dictatorial power shall be chosen from -the working class. The success of a few working -men in the pursuit of wealth has exercised an -unsettling influence on the rest; but in the present -instance we need not fear this result. It will be -obvious that the career of a proletary governor is -a rare exception, and one which requires peculiar -endowments.</p> - -<p>In examining the mode in which this anomalous -policy should be carried out, we must bear in mind -the object with which it was instituted. It is most -important to get rid of the custom, based on motives -of self-interest, which has grown up during the last -generation, of insisting on parliamentary experience -as an apprenticeship for executive power; -executive power being always the real object of -ambition. We have found from experience what -we might have anticipated on theoretical grounds,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225">225</a></span> -that this plan excludes all except mere talkers of -the Girondin type, men totally devoid of statesman-like -qualities. To working men it offers -almost insurmountable obstacles; and even supposing -these obstacles to be overcome, we may be -sure that they would lose the straightforwardness -and native vigour which constitute their best claim -to the exceptional position proposed for them.</p> - -<p>It is best, then, that they should reach the position -assigned to them at once, without the circuitous -process of a parliamentary career. Our -transition towards the normal state will then -exhibit its true character. It will be tranquil and -yet decisive; for it will rest on the combined -action of philosophers without political ambition, -and dictators adverse to spiritual encroachment. -The teacher who attempts to govern, the governor -who attempts to educate, will both incur severe -public censure, as enemies alike of peace and progress. -The whole result will be a change in our -revolutionary condition identical with that which -the Convention would have realized, if, as its -founders contemplated, it had lasted till the Peace.</p> - -<p>Such, then, is the nature of the compact into -which all true philosophers should enter with the -leading members of the proletary class. Their -object is to direct the organic and final phase -through which the Great Revolution is now passing. -What they have to do is carefully to prolong the -provisional system adopted by the Convention, -and to ignore, as far as possible, the traditions of -all succeeding governments, whether stationary -or retrograde. Comprehensiveness of view and -social sympathy predominate alike in both members -of this great alliance; and it is thus a guarantee -for our present state of transition, and a sure -earnest of the normal future. The people are the -spontaneous representatives of this alliance; the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226">226</a></span> -philosophers its systematic organ. The intellectual -deficiencies of the former will easily be remedied -by philosophers, who will show them how -essential it is on social grounds that they should -understand the true meaning of history; since -otherwise their conception of the union of mankind -must be limited to the present generation, ignoring -the more important truth of the continuity of the -Present with the Past and the Future. A far -greater obstacle is the moral deficiency of most -philosophers of our time. But the wholesome -influence of the people upon them, combined with -a deep philosophic conviction of the preponderance -of Feeling in every subject of thought, will do much -to overcome the ambitious instincts which weaken -and distract their energies in the common cause of -social renovation.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227">227</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV<br /> - -<span class="subhead">THE INFLUENCE OF POSITIVISM UPON WOMEN</span></h2> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Women represent -the affective -element -in our -nature, as philosophers -and -people represent -the intellectual -and -practical elements</div> - -<p>In their action, then, upon society, -philosophers may hope for the energetic -support of the working classes. -But the regenerating movement requires -still the co-operation of a third -element, an element indicated by our -analysis of human nature, and suggested -also by historical study of the -great crisis of modern times.</p> - -<p>The moral constitution of man consists of something -more than Intellect and Activity. These -are represented in the constitution of society by -the philosophic body and the proletariate. But -besides these there is Feeling, which, in the theory -put forward in the first chapter of this work, was -shown to be the predominating principle, the motive -power of our being, the only basis on which the -various parts of our nature can be brought into -unity. Now the alliance between philosophers -and working men, which has been just described, -however perfectly it may be realized, does not -represent the element of Feeling with sufficient -distinctness and prominence.</p> - -<p>Certainly without Social Feeling, neither philosophers -nor proletaries can exercise any real -influence. But in their case its source is not sufficiently<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228">228</a></span> -pure nor deep to sustain them in the performance -of their duty. A more spontaneous -and more perennial spring of inspiration must be -found.</p> - -<p>With the philosopher social sympathies will -never be wanting in coherence, since they will be -connected with his whole system of thought; but -this very scientific character will deaden their -vigour, unless they are revived by impulses in -which reflection has no share. Roused as he will -be by the consciousness of public duty to a degree -of activity of which abstract thinkers can form no -conception, the emotions of private life will yet -be not less necessary for him than for others. -Intercourse with the working classes will be of the -greatest benefit to him; but even this is not enough -to compensate the defects of a life devoted to -speculation.</p> - -<p>The sympathies of the people again, though -stronger and more spontaneous than those of the -philosopher, are, in most cases, less pure and not -so lasting. From the pressure of daily necessities -it is difficult for them to maintain the same consistent -and disinterested character. Great as are -the moral advantages which will result from the -incorporation of the people in modern society, -they are not enough by themselves to outweigh the -force of self-interest aroused by the precarious -nature of their position. Emotions of a gentler -and less transient kind must be called into play. -Philosophers may relieve the working classes from -the necessity of pressing their own claims and -grievances; but the fact still remains, that the -instincts by which those claims are prompted are -personal rather than social.</p> - -<p>Thus, in the alliance which has been here proposed -as necessary for social reorganization, Feeling, -the most influential part of human nature, has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229">229</a></span> -not been adequately represented. An element is -wanting which shall have the same relation to the -moral side of our constitution, as the philosophic -body has with Intellect, and the people with -Activity. On this, as well as on other grounds, -it is indispensable that Women be associated in -the work of regeneration as soon as its tendencies -and conditions can be explained to them. With -the addition of this third element, the constructive -movement at last assumes its true character. We -may then feel confident that our intellectual and -practical faculties will be kept in due subordination -to universal Love. The digressions of intellect, -and the subversive tendencies of our active powers -will be as far as possible prevented.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Women have -stood aloof -from the modern -movement, -because -of its anti-historic -and -destructive -character</div> - -<p>Indispensable to Positivism as the -co-operation of women is, it involves -one essential condition. Modern progress -must rise above its present -imperfect character, before women -can thoroughly sympathize with it.</p> - -<p>At present the general feeling -amongst them is antipathy to the Revolution. -They dislike the destructive character which the -Revolution necessarily exhibited in its first phase. -All their social sympathies are given to the Middle -Ages. And this is not merely due, as is supposed, -to the regret which they very naturally feel for -the decline of chivalry, although they cannot but -feel that the Middle Ages are the only period in -which the feeling of reverence for women has -been properly cultivated. But the real ground -of their predilection is deeper and less interested. -It is that, being morally the purest portion of -Humanity, they venerate Catholicism, as the only -system which has upheld the principle of subordinating -Politics to Morals. This, I cannot doubt, -is the secret cause of most of the regret with which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230">230</a></span> -women still regard the irrevocable decay of -mediaeval society.</p> - -<p>They do not disregard the progress which -modern times have made in various special directions. -But our erroneous tendencies towards -bringing back the old supremacy of Politics over -Morality, are, in their eyes, a retrograde movement -so comprehensive in its character that no partial -improvements can compensate for it. True, we -are able to justify this deviation provisionally, -since the decay of Catholicism renders political -dictatorship necessary. But women, having comparatively -little to do with the practical business -of life, can hardly appreciate this necessity without -a more satisfactory theory of history than they at -present possess. It is a complete mistake to charge -women with being retrograde on account of these -feelings of regret which are most honourable to -them. They might retort the charge with far -better reason on the revolutionists, for their blind -admiration of Greek and Roman society, which -they still persist in asserting to be superior to -Catholic Feudalism; a delusion, the continuance -of which is principally due to our absurd system -of classical education, from which women are -fortunately preserved.</p> - -<p>However this may be, the feelings of women -upon these subjects are a very plain and simple -demonstration of the first condition of social -regeneration, which is, that Politics must again -be subordinated to Morality; and this upon a -more intelligible, more comprehensive, and more -permanent basis than Catholicism could supply. -A system which supplied such a basis would -naturally involve reverence for women as one of -its characteristic results. Such, then, are the -terms on which women will cordially co-operate -in the progressive movement. Nothing but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231">231</a></span> -incapacity to satisfy these terms could induce any -thinkers to condemn the conception as retrograde.</p> - -<p>It is not, then, to the Revolution itself that -women feel antipathy, but to the anti-historic -spirit which prevailed in its first phase. The blind -abuse lavished on the Middle Ages wounds their -strongest sympathies. They care little for metaphysical -theories of society in which human -happiness is made to consist in a continual exercise -of political rights; for political rights, however -attractively presented, will always fail to interest -them. But they give their cordial sympathy to -all reasonable claims of the people; and these -claims form the real object of the revolutionary -crisis. They will wish all success to philosophers -and workmen when they see them endeavouring -to transform political disputes into social compacts, -and proving that they have greater regard -for duties than for rights. If they regret the -decline of the gentle influence which they possessed -in former times, it is principally because they find -it superseded by coarse and egotistic feelings, -which are now no longer counterbalanced by revolutionary -enthusiasm. Instead of blaming their -antipathies, we should learn from them the urgent -necessity of putting an end to the moral and intellectual -anarchy of our times; for this it is which -gives a ground of real justice to their reproaches.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">But they will -sympathize -with constructive -tendencies; -and will -distinguish -sound philosophy -from scientific -specialities</div> - -<p>Women will gladly associate themselves -with the Revolution as soon as -its work of reconstruction is fairly -begun. Its negative phase must not -be prolonged too far. It is difficult -enough for them to understand how -such a phase could ever be necessary; -therefore they cannot be expected to -excuse its aberrations. The true connexion of -the Revolution with the Middle Ages must be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232">232</a></span> -fairly stated. History, when rightly interpreted, -will show them that its real object is, while laying -down a surer basis for Morality, to restore it to the -old position of superiority over Politics in which -the mediaeval system first placed it. Women will -feel enthusiasm for the second phase of the Revolution, -when they see republicanism in the light -in which Positivism presents it, modified by the -spirit of ancient chivalry.</p> - -<p>Then, and not till then, will the movement of -social regeneration be fairly begun. The movement -can have no great force until women give -cordial support to it; for it is they who are the -best representatives of the fundamental principle -on which Positivism rests, the victory of social -over selfish affections. On philosophers rests the -duty of giving logical coherence to this principle, -and saving it from sophistical attacks. Its practical -working depends upon the proletary class, -without whose aid it would almost always be -evaded. But to maintain it in all its purity, as -an inspiration that needs neither argument nor -compulsion, is the work of women only. So -constituted, the alliance of the three classes will be -the foreshadowed image of the normal state to -which Humanity is tending. It will be the living -type of perfect human nature.</p> - -<p>Unless the new philosophy can obtain the support -of women, the attempt to substitute it for -theology in the regulation of social life had better -be abandoned. But if the theory stated in my -first chapter be true, Positivism will have even -greater influence with women than with the working -classes. In the principle which animates it, -in its manner of regarding and of handling the great -problem of human life, it is but a systematic -development of what women have always felt -instinctively. To them, as to the people, it offers<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233">233</a></span> -a noble career of social usefulness, and it holds -out a sure prospect of improvement in their own -personal position.</p> - -<p>Nor is it surprising that the new philosophy -should possess such qualities. They follow naturally -from the reality which is one of its chief claims -to acceptance; in other words, from the exactness -with which it takes account of the facts of every -subject that it deals with. Strong as the prejudices -of women are upon religious questions, it cannot -be long before they find out that Positivism satisfies, -not merely their intellectual, but their moral -and social wants better than Catholicism. They -will then have no further reason for clinging to the -old system, of the decayed condition of which they -are perfectly aware. At present they not unnaturally -confound Positivism with the scientific specialities -on which it is based. Scientific studies have, -as they see, a hardening influence, which they -cannot suppose that the new school of philosophers, -who insist so strongly upon the necessity of studying -science, can have escaped. Closer acquaintance -with the subject will show them where their -error lies. They will see that the moral danger of -scientific studies arises almost entirely from -want of purpose and from irrational speciality, -which always alienate them from the social point -of view. But for the Positivist this danger does -not exist; since, however far he may carry these -preliminary studies, he does so simply in order to -gain a stronger grasp of social questions. His -one object is to concentrate all the powers of Man -upon the general advancement of the race. And -so long as this object be kept in view, women’s -good sense will readily distinguish between the -training necessary for it, and the puerilities of the -learned societies. The general spirit of this work, -however, makes further explanation unnecessary.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234">234</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Women’s position -in society. -Like -philosophers -and people, -their part is -not to govern, -but to modify</div> - -<p>The social mission of woman in the -Positive system follows as a natural -consequence from the qualities peculiar -to her nature.</p> - -<p>In the most essential attribute of -the human race, the tendency to place -social above personal feeling, she is undoubtedly -superior to man. Morally, therefore, and apart -from all material considerations, she merits always -our loving veneration, as the purest and simplest -impersonation of Humanity, who can never be -adequately represented in any masculine form. -But these qualities do not involve the possession -of political power, which some visionaries have -claimed for women, though without their own -consent. In that which is the great object of -human life, they are superior to men; but in the -various means of attaining that object they are -undoubtedly inferior. In all kinds of force, -whether physical, intellectual, or practical, it is -certain that Man surpasses Woman, in accordance -with a general law which prevails throughout the -animal kingdom. Now practical life is necessarily -governed by force rather than by affection, because -it requires unremitting and laborious activity. If -there were nothing else to do but to love, as in -the Christian utopia of a future life in which there -are no material wants, Women would be supreme. -But life is surrounded with difficulties, which it -needs all our thoughts and energies to avoid; therefore -Man takes the command, notwithstanding -his inferiority in goodness. Success in all great -efforts depends more upon energy and talent than -upon goodwill, although this last condition reacts -strongly upon the others.</p> - -<p>Thus the three elements of our moral constitution -do not act in perfect harmony. Force is -naturally supreme, and all that women can do is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235">235</a></span> -to modify it by affection. Justly conscious of -their superiority in strength of feeling, they endeavour -to assert their influence in a way which is -often attributed by superficial observers to the -mere love of power. But experience always -teaches them that in a world where the simplest -necessaries of life are scarce and difficult to -procure, power must belong to the strongest, not -to the most affectionate, even though the latter -may deserve it best. With all their efforts they -can never do more than modify the harshness with -which men exercise their authority. And men -submit more readily to this modifying influence, -from feeling that in the highest attributes of -Humanity women are their superiors. They see -that their own supremacy is due principally to -the material necessities of life, provision for which -calls into play the self-regarding rather than the -social instincts. Hence we find it the case in -every phase of human society that women’s life -is essentially domestic, public life being confined -to men. Civilization, so far from effacing this -natural distinction, tends, as I shall afterwards -show, to develop it, while remedying its abuses.</p> - -<p>Thus the social position of women is in this -respect very similar to that of philosophers and -of the working classes. And we now see why these -three elements should be united. It is their combined -action which constitutes the moral or modifying -force of society.</p> - -<p>Philosophers are excluded from political power -by the same fatality as women, although they are -apt to think that their intellectual eminence gives -them a claim to it. Were our material wants -more easily satisfied, the influence of intellect -would be less impeded than it is by the practical -business of life. But, on this hypothesis, women -would have a better claim to govern than philosophers.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236">236</a></span> -For the reasoning faculties would have -remained almost inert had they not been needed -to guide our energies; the constitution of the -brain not being such as to favour their spontaneous -development. Whereas the affective principle is -dependent on no such external stimulus for its -activity. A life of thought is a more evident disqualification -for the government of the world -even than a life of feeling, although the pride of -philosophers is a greater obstacle to submission -than the vanity of women. With all its pretensions, -intellectual force is not in itself more moral -than material force. Each is but an instrument; -the merit depends entirely upon its right employment. -The only element of our nature which is -in itself moral is Love; for Love alone tends of -itself towards the preponderance of social feeling -over self-interest. And since even Love cannot -govern, what can be the claim of Intellect? In -practical life precedence must always depend upon -superior energy. Reason, even more than Feeling, -must be restricted to the task of modifying. -Philosophers therefore must be excluded from -government, at least as rigidly as women. It is -in vain for intellect to attempt to command; it -never can do more than modify. In fact, the -morality which it indirectly possesses is due to this -impossibility of exercising compulsory power, and -would be ruined by the attainment of it, supposing -it were possible. Intellect may do much to amend -the natural order of things, provided that it does -not attempt to subvert it. What it can do is by -its power of systematic arrangement to effect the -union of all the classes who are likely to exert a -beneficial influence on material power. It is with -this view that every spiritual power has availed -itself of the aid of women, as we see was the case -in the Middle Ages.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237">237</a></span></p> - -<p>Proceeding with our sociological analysis of -moral force, we shall find an equally striking -resemblance between the influence of Women and -that exercised by the People.</p> - -<p>In the first stage of progress, there is no modifying -power except what springs from Feeling; -afterwards Intellect combines with it, finding -itself unable to govern. The only element now -wanting is Activity; and this want, which is -indispensable, is supplied by the co-operation of -the people. The fact is, that although the people -constitute the basis on which all political power -rests, yet they have as little to do directly with the -administration of power as philosophers or women.</p> - -<p>Power, in the strict sense of the word, power, -that is, which controls action without persuading -the will, has two perfectly distinct sources, numbers -and wealth. The force of numbers is usually considered -the more material of the two; but in -reality it is the more moral. Being created by -co-operation, it involves some convergence of ideas -and feelings, and therefore it does not give such -free scope for the self-regarding instincts as the -more concentrated power of wealth. But for this -very reason, it is too indirect and precarious for -the ordinary purposes of government. It can -influence government morally, but cannot take an -active part in it. The same causes which exclude -philosophers and women apply in the case of the -people. Our material necessities are so urgent, -that those who have the means of providing for -them will always be the possessors of power. -Now the wealthy have these means; they hold -in their hands the products of labour, by which -each generation facilitates the existence and -prepares the operations of its successor. Consequently -the power of the capitalist is one of so -concentrated a kind, that numbers can very seldom<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238">238</a></span> -resist it successfully. Even in military nations -we find the same thing; the influence of numbers, -though more direct, affects only the mode of -acquiring wealth, not its tenure. But in industrial -states, where wealth is acquired by other ways -than violence, the law is evident. And with the -advance of civilization it will operate not less, but -more strongly. Capital is ever on the increase, -and consequently is ever creating means of subsistence -for those who possess nothing. In this -sense, but in no other, the cynical maxim of -Antiquity, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">Paucis nascitur humanum genus</i>, will -always bear a true meaning. The few provide -subsistence for the many. We come back, then, -to the conclusion of the last chapter; that the -working classes are not destined for political power, -but that they tend to become a most important -source of moral power. The moral value of their -influence is even more indirect than that of philosophers, -and depends even more in their case upon -subordination politically. In the few cases where -government passes for a time into the hands of the -masses, wealth in its turn assumes a sort of moral -influence foreign to its nature. It moderates the -violence with which government is apt to be administered -in such cases. The high intellectual and -moral qualities belonging to the working classes -are, as we have seen, in great part due to their -social position. They would be seriously impaired -if the political authority that belongs to wealth -were habitually transferred to numbers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The united -action of philosophers, -women, -and proletaries -constitutes -Moral -Force</div> - -<p>Such, in outline, is the Positive -theory of Moral Force. By it the -despotism of material force may be in -part controlled. It rests upon the -union of the three elements in society -who are excluded from the sphere of -politics strictly so called. In their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239">239</a></span> -combined action lies our principal hope of solving, -so far as it can be solved, the great problem of -man’s nature, the successful struggle of Social -Feeling against Self-love. Each of the three -elements supplies a quality indispensable to the -task. Without women this controlling power -would be deficient in purity and spontaneous -impulse; without philosophers, in wisdom and -coherence; without the people, in energy and -activity. The philosophic element, although -neither the most direct nor the most efficient, is -yet the distinctive feature of this power, because -its function is to organize its constitution and -direct its operations in accordance with the true -laws of social life. As being the systematic organ -of the spiritual power it has become identified with -it in name. This, however, may lead to an erroneous -conception. The moral aspect of the spiritual -power is more important than the intellectual. -While retaining the name as an historical tradition -of real value, Positivists attach a somewhat different -meaning to it. It originated in a time when -theories of society were unknown, and when Intellect -was considered as the central principle of -human nature.</p> - -<p>Spiritual power, as interpreted by Positivism, -begins with the influence of women in the family; -it is afterwards moulded into a system by thinkers, -while the people are the guarantees for its political -efficiency. Although it is the intellectual class -that institutes the union, yet its own part in it, as -it should never forget, is less direct than that of -women, less practical than that of the people. -The thinker is socially powerless except so far as -he is supported by feminine sympathy and popular -energy.</p> - -<p>Thus the necessity of associating women in the -movement of social regeneration creates no obstacle<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240">240</a></span> -whatever to the philosophy by which that movement -is to be directed. On the contrary, it aids -its progress, by showing the true character of the -moral force which is destined to control all the -other forces of man. It involves as perfect an -inauguration of the normal state as our times of -transition admit. For the chief characteristic of -that state will be a more complete and more -harmonious union of the same three classes to -whom we are now looking for the first impulse of -reform. Already we can see how perfectly -adapted to the constitution of man this final condition -of Humanity will be. Feeling, Reason, -Activity, whether viewed separately or in combination, -correspond exactly to the three elements of -the regenerative movement, Women, Philosophers, -and People.</p> - -<p>Verification of this theory may be found more -or less distinctly in every period of history. Each -of the three classes referred to have always borne -out the biological law that the life of relation or -animal life, is subordinated to the life of nutrition. -Still more striking is the application to this case -of another general principle, namely, that Progress -is the development of Order; a principle which, as -I showed in the second chapter, connects every -dynamical question in Sociology with the corresponding -statical conception. For with the growth -of society, the modifying influence of moral force -is always increasing, both by larger scope being -given to each of its three elements specially, and -also by the more perfect consolidation of their -union. Robertson has made an important remark -on the gradual improvement in the condition of -women, which is but a particular case of this sociological -law. The general principle on which progress -in all three classes depends, is the biological -law, that the preponderance of vegetable life over<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241">241</a></span> -animal life diminishes as the organism is higher -in the scale and is more perfectly developed.</p> - -<p>During the various phases of ancient Polytheism, -the controlling power consisted simply of the moral -influence exerted by women in the Family. In -public life the influence of thinkers had not made -itself independent of the governmental authority, -of which it was sometimes the source, sometimes -the instrument. Mediaeval Catholicism went a -step further, and took the first step in systematizing -moral force. It created an independent -spiritual authority to which political governments -were subordinated, and this authority was always -supported by women. But the complete organization -of moral force was reserved for modern times. -It is only recently that the working classes have -begun to interfere actively in social questions; -and, as I have shown in the preceding chapter, it -is from their co-operation that the new spiritual -power will derive its practical efficiency. Limited -originally to the sphere of Feeling, and subsequently -extended to the intellectual sphere, it henceforward -embraces the sphere of Activity; and this -without losing its spiritual character, since the -influences of which it consists are entirely distinct -from the domain of practical politics. Each of -its three elements persuades, advises, judges; but -except in isolated cases, never commands. The -social mission of Positivism is to regulate and -combine their spontaneous action, by directing -each to the objects for which it is best adapted.</p> - -<p>And this mission, in spite of strong prejudices to -the contrary, it will be found well calculated to -fulfil. I have already shown its adaptation to the -case of the people and of the philosophic body, -whether regarded separately or in combination: -I have now to show that it is equally adapted to -the case of women.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242">242</a></span></p> - -<p>In proof of this I have but to refer to the principle -on which, as stated in the first chapter, the whole -system of Positivism is based; the preponderance -of affection in our nature. Such a principle is of -itself an appeal to women to associate themselves -with the system, as one of its essential elements. -In Catholicism, their co-operation, though valuable, -was not of primary importance, because -Catholicism claimed a divine origin independent -of their assistance. But to Positivism they are -indispensable, as being the purest and simplest -embodiment of its fundamental principle. It is not -merely in the Family that their influence will be -required. Their duty will often be to call philosophers -and people back to that unity of purpose -which originated in the first place with themselves, -and which each of the other elements is often disposed -to violate.</p> - -<p>All true philosophers will no doubt accept and -be profoundly influenced by the conviction, that in -all subjects of thought the social point of view -should be logically and scientifically preponderant. -They will consequently admit the truth that the -Heart takes precedence of the Understanding. -Still they require some more direct incentive to -universal Love than these convictions can supply. -Knowing, as they do, how slight is the practical -result of purely intellectual considerations, they -will welcome so precious an incentive, were it -only in the interest of their own mission. I recognized -its necessity myself, when I wrote on the -11th of March, 1846, to her who, in spite of death, -will always remain my constant companion<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a>: -‘I was incomplete as a philosopher, until the -experience of deep and pure passion has given me -fuller insight into the emotional side of human -nature’. Strong affection exercises a marvellous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243">243</a></span> -influence upon mental effort. It elevates the -intellect at once to the only point of view which is -really universal. Doubtless, the method of pure -science leads up to it also; but only by a long -and toilsome process, which exhausts the power -of thought, and leaves little energy for following -out the new results to which this great principle -gives rise. The stimulation of affection under -feminine influence is necessary, therefore, for the -acceptance of Positivism, not merely in those -classes for whom a long preliminary course of -scientific study would be impossible. It is equally -necessary for the systematic teachers of Positivism, -in whom it checks the tendency, which is encouraged -by habits of abstract speculation, to deviate -into useless digressions; these being always easier -to prosecute than researches of real value.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Superiority -of the new spiritual -power to -the old. Self-regarding -tendencies -of Catholic -doctrine</div> - -<p>Under this aspect the new spiritual -system is obviously superior to the old. -By the institution of celibacy, which -was indispensable to Catholicism, its -priests were entirely removed from -the beneficial influence exercised by -women. Only those could profit from it who did -not belong to the ecclesiastical body; the members -of that body, as Ariosto has remarked in his vigorous -satire, were excluded. Nor could the evil be -remedied, except in very rare cases, by irregular -attachment, which inevitably corrupted the -priest’s character by involving the necessity of -perpetual hypocrisy.</p> - -<p>And when we look at the difference of the spirit -by which the two systems are pervaded, we shall -find still more striking evidence that the new -system offers a far larger sphere of moral influence -to women than the old.</p> - -<p>Both are based upon the principle of affection; -but in Positivism the affection inculcated is social,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244">244</a></span> -in Catholicism it is essentially personal. The -object of Catholic devotion is one of such stupendous -magnitude, that feelings which are unconnected -with it are in danger of being crushed. The -priesthood, it is true, wise interpreters in this -respect of a general instinct, brought all the more -important social obligations within the compass -of religion, and held them out as necessary for -salvation. Indirectly, the nobler feelings were -thus called into action; but at the same time they -were rendered far less spontaneous and pure. There -could be no perfectly disinterested affection under -a system which promised eternal rewards for all -acts of self-denial. For it was impossible, and -indeed it would have been thought sinful, to keep -the future out of sight; and thus all spontaneous -generosity was unavoidably tainted by self-interest. -Catholicism gave rise to an ignoble theory of -morals which became very mischievous when it -was adopted by the metaphysicians; because, -while retaining the vicious principle, they swept -away the checks by which the priesthood had -controlled it. But even when we look at the purest -form in which the love of God was exhibited, we -cannot call it a social feeling, except in so far as the -same object of worship was held out simultaneously -to all. Intrinsically, it is anti-social, since, -when attained in absolute perfection, it implies the -entire sacrifice of all other love. And in the best -representatives of Christian thought and feeling, -this tendency is very apparent. No one has portrayed -the Catholic ideal with such sublimity and -pathos as the author of the <em>Imitation</em>, a work which -so well deserved the beautiful translation of -Corneille. And yet, reading it as I do daily, I -cannot help remarking how grievously the natural -nobleness of Thomas A’Kempis was impaired by -the Catholic system, although in spite of all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245">245</a></span> -obstacles he rises at times to the purest ardour. -Certainly those of our feelings which are purely -unselfish must be far stronger and more spontaneous -than ever has yet been supposed, since -even the oppressive discipline of twelve centuries -could not prevent their growth.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The spirit of -Positivism, on -the contrary, -is essentially -social. The -Heart and the -Intellect mutually -strengthen -each -other</div> - -<p>Positivism, from the fact of its -conformity with the constitution of -our nature, is the only system calculated -to develop, both in public and in private -life, those high attributes of Humanity -which, for want of adequate systematic -culture, are still in their rudimentary -stage. Catholicism, while appealing -to the Heart, crushed Intellect, and Intellect -naturally struggled to throw off the yoke. Positivism, -on the contrary, brings Reason into complete -harmony with Feeling, without impairing the -activity of either.</p> - -<p>Scientific study of the relation which each -individual bears to the whole race is a continual -stimulus to social sympathy. Without a theory -of society, it is impossible to keep this relation -distinctly and constantly in view. It is only -noticed in a few exceptional cases, and unconnected -impressions are soon effaced from the memory. -But the Positivist teacher, taking the social point -of view invariably, will make this notion far more -familiar to us than it has ever been before. He -will show us the impossibility of understanding -any individual or society apart from the whole -life of the race. Nothing but the bewilderment -caused by theological and metaphysical doctrines -can account for the shallow explanations of human -affairs given by our teachers, attributing as they -do to Man what is really due to Humanity. But -with the sounder theory that we now possess, we -can see the truth as it really stands. We have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246">246</a></span> -but to look each of us at our own life under its -physical, intellectual, or moral aspects, to recognize -what it is that we owe to the combined action -of our predecessors and contemporaries. The man -who dares to think himself independent of others, -either in feelings, thoughts, or actions, cannot -even put the blasphemous conception into words -without immediate self-contradiction, since the -very language he uses is not his own. The profoundest -thinker cannot by himself form the -simplest language; it requires the co-operation -of a community for several generations. Without -further illustration, the tendency of Positive -doctrine is evident. It appeals systematically to -our social instincts, by constantly impressing -upon us that only the Whole is real; that the -Parts exist only in abstraction.</p> - -<p>But independently of the beneficial influence -which, in this final state of Humanity, the mind -will exercise upon the heart, the direct culture of -the heart itself will be more pure and more vigorous -than under any former system. It offers us the -only means of disengaging our benevolent affections -from all calculations of self-interest. As far as -the imperfection of man’s nature admits, these -affections will gradually become supreme, since -they give deeper satisfaction than all others, and -are capable of fuller development. Setting the -rewards and punishments of theology aside, we -shall attain at last to that which is the real happiness -of man, pure and disinterested love. This -is truly the Sovereign Good, sought for so long by -former systems of philosophy in vain. That it -surpasses all other good one fact will show, known -to the tender-hearted from personal experience; -that it is even better to love than to be loved. -Overstrained as this may seem to many, it is yet -in harmony with a general truth, that our nature<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247">247</a></span> -is in a healthier state when active than when -passive. In the happiness of being loved, there -is always some tinge of self-love; it is impossible -not to feel pride in the love of one whom we prefer -to all others. Since, then, loving gives purer -satisfaction than being loved, the superiority of -perfectly disinterested affection is at once demonstrated. -It is the fundamental defect of our -nature, that intrinsically these affections are far -weaker than the selfish propensities connected -with the preservation of our own existence. But -when they have been once aroused, even though -the original stimulus may have been personal, -they have greater capacity of growth, owing to -the peculiar charm inherent in them. Besides, -in the exercise of these feelings, all of us can co-operate -with and encourage one another, whereas -the reverse is the case with the selfish instincts. -There is, therefore, nothing unreasonable in supposing -that Positivism, by regulating and combining -these natural tendencies, may rouse our -sympathetic instincts to a condition of permanent -activity hitherto unknown. When the heart is no -longer crushed by theological dogmas, or hardened -by metaphysical theories, we soon discover that -real happiness, whether public or private, consists -in the highest possible development of the social -instincts. Self-love comes to be regarded as an -incurable infirmity, which is to be yielded to only -so far as is absolutely necessary. Here lies the -universal adaptability of Positivism to every type -of character and to all circumstances. In the -humblest relations of life, as in the highest, -regenerate Humanity will apply the obvious truth, -It is better to give than to receive.</p> - -<p>The Heart thus aroused will in its turn react -beneficially upon the Intellect; and it is especially -from women that this reaction will proceed. I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248">248</a></span> -have spoken of it so fully before, that I need not -describe it further. It is in Feeling that I find the -basis on which the whole structure of Positivism, -intellectually as well as morally considered, rests. -The only remark I have now to add is, that by -following out this principle, philosophical difficulties -of the most formidable kind are at once surmounted. -From moral considerations, the intellect -may be readily induced to submit to scientific -restrictions, the propriety of which would remain -for a long time matter of debate, were philosophical -discussions the only means of indicating it. -Attempt, for instance, to convince a pure mathematician, -however conscientious and talented, that -Sociology is both logically and scientifically -superior to all other studies. He would not -readily admit this; and severe exertion of the -inductive and deductive faculties can alone convince -him of it. But by the aid of Feeling, an -artisan or a woman can, without education, readily -grasp this great encyclopædic principle, and apply -it practically to the common affairs of life. But -for this, the larger conceptions of philosophy -would have but a limited range, and very few -would be capable of the course of study which is -yet so important on social grounds for all. Comprehensiveness -of mind is no doubt favourable to -sympathy, but is itself more actively stimulated -by it. When the Positivist method of education -is accepted, moral excellence will be very generally -regarded as a guarantee of real intellectual capacity. -The revolutionist leaders of the Convention -showed their sense of this connexion by allowing, -as they did sometimes, republican ardour to outweigh -scientific attainment. Of course, so long -as men remain without a systematic theory of -morals, such policy would be likely to fail of its -object, and indeed would become positively mischievous.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249">249</a></span> -But the reproach is usually that it was -a retrograde policy, a reproach far more applicable -to the present system, in which the standard of -fitness for any office is regulated exclusively by -intellectual considerations, the heart being altogether -disregarded. Historically we can explain -this practice by the fact that the religious faith in -which our moral nature has hitherto been trained -has been of a most oppressive character. Ever -since the Middle Ages, the intellect and the heart -have been unavoidably at issue. Positivism is -the only system which can put an end to their -antagonism, because, as I have before explained, -while subordinating Reason to Feeling, it does so -in such a way as not to impair the development of -either. With its present untenable claims to -supremacy, Intellect is in reality the principal -source of social discord. Until it abdicates in -favour of the Heart, it can never be of real service -in reconstruction. But its abdication will be useless, -unless it is entirely voluntary. Now this is -precisely the result which Positivism attains, -because it takes up the very ground on which the -claims of intellect are defended, namely, scientific -demonstration, a ground which the defenders -of intellect cannot repudiate without suspicion -at once attaching to their motives. But theological -or metaphysical remedies can only exasperate -the disease. By oppressing the intellect -they provoke it to fresh insurrection against the -heart.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Intellectual -and moral affinities -of women -with Positivism</div> - -<p>For all these reasons, women, who -are better judges of moral questions -than ourselves, will admit that Positivism, -incontestably superior as it is -to other systems intellectually, surpasses -them yet more in dealing with the affections. -Their only objection arises from confounding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250">250</a></span> -Positive Philosophy itself with its preliminary -course of scientific study.</p> - -<p>Women’s minds no doubt are less capable than -ours of generalizing very widely, or of carrying on -long processes of deduction. They are, that is, less -capable than men of abstract intellectual exertion. -On the other hand, they are generally more alive -to that combination of reality with utility which -is one of the characteristics of Positive speculation. -In this respect they have much in common intellectually -with the working classes; and fortunately -they have also the same advantage of being -untrammelled by the present absurd system of -education. Nor is their position far removed -from what it should be normally; being less -engaged than men in the business of life, their -contemplative faculties are called into activity -more easily. Their minds are neither preoccupied -nor indifferent; the most favourable condition -for the reception of philosophical truth. They -have far more affinity intellectually with philosophers -who truly deserve the name, than we find in -the scientific men of the present day. Comprehensiveness -of thought they consider as important -as positivity, whereas our savants care for nothing -but the latter quality, and even that they understand -imperfectly. Molière’s remarkable expression, -<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">des clartés de tout</i>, which I applied in the last -chapter to popular education, was used by him -in reference to women. Accordingly we find that -women took a vivid interest in the very first -attempt made to systematize Positive speculation, -the Cartesian philosophy. No more striking -proof could be given of their philosophical affinities; -and the more so that in the Cartesian system -moral and social speculations were necessarily -excluded. Surely, then, we may expect them to -receive Positivism far more favourably, a system<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251">251</a></span> -of which the principal subject of speculation is the -moral problem in which both sexes are alike -interested.</p> - -<p>Women, therefore, may, like the people, be -counted among the future supporters of the new -philosophy. Without their combined aid it could -never hope to surmount the strong repugnance to -it which is felt by our cultivated classes, especially -in France, where the question of its success has -first to be decided.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Catholicism -purified love, -but did not -directly -strengthen it</div> - -<p>But when women have sufficient -acquaintance with Positivism, to see -its superiority to Catholicism in -questions of feeling, they will support -it from moral sympathy even more -than from intellectual adhesion. It will be the -heart even more than the mind which will incline -them to the only system of philosophy which -has fully recognized the preponderance of Feeling. -They cannot fail to be drawn towards a system -which regards women as the embodiment of this -principle; the unity of human nature, of which -this principle is the basis, being thus entrusted -to their special charge. The only reason -of their regret for the past, is that the present fails -to satisfy their noblest social instincts. Not that -Catholicism ever really satisfied them; indeed in -its general character it is even less adapted to -women than to men, since the dominant quality -of woman’s nature is in direct contradiction with -it. Christianity, notwithstanding its claims to -moral perfection, has always confounded the -quality of tenderness with that of purity. And -it is true that love cannot be deep unless it is also -pure. But Catholicism, although it purified love -from the animal propensities which had been -stimulated by Polytheism, did nothing otherwise -to strengthen it. It has given us indeed too many<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252">252</a></span> -instances of purity, pushed to the extent of fanaticism, -without tenderness. And this result is -especially common now, because the austerity -of the Christian spirit is not corrected, as it used -to be, by the inspiring influences of Chivalry. -Polytheism, deficient as it was in purity, was really -far more conducive than Christianity, to tenderness. -Love of God, the supreme affection round which -Catholicism endeavoured to concentrate all other -feelings, was essentially a self-regarding principle, -and as such conflicted with woman’s noblest instincts. -Not only did it encourage monastic -isolation, but if developed to the full extent, it -became inconsistent with love for our fellow men. -It was impiety for the knight to love his Lady -better than his God; and thus the best feelings -of his nature were repressed by his religious faith. -Women, therefore, are not really interested in perpetuating -the old system; and the very instincts -by which their nature is characterized, will soon -incline them to abandon it. They have only been -waiting until social life should assume a less -material character; so that morality, for the -preservation of which they justly consider themselves -responsible, may not be compromised. -And on this head Positivism satisfies their heart -no less than their understanding with all the guarantees -that they can require. Based as it is upon -accurate knowledge of our nature, it can combine -the simple affectionate spirit of Polytheism with -the exquisite purity of Catholicism, without fear of -taint from the subversive sophisms engendered -by the spiritual anarchy of our times. Not however -that purity is to be placed on the same level -with tenderness. Tenderness is the more essential -of the two qualities, because more closely connected -with the grand object of all human effort, the -elevation of Social Feeling over Self-love. In a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253">253</a></span> -woman without tenderness there is something -even more monstrous than in a man without -courage. Whatever her talents and even her -energy may be, they will in most cases prove mischievous -both to herself and to others, unless indeed -they should be nullified by the restraint of -theological discipline. If she has force of character -it will be wasted in a struggle against all -legitimate authority; while her mental power -will be employed only in destructive sophisms. -Too many cases of this kind present themselves in -the social anarchy of the present time.</p> - -<p>Such is the Positivist theory on the subject of -Women. It marks out for them a noble field of -social usefulness. It extends the scope of their -influence to public as well as private life, and yet -in a way thoroughly in harmony with their nature. -Without leaving the family, they will participate -in the controlling power exercised by philosophers -and workmen, seeking even in their own domestic -sphere rather to modify than to govern. In a -word, as I shall show more fully in the last chapter -of this introductory work, Woman is the spontaneous -priestess of Humanity. She personifies in -the purest form the principle of Love upon which -the unity of our nature depends; and the culture -of that principle in others is her special function.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Women’s influence -over -the working -classes and -their teachers</div> - -<p>All classes, therefore, must be -brought under women’s influence; for -all require to be reminded constantly -of the great truth that Reason and -Activity are subordinate to Feeling. Of their -influence upon philosophers I have spoken. If -they are men worthy of their mission, they will be -conscious of the tendency which their life has to -harden them and lead them into useless speculation; -and they will feel the need of renewing -the ardour of their social sympathy at its native<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254">254</a></span> -source. Feeling, when it is pure and deep, corrects -its own errors, because they clash with the good to -which it is ever tending. But erroneous use of the -intellectual or practical faculties, cannot be even -recognized, much less corrected, without the aid -of Affection, which is the only part of our nature -that suffers directly from such errors. Therefore -whenever either the philosopher or the people -deviate from duty, it will be the part of women to -remonstrate with them gently, and recall them to -the true social principles which are entrusted to -their special charge.</p> - -<p>With the working classes, the special danger to -be contended against is their tendency to abuse -their strength, and to resort to force for the attainment -of their objects, instead of persuasion. But -this danger is after all less than that of the misuse -of intellectual power to which philosophers are so -liable. Thinkers who try to make reasoning do -the work of feeling can very seldom be convinced -of their error. Popular excitement, on the contrary, -has often yielded to feminine influence, -exerted though it has been hitherto without any -systematic guidance. The difference is no doubt -partly owing to the fact that there are now few or -none who deserve the name of philosophers. For -we cannot give that name to the superficial sophists -and rhetoricians of our time, whether psychologists -or ideologists, men wholly incapable of deep -thought on any subject. Independently of this, -however, the difference is explained by the character -of the two classes. Women will always find -it harder to deal with intellectual pride than with -popular violence. Appeals to social feeling are -their only weapons; and the social feelings of the -workman are stronger than those of the philosopher. -Sophistry is far more formidable to them -than passion. In fact, were it not that the working<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255">255</a></span> -classes are even now so amenable to female influence, -society would be in extreme danger from the -disorder caused by intellectual anarchy. There -are many sophisms which maintain themselves in -spite of scientific refutation, and which would be -destructive of all order, were it not for our moral -instincts. Of this the Communists offer a striking -example, in avoiding, with that admirable inconsistency -to which I have already called attention, -the extension of their principle to the Family. -Surrounded by the wildest theories, such as, if -they were put in practice, would utterly destroy -or paralyse society, we see large numbers of -working men showing in their daily life a degree -of affection and respect for women, which is -unequalled by any other class. It is well to reflect -on facts like these, not only because they lead us -to judge the Communist school with more justice, -but because, occurring as they do in the midst of -social anarchy, they show what powerful agencies -for good will be at our disposal in more settled -times. Certainly they cannot be attributed to -theological teaching, which has rather had the -effect of strengthening the errors which it attacks -by the absurdity of its refutations. They are -simply the result of the influence which women have -spontaneously exercised on the nobler feelings of -the people. In Protestant countries where their -influence is less, the mischievous effects of Communistic -theories have been far greater. We owe -it to women that the Family has been so little -injured by the retrograde spirit of those republican -reformers, whose ideal of modern society is to -absorb the Family into the State, as was done by -a few small tribes in ancient Greece.</p> - -<p>The readiness shown by women in applying -practical remedies to erroneous theories of morality -is shown in other cases where the attractiveness of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256">256</a></span> -the error would seem irresistible to the coarser -nature of men. The evils consequent on divorce, -which has been authorized in Germany for three -centuries, have been much lessened by women’s -instinctive repugnance to it. The same may be -said of recent attacks upon marriage, which are -still more serious because the anarchy of modern -life revives all the extravagances of the metaphysical -spirit in ancient times. In no one case -has a scheme of society hostile to marriage met -with any real favour from women, plausible as -many of them seemed. Unable in their ignorance -of social science to see the fallacy of such schemes -themselves, our revolutionary writers cannot conceive -that women will not be convinced by them. -But happily women, like the people, judge in these -matters by the heart rather than by the head. In -the absence of any guiding principle to direct the -understanding and prevent the deviations to which -it is always exposed, the heart is a far safer guide.</p> - -<p>There is no need at present of pursuing these -remarks farther. It is abundantly clear that -women are in every respect adapted for rectifying -the moral deviations to which every element in the -social organism is liable. And if we already feel -the value of their influence, springing as it does -from the unaided inspirations of the heart, we -may be sure it will become far more consolidated -and will be far more widely felt, when it rests on -the basis of a sound philosophical system, capable -of refuting sophisms and exposing fallacies from -which their unassisted instinct is insufficient to -preserve us.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Their social -influence in -the <em>salon</em></div> - -<p>Thus the part to be played by women -in public life is not merely passive. -Not only will they give their sanction -individually and collectively to the verdicts of -public opinion as formed by philosophers and by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257">257</a></span> -the people; but they will themselves interfere -actively in moral questions. It will be their part -to maintain the primary principle of Positivism, -which originated with themselves, and of which -they will always be the most natural representatives.</p> - -<p>But, how, it may be asked, can this be reconciled -with my previous remark that women’s life should -still be essentially domestic?</p> - -<p>For the ancients, and for the greater part of the -human race at the present time, it would be irreconcilable. -But in Western Europe the solution has -long ago been found. From the time when women -acquired, as they did in the Middle Ages, a fair -measure of domestic freedom, opportunities for -social intercourse arose, which combined most -happily the advantages of private and of public -life, and in these women presided. The practice -afterwards extended, especially in France, and -these meetings became the laboratories of public -opinion. It seems now as if they had died out, or -had lost their character. The intellectual and -moral anarchy of our times is most unfavourable -to free interchange of thoughts and feelings. But -a custom so social, and which did such good service -in the philosophical movement preceding the -Revolution, is assuredly not destined to perish. -In the more perfect social state to which we are -tending, it will be developed more fully than ever, -when men’s minds and hearts have accepted the -rallying point offered by the new philosophy.</p> - -<p>This is, then, the mode in which women can with -propriety participate in public life. Here all -classes will recognize their authority as paramount. -Under the new system these meetings will entirely -lose their old aristocratic character, which is now -simply obstructive. The Positivist salon will -complete the series of social meetings, in which the -three elements of the spiritual power will be able<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258">258</a></span> -to act in concert. First, there is the religious -assemblage in the Temple of Humanity. Here -the philosopher will naturally preside, the other -two classes taking on a secondary part. In the -Club again it is the people who will take the active -part; women and philosophers would support -them by their presence, but without joining in the -debate. Lastly, women in their salons will promote -active and friendly intercourse between all three -classes; and here all who may be qualified to take -a leading part will find their influence cordially -accepted. Gently and without effort a moral -control will thus be established, by which acts of -violence or folly may be checked in their source. -Kind advice, given indirectly but earnestly, will -often save the philosopher from being blinded by -ambition, or from deviating, through intellectual -pride, into useless digressions. Working men at -these meetings will learn to repress the spirit of -violence or envy that frequently arises in them, -recognizing the sacredness of the care thus manifested -for their interests. And the great and the -wealthy will be taught from the manner in which -praise and blame is given by those whose opinion -is most valued, that the only justifiable use of -power or talent is to devote it to the service of -the weak.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">But the Family -is their -principal -sphere of -action</div> - -<p>But, however important the public -duties that women will ultimately be -called upon to perform, the Family -is after all their highest and most -distinctive sphere of work. It was in allusion to -their domestic influence that I spoke of them as -the originators of spiritual power. Now the -Family, although it is the basis of all human -society, has never been satisfactorily defended by -any received system of society. All the corrosive -power of metaphysical analysis has been employed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259">259</a></span> -upon it; and of many of the sophisms put forward -no rational refutation has been given. On the -other hand, the protection of the theologians is no -less injurious. For they still persist in connecting -the institutions of the Family with their obsolete -dogmas, which, however useful they may have -been formerly, are now simply dangerous. From -the close of the Middle Ages the priesthood has -been powerless, as the licentious songs of the troubadours -prove, to protect the sanctity of marriage -against the shallow but mischievous attacks -which even then were made against it. And afterwards, -when these false principles became more -generally prevalent, and even royal courts disgraced -themselves by giving public approval to -them, the weakness of the priests became still more -manifest. Thus nothing can be more monstrous -than these ignorant assertions that theological -doctrines have been the safeguard of the Family. -They have done nothing to preserve it from the -most subversive attacks, under which it must have -succumbed, but for the better instincts of society, -especially of the female portion of it. With the -exception of a foolish fiction about the origin of -Woman, theology has put forward no systematic -defence of marriage; and as soon as theological -authority itself fell into discredit, the feeble sanction -which it gave to domestic morality became -utterly powerless against sophistical attacks. But -now that the Family can be shown on Positive -principles to rest on scientific laws of human -nature or of society, the danger of metaphysical -controversy and theological feebleness is past. -These principles will be discussed systematically -in the second volume of the larger Treatise to which -this work is the Introduction. But the few remarks -to which I must at present limit myself, will, I -hope, at least satisfy the reader as to the capability<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260">260</a></span> -of Positivism to re-establish morality upon a firm -basis.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Woman’s -mission as a -wife. Conjugal -love an education -for universal -sympathy</div> - -<p>According to the lower views of the -subject, such as those coarsely expressed -by the great hero of reaction, Napoleon, -procreation and maternity are the only -social functions of Woman. Indeed -many theorists object even to her -rearing her children, and think it preferable to -leave them to the abstract benevolence of the -State. But in the Positivist theory of marriage, -the principal function of Woman is one quite unconnected -with procreation. It is a function dependent -on the highest attributes of our nature.</p> - -<p>Vast as is the moral importance of maternity, -yet the position of wife has always been considered -even more characteristic of woman’s nature; as -shown by the fact that the words woman and wife -are in many languages synonymous. Marriage is -not always followed by children; and besides this, -a bad wife is very seldom indeed a good mother. -The first aspect then, under which Positivism -considers Woman, is simply as the companion -of Man, irrespective of her maternal duties.</p> - -<p>Viewed thus, Marriage is the most elementary -and yet the most perfect mode of social life. It is -the only association in which entire identity of -interests is possible. In this union, to the moral -completeness of which the language of all civilized -nations bears testimony, the noblest aim of human -life is realized, as far as it ever can be. For the -object of human existence, as shown in the second -chapter, is progress of every kind; progress in -morality, that is to say in the subjection of Self-interest -to Social Feeling, holding the first rank. -Now this unquestionable principle leads us by a -very sure and direct path to the true theory of -marriage.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261">261</a></span></p> - -<p>Different as the two sexes are by nature, and -increased as that difference is by the diversity -which happily exists in their social position, each -is consequently necessary to the moral development -of the other. In practical energy and in the -mental capacity which usually accompanies it, -Man is evidently superior to Woman. Woman’s -strength, on the other hand, lies in Feeling. She -excels Man in love, as Man excels her in force. It -is impossible to conceive of a closer union than -that which binds these two beings to the mutual -service and perfection of each other, saving them -from all danger of rivalry. The voluntary character -too of this union gives it a still further charm, -when the choice has been on both sides a happy -one. In the Positive theory, then, of marriage, -its principal object is considered to be that of -completing and confirming the education of the -heart by calling out the purest and strongest of -human sympathies.</p> - -<p>It is true that sexual instinct, which, in man’s -case at all events, was the origin of conjugal attachment, -is a feeling purely selfish. It is also true -that its absence would in the majority of cases, -diminish the energy of affection. But woman -with her more loving heart, has usually far less -need of this coarse stimulus than man. The influence -of her purity reacts on man, and ennobles -his affection. And affection is in itself so sweet, -that when once it has been aroused by whatever -agency, its own charm is sufficient to maintain it -in activity. When this is the case, conjugal union -becomes a perfect ideal of friendship; yet still -more beautiful than friendship, because each -possesses and is possessed by the other. For perfect -friendship, difference of sex is essential, as excluding -the possibility of rivalry. No other voluntary -tie can admit of such full and unrestrained confidence.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262">262</a></span> -It is the source of the most unalloyed -happiness that man can enjoy; for there can be -no greater happiness than to live for another.</p> - -<p>But independently of the intrinsic value of this -sacred union, we have to consider its importance -from the social point of view. It is the first -stage in our progress towards that which is the -final object of moral education, namely, universal -love. Many writers of the so-called socialist school, -look upon conjugal love and universal benevolence, -the two extreme terms in the scale of affections, -as opposed to each other. In the second chapter, -I pointed out the falseness and danger of this view. -The man who is incapable of deep affection for -one whom he has chosen as his partner in the most -intimate relations of life, can hardly expect to be -believed when he professes devotion to a mass of -human beings of whom he knows nothing. The -heart cannot throw off its original selfishness, -without the aid of some complete and enduring -affection. And conjugal love, concentrated as it -is upon one object exclusively, is more enduring -and complete than any other. From personal -experience of strong love we rise by degrees to -sincere affection for all mankind; although, as the -scope of feeling widens, its energy must decrease. -The connexion of these two states of feeling is -instinctively recognized by all; and it is clearly -indicated by the Positive theory of human nature, -which has now placed it beyond the reach of metaphysical -attacks. When the moral empire of -Woman has been more firmly established by the -diffusion of Positivist principles, men will see that -the common practice of looking to the private life -of a statesman as the best guarantee of his public -conduct had deep wisdom in it. One of the -strongest symptoms of the general laxity of morals -to which mental anarchy has brought us, is that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263">263</a></span> -disgraceful law passed in France thirty years ago, -and not yet repealed; the avowed object of which -was to surround men’s lives with a ‘wall’ of -privacy; a law introduced by psychologist politicians -who no doubt needed such a wall.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conditions of -marriage. Indissoluble -monogamy</div> - -<p>The purpose of marriage once clearly -understood, it becomes easy to define -its conditions. The intervention of -society is necessary; but its only -object is to confirm and to develop the order of -things which exists naturally.</p> - -<p>It is essential in the first place to the high purposes -for which marriage has been instituted, that -the union shall be both exclusive and indissoluble. -So essential indeed are both conditions, that we -frequently find them even when the connexion is -illegal. That any one should have ventured to -propound the doctrine that human happiness is to -be secured by levity and inconsistency in love, is -a fact which nothing but the utter deficiency of -social and moral principles can explain. Love -cannot be deep unless it remains constant to a fixed -object. The very possibility of change is a temptation -to it. So differently constituted as man -and woman are, is their short life too much for -perfect knowledge and love of one another? Yet -the versatility to which most human affection is -liable makes the intervention of society necessary. -Without some check upon indecision and caprice, -life might degenerate into a miserable series of -experiments, each ending in failure and degradation. -Sexual love may become a powerful engine for -good: but only on the condition of placing it under -rigorous and permanent discipline. Those who -doubt the necessity for this, have only to cast a -glance beyond Western Europe at the countries<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264">264</a></span> -where no such discipline has been established. -It has been said that the adoption or rejection of -monogamy is a simple question of climate. But -for this hypothesis there is no ground whatever. -It is as contrary to common observation as to -philosophic theory. Marriage, like every other -human institution, has always been improving. -Beginning in all countries with unrestricted polygamy, -it tends in all to the purest monogamy. -Tracing back the history of Northern Europe, we -find polygamy there as well as in the South; and -Southern nations, like Northern, adopt polygamy -as their social life advances. We see the tendency -to it in those parts of the East which come into -contact with Western civilization.</p> - -<p>Monogamy, then, is one of the most precious -gifts which the Middle Ages have bequeathed to -Western Europe. The striking superiority of -social life in the West is probably due to it more -than to any other cause. Protestant countries -have seriously impaired its value by their laws of -divorce. But this aberration will hardly be permanent. -It is alien to the purer feelings of women -and of the people, and the mischief done by it -is limited to the privileged classes. France is now -threatened with a revival of the metaphysical -delusions of the Revolution, and it is feared by some -that the disastrous example of Germany in this -respect will be imitated. But all such tendencies, -being utterly inconsistent with the habits of -modern life, will soon be checked by the sounder -philosophical principles which have now arisen. -The mode of resistance to these errors which -Positivism adopts will render the struggle most -useful in hastening the adoption of the true theory -of marriage. The spirit of Positivism being -always relative, concessions may be made to meet -exceptional cases, without weakening or contradicting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265">265</a></span> -the principle; whereas the absolute character -of theological doctrine was incompatible -with concession. The rules of morality should be -general and comprehensive; but in their practical -application exceptions have often to be made. -By no philosophy but the Positive can these two -conditions be reconciled.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Perpetual -widowhood</div> - -<p>To the spirit of anarchy, however, -Positivism yields nothing. The unity -essential to marriage, it renders more complete -than ever. It develops the principle of monogamy, -by inculcating, not as a legal institution, but as -moral duty, the perpetuity of widowhood. Affection -so firmly concentrated has always been -regarded with respect even on man’s side. But -hitherto no religion has had sufficient purity or -influence to secure its adoption. Positivism, however, -from the completeness of its synthesis, and -from the fact that its rules are invariably based on -the laws of nature, will gain such influence, and -we find little difficulty in inducing all natures of -delicate feeling to accept this additional obligation. -It follows from the very principle which to -the Positivist is the object of all marriage, the -raising and purifying of the heart. Unity of the -tie which is already recognized as necessary in life, -is not less so in death. Constancy in widowhood -was once common among women; and if its moral -beauty is less appreciated now, it is because all -systematic morality has been forgotten. But it -is none the less, as careful study of human nature -will show, a most precious source of moral good, -and one which is not beyond the reach of nobler -natures, even in their youth. Voluntary widowhood, -while it offers all the advantages which -chastity can confer on the intellectual and physical -as well as on the moral nature, is yet free from the -moral dangers of celibacy. Constant adoration of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266">266</a></span> -one whom Death has implanted more visibly and -deeply on the memory, leads all high natures, and -especially philosophers, to give themselves more -unreservedly to the service of Humanity; and -thus their public life is animated by the ennobling -influence of their innermost feelings. Alike from -a sense of their own truest happiness and from -devotion to public duty, they will be led to this -result.</p> - -<p>Deep as is the satisfaction in this prolongation -of the sacredness of marriage, it may be carried by -those who recognize its value yet further. As the -death of one did not destroy the bond, so neither -should the death of both. Let, then, those whom -death could not divide be laid in the same grave -together. A promise of this solemn act of perpetuation -might be given beforehand, when the organs -of public opinion judged it merited. A man would -find a new motive for public exertion, if it were -felt to be a pledge that the memory of her whom -he loved should be for ever coupled with his own. -We have a few instances where this union of -memories has taken place spontaneously, as in -the case of Laura and Petrarch, and of Dante and -Beatrice. Yet these instances are so exceptional, -that they hardly help us to realize the full value -of the institution proposed. There is no reason for -limiting it to cases of extraordinary genius. In -the more healthy state of society to which we are -tending, where private and public life will be far -more closely connected than they have been hitherto, -this recompense of service may be given to all -who have deserved it, by those who have come -within their circle of influence.</p> - -<p>Such, then, are the consolations which Positivist -sympathy can give. They leave no cause to -regret the visionary hopes held out by Christianity, -hopes which now are as enfeebling to the heart as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267">267</a></span> -to the intellect. Here, as in all other respects, the -moral superiority of Positivism is shown, for the -comfort which it gives to the bereaved implies a -strengthening of the tie. Christian consolation, -of which so much has been said, rather encourages -a second union. By so doing it seriously impairs -the value of the institution; for a division of -affection arises, which indeed seems hardly compatible -with the vague utopia of a future life. The -institutions of perpetual widowhood and of union -in the tomb have found no place in any previous -system, though both were wanting to make monogamy -complete. Here, as elsewhere, the best -reply which the new philosophy can give to -ignorant prejudice or malignant calumny, is to -take new steps forward in the moral advancement -of Man.</p> - -<p>Thus the theory of marriage, as set forward by -the Positivist, becomes totally independent of -any physical motive. It is regarded by him as -the most powerful instrument of moral education; -and therefore as the basis of public or individual -welfare. It is no overstrained enthusiasm which -leads us to elevate the moral purity of marriage. -We do so from rigorous examination of the facts -of human nature. All the best results, whether -personal or social, of marriage may follow, when -the union, though more impassioned, is as chaste -as that of brother and sister. The sexual instinct -has no doubt something to do in most cases with -the first formation of the passion; but it is not -necessary in all cases to gratify the instinct. -Abstinence, in cases where there is real ground for -it on both sides, will but serve to strengthen -mutual affection.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Woman’s -mission as a -mother</div> - -<p>We have examined the position of -Woman as a wife, without supposing -her to be a mother. We shall find that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268">268</a></span> -maternity, while it extends her sphere of moral -influence, does not alter its nature.</p> - -<p>As a mother, no less than as a wife, her position -will be improved by Positivism. She will have, -almost exclusively, the direction of household -education. Public education given subsequently, -will be little but a systematic development of that -which has been previously given at home.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Education of -children belongs -to mothers. -They -only can guide -the development -of character</div> - -<p>For it is a fundamental principle -that education, in the normal condition -of society, must be entrusted to the -spiritual power; and in the family -the spiritual power is represented -by Woman. There are strong prejudices -against entrusting the education of children -to mothers: prejudices springing from the revolutionary -spirit of modern times. Since the close of -the Middle Ages, the tendency has been to place -the intellect above the heart. We have neglected -the moral side of education, and I have given -undue importance to its intellectual side. But -Positivism having superseded this revolutionary -phase by demonstrating the preponderance of -the heart over the intellect, moral education will -resume its proper place. Certainly the present -mode of instruction is not adopted for Woman’s -teaching. But their influence over the education -of the future will be even greater than it was in -the Middle Ages. For in the first place, in every -part of it, moral considerations will be paramount; -and moreover, until puberty, nothing will be studied -continuously except Art and Poetry. The knights -of old times were usually brought up in this way -under feminine guidance, and on them most -assuredly it had no enervating influence. The -training can hardly be supposed less adapted to -a pacific than to a warlike state of society. For -instruction, theoretical and practical, as distinguished<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269">269</a></span> -from education, masters are no doubt -necessary. But moral education will be left -entirely to women, until the time arrives for -systematic teaching of moral science in the years -immediately preceding majority. Here the -philosopher is necessary. But the chief duties of -the philosopher lie with adults; his aim being to -recall them, individually or collectively, to principles -impressed on them in childhood, and to -enforce the right application of these principles -to special cases as they may arise. That part of -education which has the greatest influence on life, -what may be called the spontaneous training of -the feelings, belongs entirely to the mother. -Hence it is, as I have already observed, of the -greatest importance to allow the pupil to remain -with his family, and to do away with the monastic -seclusion of our public schools.</p> - -<p>The peculiar fitness of women for inculcating -these elementary principles of morality is a truth -which every true philosopher will fully recognize. -Women, having stronger sympathies than men, -must be better able to call out sympathies in others. -Men of good sense have always felt it more important -to train the heart than the head; and this is -the view adopted by Positive Philosophy. There -is a danger of exaggerating the importance of -system and of forgetting the conditions on which -its utility depends; but the Positivist is preserved -from this danger by the peculiar reality of his -philosophy. In morals, even more than in other -subjects, we can only systematize what has existed -previously without system. The feelings must -first be stimulated to free and direct action, before -we attempt to bring them under philosophic discipline. -And this process, which begins with birth, -and lasts during the whole period of physical -growth, should be left for women to superintend.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270">270</a></span> -So specially are they adapted for it, that failing -the mother, a female friend, if well chosen, and -if she can make herself sufficiently a member -of the family, will in most cases do better than the -father himself. The importance of the subject can -only be appreciated by minds dominated, as -women’s minds are, by feeling. Women can see, -what men can seldom see, that most actions, and -certainly the actions of youth and childhood, -ought not to be judged in themselves so much as -by the tendencies which they show or by the habits -to which they lead. Viewed with reference to -their influence on character, no actions are indifferent. -The simplest events in a child’s life may -serve as an occasion for enforcing the fundamental -principle by which the early as well as later stages -of Positivist education should be directed; the -strengthening of Social Feeling, the weakening of -Self-love. In fact, actions of an unimportant -kind are precisely those in which it is easiest to -appreciate the feelings which prompted them; -since the mind of the observer, not being occupied -with the consequences of such actions, is more -free to examine their source. Moreover, it is only -by teaching the child to do right in small things -that he can be trained for the hard inward struggle -that lies before him in life; the struggle to bring -the selfish instincts more and more completely -under the control of his higher sympathies. In -these respects the best tutor, however sympathetic -his nature, will be always far inferior to a good -mother. A mother may often not be able to -explain the reason of the principle on which she -acts, but the wisdom of her plans will generally -show itself in the end. Without formal teaching, -she will take every opportunity of showing her -children, as no other instructor could show them, -the joy that springs from generous feelings, and the -misery of yielding to selfishness.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271">271</a></span></p> - -<p>From the relation of mother we return by a -natural transition to Woman’s position as a wife. -The mother, though her authority of course tends -to decrease, continues to superintend the growth -of character until the ordinary age of marriage. -Up to that time feminine influence over Man has -been involuntary on his part. By marriage he -enters into a voluntary engagement of subordination -to Woman for the rest of his life. Thus he -completes his moral education. Destined himself -for action, he finds his highest happiness in honourable -submission to one in whom the dominant -principle is affection.</p> - -<p>Positivism holds out to woman a most important -sphere of public and private duty. This sphere, -as we may now see, is nothing but a larger and -more systematic development of the qualities by -which she is characterized. Her mission is so -uniform in its nature and so clearly defined, that -there seems hardly room for much uncertainty -as to her proper social position. It is a striking -instance of the rule which applies universally to -all human effort; namely, that the order of things -instituted by man ought to be simply a consolidation -and improvement of the natural order.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Modern sophisms -about -Women’s -rights. The -domesticity of -her life follows -from the principle -of Separation -of Powers</div> - -<p>In all ages of transition, as in our -own, there have been false and sophistical -views of the social position of -Woman. But we find it to be a natural -law that Woman should pass the -greater part of her life in the family; -and this law has never been affected -to any important extent. It has always been -accepted instinctively, though the sophistical -arguments against it have never yet been adequately -refuted. The institution of the family -has survived the subtle attacks of Greek metaphysics, -which then were in all the vigour of their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272">272</a></span> -youth, and which were acting on minds that had -no systematic principles to oppose to them. -Therefore, profound as the intellectual anarchy of -the present day may be, we need not be seriously -alarmed when we see that nothing worse comes -of it than shallow plagiarisms from ancient utopias, -against which the vigorous satire of Aristophanes -was quite enough to rouse general indignation. -True, there is a more complete absence of social -principles now, than when the world was passing -from Polytheism to Monotheism; but our intellectual -powers are more developed than they were -then, and in moral culture our superiority is even -greater. Women in those times were too degraded -to offer even the opposition of their silence to the -pedants who professed to be taking up their cause; -the only resistance offered was of a purely intellectual -kind. But happily in modern times the -women of the West have been free; and have -consequently been able to manifest such unmistakable -aversion for these ideas, and for the want -of moral discipline which gives rise to them, -that, though still unrefuted philosophically, their -mischievous effects have been neutralized. Nothing -but women’s antipathy has prevented the -practical outrages which seem logically to follow -from these subversive principles. Among our -privileged classes the danger is aggravated by indolence; -moreover, the possession of wealth has -a bad influence on women’s moral nature. Yet -even here the evil is not really very deep -or widely spread. Men have never been -seriously perverted, and women still less so, -by flattery of their bad propensities. The -really formidable temptations are those which -act upon our better instincts, and give them a -wrong direction. Schemes which are utterly -offensive to female delicacy will never really be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273">273</a></span> -adopted, even by the wealthier classes, who are -less averse to them than others. The repugnance -shown to them by the people, with whom the mischief -that they would cause would be irreparable, -is far more decided. The life which working people -lead makes it very clear to both sexes what the -proper position of each should be. Thus it will -be in the very class where the preservation of the -institution of the family is of the greatest importance, -that Positivists will find the least difficulty -in establishing their theory of the social position -of women, as consequent on the sphere of public -and private duty which has been here assigned -to them.</p> - -<p>Looking at the relation of this theory to other -parts of the Positive system, we shall see that it -follows from the great principle which dominates -every other social problem, the principle of separating -spiritual and temporal power. That Woman’s -life should be concentrated in her family, and -that even there her influence should be that of -persuasion rather than that of command, is but -an extension of the principle which excludes the -spiritual power from political administration. -Women, as the purest and most spontaneous of -the moral forces of society, are bound to fulfil with -rigorous exactness all the conditions which the -exercise of moral force demands. Effectually to -perform their mission of controlling and guiding -our affections, they must abstain altogether from -the practical pursuits of the stronger sex. Such -abstinence, even when the arrangements of society -may leave it optional, is still more desirable in -their case than in the case of philosophers. Active -life, incompatible as it is with the clearness and -breadth of philosophic speculation, is even more -injurious to delicacy of feeling, which is women’s -highest claim to our respect and the true secret of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274">274</a></span> -their influence. The philosophic spirit is incompatible -with a position of practical authority, -because such a position occupies the mind with -questions of detail. But to purity of feeling it is -even more dangerous, because it strengthens the -instincts of power and of gain. And for women -it would be harder to avoid the danger of such a -position than for men. Abounding as they do -in sympathy, they are generally deficient in energy, -and are therefore less able to withstand corrupting -influences. The more we examine this important -subject, the clearer it becomes that the present -condition of women does not hamper them in their -true work; that, on the contrary, it is well calculated -to develop and even improve their highest -qualities. The natural arrangements of society -in this as in other respects are far less faulty than -certain blind declaimers would have us believe. -But for the existence of strong material forces, moral -force would soon deteriorate, because its distinctive -purpose would be gone. Philosophers and proletaries -would soon lose their intellectual and moral -superiority by the acquisition of power. On women -its effect would be still more disastrous. From -instances in the upper classes of society, where -wealth gives them independence, and sometimes -unfortunately even power, we see but too clearly -what the consequences would be. And this is -why we have to look to the poorer classes for the -highest type of womanly perfection. With the -people sympathy is better cultivated, and has a -greater influence upon life. Wealth has more to -do with the moral degradation of women among -the privileged classes than even idleness and dissipation.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The position -of the sexes -tends to differentiation -rather than -identity</div> - -<p>Progress, in this respect as in every -other, is only a more complete development -of the pre-existing Order.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275">275</a></span> -Equality in the position of the two sexes -is contrary to their nature, and no -tendency to it has at any time been exhibited. -All history assures us that with the growth of -society the peculiar features of each sex have -become not less but more distinct. By Catholic -Feudalism the social condition of women in -Western Europe was raised to a far higher level. -But it took away from them the priestly functions -which they had held under Polytheism; a religion -in which the priesthood was more occupied with -Art than with Science. So too with the gradual -decline of the principle of Caste, women have been -excluded more and more rigidly from royalty and -from every other kind of political authority. -Again, there is a visible tendency towards the -removal of women from all industrial occupations, -even from those which might seem best suited to -them. And thus female life, instead of becoming -independent of the Family, is being more and -more concentrated in it; while at the same time -their proper sphere of moral influence is constantly -extending. The two tendencies so far from being -opposed, are inseparably connected.</p> - -<p>Without discussing the absurd and retrograde -schemes which have been recently put forward on -the subject, there is one remark which may serve -to illustrate the value of the order which now -exists. If women were to obtain that equality -in the affairs of life which their so-called champions -are claiming for them without their wish, not only -would they suffer morally, but their social position -would be endangered. They would be subject -in almost every occupation to a degree of competition -which they would not be able to sustain. -Moreover, by rivalry in the pursuits of life, mutual -affection between the sexes would be corrupted -at its source.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276">276</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Woman to -be maintained -by Man</div> - -<p>Leaving these subversive dreams, -we find a natural principle which, by -determining the practical obligations -of the Active to the Sympathetic sex, averts this -danger. It is a principle which no philosophy -but Positivism has been sufficiently real and practical -to bring forward systematically for general -acceptance. It is no new invention, however, but -a universal tendency, confirmed by careful study -of the whole past history of Man. The principle -is, that Man should provide for Woman. It is a -natural law of the human race; a law connected -with the essentially domestic character of female -life. We find it in the rudest forms of social life; -and with every step in the progress of society its -adoption becomes more extensive and complete. -A still larger application of this fundamental -principle will meet all the material difficulties -under which women are now labouring. All -social relations, and especially the question of -wages, will be affected by it. The tendency to -it is spontaneous; but it also follows from the -high position which Positivism has assigned to -Woman as the sympathetic element in the spiritual -power. The intellectual class, in the same way, -has to be supported by the practical class, in order -to have its whole time available for the special -duties imposed upon it. But in the case of women, -the obligation of the other sex is still more sacred, -because the sphere of duty in which protection -for them is required, is the home. The obligation -to provide for the intellectual class, affects society -as a whole; but the maintenance of women is, -with few exceptions, a personal obligation. Each -individual should consider himself bound to maintain -the woman he has chosen to be his partner in -life. There are cases, however, in which men -should be considered collectively responsible for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277">277</a></span> -the support of the other sex. Women who are -without husband or parents should have their -maintenance guaranteed by society; and this not -merely from compassion for their dependent position, -but with the view of enabling them to render -public service of the greatest moral value.</p> - -<p>The direction, then, of progress in the social -condition of woman is this: to render her life -more and more domestic; to diminish as far as -possible the burden of out-door labour; and so to -fit her more completely for her special office of -educating our moral nature. Among the privileged -classes it is already a recognized rule that -women should be spared all laborious exertion. -It is the one point in the relations of the sexes in -which the working classes would do well to imitate -the habits of their employers. In every other -respect the people of Western Europe have a -higher sense of their duties to women than the upper -classes. Indeed there are few of them who would -not be ashamed of the barbarity of subjecting -women to their present burdensome occupations, -if the present state of our industrial system allowed -of its abolition. But it is chiefly among the -higher and wealthier classes that we find those -degrading and very often fraudulent bargains, -connected with unscrupulous interference of -parents in the question of marriage, which are so -humiliating to one sex and so corrupting to the -other. Among the working classes the practice -of giving dowries is almost extinct; and as -women’s true mission becomes more recognized, -and as choice in marriage becomes less restricted, -this relic of barbarism, with all its debasing results, -will rapidly die out. With this view the application -of our theory should be carried one step -further. Women should not be allowed to inherit. -If inheritance be allowed, the prohibition of dowries<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278">278</a></span> -would be evaded in a very obvious manner -by discounting the reversionary interest. Since -women are to be exempt from the labour of production, -capital, that is to say, the instruments of -labour produced by each generation for the benefit -of the next, should revert to men. This view of -inheritance, so far from making men a privileged -class, places them under heavy responsibilities. It -is not from women that any serious opposition to it -will proceed. Wise education will show them its -value to themselves personally, as a safeguard -against unworthy suitors. But, important as the -rule is, it should not be legally enforced until it has -become established on its own merits as a general -custom, which every one has felt to conduce to -the healthy organization of the Family as here -described.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The education -of women -should be -identical with -that of men</div> - -<p>Coming now to the subject of female -education, we have only to make a -further application of the theory which -has guided us hitherto.</p> - -<p>Since the vocation assigned by our theory to -women is that of educating others, it is clear that the -educational system which we have proposed in the -last chapter for the working classes, applies to -them as well as to the other sex with very slight -alterations. Unencumbered as it is with specialities, -it will be found, even in its more scientific -parts, as suitable to the sympathetic element of -the moderating power, as to the synergic element. -We have spoken of the necessity of diffusing -sound historical views among the working classes; -and the same necessity applies to women; for -social sympathy can never be perfectly developed, -without a sense of the continuity of the Past, as -well as of the solidarity of the Present. Since, -then, both sexes alike need historical instruction -as a basis for the systematization of moral truth,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279">279</a></span> -both should alike pass through the scientific training -which prepares the way for social studies, and -which moreover has as intrinsic a value for women -as for men. Again, since the first or spontaneous -stage of education is entirely to be left to women, -it is most desirable that they should themselves -have passed through the second or systematic -stage. The only department with which they need -not concern themselves, is what is called professional -education. But this, as I have before -observed, is not susceptible of regular organization. -Professional skill can only be acquired by careful -practice and experience, resting upon a sound -basis of theory. In all other respects women, -philosophers, and working men will receive the -same education.</p> - -<p>But while I would place the sexes on a level in -this respect, I do not take the view of my eminent -predecessor Condorcet, that they should be taught -together. On moral grounds, which of course are -the most important consideration, it is obvious -that such a plan would be equally prejudicial -to both. In the church, in the club, in the salon, -they may associate freely at every period of life. -But at school such intercourse would be premature; -it would check the natural development of character, -not to say that it would obviously have an -unsettling influence upon study. Until the feelings -on both sides are sufficiently matured, it is of the -greatest importance that the relations of the two -sexes should not be too intimate, and that they -should be superintended by the watchful eye of -their mothers.</p> - -<p>As, however, the subjects of study are to be the -same for both, the necessity of separating the -sexes does not imply that there should be special -teachers for women. Not to speak of the increased -expenditure that would thus be incurred, it would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280">280</a></span> -inevitably lower the standard of female education. -It would always be presumed that their teachers -were men of inferior attainments. To ensure -that the instruction given is the same for both -sexes, the instructors must be the same, and must -give their lectures alternately to each sex. -These conditions are perfectly compatible with the -scheme described in the last chapter. It was -there mentioned that each philosopher would be -expected to give one, or, in some cases, two lectures -every week. Now supposing this were -doubled, it would still come far short of the -intolerable burdens which are imposed upon -teachers in the present day. Moreover, as the -Positivist educator will pass successively through -the seven stages of scientific instruction, he will -be able so to regulate his work as to avoid wearisome -repetition of the same lectures in each year. -Besides, the distinguished men to whom our -educational system will be entrusted will soon discover -that their two audiences require some difference -in the manner of teaching, and that this -may be done without in any way lowering the -uniform standard which their method and their -doctrines require.</p> - -<p>But independently of the importance to female -education of this identity of teachers, it will react -beneficially on the intellectual and moral character -of the philosopher who teaches. It will preclude -him from entering into useless details, and will -keep him involuntarily to the broad principles of -his subject. By coming into contact simultaneously -with two natures, in one of which thought, -and in the other emotion, is predominant, he will -gain clearer insight into the great principle of -subordinating the intellect to the heart. The -obligation of teaching both sexes will complete -that universality of mind which is to be required<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281">281</a></span> -of the new school of philosophers. To treat -with equal ability of all the various orders of -scientific conceptions, and to interest two audiences -of so different a character, is a task which -will demand the highest personal qualifications. -However, as the number required by the conditions -is not excessive, it will not be impossible to find -men fit for the purpose, as soon as the proper -means are taken to procure their services, and to -guarantee their material subsistence. It must -be borne in mind, too, that the corporation of -teachers is not to be recruited from any one -nation for itself, but from the whole of Western -Europe; so that the Positivist educator will -change his residence, when required, even more -frequently than the priests of the Middle Ages. -Putting these considerations together, we shall -find that Positivist education for both sexes may -be organized on a sufficient scale for the whole of -Western Europe, with less than the useless, or -worse than useless, expenditure incurred by the -clergy of the Anglican church. This would give -each functionary an adequate maintenance, though -none of them would be degraded by wealth. A -body of twenty thousand philosophers would be -enough now, and probably would always suffice, -for the spiritual wants of the five Western nations. -This would imply the establishment of the septennial -system of instruction in two thousand stations. -The influence of women and of working men will -never become so systematic as to enable them to -dispense with philosophic assistance altogether. -But in proportion as they become more effectually -incorporated as elements of the spiritual power, -the necessity of enlarging the purely speculative -class will diminish. Under theological systems -it has been far too numerous. The privilege of -living in comfort without productive labour will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282">282</a></span> -be ultimately so rare and so dearly earned, that -no rational ground of objection to it will be left. -It will be generally felt that the cost of maintaining -these philosophic teachers, like that of maintaining -women, is no real burden to the productive classes; -on the contrary, that it conduces to their highest -interest, by ensuring the performance of intellectual -and moral functions which are the noblest -characteristics of Humanity.</p> - -<p>It appears, then, that the primary principle laid -down at the beginning of this chapter enables us -to solve all the problems that offer themselves on -the subject of Woman. Her function in society -is determined by the constitution of her nature. -She is spontaneously the organ of Feeling, on -which the unity of human nature entirely depends. -And she constitutes the purest and most natural -element of the moderating power; which, while -avowing its own subordination to the material -forces of society, purposes to direct them to -higher uses. As mother and as wife, it is her -office to conduct the moral education of Humanity. -In order the more perfectly to fulfil this mission, -her life must be connected even more closely than -it has been with the Family. At the same time -she must participate, to the full extent that is -possible, in the general system of instruction.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Women’s privileges. -Their -mission is in -itself a privilege</div> - -<p>A few remarks on the privileges -which the fulfilment of this vocation -will bring, will complete this part of -my subject.</p> - -<p>Women’s mission is a striking illustration -of the truth that happiness consists in -doing the work for which we are naturally fitted. -That mission is always the same; it is summed -up in one word, Love. But Love is a work in -which there can never be too many workers; it -grows by co-operation; it has nothing to fear<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283">283</a></span> -from competition. Women are charged with the -education of Sympathy, the source of human -unity; and their highest happiness is reached -when they have the full consciousness of their -vocation, and are free to follow it. It is the -admirable feature of their social mission, that it -invites them to cultivate qualities which are -natural to them; to call into exercise emotions -which all allow to be the most pleasurable. All -that is required for them in a better organization -of society are certain improvements in their -external condition. They must be relieved from -out-door labour; and other means must be taken -to prevent their moral influence from being -impaired. Both objects are contemplated in the -material, intellectual, and moral ameliorations -which Positivism is destined to effect in female -life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">They will receive -honour -and worship -from men</div> - -<p>But besides the pleasure inherent in -their vocation, Positivism offers a -recompense for their services, which -Catholic Feudalism foreshadowed but -could not realize. As men become more and more -grateful for the blessing of their moral influence, -they will give expression to this feeling in a systematic -form. In a word the new doctrine will institute -the Worship of Woman, publicly and privately, -in a far more perfect way than has ever before -been possible. It is the first permanent step -towards the worship of Humanity; which, as the -concluding chapter of this introductory work will -show, is the central principle of Positivism, viewed -either as a Philosophy or as a Polity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Development -of mediaeval -chivalry</div> - -<p>Our ancestors in chivalrous times -made noble efforts in this direction, -which, except by women, are now no -longer appreciated. But these efforts, however -admirable, were inadequate; partly owing to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284">284</a></span> -military spirit of society in those times, partly -because their religious doctrines had not a sufficiently -social character. Nevertheless, they have -left memories which will not perish. The refinement -of life in Western Europe is in great part -due to them, although much of it is already -effaced by the anarchy of the present time.</p> - -<p>Chivalry, if we are to believe the negative philosophers -of the last century, can never revive; -because the religious beliefs with which it was -connected have become obsolete. But the connexion -was never very profound, and there is no -reason whatever for its continuance. Far too -much has been made of it by recent apologists -for Catholicism; who, while laying great stress -on the sanction which Theology gave to Chivalry, -have failed to appreciate the sympathies to which -this admirable institution is really due. The real -source of Chivalry lies most unquestionably in the -feudal spirit. Theological sanction for it was -afterwards sought for, as the only systematic -basis that offered itself at that time. But the -truth is that Theology and Chivalry were hardly -compatible. Theology fixed men’s thoughts upon -a visionary future; Chivalry concentrated his -energies upon the world around him. The knight -of the Middle Ages had always to choose between -his God and his Lady; and could therefore never -attain that concentrated unity of purpose, without -which the full result of his mission, so generously -undertaken, could never be realized.</p> - -<p>Placed as we are now, near the close of the -revolutionary period, we are beginning to see that -Chivalry is not destined to extinction; that, on -the contrary, when modern life has assumed its -normal character, its influence will be greater than -ever, because it will operate on a more pacific -society, and will be based on a more practical<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285">285</a></span> -religion. For Chivalry satisfies an essential want -of society, a want which becomes more urgent -as civilization advances; it institutes a voluntary -combination of the strong for the protection of -the weak. The period of transition from the -offensive military system of Rome to the defensive -system of Feudalism, was naturally the time of -its first appearance, and it received the sanction -of the religion then dominant. But society is now -entering upon a period of permanent peace; and -when this, the most striking political feature of -modern times, has become firmly established, -the influence of Chivalry will be greater than ever. -Its procedure will be different, because the modes -of oppression are happily not now what they -were formerly. The instruments of material -force are now not arms, but riches. It is no longer -the person that is attacked, but his means of subsistence. -The advantages of the change are -obvious: the danger is less serious, and protection -from it is easier and more effectual. But it will -always remain most desirable that protectors -should come forward, and that they should form -an organized association. The destructive instinct -will always show itself in various ways, wherever -there are the means of indulging it. And therefore -as an adjunct to the spiritual organization, -Positivism will encourage a systematic manifestation -of chivalrous feeling among the leaders of -industry. Those among them who feel animated -with the noble spirit of the heroes of the Middle -Ages, will devote not their sword, but their wealth, -their time, and, if need be, their whole energies to -the defence of the oppressed in all classes. The -objects of their generosity will principally be -found, as in the Middle Ages, among the classes -specially exposed to material suffering, that is to -say, among women, philosophers, and working<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286">286</a></span> -men. It would be strange indeed for a system -like Positivism, the main object of which is to -strengthen the social spirit, not to appropriate the -institution which is the noblest product of that -spirit.</p> - -<p>So far, then, the restoration of Chivalry is merely -a reconstruction of the mediaeval institution in a -shape adapted to the altered state of ideas and -feelings. In modern as in mediaeval times, devotion -of the strong to the weak follows as a -natural consequence from the subordination of -Politics to Morals. Now, as then, the spiritual -power will be nobly seconded by members of the -governing class in the attempt to bring that class -to a stricter sense of social duty. But besides -this, Feudal Chivalry had a deeper and more -special purpose in reference to women. And in -this respect the superiority of Positivism is even -more complete and obvious.</p> - -<p>Feudalism introduced for the first time the -worship of Woman. But in this it met with little -support from Catholicism, and was in many -respects thwarted by it. The habits of Christianity -were in themselves adverse to real tenderness of -heart; they only strengthened it indirectly, by -promoting one of the indispensable conditions of -true affection, purity of life. In all other respects -Chivalry was constantly opposed by the Catholic -system; which was so austere and anti-social, -that it could not sanction marriage except as an -infirmity which it was necessary to tolerate, but -which was hazardous to personal salvation. Even -its rules of purity, valuable as they were, were often -weakened by interested motives which seriously -impaired their value. Consequently, notwithstanding -all the noble and long-continued efforts -of our mediaeval ancestors, the institution of -the worship of Woman was very imperfectly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287">287</a></span> -effected, especially in its relation to public life. -Whatever Catholic apologists may say, there is -every reason to believe that if Feudalism could -have arisen before the decline of Polytheism, the -influence of Chivalry would have been greater.</p> - -<p>It was reserved for the more comprehensive -system of Positivism, in which sound practice is -always supported by sound theory, to give full -expression to the feeling of veneration for women. -In the new religion, tenderness of heart is looked -upon as the first of Woman’s attributes. But -purity is not neglected. On the contrary its true -source and its essential value, as the first condition -of happiness and of moral growth, are pointed out -more distinctly than before. The shallow and -sophistical views of marriage maintained in these -unsettled times by men of narrow minds and -coarse feelings, will be easily refuted by a more careful -study of human nature. Even the obstacles -presented by scientific materialism will rapidly -disappear before the spread of Positivist morality. -A physician of great sagacity, Hufeland, has -remarked, with truth, that the well-known vigour -of the knights of old times was a sufficient answer -to men who talked of the physical dangers of continence. -Positivism, dealing with this question -in all its aspects, teaches that while the primary -reason for insisting on purity is that it is essential -to depth of affection, it has as close a connexion -with the physical and intellectual improvement -of the individual and the race as with our moral -progress.</p> - -<p>Positivism then, as the whole tendency of this -chapter indicates, encourages, on intellectual as -well as on moral grounds, full and systematic -expression of the feeling of veneration for Women, -in public as well as in private life, collectively -as well as individually. Born to love and to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288">288</a></span> -loved, relieved from the burdens of practical life, -free in the sacred retirement of their homes, the -women of the West will receive from Positivists -the tribute of deep and sincere admiration which -their life inspires. They will feel no scruple in -accepting their position as spontaneous priestesses -of Humanity; they will fear no longer the rivalry -of a vindictive Deity. From childhood each of -us will be taught to regard their sex as the principal -source of human happiness and improvement, -whether in public life or in private.</p> - -<p>The treasures of affection which our ancestors -wasted upon mystical objects, and which these -revolutionary times ignore, will then be carefully -preserved and directed to their proper purpose. -The enervating influence of chimerical beliefs will -have passed away; and men in all the vigour of -their energies, feeling themselves the masters of -the known world, will feel it their highest happiness -to submit with gratitude to the beneficent power -of womanly sympathy. In a word, Man will -in those days kneel to Woman, and to Woman -alone.</p> - -<p>The source from which these reverential feelings -for the sympathetic sex proceed, is a clear appreciation -in the other sex of benefits received, and a -spirit of deep thankfulness for them. The Positivist -will never forget that moral perfection, the -primary condition of public and private happiness, -is principally due to the influence of Woman over -Man, first as mother, then as wife. Such a conviction -cannot fail to arouse feelings of loving -veneration for those with whom, from their position -in society, he is in no danger of rivalry in the -affairs of life. When the mission of woman is -better understood, and is carried out more fully, -she will be regarded by Man as the most perfect -impersonation of Humanity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289">289</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">The practice -of Prayer, so -far from disappearing, -is -purified and -strengthened -in Positive religion</div> - -<p>Originating in spontaneous feelings -of gratitude, the worship of Woman, -when it has assumed a more systematic -shape, will be valued for its own -sake as a new instrument of happiness -and moral growth. Inert as the tender -sympathies are in Man, it is most desirable to -strengthen them by such exercise as the public -and private institution of this worship will afford. -And here it is that Positivists will find all the -elevating influences which Catholicism derived -from Prayer.</p> - -<p>It is a common but very palpable error to -imagine that Prayer is inseparable from the chimerical -motives of self-interest in which it first -originated. In Catholicism there was always a -tendency to rise above these motives, so far at -least as the principles of theology admitted. -From St. Augustine downwards, all the nobler -spirits have felt more and more strongly, notwithstanding -the self-absorbing tendencies of Christian -doctrine, that Prayer did not necessarily imply -petition. When sounder views of human nature -have become prevalent, the value of this important -function will be more clearly appreciated; and it -will ultimately become of greater importance than -ever, because founded on a truer principle. In -the normal state of Humanity, the moral efficacy -of Prayer will no longer be impaired by thoughts -of personal recompense. It will be simply a -solemn out-pouring, whether in private or in public, -of men’s nobler feelings, inspiring them with larger -and more comprehensive thoughts. As a daily -practice, it is inculcated by Positivism as the -best preservative against the selfish and narrow -views which are so apt to arise in the ordinary -avocations of life. To men its value is even greater -than to women; their life being less favourable to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290">290</a></span> -large views and general sympathies, it is the more -important to revive them at regular periods.</p> - -<p>But Prayer would be of little value unless the -mind could form a clear conception of its object. -The worship of Woman satisfies this condition, -and is so far of greater efficacy than the worship -of God. True, the ultimate object of Positivist -Prayer, as shown in the concluding chapter of -this volume, is Humanity. But some of its best -moral effects would hardly be realized, if it were -at once and exclusively directed to an object so -difficult to conceive clearly. It is possible that -Women with their stronger sympathies may be -able to reach this stage without intermediate -steps. However this may be, men certainly -would not be able to do so; even the intellectual -class, with all its powers of generalization, would -find it impossible. The worship of Woman, begun -in private, and afterwards publicly celebrated, is -necessary in man’s case to prepare him for any -effectual worship of Humanity.</p> - -<p>No one can be so unhappy as not to be able to -find some woman worthy of his peculiar love, -whether in the relation of wife or of mother; some -one who in his solitary prayer may be present to -him as a fixed object of devotion. Nor will such -devotion, as might be thought, cease with death; -rather, when its object has been rightly chosen, -death strengthens it by making it more pure. The -principle upon which Positivism insists so strongly, -the union of the Present with the Past, and even -with the Future, is not limited to the life of Society. -It is a doctrine which unites all individuals and all -generations; and when it has become more familiar -to us, it will stimulate every one to call his dearest -memories to life; the spirit of the system being -that the private life of the very humblest citizen -has a close relation to his public duty. We all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291">291</a></span> -know how intellectual culture enables us to live -with our great predecessors of the Middle Ages -and of Antiquity, almost as we should do with -absent friends. And if intellect can do so much, -will it not be far easier for the strong passion of -Love to effect this ideal resurrection? We have -already many instances where whole nations have -shown strong sympathies or antipathies to great -historical names, especially when their influence -was still sensibly felt. There is no reason why a -private life should not produce the same effect -upon those who have been brought into contact -with it. Moral culture has been conducted -hitherto on such unsatisfactory principles, that -we can hardly form an adequate notion of its -results when Positivism has regenerated it, and -has concentrated the affections as well as the -thoughts of Man upon human life. To live with -the dead is the peculiar privilege of Humanity, a -privilege which will extend as our conceptions -widen and our thoughts become more pure. Under -Positivism the impulse to it will become far -stronger, and it will be recognized as a systematic -principle in private as well as in public life. Even -the Future is not excluded from its application. -We may live with those who are not yet born; -a thing impossible only till a true theory of history -had arisen, of scope sufficient to embrace at one -glance the whole course of human destiny. There -are numberless instances to prove that the heart -of Man is capable of emotions which have no outward -basis, except what Imagination has supplied. -The familiar spirits of the Polytheist, the mystical -desires of the Monotheist, all point to a general -tendency in the Past, which, with our better -principles, we shall be able in the Future to direct -to a nobler and more real purpose. And thus -even those who may be so unfortunate as to have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292">292</a></span> -no special object of love need not, on that account, -be precluded from the act of worship: they may -choose from the women of the past some type -adapted to their own nature. Men of powerful imagination -might even form their own more perfect -ideal, and thus open out the path of the future. This, -indeed, is what was often done by the knights of -chivalrous times, simple and uninstructed as they -were. Surely then we, with our fuller understanding -and greater familiarity with the Past, should -be able to idealize more perfectly. But whether -the choice lie in the Past or in the Future, its -efficacy would be impaired unless it remained -constant to one object; and fixed principles, such -as Positivism supplies, are needed to check the -natural tendency to versatility of feeling.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The worship -of Woman a -preparation -for the worship -of Humanity</div> - -<p>I have dwelt at some length upon -the personal adoration of Woman under -its real or ideal aspects, because upon -it depends nearly all the moral value -of any public celebration. Public assemblage in -the temples of Humanity may strengthen and -stimulate feelings of devotion, but cannot originate -them. Unless each worshipper has felt in his own -person deep and reverential love for those to whom -our highest affections are due, a public service in -honour of women would be nothing but a repetition -of unmeaning formulas. But those whose daily -custom it has been to give expression to such feelings -in secret, will gain, by assembling together, -all the benefit of more intense and more exalted -sympathy. In my last letter to her who is for -ever mine, I said: ‘Amidst the heaviest anxieties -which Love can bring, I have never ceased to feel -that the one thing essential to happiness is that -the heart shall be always nobly occupied’.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> And -now that we are separated by Death, daily experience<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293">293</a></span> -confirms this truth, which is moreover in -exact accordance with the Positive theory of -human nature. Without personal experience of -Love no public celebration of it can be sincere.</p> - -<p>In its public celebration the superiority of the -new Religion is even more manifest than in the -private worship. A system in which the social -spirit is uniformly preponderant, is peculiarly -adapted to render homage for the social services -of the sympathetic sex. When the knights of the -Middle Ages met together, they might give vent -to their personal feelings, and express to one another -the reverence which each felt for his own mistress; -but farther than this they could not go. And such -personal feelings will never cease to be necessary. -Still the principal object of public celebration is -to express gratitude on the part of the people for -the social blessings conferred by Woman, as the -organ of that element in our nature on which its -unity depends, and as the original source of -moral power. In the Middle Ages such considerations -were impossible, for want of a rational theory -embracing the whole circle of social relations. -Indeed the received faith was incompatible with -any such conception, since God in that faith -occupied the place really due to Humanity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Exceptional -women. Joan -of Arc</div> - -<p>There are women whose career has -been altogether exceptional; and -these, like the rest, meet with their -due tribute of praise in the Positive system. The -chief motive, doubtless, for public and private -veneration is the mission of sympathy, which is -Woman’s peculiar vocation. But there have -been remarkable instances of women whose life -has been one of speculation, or even, what is in -most cases still more foreign to their nature, of -political activity. They have rendered real -service to Humanity, and they should receive the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294">294</a></span> -honour that is due to them. Theology, from its -absolute character, could not make such concessions; -they would have weakened the efficiency -of its most important social rules. Consequently, -Catholicism was compelled, though at first with -sincere regret, to leave some of the noblest women -without commemoration. A signal instance is the -Maid of Orleans, whose heroism saved France in -the fifteenth century. Our great king Louis XI -applied very properly to the Pope for her canonization, -and no objection was made to his request. -Yet, practically, it was never carried into effect. -It was gradually forgotten; and the clergy soon -came to feel a sort of dislike to her memory, which -reminded them of nothing but their own social -weakness. It is easy to account for this result; -nor is any one really to blame for it. It was feared, -not without reason, that to consider Joan of Arc as -a saint might have the effect of spreading false -and dangerous ideas of feminine duty. The difficulty -was insuperable for any absolute system, -in which to sanction the exception is to compromise -the rule. But in a relative system the case is -different. It is even more inconsistent with -Positive principles than it is with Catholic, for -women to lead a military life, a life which of all -others is the least compatible with their proper -functions. And yet Positivists will be the first to -do justice to this extraordinary heroine, whom -theologians have been afraid to recognize, and -whom metaphysicians, even in France, have had -the hardihood to insult. The anniversary of her -glorious martyrdom will be a solemn festival, not -only for France, but for Western Europe. For her -work was not merely of national importance: -the enslavement of France would have involved -the loss of all the influence which France has -exercised as the centre of the advanced nations<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295">295</a></span> -of Europe. Moreover, as none of them are altogether -clear from the disgrace of detracting, as -Voltaire has done, from her character, all should -aid in the reparation of it which Positivism proposes -to institute. So far from her apotheosis -having an injurious effect on female character, -it will afford an opportunity of pointing out the -anomalous nature of her career, and the rarity of -the conditions which alone could justify it. It is -a fresh proof of the advantages accruing to Morality -from the relative character of Positivism, which -enables it to appreciate exceptional cases without -weakening the rules.</p> - -<p>The subject of the worship of Woman by Man -raises a question of much delicacy; how to satisfy -the analogous feelings of devotion in the other -sex. We have seen its necessity for men as an -intermediate step towards the worship of Humanity; -and women, stronger though their sympathies are, -stand, it may be, in need of similar preparation. -Yet certainly the direction taken should be somewhat -different. What is wanted is that each sex -should strengthen the moral qualities in which it -is naturally deficient. Energy is a characteristic -feature of Humanity as well as Sympathy; as is -well shown by the double meaning of the word -<em>Heart</em>. In Man Sympathy is the weaker element, -and it requires constant exercise. This he gains -by expression of his feelings of reverence for Woman. -In Woman, on the other hand, the defective quality -is Energy; so that, should any special preparation -for the worship of Humanity be needed, it should -be such as to strengthen courage rather than sympathy. -But my sex renders me incompetent to -enter farther into the secret wants of Woman’s -heart. Theory indicates a blank hitherto unnoticed, -but does not enable me to fill it. It is a -problem for women themselves to solve; and I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296">296</a></span> -had reserved it for my noble colleague, for whose -premature death I would fain hope that my own -grief may one day be shared by all.</p> - -<p>Throughout this chapter I have been keenly -sensible of the philosophic loss resulting from our -objective separation. True, I have been able to -show that Positivism is a matter of the deepest -concern to women, since it incorporates them in -the progressive movement of modern times. I -have proved that the part allotted to them in this -movement is one which satisfies their highest -aspirations for the Family or for Society. And yet -I can hardly hope for much support from them -until some woman shall come forward to interpret -what I have said into language more adapted to -their nature and habits of thought. Till then it -will always be taken for granted that they are -incapable even of understanding the new philosophy, -notwithstanding all the natural affinities for -it which I have shown that they possess.</p> - -<p>All these difficulties had been entirely removed -by the noble and loving friend to whom I dedicate -the treatise to which this work is introductory. -The dedication is unusual in form, and some may -think it overstrained. But my own fear is rather, -now that five years have past, that my words -were too weak for the deep gratitude which I -now feel for her elevating influence. Without -it the moral aspects of Positivism would have lain -very long latent.</p> - -<p>Clotilde de Vaux was gifted equally in mind and -heart: and she had already begun to feel the -power of the new philosophy to raise feminine -influence from the decline into which it had fallen, -under the revolutionary influences of modern times. -Misunderstood everywhere, even by her own -family, her nature was far too noble for bitterness. -Her sorrows were as exceptional as they were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297">297</a></span> -undeserved; but her purity was even more rare -than her sorrow; and it preserved her unscathed -from all sophistical attacks on marriage, even -before the true theory of marriage had come before -her. In the only writing which she published<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a>, -there is a beautiful remark, which to those who -know the history of her life is deeply affecting: -‘Great natures should always be above bringing -their sorrows upon others’. In this charming -story, written before she knew anything of Positivism, -she expressed herself most characteristically on -the subject of Woman’s vocation: ‘Surely the -true sphere of Woman is to provide Man with -the comforts and delights of home, receiving in -exchange from him the means of subsistence earned -by his labours. I would rather see the mother of -a poor family washing her children’s linen, than -see her earning a livelihood by her talents away -from home. Of course I do not speak of women -of extraordinary powers whose genius leads them -out of the sphere of domestic duty. Such natures -should have free scope given to them: for great -minds are kindled by the exhibition of their -powers’. These words coming from a young lady -distinguished no less for beauty than for worth, -showed her antipathy to the subversive ideas so -prevalent in the present day. But in a large -work which she did not live to finish, she had -intended to refute the attacks upon marriage, -contained in the works of George Sand, to whom -she was intellectually no less than morally superior. -Her nature was of rare endowment, moved by -noble impulse, and yet allowing its due influence -to reason. When she was beginning to study -Positivism she wrote to me: ‘No one knows better -than myself how weak our nature is unless it has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298">298</a></span> -some lofty aim beyond the reach of passion’. A -short time afterwards, writing with all the graceful -freedom of friendship, she let fall a phrase of deep -meaning, almost unawares: ‘Our race is one -which must have duties, in order to form its -feelings’.</p> - -<p>With such a nature my Saint Clotilde was, as -may be supposed, fully conscious of the moral -value of Positivism, though she had only one year -to give to its study. A few months before her -death, she wrote to me: ‘If I were a man, I -should be your enthusiastic disciple; as a woman, -I can but offer you my cordial admiration’. In -the same letter she explains the part which she -proposed to take in diffusing the principles of the -new philosophy: ‘It is always well for a woman -to follow modestly behind the army of renovators, -even at the risk of losing a little of her own originality’. -She describes our intellectual anarchy in -this charming simile: ‘We are all standing as yet -with one foot in the air over the threshold of -truth’.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">It is for women -to introduce -Positivism -into the -Southern nations</div> - -<p>With such a colleague, combining as -she did qualities hitherto shared -amongst the noblest types of womanhood, -it would have been easy to -induce her sex to co-operate in the -regeneration of society. For she gave a perfect -example of that normal reaction of Feeling upon -Reason which has been here set forward as the -highest aim of Woman’s efforts. When she had -finished the important work on which she was -engaged, I had marked out for her a definite yet -spacious field of co-operation in the Positivist -cause: a field which her intellect and character -were fully competent to occupy. I mention it -here, to illustrate the mode in which women may -help to spread Positivism through the West;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299">299</a></span> -giving thus the first example of the social influence -which they will afterwards exert permanently. -What I say has special reference to Italy and to -Spain. In other countries it only applies to individuals -who, though living in an atmosphere of free -thought, have not themselves ventured to think -freely. Success in this latter case is so frequent, -as to make me confident that the agencies of which -I am about to speak may be applied collectively -with the same favourable result.</p> - -<p>The intellectual freedom of the West began in -England and Germany; and it had all the dangers -of original efforts for which at that time no systematic -basis could be found. With the legal establishment -of Protestantism, the metaphysical -movement stopped. Protestantism, by consolidating -it, seriously impeded subsequent progress, -and is still, in the countries where it prevails, the -chief obstacle to all efficient renovation. Happily -France, the normal centre of Western Europe, -was spared this so-called Reformation. She made -up for the delay, by passing at one stride, under -the impulse given by Voltaire, to a state of entire -freedom of thought; and thus resumed her natural -place as leader of the common movement of social -regeneration. But the French while escaping the -inconsistencies and oscillations of Protestantism, -have been exposed to all the dangers resulting -from unqualified acceptance of revolutionary -metaphysics. Principles of systematic negation -have now held their ground with us too long. -Useful as they once were in preparing the way for -social reconstruction, they are now a hindrance -to it. It may be hoped that when the movement -of free thought extends, as it assuredly will, to the -two Southern nations, where Catholicism has been -more successful in resisting Protestantism and -Deism, it will be attended with less injurious consequences.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300">300</a></span> -If France was spared the Calvinistic -stage, there seems no reason why Italy and even -Spain should not be spared Voltairianism. As a -compensation for this apparent stagnation, they -might pass at once from Catholicism to Positivism, -without halting for any length of time at the -negative stage. These countries could not have -originated the new philosophy, owing to their -insufficient preparation; but as soon as it has -taken root in France, they will probably accept -it with extreme rapidity. Direct attacks upon -Catholicism will not be necessary. The new -religion will simply put itself into competition -with the old by performing in a better way the -same functions that Catholicism fulfils now, or -has fulfilled in past times.</p> - -<p>All evidence, especially the evidence of the poets, -goes to prove that before Luther’s time, there was -less belief in the South of Europe, certainly less -in Italy, than in the North. And Catholicism, -with all its resistance to the progress of thought, -has never been able really to revive the belief in -Christianity. We speak of Italy and Spain as -less advanced; but the truth is that they only -cling to Catholicism because it satisfies their moral -and social wants better than any system with which -they are acquainted. Morally they have more -affinity to Positivism than other nations; because -their feelings of fraternity have not been weakened -by the industrial development which has done so -much harm in Protestant countries. Intellectually, -too, they are less hostile to the primary -principle of Positive Polity; the separation of -spiritual and temporal power. And therefore -they will welcome Positivism as soon as they see -that in all essential features it equals and surpasses -the mediaeval church. Now as this question is -almost entirely a moral one, their convictions in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301">301</a></span> -this respect will depend far more upon Feeling -than upon argument. Consequently, the work of -converting them to Positivism is one for which -women are peculiarly adapted. Positivism has -been communicated to England by men. Holland, -too, which has been the vanguard of Germany -ever since the Middle Ages has been initiated in -the same way still more efficiently. But its introduction -in Italy and Spain will depend upon the -women of those countries; and the appeal to them -must come, not from a Frenchman, but from a -Frenchwoman; for heart must speak to heart. -Would that these few words might enable others -to appreciate the inestimable worth of the colleague -whom I had intended to write such an -appeal; and that they might stimulate some one -worthy to take her place!</p> - -<p>Already, then, there is ground for encouragement. -Already we have one striking instance of a -woman ready to co-operate in the philosophical -movement, which assigns to her sex a mission of -the highest social consequence as the prelude to -the function for which in the normal state they -are destined. Such an instance, though it may -seem now exceptional, does but anticipate what -will one day be universal. Highly gifted natures -pass through the same phases as others; only they -undergo them earlier, and so become guides -for the rest. The sacred friend of whom I speak -had nothing that specially disposed her to accept -Positivism, except the beauty of her mind and -character, prematurely ripened by sorrow. Had -she been an untaught working woman, it would -perhaps have been still easier for her to grasp the -general spirit of the new philosophy and its social -purpose.</p> - -<p>The result of this chapter is to show the affinity -of the systematic element of the modifying power,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302">302</a></span> -as represented by philosophers, with women who -form its sympathetic element; an affinity not -less close than that with the people, who constitute -its synergic element. The organization of moral -force is based on the alliance of philosophers with -the people; but the adhesion of women is necessary -to its completion. With the union of all three, -the regeneration of society begins, and the revolution -is brought to a close. But more than this: -their union is at once an inauguration of the final -order of society. Each of these three elements -will be acting as it will be called upon to act in -the normal state, and will be occupying its permanent -position relatively to the temporal power. -The philosophic class whose work it is to combine -the action of the other two classes, will find valuable -assistance from women in every family, as well as -powerful co-operation from the people in every city.</p> - -<p>The result will be a union of all who are precluded -from political administration, instituted -for the purpose of judging all practical measures -by the fixed rules of universal morality. Exceptional -cases will arise when moral influence is -insufficient: in these it will be necessary for -the people to interfere actively. But philosophers -and women are dispensed from such -interference. Direct action would be most -injurious to their powers of sympathy or of -thought. They can only preserve these powers -by keeping clear of all positions of political -authority.</p> - -<p>But while the moral force resulting from the -combined action of women and of the people, -will be more efficient than that of the Middle Ages, -the systematic organs of that force will find their -work one of great difficulty. High powers of -intellect are required and a heart worthy of such -intellect. To secure the support of women, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303">303</a></span> -the co-operation of the people, they must have -the sympathy and purity of the first, the energy -and disinterestedness of the second. Such natures -are rare; yet without them the new spiritual -power cannot obtain that ascendancy over society -to which Positivism aspires. And with all the -agencies, physical or moral, which can be brought -to bear, we shall have to acknowledge that the -exceeding imperfections of human nature form -an eternal obstacle to the object for which Positivism -strives, the victory of social sympathy over -self-love.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304">304</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V<br /> - -<span class="subhead">THE RELATION OF POSITIVISM TO ART</span></h2> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Positivism -when complete -is as favourable -to imagination, -as, when incomplete, -it -was unfavourable -to it</div> - -<p>The essential principles and the social -purpose of the only philosophy by -which the revolution can be brought -to a close, are now before us. We have -seen too that energetic support from -the People and cordial sympathy from -Women are necessary to bring this philosophic -movement to a practical result. One further -condition yet remains. The view here taken of -human life as regenerated by this combination of -efforts, would be incomplete if it did not include -an additional element, with which Positivism, as -I have now to show, is no less competent to deal. -We have spoken already of the place which Reason -occupies in our nature; its function being to subordinate -itself to Feeling for the better guidance -of the Active powers. But in the normal state -of our nature it has also another function; that of -regulating and stimulating Imagination, without -yielding passive obedience to it. The esthetic -faculties are far too important to be disregarded -in the normal state of Humanity; therefore they -must not be omitted from the system which aims -to introduce that state. There is a strong but -groundless prejudice that in this respect at least -Positivism will be found wanting. Yet it furnishes, -as may readily be shown, the only true<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305">305</a></span> -foundation of modern Art, which, since the -Middle Ages, has been cultivated without fixed -principles or lofty purpose.</p> - -<p>The reproach that Positivism is incompatible -with Art arises simply from the fact that almost -every one is in the habit of confounding the philosophy -itself with the scientific studies on which -it is based. The charge only applies to the positive -spirit in its preliminary phase of disconnected -specialities, a phase which scientific men of the -present day are making such mischievous efforts -to prolong. Nothing can be more fatal to the -fine arts than the narrow views, the overstraining -of analysis, the abuse of the reasoning faculty, -which characterize the scientific investigation of -the present day; to say nothing of their injurious -effects upon moral progress, the first condition of -esthetic development. But all these defects -necessarily disappear when the Positive spirit -becomes more comprehensive and systematic; -which is the case as soon as it embraces the higher -subjects in the encyclopædic scale of sciences. -When it reaches the study of Society, which is its -true and ultimate sphere, it has to deal with the -conceptions of Poetry, as well as with the operations -of Feeling: since its object must then be to -give a faithful and complete representation of -human nature under its individual, and still more -under its social, aspects. Hitherto Positive science -has avoided these two subjects: but their charm -is such that, when the study of them has been -once begun, it cannot fail to be prosecuted with -ardour; and their proper place in the constitution -of Man and of Society will then be recognized. -Reason has been divorced for a long time from -Feeling and Imagination. But, with the more -complete and systematic culture here proposed, -they will be re-united.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306">306</a></span></p> - -<p>To those who have studied the foregoing chapters -with attention, the view that the new philosophy -is unfavourable to Art, will be obviously -unjust. Supposing even that there were no important -functions specially assigned to the fine arts -in the Positive system, yet indirectly, the leading -principles of the system, its social purpose, and -the influences by which it is propagated, are all -most conducive to the interests of Art. To -demonstrate, as Positivism alone of all philosophies -has done, the subordination of the intellect to -the heart, and the dependence of the unity of -human nature upon Feeling, is to stimulate the -esthetic faculties, because Feeling is their true -source. To propound a social doctrine by which -the Revolution is brought to a close, is to remove -the principal obstacle to the growth of Art, and -to open a wide field and a firm foundation for it, -by establishing fixed principles and modes of life; -in the absence of which Poetry can have nothing -noble to narrate or to inspire. To exhort the -working classes to seek happiness in calling their -moral and mental powers into constant exercise, -and to give them an education, the principal basis -of which is esthetic, is to place Art under the protection -of its natural patrons.</p> - -<p>But one consideration is of itself sufficient for -our purpose. We have but to look at the influence -of Positivism upon Women, at its tendency to -elevate the social dignity of their sex, while at -the same time strengthening all family ties. Now -of all the elements of which society is constituted, -Woman certainly is the most esthetic, alike -from her nature and her position; and both her -position and her nature are raised and strengthened -by Positivism. We receive from women, not only -our first ideas of Goodness, but our first sense of -Beauty; for their own sensibility to it is equalled<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307">307</a></span> -by their power of imparting it to others. We see -in them every kind of beauty combined; beauty -of mind and character as well as of person. All -their actions, even those which are unconscious, -exhibit a spontaneous striving for ideal perfection. -And their life at home, when free from the necessity -of labouring for a livelihood, favours this tendency. -Living as they do for affection, they cannot fail -to feel aspirations for all that is highest, in the -world around them first, and then also in the world -of imagination. A doctrine, then, which regards -women as the originators of moral influence -in society, and which places the groundwork of -education under their charge, cannot be suspected -of being unfavourable to Art.</p> - -<p>Leaving these prejudices, we may now examine -the mode in which the incorporation of Art into -the modern social system will be promoted by -Positivism. In the first place systematic principles -of Art will be laid down, and its proper function -clearly defined. The result of this will be to call -out new and powerful means of expression, and -also new organs. I may observe that the position -which Art will occupy in the present movement of -social regeneration is already an inauguration of -its final function; as we saw in the analogous -cases of the position of women and of the working -classes.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Esthetic talent -is for the -adornment of -life, not for its -government</div> - -<p>But before touching on this question -it will be well to rectify a prevalent -misconception on the subject, one of -the many consequences of our mental -and moral anarchy. I refer to the exaggeration -of the influence of Art; an error which, if uncorrected, -would vitiate all our views with regard to it.</p> - -<p>All poets of real genius, from Homer to Corneille, -have always considered their work to be that of -beautifying human life, and so far, of elevating<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308">308</a></span> -it. Government of human life they had never -supposed to fall within their province. Indeed no -sane man would lay it down as a proposition that -Imagination should control the other mental faculties. -It would imply that the normal condition of -the intellect was insanity; insanity being definable -as that state of mind in which subjective inspirations -are stronger than objective judgments. It -is a static law of our nature, which has never been -permanently suspended, that the faculties of -Representation and Expression should be subordinate -to those of Conception and Co-ordination. -Even in cerebral disturbances the law holds good. -The relation with the external world is perverted, -but the original correlation of the internal mental -functions remains unaffected.</p> - -<p>The foolish vanity of the later poets of antiquity -led some of them into errors much resembling -those which now prevail on this point. Still in -Polytheistic society artists were at no time looked -upon as the leading class, notwithstanding the -esthetic character of Greek and Roman religion. -If proofs were necessary, Homer’s poems, especially -the Odyssey, would show how secondary the -influence of the fine arts was upon society, even -when the priesthood had ceased to control them. -Plato’s Utopia, written when Polytheism was in -its decline, represented a state in which the interference -of poets was systematically prevented. -Mediaeval Monotheism was still less disposed to -overrate the importance of Art, though its true -value was recognized more generally than it -had ever been before. But with the decline of -Catholicism, germs of errors showed themselves, -from which even the extraordinary genius of -Dante was not free. The revolutionary influences -of the last five centuries have developed these -errors into the delirium of self-conceit exhibited<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309">309</a></span> -by the poets and literary men of our time. Theology -having arrived at its extreme limits before any -true conception of the Positive state could arise, -the negative condition of the Western Republic -became aggravated to an unheard-of extent. -Rules and institutions, which had formerly controlled -the most headstrong ambition, fell rapidly -into discredit. And as the principles of social -order disappeared, artists and especially poets, -the leading class among them, stimulated by the -applause which they received from their uninstructed -audience, fell into the error of seeking -political influence. Incompatible as all mere -criticism must be with true poetry, modern Art since -the fourteenth century has participated more and -more actively in the destruction of the old system. -Until, however, Negativism had received its distinct -shape and character from the revolutions -of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the -influence of Art for destructive purposes was -secondary to that exercised by metaphysicians -and legists. But in the eighteenth century, when -negativism began to be propagated boldly in a -systematic form, the case was changed, and -literary ambition asserted itself more strongly. -The speculative thinkers who had hitherto formed -the vanguard of the destructive movement, were -replaced by mere litterateurs, men whose talents -were of a poetical rather than philosophical kind, -but who had, intellectually speaking, no real -vocation. When the crisis of the Revolution came, -this heterogeneous class took the lead in the movement, -and naturally stepped into all political -offices; a state of things which will continue until -there is a more direct and general movement of -reorganization.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The political -influence of -literary men a -deplorable sign -and source of -anarchy</div> - -<p>This is the historical explanation, -and at the same time the refutation,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310">310</a></span> -of the subversive schemes so prevalent -in our time, of which the object is to -establish a sort of aristocracy of -literary pedants. Such day-dreams of unbridled -self-conceit find favour only with the metaphysical -minds who cannot sanction exceptional cases without -making them into an absolute rule. If philosophers -are to be excluded from political authority, -there is still greater reason for excluding poets. -The mental and moral versatility which makes -them so apt in reflecting the thoughts and feelings -of those around them, utterly unfits them for -being our guides. Their natural defects are such -as nothing but rigorous and systematic education -can correct; they are, therefore, certain to be peculiarly -prominent in times like these when deep convictions -of any kind are so rare. Their real vocation -is to assist the spiritual power as accessory -members; and this involves their renouncing all -ideas of government, even more strictly than -philosophers themselves. Philosophers, though -not themselves engaging in politics, are called upon -to lay down the principles of political action; but -the poet has very little to do with either. His -special function is to idealize and to stimulate; -and to do this well, he must concentrate his energies -exclusively upon it. It is a large and noble field, -amply sufficient to absorb men who have a real -vocation for it. Accordingly, in the great artist -of former times we see comparatively few traces -of this extravagant ambition. It comes before -us in a time when, owing to the absence of regular -habits of life and fixed convictions, art of the -highest order is impossible. The poets of our -time either have not realized or have mistaken -their vocation. When Society is again brought -under the influence of a universal doctrine, real -poetry will again become possible; and such men<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311">311</a></span> -as those we have been speaking of will turn their -energies in a different direction. Till then they -will continue to waste their efforts or to ruin their -character in worthless political agitation, a state -of things in which mediocrity shines and real -genius is left in the background.</p> - -<p>In the normal state of human nature, Imagination -is subordinate to Reason as Reason is to -Feeling. Any prolonged inversion of this natural -order is both morally and intellectually dangerous. -The reign of Imagination would be still more -disastrous than the reign of Reason; only that it is -even more incompatible with the practical conditions -of human life. But chimerical as it is, the mere -pursuit of it may do much individual harm by substituting -artificial excitement, and in too many -cases affectation of feeling, in the place of deep -and spontaneous emotion. Viewed politically, -nothing can be worse than this undue preponderance -of esthetic considerations caused by the -uncontrolled ambition of artists and litterateurs. -The true object of Art, which is to charm and -elevate human life, is gradually lost sight of. -By being held out as the aim and object of existence, -it degrades the artist and the public equally, -and is therefore certain to degenerate. It loses -all its higher tendencies, and is reduced either to -a sensuous pleasure, or to a mere display of technical -skill. Admiration for the arts, which, when -kept in its proper place, has done so much for -modern life, may become a deeply corrupting -influence, if it becomes the paramount consideration. -It is notorious what an atrocious custom -prevailed in Italy for several centuries, simply -for the sake of improving men’s voices. Art, the -true purpose of which is to strengthen our sympathies, -leads when thus degraded to a most abject -form of selfishness; in which enjoyment of sounds<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312">312</a></span> -or forms is held out as the highest happiness, and -utter apathy prevails as to all questions of social -interest. So dangerous is it intellectually, and -still more so morally, for individuals, and above -all, for societies to allow esthetic considerations -to become unduly preponderant; even when they -spring from a genuine impulse. But the invariable -consequence to which this violation of the first -principles of social order leads, is the success of -mediocrities who acquire technical skill by long -practice.</p> - -<p>Thus it is that we have gradually fallen under -the discreditable influence of men who were -evidently not competent for any but subordinate -positions, and whose preponderance has proved -as injurious to Art as it has been to Philosophy -and Morality. A fatal facility of giving expression -to what is neither believed nor felt, gives -temporary reputation to men who are as incapable -of originality in Art as they are of grasping any new -principle in science. It is the most remarkable -of all the political anomalies caused by our revolutionary -position; and the moral results are most -deplorable, unless when, as rarely happens, the -possessor of these undeserved honours has a nature -too noble to be injured by them. Poets are more -exposed to these dangers than other artists, because -their sphere is more general and gives wider scope -for ambition. But in the special arts we find the -same evil in a still more degrading form; that of -avarice, a vice by which so much of our highest -talent is now tainted. Another signal proof of -the childish vanity and uncontrolled ambition -of the class is, that those who are merely interpreters -of other men’s productions claim the -same title as those who have produced original -works.</p> - -<p>Such are the results of the extravagant pretensions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313">313</a></span> -which artists and literary men have gradually -developed during the last five centuries. I have -dwelt upon them because they constitute at present -serious impediments to all sound views of the -nature and purposes of Art. My strictures will -not be thought too severe by really esthetic -natures, who know from personal experience how -fatal the present system is to all talent of a high -order. Whatever the outcry of those personally -interested, it is certain that in the true interest -of Art the suppression of mediocrity is at least as -important as the encouragement of talent. True -taste always implies distaste. The very fact that -the object is to foster in us the sense of perfection, -implies that all true connoisseurs will feel a thorough -dislike for feeble work. Happily there is this -privilege in all masterpieces, that the admiration -aroused by them endures in its full strength for -all time; so that the plea which is often put forward -of keeping up the public taste by novelties -which in reality injure it, falls to the ground. To -mention my own experience, I may say that for -thirteen years I have been induced alike from -principle and from inclination, to restrict my -reading almost entirely to the great Occidental -poets, without feeling the smallest curiosity for -the works of the day which are brought out in such -mischievous abundance.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Theory of -Art</div> - -<p>Guarding ourselves, then, against -errors of this kind, we may now proceed -to consider the esthetic character of Positivism. -In the first place, it furnishes us with a -satisfactory theory of Art; a subject which has -never been systematically explained; all previous -attempts to do so, whatever their value, having -viewed the subject incompletely. The theory here -offered is based on the subjective principle of the -new philosophy, on its objective dogma, and on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314">314</a></span> -its social purpose; as set forward in the two first -chapters of this work.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Art is the -idealized representation -of Fact</div> - -<p>Art may be defined as an ideal -representation of Fact; and its object -is to cultivate our sense of perfection. -Its sphere therefore is co-extensive with -that of Science. Both deal in their own way with -the world of Fact; the one explains it, the other -beautifies it. The contemplations of the artist -and of the man of science follow the same encyclopædic -law; they begin with the simple objects -of the external world; they gradually rise to the -complicated facts of human nature. I pointed -out in the second chapter that the scientific scale, -the scale, that is, of the True, coincided with that -of the Good: we now see that it coincides with -that of the Beautiful. Thus between these three -great creations of Humanity, Philosophy, Polity, -and Poetry, there is the most perfect harmony. -The first elements of Beauty, that is to say, Order -and Magnitude, are visible in the inorganic world, -especially in the heavens; and they are there perceived -with greater distinctness than where the -phenomena are more complex and less uniform. -The higher degrees of Beauty will hardly be -recognized by those who are insensible to this its -simplest phase. But as in Philosophy we only -study the inorganic world as a preliminary to the -study of Man; so, but to a still greater extent, is -it with Poetry. In Polity the tendency is similar -but less apparent. Here we begin with material -progress; we proceed to physical and subsequently -to intellectual progress; but it is long before we -arrive at the ultimate goal, moral progress. Poetry -passes more rapidly over the three preliminary -stages, and rises with less difficulty to the -contemplation of moral beauty. Feeling, then, -is essentially the sphere of Poetry. And it supplies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315">315</a></span> -not the end only, but the means. Of all the -phenomena which relate to man, human affections -are the most modifiable, and therefore the most -susceptible of idealization. Being more imperfect -than any other, by virtue of their higher complexity, -they allow greater scope for improvement. -Now the act of expression, however imperfect, -reacts powerfully upon these functions, which -from their nature are always seeking some external -vent. Every one recognizes the influence of -language upon thoughts: and surely it cannot be -less upon feelings, since in them the need of -expression is greater. Consequently all esthetic -study, even if purely imitative, may become a useful -moral exercise, by calling sympathies and antipathies -into healthy play. The effect is far greater -when the representation, passing the limits of -strict accuracy, is suitably idealized. This indeed -is the characteristic mission of Art. Its function -is to construct types of the noblest kind, by the -contemplation of which our feelings and thoughts -may be elevated. That the portraiture should be -exaggerated follows from the definition of Art; -it should surpass realities so as to stimulate us to -amend them. Great as the influence is of these -poetic emotions on individuals, they are far more -efficacious when brought to bear upon public life: -not only from the greater importance of the subject -matter, but because each individual impression -is rendered more intense by combination.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Poetry is intermediate -between -Philosophy -and -Polity</div> - -<p>Thus Positivism explains and confirms -the view ordinarily taken of -Poetry, by placing it midway between -Philosophy and Polity; issuing from -the first, and preparing the way for -the second.</p> - -<p>Even Feeling itself, the highest principle of our -existence, accepts the objective dogma of Philosophy,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316">316</a></span> -that Humanity is subject to the order of -the external world. And Imagination on still -stronger grounds must accept the same law. The -ideal must always be subordinate to the real; -otherwise feebleness as well as extravagance is the -consequence. The statesman who endeavours -to improve the existing order, must first study it -as it exists. And the poet, although his improvements -are but imagined, and are not supposed -capable of realization, must do likewise. True in -his fictions he will transcend the limits of the -possible, while the statesman will keep within -those limits; but both have the same point of -departure; both begin by studying the actual -facts with which they deal. In our artificial -improvements we should never aim at anything -more than wise modification of the natural order; -we should never attempt to subvert it. And -though Imagination has a wider range for its -pictures, they are yet subject to the same fundamental -law, imposed by Philosophy upon Polity -and Poetry alike. Even in the most poetic ages -this law has always been recognized, only the -external world was interpreted then in a way very -differently from now. We see the same thing -every day in the mental growth of the child. As -his notions of fact change, his fictions are modified -in conformity with these changes.</p> - -<p>But while Poetry depends upon Philosophy for -the principles on which its types are constructed, -it influences Polity by the direction which it gives -to those types. In every operation that man undertakes, -he must imagine before he executes, as he -must observe before he imagines. He can -never produce a result which he has not conceived -first in his own mind. In the simplest application -of mechanics or geometry he finds it necessary to -form a mental type, which is always more perfect<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317">317</a></span> -than the reality which it precedes and prepares. -Now none but those who confound poetry with -verse-making can fail to see that this conception -of a type is the same thing as esthetic imagination, -under its simplest and most general aspect. Its -application to social phenomena, which constitute -the chief sphere both of Art and of Science, is very -imperfectly understood as yet, and can hardly be -said to have begun, owing to the want of any true -theory of society. The real object of so applying -it is, that it should regulate the formation of social -Utopias; subordinating them to the laws of social -development as revealed by history. Utopias are -to the Art of social life what geometrical and -mechanical types are to their respective arts. In -these their necessity is universally recognized; -and surely the necessity cannot be less in problems -of such far greater intricacy. Accordingly we see -that, notwithstanding the empirical condition in -which political art has hitherto existed, every great -change has been ushered in, one or two centuries -beforehand, by an Utopia bearing some analogy -to it. It was the product of the esthetic genius -of Humanity working under an imperfect sense -of its conditions and requirements. Positivism, -far from laying an interdict on Utopias, tends -rather to facilitate their employment and -their influence, as a normal element in -society. Only, as in the case of all other products -of imagination, they must always remain subordinated -to the actual laws of social existence. -And thus by giving a systematic sanction to this -the Poetry, as it may be called, of Politics, most -of the dangers which now surround it will disappear. -Its present extravagances arise simply from the -absence of some philosophical principle to control -it, and therefore there is no reason for regarding -them with great severity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318">318</a></span></p> - -<p>The whole of this theory may be summed up -in the double meaning of the word so admirably -chosen to designate our esthetic functions. The -word <em>Art</em> is a remarkable instance of the popular -instinct from which language proceeds, and which -is far more enlightened than educated persons are -apt to suppose. It indicates, however vaguely, -a sense of the true position of Poetry, midway between -Philosophy and Polity, but with a closer -relation to the latter. True, in the case of the -technical arts the improvements proposed are -practically realized, while those of the fine arts -remain imaginary. Poetry, however, does produce -one result of an indirect but most essential kind; -it does actually modify our moral nature. If we -include oratory, which is only Poetry in a simpler -phase, though often worthless enough, we find its -influence exerted in a most difficult and critical -task, that of arousing or calming our passions; -and this not arbitrarily, but in accordance with the -fixed laws of their action. Here it has always been -recognized as a moral agency of great power. On -every ground, then, Poetry seems more closely -related to practical than to speculative life. For -its practical results are of the most important and -comprehensive nature. Whatever the utility of -other arts, material, physical, or intellectual, they -are only subsidiary or preparatory to that which -in Poetry is the direct aim, moral improvement. -In the Middle Ages it was common in all Western -languages to speak of it as a Science, the proper -meaning of the word Science being then very imperfectly -understood. But as soon as both artistic -and scientific genius had become more fully -developed, their distinctive features were more -clearly recognized, and finally the name of Art -was appropriated to the whole class of poetic functions. -The fact is, at all events, an argument in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319">319</a></span> -favour of the Positive theory of idealization, as -standing midway between theoretical inquiry and -practical result.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Art calls each -element of our -nature into -harmonious -action</div> - -<p>Evidently, then, it is in Art that -the unity of human natures finds its -most complete and most natural -representation. For Art is in direct -relation with the three orders of phenomena by -which human nature is characterized; Feelings, -Thoughts, and Actions. It originates in Feeling; -the proof of this is even more obvious than in the -case of Philosophy and Polity. It has its basis -in Thought, and its end is Action. Hence its -power of exerting an influence for good alike on -every phase of our existence, whether personal or -social. Hence too its peculiar attribute of giving -equal pleasure to all ranks and ages. Art invites -the thinker to leave his abstractions for the study -of real life; it elevates the practical man into a -region of thought where self-love has no place. -By its intermediate position it promotes the mutual -reaction of Affection and Reason. It stimulates -feeling in those who are too much engrossed with -intellectual questions: it strengthens the contemplative -faculty in natures where sympathy predominates. -It has been said of Art that its province -is to hold a mirror to nature. The saying is -usually applied to social life where its truth is most -apparent. But it is no less true of every aspect -of our existence; for under every aspect it may -be a source of Art, and may be represented and -modified by it. Turning to Biology for the cause -of this sociological relation, we find it in the relation -of the muscular and nervous systems. Our -motions, involuntary at first, and then voluntary, -indicate internal impressions, moral impressions -more especially; and as they proceed from them, -so they react upon them. Here we find the first<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320">320</a></span> -germ of a true theory of Art. Throughout the -animal kingdom language is simply gesticulation -of a more or less expressive kind. And with man -esthetic development begins in the same spontaneous -way.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Three stages -in the esthetic -process: Imitation, -Idealization, -Expression</div> - -<p>With this primary principle we -may now complete our statical theory -of Art, by indicating in it three distinct -degrees or phases. The fine arts have -been divided into imitative and inventive; -but this distinction has no real foundation. -Art always imitates, and always idealizes. True, -as the real is in every case the source of the ideal, -Art begins at first with simple Imitation. In the -childhood, whether of men or of the race, as also -with the lower animals, servile imitation, and that -of the most insignificant actions, is the only symptom -of esthetic capacity. No representation, however, -has at present any claim to the title of Art -(although from motives of puerile vanity the name -is often given to it), except so far as it is made more -beautiful, that is to say, more perfect. The representation -thus becomes in reality more faithful, -because the principal features are brought prominently -forward, instead of being obscured by a -mass of unmeaning detail. This it is which constitutes -Idealization; and from the time of the -great masterpieces of antiquity, it has become -more and more the characteristic feature of esthetic -productions. But in recognizing the superiority -of Idealization as the second stage of Art, we must -not forget the necessity of its first stage, Imitation. -Without it neither the origin nor the nature of Art -could be correctly understood.</p> - -<p>In addition to the creative process, which is the -chief characteristic of Art, there is a third function -which, though not absolutely necessary in its -imitative stage, becomes in its ideal stage. I mean<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321">321</a></span> -the function of Expression strictly so called, without -which the product of imagination could not -be communicated to others. Language, whether -it be the Language of sound or form, is the last -stage of the esthetic operation, and it does not -always bear a due proportion to the inventive -faculty. When it is too defective, the sublimest -creations may be ranked lower than they deserve, -owing to the failure of the poet to communicate -his thought completely. Great powers of style -may, on the other hand, confer unmerited reputation, -which however does not endure. An instance -of this is the preference that was given for so long -a time to Racine over Corneille.</p> - -<p>So long as Art is confined to Imitation, no special -language is required; imitation is itself the substitute -for language. But as soon as the representation -has become idealized by heightening some -features and suppressing or altering others, it -corresponds to something which exists only in -the mind of the composer; and its communication -to the world requires additional labour devoted -exclusively to Expression. In this final process so -necessary to the complete success of his work, the -poet moulds his signs upon his inward type; just -as he began at first by adapting them to external -facts. So far there is some truth in Grétry’s -principle that song is derived from speech by the -intermediate stage of declamation. The same -principle has been applied to all the special arts; -it might also be applied to Poetry, oratory being -the link between verse and prose. These views, -however, are somewhat modified by the historical -spirit of Positive Philosophy. We must invert -Grétry’s relation of cause and effect; at least when -we are considering those primitive times, when -Art and Language first arose together.</p> - -<p>The origin of all our faculties of expression is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322">322</a></span> -invariably esthetic; for we do not express till after -we have felt strongly. Feeling had, in primitive -times at all events, far more to do with these faculties -than Thought, being a far stronger stimulant -to external demonstration. Even in the most -highly wrought languages, where, in consequence -of social requirements, reason has to a great extent -encroached upon emotion, we see evidence of this -truth. There is a musical element in the most -ordinary conversation. Listening carefully to a -lecture on the most abstruse mathematical problem, -we shall hear intonations which proceed -obviously from the heart rather than the head, -and which are indications of character even in the -most unimpassioned speaker. Biology at once -explains this law, by teaching that the stimulus -to the muscles used in expression, whether vocal -or gesticulatory, comes principally from the -affective region of the brain; the specu-region -being too inert to produce muscular contraction -for which there is no absolute necessity. Accordingly, -Sociology regards every language as containing -in its primitive elements all that is spontaneous -and universal in the esthetic development -of Humanity; enough, that is, to satisfy the -general need of communicating emotion. In this -common field the special arts commence, and -they ultimately widen it. But the operation is -the same in its nature, whether carried on by popular -instinct or by individuals. The final result -is always more dependent on feeling than on reason, -even in times like these, when the intellect has -risen in revolt against the heart. Song, therefore, -comes before Speech; Painting before Writing; -because the first things we express are those which -move our feelings most. Subsequently the necessities -of social life oblige us to employ more frequently, -and ultimately to develop, those elements<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323">323</a></span> -in painting or in song, which relate to our practical -wants and to our speculative faculties so far as -they are required for supplying them; these forming -the topics of ordinary communication. Thus -the emotion from which the sign had originally -proceeded becomes gradually effaced; the practical -object is alone thought of, and expression becomes -more rapid and less emphatic. The process -goes on until at last the sign is supposed to have -originated in arbitrary convention; though, if -this were the case, its universal and spontaneous -adoption would be inexplicable. Such, then, is -the sociological theory of Language, on which I -shall afterwards dwell more fully. I connect it -with the whole class of esthetic functions, from -which in the lower animals it is not distinguished. -For no animal idealizes its song or gesture so far as -to rise to anything that can properly be called Art.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Classification -of the arts on -the principle -of decreasing -generality, and -increasing intensity</div> - -<p>To complete our examination of the -philosophy of Art, statically viewed, -we have now only to speak of the order -in which the various arts should be -classified. Placed as Art is, midway -between Theory and Practice, it is -classified on the same principle, the principle, -that is of decreasing generality, which I have long -ago shown to be applicable to all Positive classifications -of whatever kind. We have already obtained -from it a scale of the Beautiful, answering in most -points to that which was first laid down for the -True, and which we applied afterwards to the -Good. By following it in the present instance, we -shall be enabled to range the arts in the order of -their conception and succession, as was done in my -Treatise on Positive Philosophy for the various -branches of Science and Industry.</p> - -<p>The arts, then, should be classified by the -decreasing generality and the increasing intensity,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324">324</a></span> -which involves also increasing technicality, of -their modes of expression. In its highest term the -esthetic scale connects itself with the scientific -scale; and in its lowest with the industrial -scale. This is in conformity with the position -assigned to Art intermediate between Philosophy -and Practical life. Art never becomes disconnected -from human interests; but as it becomes less -general and more technical, its relation with our -higher attributes becomes less intimate, and it -is more dependent on inorganic Nature, so that -at last the kind of beauty depicted by it is merely -material.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Poetry</div> - -<p>On these principles of classification -we must give the first place to Poetry -properly so called, as being the most general and -least technical of the arts, and as being the basis -on which all the rest depend. The impressions -which it produces are less intense than those of the -rest, but its sphere is evidently wider, since it -embraces every side of our existence, whether individual, -domestic, or social. Poetry, like the -special arts, has a closer relation with actions and -impulses than with thoughts. Yet the most -abstract conceptions are not excluded from its -sphere; for not merely can it improve the language -in which they are expressed, but it may add to -their intrinsic beauty. It is, on the whole, the -most popular of all the arts, both on account of -its wider scope, and also because, its instruments -of expression being taken directly from ordinary -language, it is more generally intelligible than any -other. True, in the highest kind of poetry versification -is necessary; but this cannot be called a -special art. The language of Poetry, although -distinct in form, is in reality nothing but the language -of common men more perfectly expressed. -The only technical element in it, prosody, is easily<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325">325</a></span> -acquired by a few days’ practice. A proof of the -identity of the language of Poetry with that of -common life, is the fact that no poet has ever been -able to write with effect in a foreign or a dead -language. And not only is this noblest of Arts -more comprehensive, more spontaneous, more -popular than the rest, but it surpasses them in -that which is the characteristic feature of all art, -Ideality. Poetry is the art which idealizes the -most, and imitates the least. For these reasons -it has always held the first place among the arts; -a view which will be strengthened in proportion -as we attach greater importance to idealization and -less to mere expression. In expression it is inferior -to the other arts, which represent such subjects as -fall within their compass with greater intensity. -But it is from Poetry that these subjects are usually -borrowed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Music</div> - -<p>The first term of the series being -thus determined, the other arts may -at once be ranked according to the degree of their -affinity with Poetry. Let us begin by distinguishing -the different senses to which they appeal; and -we shall find that our series proceeds on the principle -which biologists, since Gall’s time, have -adopted for the classification of the special senses, -the principle of decreasing sociability. There -are only two senses which can be called esthetic; -namely, Sight and Hearing: the others having no -power of raising us to Idealization. The sense of -smell can, it is true, enable us to associate ideas; -but in man it exists too feebly for artistic effects. -Hearing and Sight correspond to the two modes of -natural language, voice and gesture. From the -first arises the art of Music; the second, which -however is less esthetic, includes the three arts of -form. These are more technical than Music; -their field is not so wide, and moreover they stand<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326">326</a></span> -at a greater distance from poetry; whereas Music -remained for a long time identified with it. Another -distinction is that the sense to which music -appeals performs its function involuntarily; and -this is one reason why the emotions which it calls -forth are more spontaneous and more deep, though -less definite, than in the case where it depends on -the will whether we receive the impression or not. -Again, the difference between them answers to -the distinction of Time and Space. The art of -sound represents succession; the arts of form, -co-existence. On all these grounds music should -certainly be ranked before the other special arts, -as the second term of the esthetic series. Its -technical difficulties are exaggerated by pedants, -whose interest it is to do so; in reality, special -training is less needed for its appreciation, and -even for its composition, than in the case of either -painting or sculpture. Hence it is in every respect -more popular and more social.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Painting<br /> -Sculpture<br /> -Architecture</div> - -<p>Of the three arts which appeal to the -voluntary sense of sight, and which -present simultaneous impressions, -Painting, on the same principle of arrangement, -holds the first rank, and Architecture the last; -Sculpture being placed between them. Painting -alone employs all the methods of visual expression, -combining the effects of colour with those of form. -Whether in public or private life, its sphere is -wider than that of the other two. More technical -skill is required in it than in music, and it is harder -to obtain; but the difficulty is less than in Sculpture -or in Architecture. These latter idealize -less, and imitate more. Of the two, Architecture -is the less esthetic. It is far more dependent on -technical processes; and indeed most of its productions -are rather works of industry than works -of art. It seldom rises above material beauty:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_327">327</a></span> -moral beauty it can only represent by artifices, of -which the meaning is often ambiguous. But the -impressions conveyed by it are so powerful and so -permanent, that it will always retain its place -among the fine arts, especially in the case of great -public buildings, which stand out as the most -imposing record of each successive phase of social -development. Never has the power of Architecture -been displayed to greater effect than in our magnificent -cathedrals, in which the spirit of the Middle -Ages has been idealized and preserved for posterity. -They exhibit in a most striking manner the property -which Architecture possesses of bringing all -the arts together into a common centre.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The conditions -favourable -to Art have -never yet been -combined</div> - -<p>These brief remarks will illustrate -the method adopted by the new -philosophy in investigating a systematic -theory of Art under all its statical -aspects. We have now to speak of its action -upon social life, whether in the final state of -Humanity, or in the transitional movement -through which that state is to be reached.</p> - -<p>The Positive theory of history shows us at once, -in spite of strong prejudices to the contrary, that -up to the present time the progress achieved by -Art has been, like that of Science and Industry, -only preparatory; the conditions essential to its -full development never having yet been combined.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Neither in -Polytheism</div> - -<p>Too much has been made of the -esthetic tendencies of the nations of -antiquity, owing to the free scope that was given -to Imagination in constructing their doctrines. In -fact Polytheism, now that the belief in its principles -exists no longer, has been regarded as simply a -work of art. But the long duration of its principles -would be sufficient proof that they were not -created by the poets, but that they emanated from -the philosophic genius of Humanity working spontaneously,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328">328</a></span> -as explained in my theory of human -development, in the only way that was then -possible. All that Art did for Polytheism was to -perform its proper function of clothing it in a more -poetic form. It is quite true that the peculiar -character of Polytheistic philosophy gave greater -scope for the development of Art than has been -afforded by any subsequent system. It is to this -portion of the theological period that we must -attribute the first steps of esthetic development, -whether in society or in the individual. Yet Art -was never really incorporated into the ancient order. -Its free growth was impossible so long as it remained -under the control of Theocracy, which made use -of it as an instrument, but which, from the stationary -character of its dogmas, shackled its operations. -Moreover, the social life of antiquity was highly -unfavourable to Art. The sphere of personal -feelings and domestic affections was hardly open -to it. Public life in ancient times had certainly -more vigorous and more permanent features, -and here there was a wider field. Yet even in -such a case as that of Homer, we feel that he would -hardly have spent his extraordinary powers upon -descriptions of military life, had there been nobler -subjects for his genius. The only grand aspect, -viewed socially, that war could offer, the system -of incorporation instituted by Rome after a succession -of conquests, could not then be foreseen. -When that period arrived, ancient history was -drawing to a close, and the only poetical tribute -to this nobler policy was contained in a few beautiful -lines of Virgil’s <cite>Æneid</cite>, ending with the remarkable -expression,</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Pacisque imponere morem,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">(Impose the law of peace.)<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329">329</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Nor under -the Mediaeval -system</div> - -<p>Mediaeval society, notwithstanding irrational -prejudices to the contrary, would have -been far more favourable to the fine -arts, could it have continued longer. I -do not speak, indeed, of its dogmas; which were -so incompatible with Art, as to lead to the strange -inconsistency of giving a factitious sanction to -Paganism in the midst of Christianity. By holding -personal and chimerical objects before us as the -end of life, Monotheism discouraged all poetry, -except so far as it related to our individual existence. -This, however, was idealized by the mystics, -whose beautiful compositions penetrated into -our inmost emotions, and wanted nothing but -greater perfection of form. All that Catholicism -effected for Art in other respects was to secure a -better position for it, as soon as the priesthood -became strong enough to counteract the intellectual -and moral defects of Christian doctrine. But the -social life of the Middle Ages was far more esthetic -than that of antiquity. War was still the prevailing -occupation; but by assuming a defensive character, -it had become far more moral, and therefore -more poetic. Woman had acquired a due measure -of freedom; and the free development of home -affections were thus no longer restricted. There -was a consciousness of personal dignity hitherto -unknown, and yet quite compatible with social -devotion, which elevated individual life in all its -aspects. All these qualities were summed up in -the noble institution of Chivalry; which gave a -strong stimulus to Art throughout Western Europe, -and diffused it more largely than in any former -period. This movement was in reality, though the -fact is not recognized as it should be, the source -of modern Art. The reason for its short duration -is to be found in the essentially transient and provisional -character of mediaeval society under all -its aspects. By the time that its language and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330">330</a></span> -habits had become sufficiently stable for the esthetic -spirit to produce works of permanent value, -Catholic Feudalism was already undermined by -the growing force of the negative movement. The -beliefs and modes of life offered for idealization -were seen to be declining: and neither the poet -nor his readers could feel those deep convictions -which the highest purposes of Art require.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Much less in -modern times</div> - -<p>During the decline of Chivalry, Art -received indirectly an additional impulse -from the movement of social decomposition -which has been going on rapidly for the last five -centuries. In this movement all mental and -social influences gradually participated. Negativism, -it is true, is not the proper province of Art; -but the dogmas of Christianity were so oppressive -to it, that its efforts to shake off the yoke were of -great service to the cause of general emancipation. -Dante’s incomparable work is a striking illustration -of this anomalous combination of two contradictory -influences. It was a situation unfavourable -for art, because every aspect of life was rapidly -changing and losing its character before there -was time to idealize it. Consequently the poet -had to create his own field artificially from ancient -history, which supplied him with those fixed and -definite modes of life which he could not find -around him. Thus it was that for several centuries -the Classical system became the sole source of esthetic -culture; the result being that Art lost much -of the originality and popularity which had previously -belonged to it. That great masterpieces -should have been produced at all under such -unfavourable circumstances is the best proof of -the spontaneous character of our esthetic faculties. -The value of the Classical system has been for -some time entirely exhausted; and now that the -negative movement has reached its extreme limits<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331">331</a></span> -there only remained one service (a service of great -temporary importance) for Art to render, the -idealization of Doubt itself. Such a phase of -course admitted of but short duration. The best -examples of it are the works of Byron and Goethe, -the principle value of which has been, that they -have initiated Protestant countries into the -unrestricted freedom of thought which emanated -originally from French philosophy.</p> - -<p>Thus history shows that the esthetic development -of Humanity has been the result of spontaneous -tendencies rather than of systematic guidance. -The mental conditions most favourable to it have -never been fulfilled simultaneously with its social -conditions. At the present time both are alike -wanting. Yet there is no evidence that our -esthetic faculties are on the decline. Not only -has the growth of art proceeded in spite of every -obstacle, but it has become more thoroughly incorporated -into the life of ordinary men. In ancient -times it was cultivated only by a small class. So -little was it recognized as a component part of -social organization, that it did not even enter into -men’s imaginary visions of a future existence. -But in the Middle Ages the simplest minds were -encouraged to cultivate the sense of beauty as one -of the purest delights of human life; and it was -held out as the principal occupation of the -celestial state. From that time all classes of -European society have taken an increasing interest -in these elevating pleasures, beginning with poetry, -and thence passing to the special arts, especially -music, the most social of all. The influence of -artists, even when they had no real claim to the -title, has been on the increase; until at last the -anarchy of the present time has introduced them -to political power, for which they are utterly -unqualified.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332">332</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Under Positivism -the conditions -will all -be favourable. -There will be -fixed principles, -and a nobler -moral culture</div> - -<p>All this would seem to show that -the greatest epoch of Art has yet to -come. In this respect, as in every other, -the Past has but supplied the necessary -materials for future reconstruction. -What we have seen as yet is but a -spontaneous and immature prelude; -but in the manhood of our moral and mental -powers, the culture of Art will proceed on principles -as systematic as the culture of Science and -of Industry, both of which at present are similarly -devoid of organization. The regeneration of society -will be incomplete until Art has been fully incorporated -into the modern order. And to this -result all our antecedents have been tending. To -renew the esthetic movement so admirably begun -in the Middle Ages, but interrupted by classical -influences, will form a part of the great work which -Positivism has undertaken, the completion and re-establishment -of the Mediaeval structure upon a -firmer intellectual basis. And when Art is once -restored to its proper place, its future progress will -be unchecked, because, as I shall now proceed to -show, all the influences of the final order, spontaneous -or systematic, will be in every respect -favourable to it. If this can be made clear, the -poetic capabilities of Positive Philosophy will -require no further proof.</p> - -<p>As being the only rallying point now possible -for fixed convictions, without which life can have -no definite or permanent character, Positivism -is on this ground alone indispensable to all further -development of modern Art. If the poet and -his readers are alike devoid of such convictions, -no idealization of life, whether personal, domestic, -or social, is in any true sense possible. No emotions -are fit subjects for Art unless they are felt -deeply, and unless they come spontaneously to all.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_333">333</a></span> -When society has no marked intellectual or moral -feature, Art, which is its mirror, can have none -either. And although the esthetic faculty is so -innate in us that it never can remain inactive, -yet its culture becomes in this case vague and -objectless. The fact therefore that Positivism -terminates the Revolution by initiating the movement -of organic growth is of itself enough to prove -its beneficial influence upon Art.</p> - -<p>Art, indeed, would profit by any method of reorganization, -whatever its nature. But the -principle on which Positivism proposes to reconstruct -is peculiarly favourable to its growth. The -opinions and the modes of life to which that principle -conducts are precisely those which are most -essential to esthetic development.</p> - -<p>A more esthetic system cannot be imagined -than one which teaches that Feeling is the basis -on which the unity of human nature rests; and -which assigns as the grand object of man’s existence, -progress in every direction, but especially -moral progress. It may seem at first as if the -tendency of the new philosophy was merely to -make us more systematic. And systematization -is assuredly indispensable; but the sole object -of it is to increase our sympathy and our synergic -activity by supplying that fixity of principle which -alone can lead to energetic practice. By teaching -that the highest happiness is to aid in the happiness -of others, Positivism invites the poet to his noblest -function, the culture of generous sympathies, -a subject far more poetic than the passions of -hatred and oppression which hitherto have been -his ordinary theme. A system which regards -such culture as the highest object cannot fail to -incorporate Poetry as one of its essential elements, -and to give to it a far higher position than it has -ever held before. Science, although it be the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_334">334</a></span> -source from which the Positive system emanates, -will be restricted to its proper function of supplying -the objective basis for human prevision; thus -giving to Art and Industry, which must always be -the principal objects of our attention, the foundation -they require. Positivism, substituting in -every subject the relative point of view for the -absolute, regarding, that is, every subject in its -relation to Humanity, would not prosecute -the study of the True beyond what is required -for the development of the Good and the -Beautiful. Beyond this point, scientific culture -is a useless expenditure of time, and a diversion -from the great end for which Man and -Society exist. Subordinate as the ideal must ever -be to the real, Art will yet exercise a most salutary -influence upon Science, as soon as we cease to -study Science in an absolute spirit. In the very -simplest phenomena, after reaching the degree of -exactness which our wants require, there is always -a certain margin of liberty for the imagination; -and advantage may very well be taken of this to -make our conceptions more beautiful and so far -more useful. Still more available is this influence -of the Beautiful on the True in the highest subjects, -those which directly concern Humanity. Minute -accuracy being here more difficult and at the same -time less important, more room is left for esthetic -considerations. In representing the great historical -types, for instance, Art has its place as well as -Science. A society which devotes all its powers to -making every aspect of life as perfect as possible, -will naturally give preference to that kind of -intellectual culture which is of all others the best -calculated to heighten our sense of perfection.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Predisposing -influence of -Education</div> - -<p>The tendency of Positivism to favour -these the most energetic of our intellectual -faculties and the most closely<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_335">335</a></span> -related to our moral nature, is apparent throughout -its educational system. The reader will have -seen in the third chapter that in Positive education -more importance is attached to Art than to Science, -as the true theory of human development requires. -Science intervenes only to put into systematic -shape what Art, operating under the direct influence -of affection, has spontaneously begun. As -in the history of mankind esthetic development -preceded scientific development, so it will be with -the individual, whose education on the Positive -method is but a reproduction of the education of -the race. The only rational principle of our -absurd classical system is its supposed tendency -to encourage poetical training. The futility, -however, of this profession is but too evident: the -usual result of the system being to implant erroneous -notions of all the fine arts, if not utter distaste -for them. A striking illustration of its worthlessness -is the idolatry with which for a whole century -our French pedants regarded Boileau; a most -skilful versifier, but of all our poets perhaps the -least gifted with true poetic feeling. Positivist -education will effect what classical education has -attempted so imperfectly. It will familiarize the -humblest working man or woman from childhood -with all the beauties of the best poets; not those -of his own nation merely, but of all the West. To -secure the genuineness and efficiency of esthetic -development, attention must first be given to the -poets who depict our own modern society. Afterwards, -as I have said, the young Positivist will be -advised to complete his poetical course, by studying -the poets who have idealized antiquity. But -his education will not be limited to poetry, it will -embrace the special arts of sound and form, by -which the principal effects of poetry are reproduced -with greater intensity. Thus the contemplation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_336">336</a></span> -and meditation suggested by Art, besides their -own intrinsic charm, will prepare the way for the -exercise of similar faculties in Science. For -with the individual, as with the species, the combination -of images will assist the combination of -signs: signs in their origin being images which -have lost their vividness. As the sphere of Art -includes every subject of human interest, we shall -become familiarized, during the esthetic period -of education, with the principal conceptions that -are afterwards to be brought before us systematically -in the scientific period. Especially will this -be true of historical studies. By the time that -the pupil enters upon them, he will be already -familiar with poetic descriptions of the various social -phases, and of the men who played a leading part -in them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Relation of -Art to Religion</div> - -<p>And if Art is of such importance in -the education of the young, it is no less -important in the afterwork of education; -the work of recalling men or classes of men -to those high feelings and principles which, in the -daily business of life, are so apt to be forgotten. -In the solemnities, private or public, appointed -for this purpose, Positivism will rely far more on -impressions such as poetry can inspire, than on -scientific explanations. Indeed the preponderance -of Art over Science will be still greater than in -education properly so called. The scientific basis -of human conduct having been already laid down, -it will not be necessary to do more than refer to it. -The philosophic priesthood will in this case be less -occupied with new conceptions, than with the -enforcement of truth already known, which -demands esthetic rather than scientific talent.</p> - -<p>A vague presentiment of the proper function of -Art in regulating public festivals was shown empirically -by the Revolutionists. But all their attempts<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_337">337</a></span> -in this direction proved notorious failures; a signal -proof that politicians should not usurp the office -of spiritual guides. The intention of a festival -is to give public expression to deep and genuine -feeling; spontaneousness therefore is its first condition. -Hence it is a matter with which political -rulers are incompetent to deal; and even the -spiritual power should only act as the systematic -organ of impulses which already exist. Since the -decline of Catholicism we have had no festivals -worthy of the name; nor can we have them until -Positivism has become generally accepted. All -that governments could do at present is to exhibit -unmeaning and undignified shows before discordant -crowds, who are themselves the only spectacles -worth beholding. Indeed the usurpation of this -function by government is in many cases as tyrannical -as it is irrational; arbitrary formulas are -often imposed, which answer to no pre-existing -feeling whatever. Evidently the direction of -festivals is a function which more than any other -belongs exclusively to the spiritual power, since -it is the spiritual power which regulates the tendencies -of which these festivals are the manifestation. -Here its work is essentially esthetic. A -festival even in private, and still more in public -life, is or should be a work of art; its purpose being -to express certain feelings by voice or gesture, and -to idealize them. It is the most esthetic of all -functions, since it involves usually a complete -combination of the four special arts, under the -presidence of the primary art, Poetry. On this -ground governments have in most cases been willing -to waive their official authority in this matter, and -to be largely guided by artistic counsel, accepting -even the advice of painters and sculptors in the -default of poets of real merit.</p> - -<p>The esthetic tendencies of Positivism, with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_338">338</a></span> -regard to institutions of this kind, are sufficiently -evident in the worship of Woman, spoken of in the -preceding chapter, and in the worship of Humanity, -of which I shall speak more particularly afterwards. -From these, indeed, most Positivist festivals, private -or public, will originate. But this subject has been -already broached, and will be discussed in the next -chapter with as much detail as the limits of this -introductory work allow.</p> - -<p>While the social value of Art is thus enhanced by -the importance of the work assigned to it, new and -extensive fields for its operations are opened out -by Positivism. Chief amongst these is History, -regarded as a continuous whole; a domain at -present almost untouched.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Idealization -of historical -types</div> - -<p>Modern poets, finding little to inspire -them in their own times, and driven -back into ancient life by the classical -system, have already idealized some of the past -phases of Humanity. Our great Corneille, for -instance, is principally remembered for the series -of dramas in which he has so admirably depicted -various periods of Roman history. In our own -times where the historical spirit has become -stronger, novelists, like Scott and Manzoni, have -made similar though less perfect attempts to -idealize later periods. Such examples, however, -are but spontaneous and imperfect indications of -the new field which Positivism now offers to the -artist; a field which extends over the whole region -of the Past and even of the Future. Until this -vast domain had been conceived of as a whole by -the philosopher, it would have been impossible to -bring it within the compass of poetry. Now theological -and metaphysical philosophers were prevented -by the absolute spirit of their doctrines -from understanding history in all its phases, and -were totally incapable of idealizing them as they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_339">339</a></span> -deserved. Positivism, on the contrary, is always -relative; and its principal feature is a theory of -history which enables us to appreciate and become -familiar with every mode in which human society -has formed itself. No sincere Monotheist can -understand and represent with fairness the life -of Polytheists or Fetichists. But the Positivist -poet, accustomed to look upon all past historical -stages in their proper filiation, will be able so thoroughly -to identify himself with all, as to awaken -our sympathies for them, and revive the traces -which each individual may recognize of corresponding -phases in his own history. Thus we shall be -able thoroughly to enter into the esthetic beauty of -the Pagan creeds of Greece and Rome, without -any of the scruples which Christians could not but -feel when engaged on the same subject. In the -Art of the Future all phases of the Past will be -recalled to life with the same distinctness with which -some of them have been already idealized by Homer -and Corneille. And the value of this new source -of inspiration is the greater that, at the same time -that it is being opened out to the artist, the public -is being prepared for its enjoyment. An almost -exhaustless series of beautiful creations in epic or -dramatic art may be produced, which, by rendering -it more easy to comprehend and to glorify the Past -in all its phases, will form an essential element, on -the one hand, of our educational system, and on the -other, of the worship of Humanity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Art requires -the highest -education; but -little special -instruction</div> - -<p>Lastly, not only will the field for -Art become wider, but its organs will -be men of a higher stamp. The present -system, in which the arts are cultivated -by special classes, must be abolished, as being wholly -alien to that synthetic spirit which always characterizes -the highest poetic genius.</p> - -<p>Real talent for Art cannot fail to be called out<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_340">340</a></span> -by the educational system of Positivism, which, -though intended for the working classes, is equally -applicable to all others. We can only idealize and -portray what has become familiar to us; consequently -poetry has always rested upon some system -of belief, capable of giving a fixed direction to our -thoughts and feelings. The greatest poets, from -Homer to Corneille, have always participated largely -in the best education of which their times admitted. -The artist must have clear conceptions before he can -exhibit true pictures. Even in these anarchic -times, when the system of specialities is being -carried to such an irrational extent, the so-called poets -who imagine that they can themselves save the -trouble of philosophical training, have in reality to -borrow a basis of belief from some worn-out metaphysical -or theological creed. Their special education, -if it can be called so, consists merely in cultivating -the talent for expression, and is equally injurious -to their intellect and their heart. Incompatible -with deep conviction of any kind, while giving -mechanical skill in the technical department of -Art, it impairs the far more important faculty of -idealization. Hence it is that we are at present so -deplorably over-stocked with verse-makers and -literary men, who are wholly devoid of real poetic -feeling, and are fit for nothing but to disturb society -by their reckless ambition. As for the four special -arts, the training for them at present given, being -still more technical, is even more hurtful in every -respect to the student whose education does not -extend beyond it. On every ground, then, artists -of whatever kind should begin their career with the -same education as the rest of society. The necessity -for such an education in the case of women has been -already recognized; and it is certainly not less -desirable for artists and poets.</p> - -<p>Indeed, so esthetic is the spirit of Positive education,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_341">341</a></span> -that no special training for Art will be needed, -except that which is given spontaneously by practice. -There is no other profession which requires -so little direct instruction; the tendency of it -in Art being to destroy originality, and to stifle the -fire of genius with technical erudition. Even for -the special arts no professional education is needed. -These, like industrial arts, should be acquired by -careful practice under the guidance of good masters. -The notorious failure of public institutions established -for the purpose of forming musicians and -painters, makes it unnecessary to dwell further -upon this point. Not to speak of their injurious -effects upon character, they are a positive impediment -to true genius. Poets and artists, then, require -no education beyond that which is given to the -public, whose thoughts and emotions it is their -office to represent. Its want of speciality makes -it all the more fit to develop and bring forward real -talent. It will strengthen the love of all the fine -arts simultaneously; for the connexion between -them is so intimate that those who make it a boast -that their talent is for one of them exclusively will -be strongly suspected of having no real vocation for -any. All the greatest masters, modern no less than -ancient, have shown this universality of taste. -Its absence in the present day is but a fresh proof -that esthetic genius does not and cannot exist in -times like these, when Art has no social purpose and -rests on no philosophic principles. If even amateurs -are expected to enjoy Art in all its forms, is it likely -that composers of real genius will restrict their -admiration to their own special mode of idealization -and expression?</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Artists as a -class will disappear. -Their -function will -be appropriated -by the philosophic priesthood</div> - -<p>Positivism, then, while infusing a -profoundly esthetic spirit into general -education, would suppress all special -schools of Art on the ground that they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_342">342</a></span> -impede its true growth, and simply -promote the success of mediocrities. -When this principle is carried out to its full length, -we shall no longer have any special class of artists. -The culture of Art, especially of poetry, will be -a spontaneous addition to the functions of -the three classes which constitute the moral power -of society.</p> - -<p>Under theocracy, the system by which the evolution -of human society was inaugurated, the speculative -class absorbed all functions except those -relating to the common business of life. No distinction -was made between esthetic and scientific talent. -Their separation took place afterwards: and though -it was indispensable to the full development of -both, yet it forms no part of the permanent order of -society, in which the only well-marked division is -that between Theory and Practice. Ultimately all -theoretic faculties will be again combined even more -closely than in primitive times. So long as they -are dispersed, their full influence on practical life -cannot be realized. Only it was necessary that -they should remain dispersed until each constituent -element had attained a sufficient degree of development. -For this preliminary growth the long period -of time that has elapsed since the decline of theocracy -was necessary. Art detached itself from the -theoretical system before Science, because its progress -was more rapid, and from its nature it was -more independent. The priesthood had lost its -hold of Art, as far back as the time of Homer: but -it still continued to be the depositary of science, -until it was superseded at first by philosophers -strictly so called, afterwards by mathematicians -and astronomers. So it was that Art first, and -subsequently Science, yielded to the specializing -system which, though normal for Industry, is in -their case abnormal. It stimulated the growth of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_343">343</a></span> -our speculative faculties at the time of their escape -from the yoke of theocracy: but now that the need -for it no longer exists, it is the principal obstacle to -the final order, towards which all their partial -developments have been tending. To recombine -these special elements on new principles is at -present the primary condition of social regeneration.</p> - -<p>Looking at the two essential functions of the -spiritual power, education and counsel, it is not -difficult to see that what they require is a combination -of poetic feeling with scientific insight. We -look for a measure of both these qualities in the -public; therefore men who are devoid of either -of them cannot be fit to be its spiritual guides. -That they take the name of philosophers in preference -to that of poets, is because their ordinary duties -are more connected with Science than with Art -but they ought to be equally interested in both. -Science requires systematic teaching, whereas Art -is cultivated spontaneously, with the exception of -the technical branches of the special arts. It must -be remembered that the highest esthetic functions -are not such as can be performed continuously. -It is only works of rare excellence which -are in the highest sense useful: these, once -produced, supply an unfailing source of idealization -and expression for our emotions, whether in -public or in private. It is enough, if the interpreter -of these works and his audience have been so -educated as to appreciate what is perfect, and reject -mediocrity. Organs of unusual power will arise -occasionally, as in former times, from all sections -of society, whenever the need of representing new -emotions may be felt. But they will come more -frequently from the philosophic class in whose -character, when it is fully developed, Sympathy -will be as prominent a feature as System.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_344">344</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Identity of -esthetic and -scientific genius</div> - -<p>There is, in truth, no organic distinction -between scientific and poetic genius. -The difference lies merely in their combinations -of thought, which are concrete -and ideal in the one case, abstract and real in the -other. Both employ analysis at starting; both alike -aim ultimately at synthesis. The erroneous belief -in their incompatibility proceeds merely from the -absolute spirit of metaphysical philosophy, which -so often leads us to mistake a transitory phase -for the permanent order. If it is the fact, as -appears, that they have never been actually combined -in the same person, it is merely because the -two functions cannot be called into action at the -same moment. A state of society that calls for -great philosophical efforts cannot be favourable to -poetry, because it involves a new elaboration of first -principles; and it is essential to Art that these -should have been already fixed. This is the reason -why in history we find periods of esthetic growth -succeeding periods of great philosophical change, -but never co-existing. If we look at instances of -great minds who were never able to find their proper -sphere, we see at once that had they risen at some -other time, they might have cultivated either poetry -or philosophy, as the case might be, with equal -success. Diderot would no doubt have been a -great poet in a time more favourable to art; and -Goethe, under different political influences, might -have been an eminent philosopher. All scientific -discoverers in whom the inductive faculty has been -more active than the deductive, have given manifest -proof of poetic capacity. Whether the powers of -invention take an abstract or a concrete direction, -whether they are employed in discovering truth or -in idealizing it, the cerebral function is always essentially -the same. The difference is merely in the -objects aimed at; and as these alternate according<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_345">345</a></span> -to the circumstances of the time, they cannot -both be pursued simultaneously. The remarkably -synthetic character of Buffon’s genius may be looked -on historically as an instance of fusion of the scientific -and esthetic spirit. Bossuet is even a more -striking instance of a mind equally capable of the -deepest philosophy and of the sublimest poetry, -had the circumstances of his life given him a more -definite impulse in either direction.</p> - -<p>It is then not unreasonable to expect, notwithstanding -the opinion usually maintained, that the -philosophical class will furnish poets of the highest -rank when the time calls for them. To pass from -scientific thought to esthetic thought will not be -difficult for minds of the highest order; for in such -minds there is always a natural inclination towards -the work which is most urgently required by their -age. To meet the technical conditions of the arts -of sound and form, it will be necessary to provide a -few special masters, who, in consideration of the -importance of their services to general education, -will be looked upon as accessory members of the -new spiritual power. But even here the tendency -to specialities will be materially restricted. This -exceptional position will only be given to men of -sufficient esthetic power to appreciate all the fine -arts; and they should be capable of practising at -least the three arts of form simultaneously, as was -done by Italian painters in the sixteenth century.</p> - -<p>As an ordinary rule, it is only by their appreciation -and power of explaining ideal Art in all its -forms that our philosophers will exhibit their -esthetic faculty. They will not be actively engaged -in esthetic functions, except in the arrangement of -public festivals. But when the circumstances of -the time are such as to call for great epic or dramatic -works, which implies the absence of any philosophical -question of the first importance, the most<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_346">346</a></span> -powerful minds among them will become poets -in the common sense of the word. As the work of -Co-ordination and that of Idealization will for -the future alternate with greater rapidity, we might -conceive them, were man’s life longer, performed -by the same organ. But the shortness of life, and -the necessity of youthful vigour for all great undertakings, -excludes this hypothesis. I only mention -it to illustrate the radical identity of two forms of -mental activity which are often supposed incompatible.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Women’s -poetry</div> - -<p>An additional proof of the esthetic -capacity of the moderating power in -works of less difficulty, but admitting of greater -frequency, will be furnished by its feminine element. -In the special arts, or at least in the arts of form, -but little can be expected of them, because these -demand more technical knowledge than they can -well acquire, and, moreover, the slow process of -training would spoil the spontaneousness which is -so admirable in them. But for all poetic composition -which does not require intense or prolonged -effort, women of genius are better qualified than -men. This they should consider as their proper -department intellectually, since their nature is not -well adapted for the discovery of scientific truth. -When women have become more systematically -associated with the general movement of society -under the influence of the new system of education, -they will do much to elevate that class of poetry -which relates to personal feelings and to domestic -life. Women are already better judges of such -poetry than men; and there is no reason why they -should not excel them in composing it. For the -power of appreciating and that of producing are in -reality identical; the difference is in degree only, -and it depends greatly upon culture. The only -kind of composition which seems to me to be beyond<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_347">347</a></span> -their power is epic or dramatic poetry in which -public life is depicted. But in all its other branches, -poetry would seem their natural field of study; and -one which, regarded always as an exceptional occupation, -is quite in keeping with the social duties -assigned to them. The affections of our home life -cannot be better portrayed than by those in whom -they are found in their purest form, and who, without -training, combine talent and expression with -the tendency to idealize. Under a more perfect -organization, then, of the esthetic world than prevails -at present, the larger portion of poetical and -perhaps also of musical productions, will pass into -the hands of the more loving sex. The advantage -of this will be that the poetry of private life will -then rise to that high standard of moral purity of -which it so peculiarly admits, but which our coarser -sex can never attain without struggles which injure -its spontaneity. The simple grace of Lafontaine -and the delicate sweetness of Petrarch will then be -found united with deeper and purer sympathies, so -as to raise lyrical poetry to a degree of perfection -that has never yet been attained.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">People’s -poetry</div> - -<p>The popular element of the spiritual -power has not so well marked an aptitude -for art, since the active nature of their occupations -hardly admits of the same degree of intellectual -life. But there is a minor class of poems, where -energy of character and freedom from worldly -cares are the chief sources of inspiration, for which -working men are better adapted than women, and -far more so than philosophers. When Positivist -education has extended sufficiently to the People of -the West, poets and musicians will spontaneously -arise, as in many cases they have already risen, to -give expression to its own special aspirations. But -independently of what may be due to individual -efforts, the People as a whole has an indirect but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_348">348</a></span> -most important influence upon the Progress of Art, -from the fact of being the principal source of -language.</p> - -<p>Such, then, is the position which Art will finally -assume in the Positive system. There will be no -class at present, exclusively devoted to it, with -the exception of a few special masters. But there -will be a general education, enabling every class to -appreciate all the modes of idealization, and encouraging -their culture among the three elements which -constitute the moral force of society and which are -excluded from political government. Among these -there will be a division of esthetic labour. Poetry -descriptive of public life will emanate from the philosophic -class. The poetry of personal or domestic -life will be written by women or working men, according -as affection or energy may be the source of -inspiration. Thus the form of mental activity most -appropriate to Humanity will be more specially -developed among those classes in which the various -features of our nature are most prominently exhibited. -The only classes who cannot participate -in this pleasant task are those whose life is occupied -by considerations of power or wealth, and whose -enjoyment of Art, though heightened by the education -which they in common with others will receive, -must remain essentially passive. Our idealizing -powers will henceforth be directly concentrated on -a work of the highest social importance, the purification -of our moral nature. The speciality by which -so much of the natural charm of Art was lost will -cease, and the moral dangers of a life exclusively -devoted to the faculty of expression, will exist no -longer.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Value of Art -in the present -crisis</div> - -<p>I have now shown the position which -Art will occupy in the social system as -finally constituted. I have yet to -speak of its influence in the actual movement of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_349">349</a></span> -regeneration which Positivism is inaugurating. We -have already seen that each of the three classes -who participate in this movement, assumes -functions similar to those for which it is -ultimately destined; performing them in a more -strenuous, though less methodic way. This is -obviously true of the philosophic class who head -the movement; nor is it less true of the proletariate, -from whom it derives its vigour, or of women, whose -support gives it a moral sanction. It is, therefore, -at first sight probable that the same will hold good -of the esthetic conditions which are necessary to the -completeness of these three functions of the social -organism. On closer examination we shall find -that this is the case.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Construction -of normal types -on the basis furnished -by philosophy</div> - -<p>The principal function of Art is to -construct types on the basis furnished -by Science. Now this is precisely what -is required for inaugurating the new -social system. However perfectly its first principles -may be elaborated by thinkers, they will still -be not sufficiently definite for the practical result. -Systematic study of the Past can only reveal the -Future in general outline. Even in the simpler -sciences perfect distinctness is impossible without -overstepping the limits of actual proof. Still more, -therefore, in Sociology will the conclusions of Science -fall always far short of that degree of precision and -clearness, without which no principle can be thoroughly -popularized. But at the point where Philosophy -must always leave a void, Poetry steps in and -stimulates to practical action. In the early periods -of Polytheism, Poetry repaired the defects of the -system viewed dogmatically. Its value will be even -greater in idealizing a system founded, not upon -imagination, but upon observation of fact. In the -next chapter I shall dwell at greater length on the -service which Poetry will render in representing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_350">350</a></span> -the central conception of Positivism. It will be -easy to apply the same principle to other cases.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Pictures of -the Future of -Man</div> - -<p>In his efforts to accomplish this -object, the Positivist poet will naturally -be led to form prophetic pictures of the -regeneration of Man, viewed in every aspect that -admits of being ideally represented. And this is -the second service which Art will render to the -cause of social renovation; or rather it is an extension -of the first. Systematic formation of Utopias -will in fact become habitual; on the distinct understanding -that, as in every other branch of art, the -ideal shall be kept in subordination to the real. -The unlimited license which is apparently given to -Utopias by the unsettled character of the time is -in reality a bar to their practical influence, -since even the wildest dreamers shrink from extravagance -that oversteps the ordinary conditions of -mental sanity. But when it is once understood -that the sphere of Imagination is simply that of -explaining and giving life to the conclusions of -Reason, the severest thinkers will welcome its -influence; because so far from obscuring truth, it -will give greater distinctness to it than could be -given by Science unassisted. Utopias have, then, -their legitimate purpose, and Positivism will strongly -encourage their formation. They form a class of -poetry which, under sound sociological principles, -will prove of material service in leading the people of -the West towards the normal state. Each of the -five modes of Art may participate in this salutary -influence; each in its own way may give a foretaste -of the beauty and greatness of the new life that is -now offered to the individual, to the family, and to -society.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Contrasts -with the past</div> - -<p>From this second mode in which Art -assists the great work of reconstruction -we pass naturally to a third, which at the present<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_351">351</a></span> -time is of equal importance. To remove the spell -under which the Western nations are still blinded -to the Future by the decayed ruins of the Past, all -that is necessary is to bring these ruins into comparison -with the prophetic pictures of which we -have been speaking. Since the decline of Catholicism -in the fourteenth century, Art has exhibited a critical -spirit alien to its true nature, which is essentially -synthetic. Henceforth it is to be constructive -rather than critical; yet this is not incompatible -with the secondary object of contending against -opinions, and still more against modes of life, which -ought to have died out with the Catholic system, or -with the revolutionary period which followed it. -But resistance to some of the most deeply-rooted -errors of the Past will not interfere with the larger -purpose of Positivist Art. No direct criticism will -be needed. Whether against theological or against -metaphysical dogmas, argument is henceforth needless, -even in a philosophical treatise, much more so -in poetry. All that is needed is simple contrast, -which in most cases would be implied rather than -expressed, of the procedure of Positivism and Catholicism -in reference to similar social and moral problems. -The scientific basis of such a contrast, is -already furnished; it is for Art to do the rest, since -the appeal should be to Feeling rather than to -Reason. At the close of the last chapter I mentioned -the principal case in which this comparison -would have been of service, the introduction, namely, -of Positivism to the two Southern nations. It was -the task that I had marked out for my saintly fellow-worker, -for it is one in which the esthetic powers of -women would be peculiarly available.</p> - -<p>In this, the third of its temporary functions, -Positivist Art approximates to its normal character. -We have spoken of its idealization of the Future, but -here it will idealize the Past also. Positivism cannot<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_352">352</a></span> -be accepted until it has rendered the fullest and -most scrupulous justice to Catholicism. Our -poets, so far from detracting from the moral and -political worth of the mediaeval system, will begin -by doing all the honour to it that is consistent with -philosophical truth, as a prelude to the still higher -beauty of the system which supersedes it. It will -be the inauguration of their permanent office of -restoring the Past to life. For it is equally in the -interest of systematic thought and of social sympathy -that the relation of the Past to the Future -should be deeply impressed upon all.</p> - -<p>But these three steps towards the incorporation of -Art into the final order, though not far distant, -cannot be taken immediately. They presuppose a -degree of intellectual preparation which is not yet -reached either by the public or by its esthetic -teachers. The present generation under which, in -France, the great revolution is now peacefully -entering upon its second phase, may diffuse Positivism -largely, not merely amongst qualified thinkers, -but among the people of Paris, who are entrusted -with the destinies of Western Europe, and among -women of nobler nature. The next generation, -growing up in the midst of this movement, may, -before the expiration of a century from the date of -the Convention, complete spontaneously the moral -and mental inauguration of the new system, by exhibiting -the new esthetic features which Humanity -in her regenerate condition will assume.</p> - -<p>Let us now sum up the conclusions of this chapter. -We have found Positive Philosophy peculiarly -favourable to the continuous development of all -the fine arts. A doctrine which encourages Humanity -to strive for perfection of every kind, cannot but -foster and assimilate that form of mental activity -by which our sense of perfection is so highly stimulated. -It controls the Ideal, indeed, by systematic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_353">353</a></span> -study of the Real; but only in order to furnish it -with an objective basis, and so to secure its coherence -and its moral value. Placed on this footing, -our esthetic faculties are better adapted than the -scientific, both to the nature and range of our understanding, -and also to that which is the object of all -intellectual effort, the organization of human unity. -For they are more immediately connected with -Feeling, on which the unity of our nature must rest. -Next to direct culture of the heart, it is in ideal -Art that we shall find the best assistance in our -efforts to become more loving and more noble.</p> - -<p>Logically, Art should have a salutary influence -upon our intellectual faculties, because it familiarizes -us from childhood with the features by which all -constructive efforts of man should be characterized. -Science has for a long time preferred the analytic -method, whereas Art, even in these times of anarchy, -always aims at Synthesis, which is the final goal of -all intellectual activity. Even when Art, contrary -to its nature, undertakes to destroy, it cannot do -its work, whatever it be, without constructing. -Thus, by implanting a taste and faculty for ideal -construction, Art enables us to build with greater -effect than ever upon the more stubborn soil of -reality.</p> - -<p>On all these grounds Art, in the Positive system, -is made the primary basis of general education. -In a subsequent stage education assumes a more -scientific character, with the object of supplying -systematic notions of the external world. But in -after life Art resumes its original position. There -the ordinary functions of the spiritual power will be -esthetic rather than scientific. The three elements -of which the modifying power is composed will -become spontaneously the organs of idealization, -a function which will henceforth never be dissociated -from the power of philosophic synthesis.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_354">354</a></span></p> - -<p>Such a combination implies that the new philosophers -shall have a true feeling for all the fine arts. -In ordinary times passive appreciation of them will -suffice; but there will occasionally be periods where -philosophic effort ceases to be necessary, and which -call rather for the vigour of the poet; and at these -times the more powerful minds among them should -be capable of rising to the loftiest creative efforts. -Difficult as the condition may be, it is essential to -the full degree of moral influence of which their office -admits and which their work requires. The priest of -Humanity will not have attained his full measure of -superiority over the priest of God, until, with the intellect -of the Philosopher, he combines the enthusiasm -of the Poet, as well as the tenderness of Woman, -and the People’s energy.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_355">355</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI<br /> - -<span class="subhead">CONCLUSION. THE RELIGION OF HUMANITY</span></h2> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote">Recapitulation -of the results -obtained</div> - -<p>Love, then, is our principle; Order -our basis; and Progress our end. Such, -as the preceding chapters have shown, -is the essential character of the system of life which -Positivism offers for the definite acceptance of -society; a system which regulates the whole course -of our private and public existence, by bringing -Feeling, Reason, and Activity into permanent -harmony. In this final synthesis, all essential -conditions are far more perfectly fulfilled than in -any other. Each special element of our nature is -more fully developed, and at the same time the -general working of the whole is more coherent. -Greater distinctness is given to the truth that the -affective element predominates in our nature. -Life in all its actions and thoughts is brought under -the control and inspiring charm of Social Sympathy.</p> - -<p>By the supremacy of the Heart, the Intellect, so -far from being crushed, is elevated; for all its -powers are consecrated to the service of the social -instincts, with the purpose of strengthening their -influence and directing their employment. By -accepting its subordination to Feeling, Reason -adds to its own authority. To it we look for the -revelation of the laws of nature, of the established -Order which dictates the inevitable conditions of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_356">356</a></span> -human life. The objective basis thus discovered -for human effort reacts most beneficially on our -moral nature. Forced as we are to accept it, it -controls the fickleness to which our affections are -liable, and acts as a direct stimulus to social sympathy. -Concentrated on so high an office, the -intellect will be preserved from useless digression; -and will yet find a boundless field for its operations -in the study of all the natural laws by which human -destinies are affected, and especially those which -relate to the constitution of man or of society. The -fact that every subject is to be regarded from the -sociological point of view, so far from discouraging -even the most abstract order of speculations, adds -to their logical coherence as well as to their moral -value, by introducing the central principle round -which alone they can be co-ordinated into a whole.</p> - -<p>And whilst Reason is admitted to its due share -of influence on human life, Imagination is also -strengthened and called into constant exercise. -Henceforth it will assume its proper function, the -idealization of truth. For the objective basis of -our conceptions scientific investigation is necessary. -But this basis once obtained, the constitution of -our mind is far better adapted to esthetic than to -scientific study, provided always that imagination -never disregard the truths of science, and degenerate -into extravagance. Subject to this condition, -Positivism gives every encouragement to esthetic -studies, being, as they are, so closely related to its -guiding principle and to its practical aim, to Love -namely, and to Progress. Art will enter largely -into the social life of the Future, and will be regarded -as the most pleasurable and most salutary exercise -of our intellectual powers, because it leads them in -the most direct manner to the culture and improvement -of our moral nature.</p> - -<p>Originating in the first instance from practical<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_357">357</a></span> -life, Positivism will return thither with increased -force, now that its long period of scientific preparation -is accomplished, and that it has occupied the -field of moral truth, which henceforth will be its -principal domain. Its principle of sympathy, so -far from relaxing our efforts, will stimulate all our -faculties to universal activity by urging them onwards -towards perfection of every kind. Scientific -study of the natural Order is inculcated solely with -the view of directing all the forces of Man and of -Society to its improvement by artificial effort. -Hitherto this aim has hardly been recognized, even -with regard to the material world, and but a very -small proportion of our energies has been spent -upon it. Yet the aim is high, provided always -that the view taken of human progress extend -beyond its lower and more material stages. Our -theoretical powers once concentrated on the moral -problems which form their principal field, our -practical energies will not fail to take the same direction, -devoting themselves to that portion of the -natural Order which is most imperfect, and at the -time most modifiable. With these larger and more -systematic views of human life, its best efforts will -be given to the improvement of the mind, and still -more to the improvement of the character and to -the increase of affection and courage. Public and -private life are now brought into close relation by -the identity of their principal aim, which, being -kept constantly in sight, ennobles every action in -both. Practical questions must ever continue to -preponderate, as before, over questions of theory; -but this condition, so far from being adverse to -speculative power, concentrates it upon the most -difficult of all problems, the discovery of moral -and social laws, our knowledge of which will never -be fully adequate to our practical requirements. -Mental and practical activity of this kind can never<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_358">358</a></span> -result in hardness of feeling. On the contrary, it -impresses us more strongly with the conviction that -Sympathy is not merely our highest happiness, but -the most effectual of all our means of improvement; -and that without it, all other means can be of little -avail.</p> - -<p>Thus it is that in the Positive system, the Heart, -the Intellect, and the Character mutually strengthen -and develop one another, because each is systematically -directed to the mode of action for which it is by -nature adapted. Public and private life are brought -into a far more harmonious relation than in any -former time, because the purpose to which both are -consecrated is identical; the difference being merely -in the range of their activities. The aim in both is -to secure, to the utmost possible extent, the victory -of Social feeling over Self-love; and to this aim all -our powers, whether of affection, thought, or action, -are in both unceasingly directed.</p> - -<p>This, then, is the shape in which the great human -problem comes definitely before us. Its solution -demands all the appliances of Social Art. The primary -principle on which the solution rests, is the -separation of the two elementary powers of society; -the moral power of counsel, and the political powers -of command. The necessary preponderance of the -latter, which rests upon material force, corresponds -to the fact that in our imperfect nature, where the -coarser wants are the most pressing and the most -continuously felt, the selfish instincts are naturally -stronger than the unselfish. In the absence of all -compulsory authority, our action even as individuals -would be feeble and purposeless, and social -life still more certainly would lose its character -and its energy. Moral force, therefore, by which -is meant the force of conviction and persuasion, is -to be regarded simply as a modifying influence, not -as a means of authoritative direction.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_359">359</a></span></p> - -<p>Moral force originates in Feeling and in Reason. -It represents the social side of our nature, and to -this its direct influence is limited. Indeed by the -very fact that it is the expression of our highest -attributes, it is precluded from that practical -ascendancy which is possessed by faculties of a -lower but more energetic kind. Inferior to material -force in power, though superior to it in dignity, it -contrasts and opposes its own classification of men -according to the standard of moral and intellectual -worth, to the classification by wealth and worldly -position which actually prevails. True, the higher -standard will never be adopted practically, but the -effort to uphold it will react beneficially on the -natural order of society. It will inspire those -larger views, and reanimate that sense of duty, -which are so apt to become obliterated in the ordinary -current of life.</p> - -<p>The means of effecting this important result, the -need of which is so generally felt, will not be wanting, -when the moderating power enters upon its -characteristic function of preparing us for practical -life by a rational system of education, throughout -which, even in its intellectual department, moral -considerations will predominate. This power will -therefore concentrate itself upon theoretical and -moral questions; and it can only maintain its -position as the recognized organ of social sympathy, -by invariable abstinence from political action. It -will be its first duty to contend against the ambitious -instincts of its own members. True, such -instincts, in spite of the impurity of their source, -may be of use in those natures who are really -destined for the indispensable business of government. -But for a spiritual power formal renunciation -of wealth and rank is at the very root of its -influence; it is the first of the conditions which -justify it in resisting the encroachments to which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_360">360</a></span> -political power is always tempted. Hence the -classes to whose natural sympathies it looks for -support are those who, like itself, are excluded from -political administration.</p> - -<p>Women, from their strongly sympathetic nature, -are the original source of all moral influence; and -they are peculiarly qualified by the passive character -of their life to assist the action of the spiritual -power in the family. In its essential function of -education, their co-operation is of the highest -importance. The education of young children is -entrusted to their sole charge; and the education -of more advanced years simply consists in giving a -more systematic shape to what the mother has -already inculcated in childhood. As a wife, too, -Woman assumes still more distinctly the spiritual -function of counsel; she softens by persuasion -where the philosopher can only influence by conviction. -In social meetings, again, the only mode of -public life in which women can participate, they -assist the spiritual power in the formation of Public -Opinion, of which it is the systematic organ, by -applying the principles which it inculcates to the -case of particular actions or persons. In all these -matters their influence will be far more effectual, -when men have done their duty to women by -setting them free from the necessity of gaining their -own livelihood; and when women on their side -have renounced both power and wealth, as we see, -so often exemplified among the working classes.</p> - -<p>The affinity of the People with the philosophic -power is less direct and less pure; but it will prove -a vigorous ally in meeting the obstacles which the -temporal power will inevitably oppose. The working -classes, having but little spare time and small -individual influence, cannot, except on rare occasions, -participate in the practical administration of -government, since all efficient government involves<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_361">361</a></span> -concentration of power. Moral force, on the contrary, -created as it is by free convergence of opinion, -admits of, and indeed requires, the widest ramification. -Working men, owing to their freedom from -practical responsibilities and their unconcern for -personal aggrandisement, are better disposed than -their employers to broad views and to generous -sympathies, and will therefore naturally associate -themselves with the spiritual power. It is they -who will furnish the basis of a true public opinion, -so soon as they are enabled by Positive education, -which is specially framed with a view to their case, -to give greater definiteness to their aspirations. -Their wants and their sympathies will alike induce -them to support the philosophic priesthood as the -systematic guardian of their interests against the -governing classes. In return for such protection -they will bring the whole weight of their influence -to assist the priesthood in its great social mission, -the subordination of Politics to Morals. In those -exceptional cases where it becomes necessary for -the moderating power to assume political functions, -the popular element will of itself suffice for the -emergency, thus exempting the philosophic element -from participating in an anomaly from which its -character could hardly fail to suffer, as would be the -case also in a still higher degree with the feminine -character.</p> - -<p>The direct influence of Reason over our imperfect -nature is so feeble that the new priesthood could not -of itself ensure such respect for its theories as would -bring them to any practical result. But the -sympathies of women and of the people operating -as they will in every town and in every family, will -be sufficient to ensure its efficacy in organizing that -legitimate degree of moral pressure which the poor -may bring to bear upon the rich. Moreover, we -may look, as one of the results of our common system<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_362">362</a></span> -of education, for additional aid in the ranks of the -governing classes themselves; for some of their -noblest members will volunteer their assistance to -the spiritual power, forming, so to speak, a new order -of chivalry. And yet, with all this, comprehensive -as our organization of moral force may be, so great -is the innate strength of the selfish instincts, that -our success in solving the great human problem will -always fall short of what we might legitimately -desire. To this conclusion we must come, in whatever -way we regard the destiny of Man; but it -should only encourage us to combine our efforts still -more strongly in order to ameliorate the order of -Nature in its most important, that is, in its moral -aspects, these being at once the most modifiable -and the most imperfect.</p> - -<p>The highest progress of man and of society consists -in gradual increase of our mastery over all our -defects, especially the defects of our moral nature. -Among the nations of antiquity the progress in this -direction was but small; all that they could do was -to prepare the way for it by certain necessary -phases of intellectual and social development. The -whole tendency of Greek and Roman society was -such as made it impossible to form a distinct conception -of the great problem of our moral nature. -In fact, Morals were with them invariably subordinate -to Politics. Nevertheless, it is moral progress -which alone can satisfy our nature; and in -the Middle Ages it was recognized as the highest aim -of human effort, notwithstanding that its intellectual -and social conditions were as yet very imperfectly -realized. The creeds of the Middle Ages were too -unreal and imperfect, the character of society was -too military and aristocratic, to allow Morals and -Politics to assume permanently their right relation. -The attempt was made, however; and, inadequate -as it was, it was enough to allow the people of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_363">363</a></span> -West to appreciate the fundamental principle -involved in it, a principle destined to survive the -opinions and the habits of life from which it arose. -Its full weight could never be felt until the Positive -spirit had extended beyond the elementary subjects -to which it had been so long subjected, to the sphere -of social truth; and had thus reached the position -at which a complete synthesis became possible. -Equally essential was it that in those countries which -had been incorporated into the Western Empire, -and had passed from it into Catholic Feudalism, -war should be definitely superseded by industrial -activity. In the long period of transition which -has elapsed since the Middle Ages, both these conditions -have been fulfilled, while at the same time -the old system has been gradually decomposed. -Finally the great crisis of the Revolution has -stimulated all advanced minds to reconsider, -with better intellectual and social principles, the -same problem that Christianity and Chivalry had -attempted. The radical solution of it was then -begun, and it is now completed, and enunciated in -a systematic form by Positivism.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Humanity is -the centre to -which every -aspect of Positivism -converges</div> - -<p>All essential phases in the evolution -of society answer to corresponding -phases in the growth of the individual, -whether it has proceeded spontaneously -or under systematic guidance, supposing -always that his development be complete. But it -is not enough to prove the close connexion which -exists between all modes and degrees of human -regeneration. We have yet to find a central point -round which all will naturally meet. In this point -consists the unity of Positivism as a system of life. -Unless it can be thus condensed, round one single -principle, it will never wholly supersede the synthesis -of Theology, notwithstanding its superiority in the -reality and stability of its component parts, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_364">364</a></span> -in their homogeneity and coherence as a whole. -There should be a central point in the system -towards which Feeling, Reason, and Activity alike -converge. The proof that Positivism possesses -such a central point will remove the last obstacles -to its complete acceptance, as the guide of private -or of public life.</p> - -<p>Such a centre we find in the great conception of -Humanity, towards which every aspect of Positivism -naturally converges. By it the conception of God -will be entirely superseded, and a synthesis be -formed, more complete and permanent than that -provisionally established by the old religions. -Through it the new doctrine becomes at once accessible -to men’s hearts in its full extent and application. -From their heart it will penetrate their -minds, and thus the immediate necessity of beginning -with a long and difficult course of study is -avoided, though this must of course be always -indispensable to its systematic teachers.</p> - -<p>This central point of Positivism is even more -moral than intellectual in character: it represents -the principle of Love upon which the whole system -rests. It is the peculiar characteristic of the Great -Being who is here set forth, to be compounded of -separable elements. Its existence depends therefore -entirely upon mutual Love knitting together its -various parts. The calculations of self-interest -can never be substituted as a combining influence -for the sympathetic instincts.</p> - -<p>Yet the belief in Humanity, while stimulating -Sympathy, at the same time enlarges the scope and -vigour of the Intellect. For it requires high powers -of generalization to conceive clearly of this vast -organism, as the result of spontaneous co-operation, -abstraction made of all partial antagonisms. Reason, -then, has its part in this central dogma as well as -Love. It enlarges and completes our conception<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_365">365</a></span> -of the Supreme Being, by revealing to us the external -and internal conditions of its existence.</p> - -<p>Lastly, our active powers are stimulated by it no -less than our feelings and our reason. For since -Humanity is so far more complex than any other -organism, it will react more strongly and more continuously -on its environment, submitting to its influence -and so modifying it. Hence results Progress -which is simply the development of Order, under -the influence of Love.</p> - -<p>Thus, in the conception of Humanity, the three -essential aspects of Positivism, its subjective principle, -its objective dogma, and its practical object, -are united. Towards Humanity, who is for us the -only true Great Being, we, the conscious elements -of whom she is composed, shall henceforth direct -every aspect of our life, individual or collective. -Our thoughts will be devoted to the knowledge of -Humanity, our affections to her love, our actions to -her service.</p> - -<p>Positivists then may, more truly than theological -believers of whatever creed, regard life as a continuous -and earnest act of worship; worship which will -elevate and purify our feelings, enlarge and enlighten -our thoughts, ennoble and invigorate our actions. -It supplies a direct solution, so far as a solution is -possible, of the great problem of the Middle Ages, -the subordination of Politics to Morals. For this -follows at once from the consecration now given to -the principle that social sympathy should preponderate -over self-love.</p> - -<p>Thus Positivism becomes, in the true sense of -the word, a Religion; the only religion which is -real and complete; destined therefore to replace all -imperfect and provisional systems resting on the -primitive basis of theology.</p> - -<p>For even the synthesis established by the old -theocracies of Egypt and India was insufficient,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_366">366</a></span> -because, being based on purely subjective principles -it could never embrace practical life, which must -always be subordinated to the objective realities -of the external world. Theocracy was thus limited -at the outset to the sphere of thought and of feeling; -and part even of this field was soon lost when Art -became emancipated from theocratical control, -showing a spontaneous tendency to its natural -vocation of idealizing real life. Of science and of -morality the priests were still left sole arbiters; -but here, too, their influence materially diminished -so soon as the discovery of the simpler abstract -truths of Positive science gave birth to Greek -Philosophy. Philosophy, though as yet necessarily -restricted to the metaphysical stage, yet -already stood forward as the rival of the sacerdotal -system. Its attempts to construct were in themselves -fruitless; but they overthrew Polytheism, -and ultimately transformed it into Monotheism. -In this the last phase of theology, the intellectual -authority of the priests was undermined no less -deeply than the principle of their doctrine. They -lost their hold upon Science, as long ago they had -lost their hold upon Art. All that remained to them -was the moral guidance of society; and even this -was soon compromised by the progress of free -thought; progress really due to the Positive spirit, -although its systematic exponents still belong to -the metaphysical school.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">With the discovery -of sociological -laws, -a synthesis on -the basis of -Science becomes -possible, -science being -now concentrated -on the -study of Humanity</div> - -<p>When Science had expanded sufficiently -to exist apart from Philosophy, -it showed a rapid tendency towards a -synthesis of its own, alike incompatible -with metaphysics and with theology. -It was late in appearing, because it -required a long series of preliminary -efforts: but as it approached completion, -it gradually brought the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_367">367</a></span> -Positive spirit to bear upon the organization of -practical life, from which that spirit had originally -emanated. But thoroughly to effect this result -was impossible until the science of Sociology had -been formed; and this was done by my discovery -of the law of historical development. Henceforth -all true men of science will rise to the higher dignity -of philosophers, and by so doing will necessarily -assume something of the sacerdotal character, -because the final result to which their researches -tend is the subordination of every subject of -thought to the moral principle; a result which -leads us at once to the acceptance of a complete -and homogeneous synthesis. Thus the philosophers -of the future become priests of Humanity, -and their moral and intellectual influence will be -far wider and more deeply rooted than that of any -former priesthood. The primary condition of their -spiritual authority is exclusion from political -power, as a guarantee that theory and practice -shall be systematically kept apart. A system in -which the organs of counsel and those of command -are never identical cannot possibly degenerate into -any of the evils of theocracy.</p> - -<p>By entirely renouncing wealth and worldly -position, and that not as individuals merely, but -as a body, the priests of Humanity will occupy a -position of unparalleled dignity. For with their -moral influence they will combine what since the -downfall of the old theocracies has always been -separated from it, the influence of superiority in -art and science. Reason, Imagination, and Feeling -will be brought into unison: and so united will -react strongly on the imperious conditions of -practical life; bringing it into closer accordance -with the laws of universal morality, from which -it is so prone to deviate. And the influence of -this new modifying power will be the greater that the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_368">368</a></span> -synthesis on which it rests will have preceded and -prepared the way for the social system of the -future; whereas theology could not arrive at its -central principle, until the time of its decline was -approaching. All functions, then, that co-operate -in the elevation of man will be regenerated by the -Positive priesthood. Science, Poetry, Morality, -will be devoted to the study, the praise, and the -love of Humanity, in order that under their combined -influence, our political action may be more -unremittingly given to her service.</p> - -<p>With such a mission, Science acquires a position -of unparalleled importance, as the sole means -through which we come to know the nature and -conditions of this Great Being, the worship of whom -should be the distinctive feature of our whole life. -For this all-important knowledge, the study of -Sociology would seem to suffice: but Sociology itself -depends upon preliminary study, first of the outer -world, in which the actions of Humanity take -place; and secondly, of Man, the individual agent.</p> - -<p>The object of Positivist worship is not like that -of theological believers an absolute, isolated, -incomprehensible Being, whose existence admits -of no demonstration, or comparison with anything -real. The evidence of the Being here set forward -is spontaneous, and is shrouded in no mystery. -Before we can praise, love, and serve Humanity -as we ought, we must know something of the -laws which govern her existence, an existence more -complicated than any other of which we are cognizant.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Statical Aspects -of Humanity</div> - -<p>And by virtue of this complexity, -Humanity possesses the attributes of -vitality in a higher degree than any -other organization; that is to say, there is at -once more intimate harmony of the component -elements, and more complete subordination to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_369">369</a></span> -external world. Immense as is the magnitude of -this organism measured both in Time and Space, -yet each of its parts carefully examined will show -the general consensus of the whole. At the same -time it is more dependent than any other upon the -conditions of the outer world; in other words, -upon the sum of the laws that regulate inferior -phenomena. Like other vital organisms, it submits -to mathematical, astronomical, physical, -chemical, and biological conditions; and, in -addition to these, is subject to special laws of -Sociology with which lower organisms are not -concerned. But as a further result of its higher -complexity it reacts upon the world more powerfully; -and is indeed in a true sense its chief. -Scientifically defined, then, it is truly the Supreme -Being: the Being who manifests to the fullest -extent all the highest attributes of life.</p> - -<p>But there is yet another feature peculiar to -Humanity, and one of primary importance. That -feature is, that the elements of which she is composed -must always have an independent existence. -In other organisms the parts have no existence -when severed from the whole; but this, the greatest -of all organisms, is made up of lives which can -really be separated. There is, as we have seen, -harmony of parts as well as independence, but the -last of these conditions is as indispensable as the -first. Humanity would cease to be superior to -other beings were it possible for her elements to -become inseparable. The two conditions are -equally necessary: but the difficulty of reconciling -them is so great as to account at once for the slowness -with which this highest of all organisms has -been developed. It must not, however, be supposed -that the new Supreme Being is, like the old, -merely a subjective result of our powers of abstraction. -Its existence is revealed to us, on the contrary,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_370">370</a></span> -by close investigation of objective fact. -Man indeed, as an individual, cannot properly -be said to exist, except in the exaggerated abstractions -of modern metaphysicians. Existence in -the true sense can only be predicated of Humanity; -although the complexity of her nature prevented -men from forming a systematic conception of it, -until the necessary stages of scientific initiation -had been passed. Bearing this conclusion in mind, -we shall be able now to distinguish in Humanity -two distinct orders of functions: those by which -she acts upon the world, and those which bind -together her component parts. Humanity cannot -herself act otherwise than by her separable -members; but the efficiency of these members -depends upon their working in co-operation, -whether instinctively or with design. We find, -then, external functions relating principally to -the material existence of this organism; and -internal functions by which its movable elements -are combined. This distinction is but an -application of the great theory, due to Bichat’s -genius, of the distinction between the life of -nutrition and the life of relation which we find in -the individual organism. Philosophically it is -the source from which we derive the great social -principle of separation of spiritual from temporal -power. The temporal power governs: it originates -in the personal instincts, and it stimulates -activity. On it depends social Order. The -spiritual power can only moderate: it is the -exponent of our social instincts, and it promotes -co-operation, which is the guarantee of Progress. -Of these functions of Humanity the first corresponds -to the function of nutrition, the second to -that of innervation in the individual organism.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Dynamical -aspects</div> - -<p>Having now viewed our subject -statically, we may come to its dynamical<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_371">371</a></span> -aspect; reserving more detailed discussion for -the third volume of this treatise, which deals with -my fundamental theory of human development. -The Great Being whom we worship is not immutable -any more than it is absolute. Its nature is -relative; and, as such, is eminently capable of -growth. In a word it is the most vital of all living -beings known to us. It extends and becomes more -complex by the continuous successions of generations. -But in its progressive changes as well as -in its permanent functions, it is subject to invariable -laws. And these laws considered, as we may now -consider them, as a whole, form a more sublime -object of contemplation than the solemn inaction -of the old Supreme Being, whose existence was -passive except when interrupted by acts of arbitrary -and unintelligible volition. Thus it is only -by Positive science that we can appreciate this -highest of all destinies to which all the fatalities of -individual life are subordinate. It is with this -as with subjects of minor importance: systematic -study of the Past is necessary in order to determine -the Future, and so explain the tendencies of the -Present. Let us then pass from the conception of -Humanity as fully developed, to the history of -its rise and progress; a history in which all other -modes of progress are included. In ancient times -the conception was incompatible with the theological -spirit and also with the military character -of society, which involved the slavery of the productive -classes. The feeling of Patriotism, restricted -as it was at first, was the only prelude then -possible to the recognition of Humanity. From -this narrow nationality there arose in the Middle -Ages the feeling of universal brotherhood, as soon -as military life had entered on its defensive phase, -and all supernatural creeds had spontaneously -merged into a monotheistic form common to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_372">372</a></span> -whole West. The growth of Chivalry, and the -attempt made to effect a permanent separation of -the two social powers, announced already the -subordination of Politics to Morals, and thus -showed that the conception of Humanity was in -direct course of preparation. But the unreal and -anti-social nature of the mediaeval creed, and the -military and aristocratic character of feudal -society, made it impossible to go very far in this -direction. The abolition of personal slavery was -the most essential result of this important period. -Society could now assume its industrial character; -and feelings of fraternity were encouraged by modes -of life in which all classes alike participated. Meanwhile, -the growth of the Positive spirit was proceeding, -and preparing the way for the establishment -of Social Science, by which alone all other -Positive studies should be systematized. This -being done, the conception of the Great Being became -possible. It was with reference to subjects -of a speculative and scientific nature that the -conception first arose in a distinct shape. As early -as two centuries ago, Pascal spoke of the human -race as one Man.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Amidst the inevitable decline -of the theological and military system, men became -conscious of the movement of society, which -had now advanced through so many phases; and -the notion of Progress as a distinctive feature of -Humanity became admitted. Still the conception -of Humanity as the basis for a new synthesis was -impossible until the crisis of the French Revolution. -That crisis on the one hand proved the urgent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_373">373</a></span> -necessity for social regeneration, and on the other -gave birth to the only philosophy capable of -effecting it. Thus our consciousness of the new -Great Being has advanced co-extensively with its -growth. Our present conception of it is as much -the measure of our social progress as it is the -summary of Positive knowledge.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Inorganic and -organic sciences -elevated -by their connexion -with -the supreme -science of Humanity</div> - -<p>In speaking of the dignity of Science -when regenerated by this lofty application -of it, I do not refer solely to the -special science of Social phenomena, -but also to the preliminary studies of -Life and of the Inorganic World, both -of which form an essential portion of Positive -doctrine. A social mission of high importance -will be recognized in the most elementary sciences, -whether it be for the sake of their method or for -the value of their scientific results. True, the -religion of Humanity will lead to the entire abolition -of scientific Academies, because their tendency, -especially in France, is equally hurtful to -science and morality. They encourage mathematicians -to confine their attention exclusively to -the first step in the scientific scale; and biologists -to pursue their studies without any solid basis or -definite purpose. Special studies carried on without -regard for the encyclopædic principles which -determine the relative value of knowledge, and -its bearing on human life, will be condemned by all -men of right feeling and good sense. Such men -will feel the necessity of resisting the morbid -narrowness of mind and heart to which the anarchy -of our times inevitably leads. But the abolition -of the Academic system will only ensure a larger -measure of respect for all scientific researches of -real value, on whatever subject. The study of -Mathematics, the value of which is at present -negatived by its hardening tendency, will now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_374">374</a></span> -manifest its latent moral efficacy, as the only sure -basis for firm conviction; a state of mind that -can never be perfectly attained in more complex -subjects of thought, except by those who have -experienced it in the simpler subjects. When the -close connexion of all scientific knowledge becomes -more generally admitted, Humanity will reject -political teachers who are ignorant of Geometry, -as well as geometricians who neglect Sociology. -Biology meanwhile will lose its dangerous materialism, -and will receive all the respect due to its -close connexion with social science and its important -bearing on the essential doctrines of Positivism. -To attempt to explain the life of Humanity without -first examining the lower forms of life, would be -as serious an error as to study Biology without -regard to the social purpose which Biology is -intended to serve. Science has now become indispensable -to the establishment of moral truth, and -at the same time its subordination to the inspirations -of the heart is fully recognized; thus it takes -its place henceforward among the most essential -functions of the priesthood of Humanity. The -supremacy of true Feeling will strengthen Reason, -and will receive in turn from Reason a systematic -sanction. Natural philosophy, besides its evident -value in regulating the spontaneous action of -Humanity, has a direct tendency to elevate human -nature; it draws from the outer world that basis -of fixed truth which is so necessary to control our -various desires.</p> - -<p>The study of Humanity therefore, directly or -indirectly, is for the future the permanent aim of -Science; and Science is now in a true sense consecrated, -as the source from which the universal -religion receives its principles. It reveals to us -not merely the nature and conditions of the Great -Being, but also its destiny and the successive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_375">375</a></span> -phases of its growth. The aim is high and arduous; -it requires continuous and combined exertion -of all our faculties; but it ennobles the simplest -processes of scientific investigation by connecting -them permanently with subjects of the deepest -interest. The scrupulous exactness and rigorous -caution of the Positive method, which when applied -to unimportant subjects seem almost puerile, will -be valued and insisted on when seen to be necessary -for the efficacy of efforts relating to our most -essential wants. Rationalism, in the true sense -of the word, so far from being incompatible with -right feeling, strengthens and develops it, by -placing all the facts of the case, in social questions -especially, in their true light.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">The new religion -is even -more favourable -to Art -than to Science</div> - -<p>But, however honourable the rank -which Science when regenerated will -hold in the new religion, the sanction -given to Poetry will be even more direct -and unqualified, because the function -assigned to it is one which is more practical and -which touches us more nearly. Its function will -be the praise of Humanity. All previous efforts -of Art have been but the prelude to this, its natural -mission; a prelude often impatiently performed -since Art threw off the yoke of theocracy at an -earlier period than Science. Polytheism was the -only religion under which it had free scope: there -it could idealize all the passions of our nature, no -attempt being made to conceal the similarity of the -gods to the human type. The change from Polytheism -to Monotheism was unacceptable to -Art, because it narrowed its field; but towards the -close of the Middle Ages it began to shake off the -influence of obscure and chimerical beliefs, and -take possession of its proper sphere. The field that -now lies before it in the religion of Humanity is -inexhaustible. It is called upon to idealize the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_376">376</a></span> -social life of Man, which, in the time of the nations -of antiquity, had not been sufficiently developed -to inspire the highest order of poetry.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Poetic portraiture -of the -new Supreme -Being, and contrast -with the -old</div> - -<p>In the first place it will be of the -greatest service in enabling men to -realize the conception of Humanity, -subject only to the condition of not -overstepping the fundamental truths -of Science. Science unassisted cannot define the -nature and destinies of this Great Being with -sufficient clearness. In our religion the object of -worship must be conceived distinctly, in order to -be ardently loved and zealously served. Science, -especially in subjects of this nature, is confined -within narrow limits; it leaves inevitable deficiencies -which esthetic genius must supply. And there -are certain qualities in Art as opposed to Science, -which specially qualify it for the representation -of Humanity. For Humanity is distinguished -from other forms of life by the combination of -independence with co-operation, attributes which -also are natural to Poetry. For while Poetry is -more sympathetic than Science, its productions -have far more individuality; the genius of their -author is more strongly marked in them, and the -debt to his predecessors and contemporaries is -less apparent. Thus the synthesis on which the -inauguration of the final religion depends, is one -in which Art will participate more than Science, -Science furnishing merely the necessary basis. Its -influence will be even greater than in the times of -Polytheism; for powerful as Art appeared to be -in those times, it could in reality do nothing but -embellish the fables to which the confused ideas -of theocracy had given rise. By its aid we shall -for the first time rise at last to a really human point -of view, and be enabled distinctly to understand -the essential attributes of the Great Being of whom<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_377">377</a></span> -we are members. The material power of Humanity -and the successive phases of her physical, her -intellectual, and, above all, her moral progress, -will each in turn be depicted. Without the -difficulties of analytical study, we shall gain a -clear knowledge of her nature and her conditions, -by the poet’s description of her future destiny, -of her constant struggle against painful fatalities, -which have at last become a source of happiness -and greatness, of the slow growth of her infancy, -of her lofty hopes now so near fulfilment. The -history of universal Love, the soul by which this -Great Being is animated; the history, that is, of -the marvellous advance of man, individually or -socially, from brutish appetite to pure unselfish -sympathy, is of itself an endless theme for the -poetry of the future.</p> - -<p>Comparisons, too, may be instituted, in which -the poet, without specially attacking the old -religion, will indicate the superiority of the new. -The attributes of the new Great Being may be -forcibly illustrated, especially during the time of -transition, by contrast with the inferiority of her -various predecessors. All theological types are -absolute, indefinite, and immutable; consequently -in none of them has it been possible to combine to -a satisfactory extent the attributes of goodness, -wisdom, and power. Nor can we conceive of their -combination, except in a Being whose existence is -a matter of certainty, and who is subject to invariable -laws. The gods of Polytheism were endowed -with energy and sympathy, but possessed neither -dignity nor morality. They were superseded by -the sublime deity of Monotheism, who was sometimes -represented as inert and passionless, sometimes -as impenetrable and inflexible. But the -new Supreme Being, having a real existence, an -existence relative and modifiable, admits of being<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_378">378</a></span> -more distinctly conceived than the old; and the -influence of the conception will be equally strong -and far more elevating. Each one of us will recognize -in it a power superior to his own, a power on -which the whole destiny of his life depends, since -the life of the individual is in every respect subordinate -to the evolution of the race. But the -knowledge of this power has not the crushing -effect of the old conception of omnipotence. For -every great or good man will feel that his own life -is an indispensable element in the great organism. -The supremacy of Humanity is but the result of -individual co-operation; her power is not supreme, -it is only superior to that of all beings whom we -know. Our love for her is tainted by no degrading -fears, yet it is always coupled with the most -sincere reverence. Perfection is in no wise claimed -for her; we study her natural defects with care -in order to remedy them as far as possible. The -love we bear to her is a feeling as noble as it is -strong; it calls for no degrading expressions of -adulation, but it inspires us with unremitting zeal -for moral improvement. But these and other -advantages of the new religion, though they can be -indicated by the philosopher, need the poet to display -them in their full light. The moral grandeur -of man when freed from the chimeras that oppress -him, was foreseen by Goethe, and still more clearly -by Byron. But the work of these men was one of -destruction; and their types could only embody -the spirit of revolt. Poetry must rise above the -negative stage in which, owing to the circumstances -of the time, their genius was arrested, and must -embrace in the Positive spirit the system of -sociological and other laws to which human -development is subject, before it can adequately -portray the new Man in his relation to the new -God.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_379">379</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Organization -of festivals, representing -statical -and dynamical -aspects -of humanity</div> - -<p>There is yet another way in which -Art may serve the cause of religion; -that is, in organizing the festivals, -whether private or public, of which, to -a great extent, the worship of Humanity -will consist. For this purpose esthetic talent is -far more required than scientific, the object in -view being to reveal the nature of the great -Organism more clearly, by presenting all aspects -of its existence, static or dynamic, in idealized -forms.</p> - -<p>These festivals, then, should be of two kinds, -corresponding to the two essential aspects of -Humanity; the first illustrating her existence, -the second her action. Thus we shall stimulate -both the elements of true social feeling; the love -of Order, namely, and the love of Progress. In -our static festivals social Order and the feeling of -Solidarity, will be illustrated; the dynamic -festivals will explain social Progress, and inspire -the sense of historical Continuity. Taken together, -their periodic recurrence will form a continuation -of Positive education. They will develop and -confirm the principles instilled in youth. But -there will be nothing didactic in their form; since -it is of the essence of Art not to instruct otherwise -than by giving pleasure. Of course the regular -recurrence of these festivals will not prevent any -modifications which may be judged necessary to -adapt them to special incidents that may from time -to time arise.</p> - -<p>The festivals representing Order will necessarily -take more abstract and austere forms than those -of Progress. It will be their object to represent -the statical relations by which the great Organism -preserves its unity, and the various aspects of its -animating principle, Love. The most universal -and the most solemn of these festivals will be the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_380">380</a></span> -feast of Humanity, which will be held throughout -the West at the beginning of the new year, thus -consecrating the only custom which still remains -in general use to relieve the prosaic dullness of -modern life. In this feast, which celebrates the -most comprehensiveness of all unions, every branch -of the human race will at some future time participate. -In the same month there might be three -festivals of a secondary order, representing the -minor degrees of association, the Nation, the -Province, and the Town. Giving this first month -to the direct celebration of the social tie, we might -devote the first days of the four succeeding months -to the four principal domestic relations, Connubial, -Parental, Filial, and Fraternal. In the sixth -month, the honourable position of domestic service -would receive its due measure of respect.</p> - -<p>These would be the static festivals; taken -together they would form a representation of the -true theory of our individual and social nature, -together with the principles of moral duty to -which that theory gives rise. No direct mention -is made of the personal instincts, notwithstanding -their preponderance, because it is the main object -of Positive worship to bring them under the control -of the social instincts. Personal virtues are by no -means neglected in Positive education; but to -make them the objects of any special celebration, -would only stimulate egotistic feeling. Indirectly -their value is recognized in every part of our religious -system, in the reaction which they exercise -upon our generous sympathies. Their omission, -therefore, implies no real deficiency in this ideal -portraiture of human faculties and duties. Again, -no special announcement of the subordination of -Humanity to the laws of the External World is -needed. The consciousness of this external power -pervades every part of the Positive system; it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_381">381</a></span> -controls our desires, directs our speculations, -stimulates our actions. The simple fact of the -recurrence of our ceremonies at fixed periods, -determined by the Earth’s motion, is enough to -remind us of our inevitable subjection to the -fatalities of the External World.</p> - -<p>As the static festivals represent Morality, so the -dynamic festivals, those of Progress, will represent -History. In these the worship of Humanity -assumes a more concrete and animated form; as -it will consist principally in rendering honour to -the noblest types of each phase of human development. -It is desirable, however, that each of the -more important phases should be represented in -itself, independently of the greatness of any individual -belonging to it. Of the months unoccupied -by static festivals, three might be given to the -principal phases of the Past, Fetichism, Polytheism, -and Monotheism; and a fourth to the celebration -of the Future, the normal state to which all these -phases have been tending.</p> - -<p>Forming thus the chain of historical succession, -we may consecrate each month to some one of the -types who best represent the various stages. I -omit, however, some explanations of detail given -in the first edition of this General View, written -at the time when I had not made the distinction -between the abstract and concrete worship sufficiently -clear. A few months after its publication, -in 1848, the circumstances of the time induced me -to frame a complete system of commemoration -applicable to Western Europe, under the title of -<cite>Positivist Calendar</cite><a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a>. Of this I shall speak more -at length in the fourth volume of the present -treatise. Its success has fully justified me in anticipating<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_382">382</a></span> -this part of my subject. To it I now -refer the reader, recommending him to familiarize -himself with the provisional arrangement of the -new Western year then put forward and already -adopted by most Positivists.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Worship of -the dead. -Commemoration -of their -service</div> - -<p>But the practice need not be -restricted to names of European -importance. It is applicable in its -degree to each separate province, and -even to private life. Catholicism offers two institutions -in which the religion of the family connects -itself with public worship in its most comprehensive -sense. There is a day appointed in Catholic -countries in which all are in the habit of visiting -the tombs of those dear to them; finding consolation -for their grief by sharing it with others. To -this custom Positivists devote the last day of the -year. The working classes of Paris give every -year a noble proof that complete freedom of -thought is in no respect compatible with worship of -the dead, which in their case is unconnected with -any system. Again there is the institution of baptismal -names, which though little thought of at -present, will be maintained and improved by -Positivism. It is an admirable mode of impressing -on men the connexion of private with public -life, by furnishing every one with a type for -his own personal imitation. Here the superiority -of the new religion is very apparent; -since the choice of a name will not be limited to any -time or country. In this, as in other cases, the -absolute spirit of Catholicism proved fatal to its -prospects of becoming universal.</p> - -<p>These brief remarks will be enough to illustrate -the two classes of festivals instituted by Positivism. -In every week of the year some new aspect -of Order or of Progress will be held up to public -veneration; and in each the link connecting public<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_383">383</a></span> -and private worship will be found in the adoration -of Woman. In this esthetic side of Positive religion -everything tends to strengthen its fundamental -principle of Love. All the resources of Poetry, -and of the other arts of sound and form, will be -invoked to give full and regular expression to it. -The dominant feeling is always that of deep reverence -proceeding from sincere acknowledgment of -benefits received. Our worship will be alike free -from mysticism and from affectation. While -striving to surpass our ancestors, we shall yet -render due honour to all their services, and look -with respect upon their systems of life. Influenced -no longer by chimeras which though comforting to -former times are now degrading, we have now no -obstacle to becoming as far as possible incorporate -with the Great Being whom we worship. By -commemoration of past services we strengthen -the desire inherent in all of us to prolong our existence -in the only way which is really in our power. -The fact that all human affairs are subject to one -fundamental law, as soon as it becomes familiarly -known, enables and encourages each one of us to -live in a true sense in the Past and even in the -Future; as those cannot do who attribute the -events of life to the agency of an arbitrary and -impenetrable Will. The praise given to our predecessors -will stimulate a noble rivalry; inspiring -all with the desire to become themselves incorporate -into this mighty Being whose life endures -through all time, and who is formed of the dead far -more than the living. When the system of commemoration -is fully developed, no worthy co-operator -will be excluded, however humble his -sphere; whether limited to his family or town, or -extending to his country or to the whole West. -The education of Positivists will soon convince them -that such recompense for honourable conduct is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_384">384</a></span> -ample compensation for the imaginary hopes which -inspired their predecessors.</p> - -<p>To live in others is, in the truest sense of the -word, life. Indeed the best part of our own life is -passed thus. As yet this truth has not been -grasped firmly, because the social point of view has -never yet been brought systematically before us. -But the religion of Humanity, by giving an esthetic -form to the Positivist synthesis, will make it -intelligible to minds of every class: and will -enable us to enjoy the untold charm springing -from the sympathies of union and of continuity -when allowed free play. To prolong our life -indefinitely in the Past and Future, so as to make -it more perfect in the Present, is abundant compensation -for the illusions of our youth which have -now passed away for ever. Science which deprived -us of these imaginary comforts, itself in its maturity -supplies the solid basis for consolation of a kind -unknown before; the hope of becoming incorporate -into the Great Being whose static and dynamic -laws it has revealed. On this firm foundation -Poetry raises the structure of public and private -worship; and thus all are made active partakers -of this universal life, which minds still fettered by -theology cannot understand. Thus imagination, -while accepting the guidance of reason, will exercise -a far more efficient and extensive influence -than in the days of Polytheism. For the priests -of Humanity the sole purpose of Science is to prepare -the field for Art, whether esthetic or industrial. -This object once attained, poetic study or composition -will form the chief occupation of our speculative -faculties. The poet is now called to his true -mission, which is to give beauty and grandeur -to human life, by inspiring a deeper sense of our -relation to Humanity. Poetry will form the basis -of the ceremonies in which the new priesthood will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_385">385</a></span> -solemnise more efficiently than the old, the most -important events of private life: especially Birth, -Marriage, and Death; so as to impress the family -as well as the state with the sense of this relation. -Forced as we are henceforth to concentrate all our -hopes and efforts upon the real life around us, we -shall feel more strongly than ever that all the -powers of Imagination as well as those of Reason, -Feeling, and Activity, are required in its service.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">All the arts -may co-operate -in the service -of religion</div> - -<p>Poetry once raised to its proper -place, the arts of sound and form, -which render in a more vivid way the -subjects which Poetry has suggested, -will soon follow. Their sphere, like that of Poetry, -will be the celebration of Humanity; an exhaustless -field, leaving no cause to regret the chimeras -which, in the present empirical condition of these -arts, are still considered indispensable. Music in -modern times has been limited almost entirely to -the expression of individual emotions. Its full -power has never been felt in public life, except in -the solitary instance of the <em>Marseillaise</em>, in which -the whole spirit of our great Revolution stands -recorded. But in the worship of Humanity, based -as it is on Positive education, and animated by -the spirit of Poetry, Music, as the most social of -the special arts, will aid in the representation of the -attributes and destinies of Humanity, and in the -glorification of great historical types. Painting -and Sculpture will have the same object; they -will enable us to realize the conception of Humanity -with greater clearness and precision than would be -possible for Poetry, even with the aid of Music. -The beautiful attempts of the artists of the sixteenth -century, men who had very little theological -belief, to embody the Christian ideal of Woman, -may be regarded as an unconscious prelude to the -representation of Humanity, in the form which of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_386">386</a></span> -all others is most suitable. Under the impulse of -these feelings, the sculptor will overcome the -technical difficulties of representing figures in -groups, and will adopt such subjects by preference. -Hitherto this has only been effected in bas-reliefs, -works which stand midway between painting and -sculpture. There are, however, some splendid -exceptions from which we can imagine the scope -and grandeur of the latter art, when raised to its -true position. Statuesque groups, whether the -figures are joined or, as is preferable, separate, -will enable the sculptor to undertake many great -subjects from which he has been hitherto debarred.</p> - -<p>In Architecture the influence of Positivism will -be felt less rapidly; but ultimately this art like the -rest will be made available for the new religion. -The buildings erected for the service of God may -for a time suffice for the worship of Humanity, in -the same way that Christian worship was carried on -at first in Pagan temples as they were gradually -vacated. But ultimately buildings will be required -more specially adapted to a religion in which all -the functions connected with education and worship -are so entirely different. What these buildings -will be it would be useless at present to inquire. -It is less easy to foresee the Positivist ideal in -Architecture than in any other arts. And it must -remain uncertain until the new principles of education -have been generally spread, and until the -Positivist religion, having received all the aid that -Poetry, Music, and the arts of Form can give, has -become the accepted faith of Western Europe. -When the more advanced nations are heartily -engaged in the cause, the true temples of Humanity -will soon arise. By that time mental and moral -regeneration will have advanced far enough to -commence the reconstruction of all political institutions. -Until then the new religion will avail itself<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_387">387</a></span> -of Christian churches as these gradually become -vacant.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Positivism is -the successor -of Christianity, -and surpasses -it</div> - -<p>Art then, as well as Science, partakes -in the regenerating influence which -Positivism derives from its synthetic -principle of Love. Both are called to -their proper functions, the one to contemplate, -the other to glorify Humanity, in order that we -may love and serve her more perfectly. Yet while -the intellect is thus made the servant of the heart, -far from being weakened by this subordinate position, -it finds in it an exhaustless field, in which the -value of its labours is amply recognized. Each of -its faculties is called directly into play, and is -supplied with its appropriate employment. Poetry -institutes the forms of the worship of Humanity; -Science supplies the principles on which those -forms are framed, by connecting them with the -laws of the external world. Imagination, while -ceasing to usurp the place of Reason, yet enhances -rather than diminishes its original influence, which -the new philosophy shows to be as beneficial as -it is natural. And thus human life at last attains -that state of perfect harmony which has been so -long sought for in vain, and which consists in the -direction of all our faculties to one common purpose -under the supremacy of Affection. At the -same time all former efforts of Imagination and -Reason, even when they clashed with each other, -are fully appreciated; because we see that they -developed our powers, that they taught us the -conditions of their equilibrium, and made it manifest -that nothing but that equilibrium was wanting -to allow them to work together for our welfare. -Above all do we recognize the immense value of the -mediaeval attempt to form a complete synthesis, -although, notwithstanding all the results of Greek -and Roman civilization, the time was not yet ripe<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_388">388</a></span> -for it. To renew that attempt upon a sounder -basis, and with surer prospects of success, is the -object of those who found the religion of Humanity. -Widely different as are their circumstances and -the means they employ, they desire to regard themselves -as the successors of the great men who conducted -the progressive movement of Catholicism. -For those alone are worthy to be called successors, -who continue or carry into effect the undertakings -which former times have left unfinished; the title -is utterly unmerited by blind followers of obsolete -dogmas, which have long ceased to bear any relation -to their original purpose, and which their very -authors, if now living, would disavow.</p> - -<p>But while bearing in mind our debt to Catholicism, -we need not omit to recognize how largely -Positivism gains by comparison with it. Full -justice will be done to the aims of Catholicism, and -to the excellence of its results. But the whole -effect of Positivist worship will be to make men -feel clearly how far superior in every respect is the -synthesis founded on the Love of Humanity to -that founded on the Love of God.</p> - -<p>Christianity satisfied no part of our nature fully, -except the affections. It rejected Imagination, -it shrank from Reason; and therefore its power -was always contested, and could not last. Even -in its own sphere of affection, its principles never -lent themselves to that social direction which the -Catholic priesthood, with such remarkable persistency, -endeavoured to give to them. The aim -which it set before men, being unreal and personal, -was ill-suited to a life of reality and of social -sympathy. It is true that the universality of this -supreme affection was indirectly a bond of union; -but only when it was not at variance with true -social feeling. And from the nature of the system, -opposition between these two principles was the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_389">389</a></span> -rule, and harmony the exception; since the Love -of God, even as viewed by the best Catholic types, -required in almost all cases the abandonment of -every other passion. The moral value of such a -synthesis consisted solely in the discipline which -it established; discipline of whatever kind being -preferable to anarchy, which would have given -free scope to all the lowest propensities. But notwithstanding -all the tender feeling of the best -mystics, the affection which to them was supreme -admitted of no real reciprocity. Moreover, the -stupendous nature of the rewards and penalties -by which every precept in this arbitrary system -was enforced, tended to weaken the character and -to taint our noblest impulses. The essential merit -of the system was that it was the first attempt to -exercise systematic control over our moral nature. -The discipline of Polytheism was usually confined -to actions: sometimes it extended to habits; -but it never touched the affections from which -both habits and actions spring. Christianity took -the best means of effecting its purpose that were -then available; but it was not successful, except -so far as it gave indirect encouragement to our -higher feelings. And so vague and absolute were -its principles, that even this would have been -impossible, but for the wisdom of the priesthood, -who for a long time saved society from the dangers -incident to so arbitrary a system. But at the close -of the Middle Ages, when the priesthood became -retrograde, and lost at once their morality and -their freedom, the doctrine was left to its own -impotence, and rapidly degenerated till it became -a chronic source of degradation and of discord.</p> - -<p>But the synthesis based upon Love of Humanity -has too deep a foundation in Positive truth to be -liable to similar decline; and its influence cannot -but increase so long as the progress of our race<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_390">390</a></span> -endures. The Great Being, who is its object, -tolerates the most searching inquiry, and yet does -not restrict the scope of Imagination. The laws -which regulate her existence are now known to us; -and the more deeply her nature is investigated, the -stronger is our consciousness of her reality and of -the greatness of her benefits. The thought of her -stimulates all the powers of Imagination, and -thus enables us to participate in a measure in the -universality of her life, throughout the whole -extent of Time and Space of which we have any -real knowledge. All our real intellectual results, -whether in art or science, are alike co-ordinated by -the religion of Humanity; for it furnishes the -sole bond of connexion by which permanent harmony -can be established between our thoughts and our -feelings. It is the only system which without -artifice and without arbitrary restriction, can -establish the preponderance of Affection over -Thought and Action. It sets forth social feeling -as the first principle of morality; without ignoring -the natural superiority in strength of the personal -instincts. To live for others it holds to be the -highest happiness. To become incorporate with -Humanity, to sympathize with all her former -phases, to foresee her destinies in the future, and -to do what lies in us to forward them; this is what -it puts before us as the constant aim of life. Self-love -in the Positive system is regarded as the great -infirmity of our nature: an infirmity which unremitting -discipline on the part of each individual -and of society may materially palliate, but will -never radically cure. The degree to which this -mastery over our own nature is attained is the -truest standard of individual or social progress, -since it has the closest relation to the existence of -the Great Being, and to the happiness of the elements -that compose it.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_391">391</a></span></p> - -<p>Inspired as it is by sincere gratitude, which -increases the more carefully the grounds for it are -examined, the worship of Humanity raises Prayer -for the first time above the degrading influence of -self-interest. We pray to the Supreme Being; -but only to express our deep thankfulness for her -present and past benefits, which are an earnest of -still greater blessings in the future. Doubtless it -is a fact of human nature, that habitual expression -of such feelings reacts beneficially on our moral -nature; and so far we, too, find in Prayer a noble -recompense. But it is one that can suggest to us -no selfish thoughts, since it cannot come at all -unless it come spontaneously. Our highest happiness -consists in Love; and we know that more -than any other feeling love may be strengthened -by exercise; that alone of all feelings it admits of, -and increases with, simultaneous expansion in all. -Humanity will become more familiar to us than -the old gods were to the Polytheists, yet without -the loss of dignity which, in their case, resulted -from familiarity. Her nature has in it nothing -arbitrary, yet she co-operates with us in the worship -that we render, since in honouring her we receive -back ‘grace for grace’. Homage accepted by -the Deity of former times laid him open to the -charge of puerile vanity. But the new Deity -will accept praise only where it is deserved, and -will derive from it equal benefit with ourselves. -This perfect reciprocity of affection and of influence -is peculiar to Positive religion, because in it alone -the object of worship is a Being whose nature is -relative, modifiable, and perfectible; a Being of -whom her own worshippers form a part, and the -laws of whose existence, being more clearly known -than theirs, allow her desires and her tendencies -to be more distinctly foreseen.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Superiority -of Positive morality</div> - -<p>The morality of Positive religion<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_392">392</a></span> -combines all the advantages of spontaneousness -with those of demonstration. -It is so thoroughly human in all its parts, -as to preclude all the subterfuges by which repentance -for transgression is so often stifled or evaded. -By pointing out distinctly the way in which each -individual action reacts upon society, it forces us -to judge our own conduct without lowering our -standard. Some might think it too gentle, and -not sufficiently vigorous; yet the love by which -it is inspired is no passive feeling, but a principle -which strongly stimulates our energies to the full -extent compatible with the attainment of that -highest good to which it is ever tending. Accepting -the truths of science, it teaches that we must -look to our own unremitting activity for the only -providence by which the rigour of our destiny can -be alleviated. We know well that the great -Organism, superior though it be to all beings -known to us, is yet under the dominion of inscrutable -laws, and is in no respect either absolutely -perfect or absolutely secure from danger. Every -condition of our existence, whether those of the -external world or those of our own nature, might -at some time be compromised. Even our moral -and intellectual faculties, on which our highest interests -depend, are no exception to this truth. -Such contingencies are always possible, and yet -they are not to prevent us from living nobly; they -must not lessen our love, our thought, or our efforts -for Humanity; they must not overwhelm us with -anxiety, nor urge us to useless complaint. But the -very principles which demand this high standard -of courage and resignation, are themselves well -calculated to maintain it. For by making us fully -conscious of the greatness of man, and by setting -us free from the degrading influences of fear, they -inspire us with keen interest in our efforts, inadequate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_393">393</a></span> -though they be, against the pressure of -fatalities which are not always beyond our power -to modify. And thus the reaction of these fatalities -upon our character is turned at last to a most -beneficial use. It prevents alike overweening -anxiety for our own interests and dull indifference -to them; whereas, in theological and metaphysical -systems, even when inculcating self-denial, there is -always a dangerous tendency to concentrate thought -on personal considerations. Dignified reaction -where modification of them is possible; such is the -moral standard which Positivism puts forward for -individuals and for society.</p> - -<p>Catholicism, notwithstanding the radical defects -of its doctrine, has unconsciously been influenced -by the modern spirit; and at the close of the Middle -Ages was tending in a direction similar to that here -described, although its principles were inconsistent -with any formal recognition of it. It is only in -the countries that have been preserved from Protestantism -that any traces are left of these faint efforts -of the priesthood to rise above their own theories. -The Catholic God would gradually change into a -feeble and imperfect representation of Humanity, -were not the clergy so degraded socially as to be -unable to participate in the spontaneous feelings -of the community. It is a tendency too slightly -marked to lead to any important result; yet it is -a striking proof of the new direction which men’s -minds and hearts are unconsciously taking in -countries which are often supposed to be altogether -left behind in the march of modern thought. The -clearest indication of it is in their acceptance of the -worship of Woman, which is the first step towards -the worship of Humanity. Since the twelfth century, -the influence of the Virgin, especially in Spain -and Italy, has been constantly on the increase. -The priesthood have often protested against it,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_394">394</a></span> -but without effect; and sometimes they have -found it necessary to sanction it, for the sake of -preserving their authority. The special and privileged -adoration which this beautiful creation of -Poetry has received, could not but produce a -marked change in the spirit of Catholicism. It -may serve as a connecting link between the religion -of our ancestors and that of our descendants, the -Virgin becoming gradually regarded as a personification -of Humanity. Little, however, will be -done in this direction by the established priesthood, -whether in Italy or Spain. We must look to the -purer agency of women, who will be the means of -introducing Positivism among our Southern -brethren.</p> - -<p>All the points, then, in which the morality of -Positive science excels the morality of revealed -religion are summed up in the substitution of Love -of Humanity for Love of God. It is a principle as -adverse to metaphysics as to theology, since it -excludes all personal considerations, and places -happiness, whether for the individual or for society, -in constant exercise of kindly feeling. To love -Humanity may be truly said to constitute the -whole duty of Man; provided it be clearly understood -what such love really implies, and what are -the conditions required for maintaining it. The -victory of Social Feeling over our innate Self-love -is rendered possible only by a slow and difficult -training of the heart, in which the intellect must -co-operate. The most important part of this -training consists in the mutual love of Man and -Woman, with all other family affections which precede -and follow it. But every aspect of morality, -even the personal virtues, are included in love of -Humanity. It furnishes the best measure of their -relative importance, and the surest method for laying -down incontestable rules of conduct. And thus<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_395">395</a></span> -we find the principles of systematic morality to be -identical with those of spontaneous morality, a -result which renders Positive doctrine equally -accessible to all.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Rise of the -new Spiritual -power</div> - -<p>Science, therefore, Poetry, and Morality, -will alike be regenerated by -the new religion, and will ultimately -form one harmonious whole, on which the destinies -of Man will henceforth rest. With women, to -whom the first germs of spiritual power are due, -this consecration of the rational and imaginative -faculties to the source of feeling has always existed -spontaneously. But to realize it in social life it -must be brought forward in a systematic form as -part of a general doctrine. This is what the -mediaeval system attempted upon the basis of -Monotheism. A moral power arose composed of -the two elements essential to such a power, the -sympathetic influence of women in the family, the -systematic influence of the priesthood on public -life. As a preliminary attempt the Catholic system -was most beneficial; but it could not last, because -the synthesis on which it rested was imperfect and -unstable. The Catholic doctrine and worship -addressed themselves exclusively to our emotional -nature, and even from the moral point of view their -principles were uncertain and arbitrary. The -field of intellect, whether in art or science, as well -as that of practical life, would have been left almost -untouched but for the personal character of the -priests. But with the loss of their political independence, -which had been always in danger from -the military tendencies of the time, the priesthood -rapidly degenerated. The system was in fact -premature; and even before the industrial era of -modern times had set in, the esthetic and metaphysical -growth of the times had already gone too -far for its feeble power of control; and it then<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_396">396</a></span> -became as hostile to progress as it had formerly been -favourable to it. Moral qualities without intellectual -superiority are not enough for a true spiritual -power; they will not enable it to modify to any -appreciable extent the strong preponderance of -material considerations. Consequently it is the -primary condition of social reorganization to put -an end to the state of utter revolt which the intellect -maintains against the heart; a state which has -existed ever since the close of the Middle Ages -and the source of which may be traced as far back -as the Greek Metaphysicians. Positivism has at -last overcome the immense difficulties of this task. -Its solution consists in the foundation of social -science on the basis of the preliminary sciences, so -that at last there is unity of method in our conceptions. -Our active faculties have always been -guided by the Positive spirit: and by its extension -to the sphere of Feeling, a complete synthesis, alike -spontaneous and systematic in its nature, is constructed; -and every part of our nature is brought -under the regenerating influence of the worship -of Humanity. Thus a new spiritual power will -arise, complete and homogeneous in structure, -coherent and at the same time progressive; and -better calculated than Catholicism to engage the -support of women which is so necessary to its -efficient action on society.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Temporal -power will always -be necessary, -but its -action will be -modified by -the spiritual</div> - -<p>Were it not for the material necessities -of human life, nothing further -would be required for its guidance -than a spiritual power such as is here -described. We should have in that -case no need for any laborious exertion; -and universal benevolence would be looked -upon as the sovereign good, and would become the -direct object of all our efforts. All that would be -necessary would be to call our reasoning powers,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_397">397</a></span> -and still more, our imagination into play, in order -to keep this object constantly in view. Purely -fictitious as such an hypothesis may be, it is yet an -ideal limit, to which our actual life should be more -and more nearly approximated. As an Utopia, it -is a fit subject for the poet: and in his hands it -will supply the new religion with resources far -superior to any that Christianity derived from -vague and unreal pictures of future bliss. In it -we may carry out a more perfect social classification, -in which men may be ranked by moral and -intellectual merit, irrespectively of wealth or position. -For the only standard by which in such a -state men could be tried would be their capacity -to love and to please Humanity.</p> - -<p>Such a standard will of course never be practically -accepted, and indeed the classification in question -would be impossible to effect: yet it should always -be present to our minds; and should be contrasted -dispassionately with the actual arrangements of -social rank, with which power, even where accidentally -acquired, has more to do than worth. The -priests of Humanity with the assistance of women -will avail themselves largely of this contrast in -modifying the existing order. Positivist education -will fully explain its moral validity, and in -our religious services appeal will frequently be -made to it. Although an ideal abstraction, yet -being based on reality, except so far as the necessities -of daily life are concerned, it will be far more -efficacious than the vague and uncertain classification -founded on the theological doctrine of a -future state. When society learns to admit no -other Providence than its own, it will go so far in -adopting this ideal classification as to produce a -strong effect on the classes who are the best aware -of its impracticability. But those who press this -contrast must be careful always to respect the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_398">398</a></span> -natural laws which regulate the distribution of -wealth and rank. They have a definite social -function, and that function is not to be destroyed, -but to be improved and regulated. In order, -therefore, to reconcile these conditions, we must -limit our ideal classification to individuals, leaving -the actual subordination of office and position -unaffected. Well-marked personal superiority is -not very common; and society would be wasting -its powers in useless and interminable controversy -if it undertook to give each function to its best -organ, thus dispossessing the former functionary -without taking into account the conditions of -practical experience. Even in the spiritual hierarchy, -where it is easier to judge of merit, such a -course would be utterly subversive of discipline. -But there would be no political danger, and morally -there would be great advantage, in pointing out -all remarkable cases which illustrate the difference -between the order of rank and the order of merit. -Respect may be shown to be noblest without compromising -the authority of the strongest. St -Bernard was esteemed more highly than any of the -Popes of his time; yet he remained in the humble -position of an abbot, and never failed to show the -most perfect deference for the higher functionaries -of the Church. A still more striking example was -furnished by St Paul in recognizing the official -superiority of St Peter, of whose moral and mental -inferiority to himself he must have been well -aware. All organized corporations, civil or military, -can show instances on a less important scale -where the abstract order of merit has been adopted -consistently with the concrete order of rank. -Where this is the case the two may be contrasted -without any subversive consequences. The contrast -will be morally beneficial to all classes, at the -same time that it proves the imperfection to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_399">399</a></span> -which so complicated an organism as human society -must be ever liable.</p> - -<p>Thus the religion of Humanity creates an intellectual -and moral power, which, could human -life be freed from the pressure of material wants, -would suffice for its guidance. Imperfect as our -nature assuredly is, yet social sympathy has an -intrinsic charm which would make it paramount, -but for the imperious necessities by which the -instincts of self-preservation are stimulated. So -urgent are they, that the greater part of life is -necessarily occupied with actions of a self-regarding -kind, before which Reason, Imagination, and -even Feeling, have to give way. Consequently -this moral power, which seems so well adapted for -the direction of society, must only attempt to act -as a modifying influence. Its sympathetic element, -in other words, women, accept this necessity without -difficulty; for true affection always takes the -right course of action, as soon as it is clearly -indicated. But the intellect is far more unwilling -to take a subordinate position. Its rash ambition -is far more unsettling to the world than the ambition -of rank and wealth, against which it so often -inveighs. It is the hardest of social problems to -regulate the exercise of the intellectual powers, -while securing them their due measure of influence; -the object being that theoretical power should be -able really to modify, and yet should never be permitted -to govern. For the nations of antiquity -this problem was insoluble; with them the intellect -was always either a tyrant or a slave. The -solution was attempted in the Middle Ages; but -without success, owing to the military and theological -character of the times. Positivism relies -for solving it on the reality which is one of its -principal features, and on the fact that Society -has now entered on its industrial phase. Based<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_400">400</a></span> -on accurate inquiry into the past and future -destinies of man, its aim is so to regenerate our -political action, as to transform it ultimately into -a practical worship of Humanity; Morality being -the worship rendered by the affections, Science -and Poetry that rendered by the intellect. Such -is the principal mission of the Occidental priesthood, -a mission in which women and the working -classes will actively co-operate.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Substitution -of duties for -rights</div> - -<p>The most important object of this -regenerated polity will be the substitution -of Duties for Rights; thus -subordinating personal to social considerations. -The word <em>Right</em> should be excluded from political -language, as the word <em>Cause</em> from the language of -philosophy. Both are theological and metaphysical -conceptions; and the former is as immoral and -subversive as the latter is unmeaning and sophistical. -Both are alike incompatible with the final -state; and their value during the revolutionary -period of modern history has simply consisted in -their solvent action upon previous systems. -Rights, in the strict sense of the word, are possible -only so long as power is considered as emanating -from a superhuman will. Rights, under all theological -systems, were divine; but in their opposition -to theocracy, the metaphysicians of the last -five centuries introduced what they called the -rights of Man; a conception, the value of which -consisted simply in its destructive effects. Whenever -it has been taken as the basis of a constructive -policy, its anti-social character, and its tendency -to strengthen individualism have always been -apparent. In the Positive state, where no supernatural -claims are admissible, the idea of <em>Right</em> -will entirely disappear. Every one has duties, -duties towards all; but rights in the ordinary -sense can be claimed by none. Whatever security<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_401">401</a></span> -the individual may require is found in the general -acknowledgment of reciprocal obligations; and -this gives a moral equivalent for rights as hitherto -claimed, without the serious political dangers -which they involved. In other words, no one has -in any case any Right but that of doing his Duty. -The adoption of this principle is the one way of -realizing the grand ideal of the Middle Ages, the -subordination of Politics to Morals. In those -times, however, the vast bearings of the question -were but very imperfectly apprehended; its solution -is incompatible with every form of theology, -and is only to be found in Positivism.</p> - -<p>The solution consists in regarding our political -and social action as the service of Humanity. Its -object should be to assist by conscious effort all -functions, whether relating to Order or to Progress, -which Humanity has hitherto performed spontaneously. -This is the ultimate object of Positive -religion. Without it all other aspects of that -religion would be inadequate, and would soon -cease to have any value. True affection does not -stop short at desire for good; it strains every -effort to attain it. The elevation of soul arising -from the act of contemplating and adoring Humanity -is not the sole object of religious worship. Above -and beyond this there is the motive of becoming -better able to serve Humanity; unceasing action -on our part being necessary for her preservation -and development. This indeed is the most distinctive -feature of Positive religion. The Supreme -Being of former times had really little need of -human services. The consequence was, that with -all theological believers, and with monotheists -especially, devotion always tended to degenerate -into quietism. The danger could only be obviated -when the priesthood had sufficient wisdom to take -advantage of the vagueness of these theories, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_402">402</a></span> -to draw from them motives for practical exertion. -Nothing could be done in this direction unless -the priesthood retained their social independence. -As soon as this was taken from them by the usurpation -of the temporal power, the more sincere -amongst Catholics lapsed into the quietistic spirit -which for a long time had been kept in check. In -Positivism, on the contrary, the doctrine itself, irrespective -of the character of its teachers, is a direct -and continuous incentive to exertion of every kind. -The reason for this is to be found in the relative -and dependent nature of our Supreme Being, of -whom her own worshippers form a part.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Consensus of -the social organism</div> - -<p>In this, which is the essential service -of Humanity, and which infuses a -religious spirit into every act of life, -the feature most prominent is co-operation of -effort; co-operation on so vast a scale that less -complicated organisms have nothing to compare -with it. The consensus of the social organism -extends to Time as well as Space. Hence the two -distinct aspects of social sympathy: the feeling -of Solidarity, or union with the Present; and of -Continuity, or union with the Past. Careful -investigation of any social phenomenon, whether -relating to Order or to Progress, always proves -convergence, direct or indirect, of all contemporaries -and of all former generations, within certain -geographical and chronological limits; and those -limits recede as the development of Humanity -advances. In our thoughts and feelings such -convergence is unquestionable; and it should be -still more evident in our actions, the efficacy of -which depends on co-operations to a still greater -degree. Here we feel how false as well as immoral -is the notion of <em>Right</em>, a word which, as commonly -used, implies absolute individuality. The only -principle on which Politics can be subordinated<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_403">403</a></span> -to Morals is, that individuals should be regarded, -not as so many distinct beings, but as organs of -one Supreme Being. Indeed, in all settled states -of society, the individual has always been considered -as a public functionary, filling more or less -efficiently a definite post, whether formally -appointed to it or not. So fundamental a principle -has ever been recognized instinctively up to the -period of revolutionary transition, which is now -at length coming to an end; a period in which the -obstructive and corrupt character of organized -society roused a spirit of anarchy which, though -at first favourable to progress, has now become an -obstacle to it. Positivism, however, will place -this principle beyond reach of attack, by giving a -systematic demonstration of it, based on the sum -of our scientific knowledge.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Continuity of -the past with -the present</div> - -<p>And this demonstration will be the -intellectual basis on which the moral -authority of the new priesthood will -rest. What they have to do is to show the dependence -of each important question, as it arises, upon -social co-operation, and by this means to indicate -the right path of duty. For this purpose all their -scientific knowledge and esthetic power will be -needed, otherwise social feeling could never be -developed sufficiently to produce any strong effect -upon conduct. It would never, that is, go further -than the feelings of mere solidarity with the -Present, which is only its incipient and rudimentary -form. We see this unfortunate narrowness of -view too often in the best socialists, who, leaving -the present without roots in the past, would carry -us headlong towards a future of which they have -no definite conception. In all social phenomena, -and especially in those of modern times, the participation -of our predecessors is greater than that -of our contemporaries. This truth is especially<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_404">404</a></span> -apparent in industrial undertakings, for which the -combination of efforts required is so vast. It is our -filiation with the Past, even more than our connexion -with the Present, which teaches us that -the only real life is the collective life of the race; -that individual life has no existence except as an -abstraction. Continuity is the feature which distinguishes -our race from all others. Many of the -lower races are able to form a union among their -living members; but it was reserved for Man to -conceive and realize co-operation of successive -generations, the source to which the gradual growth -of civilization is to be traced. Social sympathy -is a barren and imperfect feeling, and indeed it is a -cause of disturbance, so long as it extends no -further than the present time. It is a disregard for -historical Continuity which induces that mistaken -antipathy to all forms of inheritance which is now -so common. Scientific study of history would -soon convince those of our socialist writers who are -sincere of their radical error in this respect. If -they were more familiar with the collective inheritance -of society, the value of which no one can seriously -dispute, they would feel less objection to -inheritance in its application to individuals or -families. Practical experience, moreover, bringing -them into contact with the facts of the case, will -gradually show them that without the sense of -continuity with the Past they cannot really understand -their solidarity with the Present. For, in -the first place, each individual in the course of his -growth passes spontaneously through phases corresponding -in a great measure to those of our historical -development; and therefore, without some -knowledge of the history of society, he cannot -understand the history of his own life. Again, -each of these successive phases may be found -amongst the less advanced nations who do not as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_405">405</a></span> -yet share in the general progress of Humanity; -so that we cannot properly sympathize with these -nations, if we ignore the successive stages of -development in Western Europe. The nobler -socialists and communists, those especially who -belong to the working classes, will soon be alive -to the error and danger of these inconsistencies, -and will supply this deficiency in their education, -which at present vitiates their efforts. With -women, the purest and most spontaneous element -of the moderating power, the priests of Humanity -will find it less difficult to introduce the broad -principles of historical science. They are more -inclined than any other class to recognize our -continuity with the Past, being themselves its -original source.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Necessity of -a spiritual -power to study -and teach these -truths, and -thus to govern -men by persuasion, -instead of -by compulsion</div> - -<p>Without a scientific basis, therefore, -a basis which must itself rest on the -whole sum of Positive speculation, it -is impossible for our social sympathies -to develop themselves fully, so as to -extend not to the Present only, but -also and still more strongly to the -Past. And this is the first motive, a motive -founded alike on moral and on intellectual considerations, -for the separation of temporal from -spiritual power in the final organization of society. -The more vigorously we concentrate our efforts -upon social progress, the more clearly shall we feel -the impossibility of modifying social phenomena -without knowledge of the laws that regulate them. -This involves the existence of an intellectual class -specially devoted to the study of social phenomena. -Such a class will be invested with the consultative -authority for which their knowledge qualifies them, -and also with the function of teaching necessary for -the diffusion of their principles. In the minor -arts of life it is generally recognized that principles<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_406">406</a></span> -should be investigated and taught by thinkers who -are not concerned in applying them. In the art -of Social Life, so far more difficult and important -than any other, the separation of theory from -practice is of far greater moment. The wisdom -of such a course is obvious, and all opposition to -it will be overcome, as soon as it becomes generally -recognized that social phenomena are subject to -invariable laws; laws of so complicated a character -and so dependent upon other sciences as to -make it doubly necessary that minds of the highest -order should be specially devoted to their interpretation.</p> - -<p>But there is another aspect of the question of -not less importance in sound polity. Separation -of temporal from spiritual power is as necessary -for free individual activity as for social co-operation. -Humanity is characterized by the independence -as well as by the convergence of the -individuals or families of which she is composed. -The latter condition, convergence, is that which -secures Order; but the former is no less essential -to Progress. Both are alike urgent: yet in -ancient times they were incompatible, for the -reason that spiritual and temporal power were -always in the same hands; in the hands of the -priests in some cases, at other times in those of the -military chief. As long as the State held together, -the independence of the individual was habitually -sacrificed to the convergence of the body politic. -This explains why the conception of Progress -never arose, even in the minds of the most visionary -schemers. The two conditions were irreconcilable -until the Middle Ages, when a remarkable attempt -was made to separate the modifying power from -the governing power, and so to make Politics -subordinate to Morals. Co-operation of efforts -was now placed on a different footing. It was the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_407">407</a></span> -result of free assent rendered by the heart and -understanding to a religious system which laid -down general rules of conduct, in which nothing -was arbitrary, and which were applied to governors -as strictly as to their subjects. The consequence -was that Catholicism, notwithstanding its extreme -defects intellectually and socially, produced moral -and political results of very great value. Chivalry -arose, a type of life, in which the most vigorous -independence was combined with the most intense -devotion to a common cause. Every class in -Western Society was elevated by this union of -personal dignity with universal brotherhood. So -well is human nature adapted for this combination, -that it arose under the first religious system of -which the principles were not incompatible with -it. With the necessary decay of that religion, it -became seriously impaired, but yet was preserved -instinctively, especially in countries untouched by -Protestantism. By it the mediaeval system prepared -the way for the conception of Humanity; -since it put an end to the fatal opposition in which -the two characteristic attributes of Humanity, -independence and co-operation, had hitherto -existed. Catholicism brought unity into theological -religion, and by doing so, led to its decline; -but it paved the way long beforehand for the -more complete and more real principle of unity on -which human society will be finally organized.</p> - -<p>But meritorious and useful as this premature -attempt was, it was no real solution of the problem. -The spirit and temper of the period were not ripe -for any definite solution. Theological belief and -military life were alike inconsistent with any permanent -separation of theoretical and practical -powers. It was maintained only for a few centuries -precariously and inadequately, by a sort of -natural balance or rather oscillation between<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_408">408</a></span> -imperialism and theocracy. But the positive -spirit and the industrial character of modern times -tend naturally to this division of power; and -when it is consciously recognized as a principle, -the difficulty of reconciling co-operation with -independence will exist no longer. For in the -first place, the rules to which human conduct will -be subjected, will rest, as in Catholic times, but to -a still higher degree, upon persuasion and conviction, -instead of compulsion. Again, the fact of -the new faith being always susceptible of demonstration, -renders the spiritual system based on it -more elevating as well as more durable. The rules -of Catholic morality were only saved from being -arbitrary by the introduction of a supernatural -Will as a substitute for mere human authority. -The plan had undoubtedly many advantages; -but liberty in the true sense was not secured by it, -since the rules remained as before without explanation; -it was only their source that was changed. -Still less successful was the subsequent attempt -of metaphysicians to prove that submission to -government was the foundation of virtue. It was -only a return to the old system of arbitrary wills, -stripped of the theocratic sanction to which all its -claims to respect and its freedom from caprice -had been due. The only way to reconcile independence -with social union, and thereby to reach -true liberty, lies in obedience to the objective laws -of the world and of human nature; clearing these -as far as possible of all that is subjective, and thus -rendering them amenable to scientific demonstration. -Of such immense consequence to society -will it be to extend the scientific method to the -complex and important phenomena of human -nature. Man will no longer be the slave of man; -he yields only to external Law; and to this those -who demonstrate it to him are as submissive as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_409">409</a></span> -himself. In such obedience there can be no -degradation even where the laws are inflexible. -But, as Positivism shows us, in most cases they -are modifiable, and this especially in the case of -our mental and moral constitution. Consequently -our obedience is here no longer passive obedience: -it implies the devotion of every faculty of our -nature to the improvement of a world of which we -are in a true sense masters. The natural laws to -which we owe submission furnish the basis for our -intervention; they direct our efforts and give -stability to our purpose. The more perfectly they -are known, the more free will our conduct become -from arbitrary command or servile obedience. -True, our knowledge of these laws will very seldom -attain such precision as to enable us to do altogether -without compulsory authority. When the -intellect is inadequate, the heart must take its -place. There are certain rules of life for which it -is difficult to assign the exact ground, and where -affection must assist reason in supplying motives -for obedience. Wholly to dispense with arbitrary -authority is impossible; nor will it degrade us -to submit to it, provided that it be always regarded -as secondary to the uniform supremacy of external -Laws, and that every step in the development of -our mental and moral powers shall restrict its -employment. Both conditions are evidently -satisfied in the Positive system of life. The tendency -of modern industry and science is to make -us less dependent on individual caprice, as well as -more assimilable to the universal Organism. -Positivism therefore secures the liberty and dignity -of man by its demonstration that social phenomena, -like all others, are subject to natural laws, which, -within certain limits, are modifiable by wise action -on the part of society. Totally contrary, on the -other hand, is the spirit of metaphysical schemes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_410">410</a></span> -of polity, in which society is supposed to have no -spontaneous impulses, and is handed over to the -will of the legislator. In these degrading and -oppressive schemes, union is purchased, as in -ancient times, at the cost of independence.</p> - -<p>In these two ways, then, Positive religion influences -the practical life of Humanity, in accordance -with the natural laws that regulate her existence. -First, the sense of Solidarity with the Present is -perfected by adding to it the sense of Continuity -with the Past; secondly, the co-operation of her -individual agents is rendered compatible with their -independence. Not till this is done can Politics -become really subordinate to Morals, and the -feeling of Duty be substituted for that of Right. -Our active powers will be modified by the combined -influence of feeling and reason, as expressed in -indisputable rules which it will be for the spiritual -power to make known to us. Temporal government, -whoever its administrators may be, will -always be modified by morality. Whereas in all -metaphysical systems of polity nothing is provided -for but the modes of access to government and the -limits of its various departments; no principles -are given to direct its application or to enable us -to form a right judgment of it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Nutritive -functions of -Humanity, performed -by Capitalists, -as the -temporal -power</div> - -<p>From this general view of the -practical service of Humanity, we -pass now to the two leading divisions -of the subject; with the view of -completing our conception of the -fundamental principle of Positive -Polity, the separation of temporal -from spiritual power.</p> - -<p>The action of Humanity relates either to her -external circumstances, or to the facts of her own -nature. Each of these two great functions involves -both Order and Progress; but the first<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_411">411</a></span> -relates more specially to the preservation of her -existence, the second to her progressive development. -Humanity, like every other organism, has -to act unceasingly on the surrounding world in -order to maintain and extend her material existence. -Thus the chief object of her practical life is to satisfy -the wants of our physical nature, wants which necessitate -continual reproduction of materials in sufficient -quantities. This production soon comes to depend -more on the co-operation of successive generations -than on that of contemporaries. Even in these -lower but indispensable functions, we work principally -for our successors, and the results that we -enjoy are in great part due to those that have gone -before us. Each generation produces more material -wealth than is required for its own wants; and -the use of the surplus is to facilitate the labour -and prepare the maintenance of the generation -following. The agents in this transmission of -wealth naturally take the lead in the industrial -movement; since the possession of provisions and -instruments of production gives an advantage -which can only be lost by unusual incapacity. -And this will seldom happen, because capital -naturally tends to accumulate with those who -make a cautious and skilful use of it.</p> - -<p>Capitalists then will be the temporal chiefs of -modern society. Their office is consecrated in -Positive religion as that of the nutritive organs of -Humanity; organs which collect and prepare the -materials necessary for life, and which also distribute -them, subject always to the influence of a -modifying central organ. The direct and palpable -importance of their functions is a stimulus to -pride; and in every respect they are strongly influenced -by personal instincts, which are necessary -to sustain the vigour of their energies. Consequently, -if left to themselves, they are apt to abuse<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_412">412</a></span> -their power, and to govern by the ignoble method -of compulsion, disregarding all appeals to reason -and to morality. Hence the need of a combination -of moral forces to exercise a constant check upon -the hardness with which they are so apt to use -their authority. And this leads us to the second -of the two great functions of Humanity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">These are -modified by -the cerebral -functions, performed -by the -spiritual -power</div> - -<p>This function is analogous to that -of Innervation in individuals. Its -object is the advancement of Humanity, -whether in physical or still more -in intellectual and moral aspects. It -might seem at first sight restricted, as -in lower organisms, to the secondary office of assisting -the nutritive function. Soon, however, it -develops qualities peculiar to itself, qualities on -which our highest happiness depends. And thus -we might imagine that life was to be entirely given -up to the free play of reason, imagination, and -feeling, were we not constantly forced back by the -necessities of our physical nature to less delightful -occupations. Therefore this intellectual and moral -function, notwithstanding its eminence, can never -be supreme in our nature; yet independently of -its intrinsic charm, it forms our principal means, -whether used consciously or otherwise, in controlling -the somewhat blind action of the nutritive -organs. It is in women, whose function is analogous -to that of the affective organs in the individual -brain, that we find this modifying influence in its -purest and most spontaneous form. But the full -value of their influence is not realized until they -act in combination with the philosophic class; -which, though its direct energy is small, is as -indispensable to the collective Organism as the -speculative functions of the brain are to the individual. -Besides these two essential elements of -moral power, we find, when Humanity reaches her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_413">413</a></span> -maturity, a third element which completes the -constitution of this power and furnishes a basis -for its political action. This third element is the -working class, whose influence may be regarded -as the active function in the innervation of the -social Organism.</p> - -<p>It is indeed to the working class that we look for -the only possible solution of the great human problem, -the victory of Social feeling over Self-love. Their -want of leisure, and their poverty, excludes them -from political power; and yet wealth, which is -the basis of that power, cannot be produced without -them. They are allied to the spiritual power by -the similarity of their tastes and of their circumstances. -Moreover, they look to it for systematic -education, of the importance of which not merely -to their happiness, but to their dignity and moral -culture, they are deeply conscious. The nature -of their occupations, though absorbing so large a -portion of their time, yet leaves the mind for the -most part free. Finding little in the specialities -of their work to interest them, they are the more -inclined to rise to general principles, provided -always that such principles combine utility with -reality. Being less occupied than other classes -with considerations of rank and wealth, they are -the more disposed to give free play to generous -feelings, the value and the charm of which is more -strongly impressed on them by their experience -of life. As their strength lies in numbers, they -have a greater tendency to union than capitalists, -who, having in their own hands a power which -they are apt to suppose resistless, have no such -motive for association. They will give their -energetic support to the priesthood in its efforts -to control the abuse of the power of wealth, and -in every respect they are prepared to accept and -enforce its moral influence. Being at once special<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_414">414</a></span> -and general, practical and speculative, and at the -same time always animated by strong sympathies, -they form an intermediate link between the -practical and theoretical powers; connected with -the one by the need of education and counsel, and -with the other by the necessities of labour and -subsistence. The people represent the activity -of the Supreme Being, as women represent its -sympathy, and philosophers its intellect.</p> - -<p>But in the organized action of these three organs -of innervation upon the organs of social nutrition, -it must be borne in mind that the latter are not -to be impeded in their functions. The control -exercised is to be of a kind that will ennoble them -by setting their importance in its true light. True, -we are not to encourage the foolish and immoral -pride of modern capitalists, who look upon themselves -as the creators and sole arbiters of their -material power, the foundations of which are in -reality due to the combined action of their predecessors -and contemporaries. They ought to be -regarded simply as public functionaries, responsible -for the administration of capital and the direction -of industrial enterprise. But at the same time -we must be careful not to underrate the immense -value of their function, or in any way obstruct its -performance. All this follows at once from the -policy of Separation of Powers. The responsibility -under which it is here proposed to place capitalists -is purely moral, whereas metaphysicians of the -revolutionary school have always been in favour -of political coercion. In cases where the rich -neglect their duty, the Positive priesthood will -resort in the first instance to every method of conviction -and persuasion that can be suggested by -the education which the rich have received in -common with other classes. Should this course -fail, there remains the resource of pronouncing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_415">415</a></span> -formal condemnation of their conduct; and -supposing this to be ratified by the working men -of every city, and the women of every family, its -effect would be difficult to withstand. In very -heinous cases it might be necessary to proceed to -the extreme length of social excommunication, -the efficacy of which, in cases where it deserved -and received general assent, would be even greater -than in the Middle Ages; the organization of the -spiritual power in those times being very imperfect. -But even in this case the means used for repression -are of a purely moral kind. The increasingly -rare cases that call for political measures belong -exclusively to the province of the temporal power.</p> - -<p>Hereditary transmission of wealth has been -strongly condemned by metaphysical writers. -But it is after all a natural mode of transmission, -and the moral discipline above described will be -a sufficient check upon its worst abuses. When -the sense of Duty is substituted for the sense of -Right, it matters little who may be the possessor -of any given power, provided it be well used. Inheritance, -as Positivism shows, has great social -advantages, especially when applied to functions -which require no extraordinary capacity, and -which are best learnt in the training of domestic -life. Taking the moral point of view, we find that -men who have been always accustomed to wealth -are more disposed to be generous than those who -have amassed it gradually, however honourable -the means used. Inheritance was originally the -mode in which all functions were transmitted; -and in the case of wealth there is no reason why -it should not always continue, since the mere preservation -of wealth, without reference to its employment, -requires but little special ability. There -is no guarantee that, if other guardians of capital -were appointed, the public would be better served.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_416">416</a></span> -Modern industry has long ago proved the administrative -superiority of private enterprise in commercial -transactions; and all social functions that admit -of it will gradually pass into private management, -always excepting the great theoretic functions -in which combined action will ever be necessary. -Declaim as the envious will against hereditary -wealth, its possessors, when they have a good -disposition moulded by a wise education and a -healthy state of public opinion, will in many cases -rank amongst the most useful organs of Humanity. -It is not the class who constitute the moral force -of society, that will give vent to these idle complaints, -or at least they will be confined to those -individuals among them who fail to understand -the dignity and value of their common mission of -elevating man’s affections, intellect, and energies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Women and -priests to have -their material -subsistence -guaranteed</div> - -<p>The only cases in which the spiritual -power has to interfere specially for -the protection of material interests -fall under two principles, which are -very plainly indicated by the natural order of -society. The first principle is, that Man should -support Woman; the second, that the Active -class should support the Speculative class. The -necessity of both these conditions is evident; -without them the effective and speculative function -of Humanity cannot be adequately performed. -Private and public welfare are so deeply involved -in the influence exercised by Feeling over the -intellectual and active powers, that we shall do -well to secure that influence, even at the cost of -removing one half of the race from industrial -occupations. Even in the lowest tribes of savages -we find the stronger sex recognizing some obligations -towards the weaker; and it is this which -distinguishes human love, even in its coarser forms, -from animal appetite. With every step in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_417">417</a></span> -progress of Humanity we find the obligation more -distinctly acknowledged, and more fully satisfied. -In Positive religion it becomes a fundamental -duty, for which each individual, or even society, -when it may be necessary, will be held responsible. -As to the second principle, it is one which has been -already admitted by former systems; and, in -spite of the anarchy in which we live, it has never -been wholly discarded, at least in countries which -have been unaffected by the individualist tendencies -of Protestantism. Positivism, however, while -adopting the principle as indispensable to the -theoretic functions of Humanity, will employ it -far more sparingly than Catholicism, the decay of -which was very much hastened by its excessive -wealth. If temporal and spiritual power are really -to be separated, philosophers should have as little -to do with wealth as with government. Resembling -women in their exclusion from political power, -their position as to wealth should be like that of -the working classes, proper regard being had to -the requirements of their office. By following -this course, they may be confident that the purity -of their opinions and advice will never be called -in question.</p> - -<p>These two conditions then, Capitalists, as the -normal administrators of the common fund of -wealth, will be expected to satisfy. They must, -that is, so regulate the distribution of wages, that -women shall be released from work; and they -must see that proper remuneration is given for -intellectual labour. To exact the performance of -these conditions seems no easy task; yet until -they are satisfied, the equilibrium of our social -economy will remain unstable. The institution -of property can be maintained no longer upon the -untenable ground of personal right. Its present -possessors may probably decline to accept these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_418">418</a></span> -principles. In that case their functions will pass -in one way or another to new organs, until Humanity -finds servants who will not shirk their fundamental -duties, but who will recognize them as the first -condition of their tenure of power. That power, -subject to these limitations, will then be regarded -with the highest respect, for all will feel that the -existence of Humanity depends on it. Alike on -intellectual and on moral grounds, society will -repudiate the envious passions and subversive -views which are aroused at present by the unfounded -claims of property, and by its repudiation, -since the Middle Ages, of every real moral obligation. -Rich men will feel that principles like these, leaving -as they do so large a margin of voluntary action -to the individual, are the only method of escaping -from the political oppression with which they are -now threatened. The free concentration of capital -will then be readily accepted as necessary to its -social usefulness; for great duties imply great -powers.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Normal relation -of priests, -people, and -capitalists</div> - -<p>This, then, is the way in which the -priests of Humanity may hope to -regenerate the material power of -wealth, and bring the nutritive -functions of society into harmony with the other -parts of the body politic. The contests for which -as yet there are but too many motives will then -cease; the People without loss of dignity will -give free play to their natural instincts of respect, -and will be as willing to accept the authority of -their political rulers as to place confidence in their -spiritual guides. They will feel that true happiness -has no necessary connexion with wealth; that it -depends far more on free play being given to their -intellectual, moral, and social qualities; and that -in this respect they are more favourably situated -than those above them. They will cease to aspire<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_419">419</a></span> -to the enjoyments of wealth and power, leaving -them to those whose political activity requires -that strong stimulus. Each man’s ambition will -be to do his work well; and after it is over, to -perform his more general function of assisting the -spiritual power, and of taking part in the formation -of Public Opinion, by giving his best judgment -upon passing events. Of the limits to be observed -by the spiritual power the People will be well -aware; and they will accept none which does not -subordinate the intellect to the heart, and guarantee -the purity of its doctrine by strict abstinence from -political power. By an appeal to the principles -of Positive Polity, they will at once check any -foolish yielding on the part of philosophers to -political ambition, and will restore the temporal -power to its proper place. They will be aware -that though the general principles of practical -life rest upon Science, it is not for Science to -direct their application. The incapacity of -theorists to apply their theories practically has -long been recognized in minor matters, and it will -now be recognized as equally applicable to political -questions. The province of the philosopher is -education; and as the result of education, counsel: -the province of the capitalist is action and authoritative -direction. This is the only right distribution -of power; and the people will insist on maintaining -it in its integrity, seeing, as they will, that without -it the harmonious existence of Humanity is impossible.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">We are not -yet ripe for the -normal state. -But the revolution -of 1848 -is a step towards -it</div> - -<p>From this view of the practical -side of the religion of Humanity taken -in connexion with its intellectual and -moral side, we may form a general -conception of the final reorganization -of political institutions, by which -alone the great Revolution can be brought to a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_420">420</a></span> -close. But the time for effecting this reconstruction -has not yet come. There must be a previous reconstruction -of opinions and habits of life upon -the basis laid down by Positivism; and for this -at least one generation is required. In the interval -all political measures must retain their provisional -character, although in framing them the final state -is always to be taken into account. As yet nothing -can be said to have been established, except the -moral principle on which Positivism rests, the -subordination of Politics to Morals. For this is -in fact implicitly involved in the proclamation of -a Republic in France; a step which cannot now -be recalled, and which implies that each citizen -is to devote all his faculties to the service of Humanity. -But with regard to the social organization, -by which alone this principle can be carried into -effect, although its basis has been laid down by -Positivism, it has not yet received the sanction of -the Public. It may be hoped, however, that the -motto which I have put forward as descriptive of -the new political philosophy, <em>Order and Progress</em>, -will soon be adopted spontaneously.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">First revolutionary -motto, -Liberty and -Equality</div> - -<p>In the first or negative phase of the -Revolution, all that was done was -utterly to repudiate the old political -system. No indication whatever was -given of the state of things which was to succeed -it. The motto of the time, <em>Liberty and Equality</em>, -is an exact representation of this state of things, -the conditions expressed in it being utterly contradictory, -and incompatible with organization -of any kind. For obviously, Liberty gives free -scope to superiority of all kinds, and especially -to moral and mental superiority; so that if a -uniform level of Equality is insisted on, freedom -of growth is checked. Yet inconsistent as the -motto was, it was admirably adapted to the destructive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_421">421</a></span> -temper of the time; a time when hatred of -the Past compensated the lack of insight into the -Future. It had, too, a progressive tendency, which -partly neutralized its subversive spirit. It inspired -the first attempt to derive true principles of polity -from general views of history; the memorable -though unsuccessful essay of my great predecessor -Condorcet<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a>. Thus the first intimation of the -future influence of the historical spirit was given -at the very time when the anti-historical spirit -had reached its climax.</p> - -<p>The long period of reaction which succeeded -the first crisis gave rise to no political motto of any -importance. It was a period for which men of -any vigour of thought and character could not -but feel secret repugnance. It produced, however, -a universal conviction that the metaphysical -policy of the revolutionists was of no avail for -constructive purposes. And it gave rise to the -historical works of the Neo-Catholic school, which -prepared the way for Positivism by giving the first -fair appreciation of the Middle Ages.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Second motto, -Liberty -and Order</div> - -<p>But the Counter-revolution, begun -by Robespierre, carried to its full -length by Bonaparte, and continued -by the Bourbons, came to an end in the memorable -outbreak of 1830. A neutral period of eighteen -years followed, and a new motto, <em>Liberty and -Public Order</em>, was temporarily adopted. This -motto was very expressive of the political condition -of the time; and the more so that it arose spontaneously, -without ever receiving any formal -sanction. It expressed the general feeling of the -public, who, feeling that the secret of the political -future was possessed by none of the existing -parties, contented itself with pointing out the two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_422">422</a></span> -conditions essential as a preparation for it. It -was an improvement on the first motto, because -it indicated more clearly that the ultimate purpose -of the revolution was construction. It got rid of -the anti-social notion of Equality. All the moral -advantages of Equality without its political danger -existed already in the feeling of Fraternity, which, -since the Middle Ages, has become sufficiently -diffused in Western Europe to need no special -formula. Again, this motto introduced empirically -the great conception of Order; understanding it -of course in the limited sense of material order at -home and abroad. No deeper meaning was likely -to be attached to the word in a time of such mental -and moral anarchy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Third motto, -Order and -Progress</div> - -<p>But with the adoption of the Republican -principle in 1848<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a>, the utility -of this provisional motto ceased. -For the Revolution now entered upon its Positive -phase; which indeed, for all philosophical minds, -had been already inaugurated by my discovery of -the laws of Social Science. But the fact of its -having fallen into disuse is no reason for going -back to the old motto, Liberty and Equality, -which, since the crisis of 1789, has ceased to be -appropriate. In the utter absence of social convictions, -it has obtained a sort of official resuscitation; -but this will not prevent men of good -sense and right feeling from adopting spontaneously -the motto <em>Order and Progress</em>, as the principle of -all political action for the future. In the second -chapter I dwelt at some length upon this motto, -and pointed out its political and philosophical -meaning. I have now only to show its connexion -with the other mottoes of which we have been -speaking, and the probability of its adoption. -Each of them, like all combinations, whether in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_423">423</a></span> -the moral or physical world, is composed of two -elements; and the last has one of its elements in -common with the second, as the second has in -common with the first. Moreover, Liberty, the -element common to the two first, is in reality -contained in the third; since all Progress implies -Liberty. But Order is put foremost, because -the word is here intended to cover the whole field -that properly belongs to it. It includes things -private as well as public, theoretical as well as -practical, moral as well as political. Progress is -put next, as the end for which Order exists, and -as the mode in which it should be manifested. This -conception, for which the crisis of 1789 prepared -the way, will be our guiding principle throughout -the constructive phase of the Western Revolution. -The reconciliation of Order and Progress, which -had hitherto been impossible, is now an accepted -fact for all advanced minds. For the public this -is not yet the case; but since the close of the -Counter-revolution in 1830, all minds have been -tending unconsciously in this direction. The -tendency becomes still more striking by contrast -with an opposite movement, the increasing identity -of principles between the reactionary and the -anarchist schools.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Provisional -policy for the -period of transition</div> - -<p>But even if we suppose accomplished -what is yet only in prospect, even if -the fundamental principle of our -future polity were accepted and -publicly ratified by the adoption of this motto, -yet permanent reconstruction of political institutions -would still be premature. Before this can -be attempted, the spiritual interregnum must be -terminated. For this object, in which all hearts -and minds, especially among the working classes -and among women, must unite their efforts with -those of the philosophic priesthood, at least one<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_424">424</a></span> -generation is required. During this period governmental -policy should be avowedly provisional; -its one object should be to maintain what is so -essential to our state of transition, Order, at home -and abroad. Here, too, Positivism suffices for -the task; by explaining on historical principles -the stage that we have left, and that at which we -shall ultimately arrive, it enables us to understand -the character of the intermediate stage.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Popular dictatorship -with -freedom of -speech</div> - -<p>The solution of the problem consists -in a new revolutionary government, -adapted to the Positive phase of the -Revolution, as the admirable institutions -of the Convention were to its negative phase. -The principal features of such a government would -be perfect freedom of speech and discussion, and -at the same time political preponderance of the -central authority with proper guarantees for its -purity. To secure perfect freedom of discussion, -various measures would be taken. All penalties -and fines which at present hamper its action would -be abolished, the only check left being the obligation -of signature. Again, all difficulties in the way of -criticizing the private character of public men, -due to the disgraceful legislation of the psychologists, -would be removed. Lastly, all official -grants to theological and metaphysical institutions -would be discontinued; for while these remain, -freedom of instruction in the true sense cannot be -said to exist. With such substantial guarantees -there will be little fear of reactionary tendencies -on the part of the executive; and consequently -no danger in allowing it to take that ascendency -over the electoral body which, in the present state -of mental and moral anarchy, is absolutely necessary -for the maintenance of material order. On -this plan the French assembly would be reduced -to about two hundred members; and its duty only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_425">425</a></span> -would be to vote the budget proposed by the -finance committee of government, and to audit -the accounts of the past year. All executive or -legislative measures would come within the province -of the central power; the only condition -being that they should first be submitted to free -discussion, whether by journals, public meetings, -or individual thinkers, though such discussion -should not bind the government legally. The -progressive character of the government thus -guaranteed, we have next to see that the men who -compose it shall be such as are likely to carry out -the provisional and purely practical purpose with -which it is instituted. On Positive principles, -it is to the working classes that we should look for -the only statesmen worthy of succeeding to the -statesmen of the Convention. Three of such men -would be required for the central government. -They would combine the functions of a ministry -with those of monarchy, one of them taking the -direction of Foreign affairs, another of Home affairs, -the third of Finance. They would convoke and -dissolve the electoral power on their own responsibility. -Of this body the majority would in a -short time, without any law to that effect, consist -of the larger capitalists; for the office would be -gratuitous, and the duties would be of a kind for -which their ordinary avocations fitted them. -Changes would occasionally be necessary in the -central government; but since it would consist -of three persons, its continuity might be maintained, -and the traditions of the previous generation, -as well as the tendencies of the future, and -the position actually existing, might all be represented.</p> - -<p>Such a government, though of course retaining -some revolutionary features, would come as near -to the normal state as is at present practicable.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_426">426</a></span> -For its province would be entirely limited to -material questions, and the only anomaly of -importance would be the fact of choosing rulers -from the working classes. Normally, this class -is excluded from political administration, which -falls ultimately into the hands of capitalists. But -the anomaly is so obviously dependent simply on -the present condition of affairs, and will be so -restricted in its application, that the working -classes are not likely to be seriously demoralized -by it. The primary object being to infuse morality -into practical life, it is clear that working men, -whose minds and hearts are peculiarly accessible -to moral influence, are for the present best qualified -for political power. No check meantime is placed -on the action of the capitalists; and this provisional -policy prepares the way for their ultimate -accession to power, by convincing them of the -urgent need of private and public regeneration, -without which they can never be worthy of it. -By this course, too, it becomes easier to bring the -consultative influence of a spiritual power to bear -upon modern government. At first such influence -can only be exercised spontaneously; but it will -become more and more systematic with every -new step in the great philosophical renovation on -which the final reorganization of society is based.</p> - -<p>The propriety of the provisional policy here -recommended is further illustrated by the wide -scope of its application. Although suggested by -the difficulties peculiar to the position of France, -it is equally adapted to other nations who are -sufficiently advanced to take part in the great -revolutionary crisis. Thus the second phase of -the Revolution is at once distinguished from the -first, by having an Occidental, as opposed to a -purely National, character. And the fact of the -executive government being composed of working<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_427">427</a></span> -men, points in the same direction; since of all -classes working men are the most free from local -prejudices, and have the strongest tendencies, -both intellectually and morally, to universal union. -Even should this form of government be limited -for some years to France, it would be enough to -remodel the old system of diplomacy throughout -the West.</p> - -<p>Such are the advantages which the second -revolutionary government will derive from the -possession of systematic principles; whereas the -government of the Convention was left to its -empirical instincts, and had nothing but its progressive -instincts to guide it.</p> - -<p>A special report was published in 1848 by the -Positivist Society<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a>, in which the subject of provisional -government will be found discussed in -greater detail.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Positive -Committee for -Western Europe</div> - -<p>Quiet at home and peace abroad -being secured, we shall be able, notwithstanding -the continuance of mental -and moral anarchy, to proceed actively -with the vast work of social regeneration, with -the certainty of full liberty of thought and expression. -For this purpose it will be desirable to -institute the philosophical and political association -to which I alluded in the last volume of my <em>Positive -Philosophy</em> (published in 1842), under the title of -<em>Positive Occidental Committee</em><a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a>. Its sittings would -usually be held in Paris, and it would consist, in -the first place, of eight Frenchmen, seven Englishmen, -six Germans, five Italians, and four Spaniards. -This would be enough to represent fairly the -principal divisions of each population. Germany,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_428">428</a></span> -for instance, might send a Dutchman, a Prussian, -a Swede, a Dane, a Bavarian, and an Austrian. -So, too, the Italian members might come respectively -from Piedmont, Lombardy, Tuscany, the -Roman States, and the two Sicilies. Again, -Catalonia, Castille, Andalusia, and Portugal would -adequately represent the Spanish Peninsula.</p> - -<p>Thus we should have a sort of permanent -Council of the new Church. Each of the three -elements of the moderating power should be -admitted into it; and it might also contain such -members of the governing class as were sufficiently -regenerated to be of use in forwarding the general -movement. There should be practical men in -this council as well as philosophers. Here, as -elsewhere, it will be principally from the working -classes that such practical co-operation will come; -but no support, if given sincerely, will be rejected, -even should it emanate from the classes who are -destined to extinction. It is also most important -for the purposes of this Council that the third -element of the moderating power, women, should -be included in it, so as to represent the fundamental -principle of the preponderance of the heart over -the understanding. Six ladies should be chosen -in addition to the thirty members above mentioned: -of these, two would be French, and one from each -of the other nations. Besides their ordinary -sphere of influence, it will be their special duty -to disseminate Positivism among our Southern -brethren. It is an office that I had reserved for -my saintly colleague, who, but for her premature -death, would have rendered eminent service in -such a Council.</p> - -<p>While material order is maintained by national -governments, the members of the Council, as -pioneers of the final order of society, will be carrying -on the European movement, and gradually terminating<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_429">429</a></span> -the spiritual interregnum which is now -the sole obstacle to social regeneration. They -will forward the development and diffusion of -Positivism, and make practical application of its -principles, in all ways that are honourably open -to them. Instruction of all kinds, oral or written, -popular or philosophic, will fall within their province; -but their chief aim will be to inaugurate -the worship of Humanity so far as that is possible. -And already a beginning is possible, so far at least -as the system of commemoration is concerned. -Politically they may give a direct proof of the -international character of the Positive system, -by bringing forward several measures, the utility -of which has long been recognized, but which have -been neglected for want of some central authority -placed beyond the reach of national rivalry.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Occidental -navy</div> - -<p>One of the most important of such -measures would be the establishment -of a Western naval force, with the twofold object -of protecting the seas, and of assisting geographical -and scientific discovery. It should be recruited -and supported by all five branches of the Occidental -family, and would thus be a good substitute for -the admirable institution of maritime Chivalry -which fell with Catholicism. On its flag the -Positivist motto would naturally be inscribed, and -thus would be for the first time publicly recognized.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">International -coinage</div> - -<p>Another measure, conceived in the -same spirit, would soon follow, one -which has long been desired, but which, owing to -the anarchy prevalent throughout the West since -the decline of Catholicism, has never yet been -carried out. A common monetary standard will -be established, with the consent of the various -governments, by which industrial transactions -will be greatly facilitated. Three spheres made -respectively of gold, silver, and platinum, and each<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_430">430</a></span> -weighing fifty grammes, would differ sufficiently -in value for the purpose. The sphere should have -a small flattened base, and on the great circle -parallel to it the Positivist motto would be inscribed. -At the pole would be the image of the immortal -Charlemagne, the founder of the Western Republic, -and round the image his name would be -engraved, in its Latin form, Carolus; that name, -respected as it is by all nations of Europe alike, -would be the common appellation of the universal -monetary standard.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Occidental -school</div> - -<p>The adoption of such measures -would soon bring the Positivist Committee -into favour. Many others might be -suggested, relating directly to its fundamental -purpose, which need not be specially mentioned -here. I will only suggest the foundation, by -voluntary effort, of an Occidental School, to serve -as the nucleus of a true philosophic class. The -students would ultimately enter the Positivist -priesthood; they would in most instances come -from the working class, without, however, excluding -real talent from whatever quarter. By -their agency the septennial course of Positive -teaching might be introduced in all places disposed -to receive it. They would besides supply voluntary -missionaries, who would preach the doctrine -everywhere, even outside the limits of Western -Europe, according to the plan hereafter to be -explained. The travels of Positivist workmen -in the ordinary duties of their calling, would -greatly facilitate this work.</p> - -<p>A more detailed view of this provisional system -of instruction will be found in the second edition -of the <em>Report on the Subject of a Positive School</em>, -published by the Positivist Society in 1849<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_431">431</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote">Flag for the -Western Republic</div> - -<p>There is another step which might -be taken, relating not merely to the -period of transition, but also to the -normal state. A flag suitable to the Western -Republic might be adopted, which, with slight -alterations, would also be the flag for each nation. -The want of such a symbol is already instinctively -felt. What is wanted is a substitute for the old -retrograde symbols, which yet shall avoid all -subversive tendencies. It would be a suitable -inauguration of the period of transition which -we are now entering, if the colours and mottoes -appropriate to the final state were adopted at -its outset.</p> - -<p>To speak first of the banner to be used in religious -services. It should be painted on canvas. On -one side the ground would be white; on it would -be the symbol of Humanity, personified by a -woman of thirty years of age, bearing her son in -her arms. The other side would bear the religious -formula of Positivists: <em>Love is our Principle, -Order is our Basis, Progress our End</em>, upon a ground -of green, the colour of hope, and therefore most -suitable for emblems of the future.</p> - -<p>Green, too, would be the colour of the political -flag, common to the whole West. As it is intended -to float freely, it does not admit of painting; but -the carved image of Humanity might be placed -at the banner-pole. The principal motto of -Positivism will, in this case, be divided into two, -both alike significant. One side of the flag will -have the political and scientific motto, <em>Order and -Progress</em>: the other, the moral and esthetic motto, -<em>Live for Others</em>. The first will be preferred by -men; the other is more especially adapted to -women, who are thus invited to participate in -these public manifestations of social feeling.</p> - -<p>This point settled, the question of the various<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_432">432</a></span> -national flags becomes easy. In these the centre -might be green, and the national colours might -be displayed on the border. Thus, in France, -where the innovation will be first introduced, the -border would be tricolour, with the present arrangement -of colours, except that more space should be -given to the white, in honour of our old royal flag. -In this way uniformity would be combined with -variety; and, moreover, it would be shown that -the new feeling of Occidentality is perfectly compatible -with respect for the smallest nationalities. -Each would retain the old signs in combination -with the common symbol. The same principle -would apply to all emblems of minor importance.</p> - -<p>The question of these symbols, of which I have -spoken during the last two years in my weekly -courses of lectures, illustrates the most immediate -of the functions to which the Positive Committee -will be called. I mention it here, as a type of its -general action upon European society.</p> - -<p>Without setting any limits to the gradual increase -of the Association, it is desirable that the central -nucleus should always remain limited to the -original number of thirty-six, with two additions, -which will shortly be mentioned. Each member -might institute a more numerous association in -his own country, and this again might be the parent -of others. Associations thus affiliated may be -developed to an unlimited extent; and thus we -shall be able to maintain the unity and homogeneity -of the Positive Church, without impairing -its coherence and vigour. As soon as Positivism -has gained in every country a sufficient number -of voluntary adherents to constitute the preponderating -section of the community, the regeneration -of society is secured.</p> - -<p>The numbers assigned above for the different -nations, only represent the order in which the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_433">433</a></span> -advanced minds in each will co-operate in the -movement. The order in which the great body -of each nation will join it, will be, as far as we can -judge from their antecedents, somewhat different. -The difference is, that Italy here takes the second -place, and Spain the third, while England descends -to the last. The grounds for this important -modification are indicated in the third edition of -my <em>Positive Calendar</em>. They will be discussed -in detail in the fourth volume of this Treatise<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Colonial and -foreign Associates -of the -Committee, the -action of which -will ultimately -extend to the -whole human -race</div> - -<p>From Europe the movement will -spread ultimately to the whole race. -But the first step in its progress will -naturally be to the inhabitants of our -colonies, who, though politically independent -of Western Europe, still -retain their filiation with it. Twelve -colonial members may be added to the Council; -four for each American Continent, two for India, -two for the Dutch and Spanish possessions in the -Indian Ocean.</p> - -<p>This gives us forty-eight members. To these -twelve foreign associates will gradually be added, -to represent the populations whose growth has -been retarded; and then the Council will have -received its full complement. For every nation -of the world is destined for the same ultimate conditions -of social regeneration as ourselves, the -only difference being that Western Europe, under -the leadership of France, takes the initiative. It -is of great importance not to attempt this final -extension too soon, an error which would impair -the precision and vigour of the renovating movement. -At the same time it must never be forgotten -that the existence of the Great Being remains<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_434">434</a></span> -incomplete until all its members are brought into -harmonious co-operation. In ancient times social -sympathy was restricted to the idea of Nationality; -between this and the final conception of Humanity, -the Middle Ages introduced the intermediate -conception of Christendom, or Occidentality; -the real bearing of which is at present but little -appreciated. It will be our first political duty to -revive that conception, and place it on a firmer -basis, by terminating the anarchy consequent on -the extinction of Catholic Feudalism. While -occupied in this task, we shall become impressed -with the conviction that the union of Western -Europe is but a preliminary step to the union of -Humanity; an instinctive presentiment of which -has existed from the infancy of our race, but which -as long as theological belief and military life were -predominant, could never be carried out even in -thought. The primary laws of human development -which form the philosophical basis of the -Positive system, apply necessarily to all climates -and races whatsoever, the only difference being -in the rapidity with which evolution takes place. -The inferiority of other nations in this respect is -not inexplicable; and it will now be compensated -by a growth of greater regularity than ours, and -less interrupted by shocks and oscillations. Obviously -in our case systematic guidance was impossible, -since it is only now that our growth is complete -that we can learn the general laws common to it -and to other cases. Wise and generous intervention -of the West on behalf of our sister nations who are -less advanced, will form a noble field for Social -Art, when based on sound scientific principles. -Relative without being arbitrary, zealous and yet -always temperate; such should be the spirit of -this intervention; and thus conducted, it will -form a system of moral and political action far<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_435">435</a></span> -nobler than the proselytism of theology or the -extension of military empire. The time will come -when it will engross the whole attention of the -Positive Council; but for the present it must remain -secondary to other subjects of greater -urgency.</p> - -<p>The first to join the Western movement will -necessarily be the remaining portion of the White -race: which in all its branches is superior to the -other two races. There are two Monotheist -nations, and one Polytheist, which will be successively -incorporated. Taken together, the three -represent the propagation of Positivism in the -East.</p> - -<p>The vast population of the Russian empire was -left outside the pale of Catholic Feudalism. By -virtue of its Christianity, however, notwithstanding -its entire confusion of temporal and spiritual power, -it holds the first place among the Monotheistic -nations of the East. Its initiation into the -Western movement will be conducted by two -nations of intermediate position; Greece, connected -with Russia by the tie of religion; and Poland, -united with her politically. Though neither of -these nations is homogeneous in structure with -Russia, it would cause serious delay in the propagation -of Positivism should the connexion be altogether -terminated.</p> - -<p>The next step will be to Mohammedan Monotheism; -first in Turkey, afterwards in Persia. -Here Positivism will find points of sympathy of -which Catholicism could not admit. Indeed -these are already perceptible. Arab civilization -transmitted Greek science to us: and this will -always secure for it an honourable place among -the essential elements of the mediaeval system, -regarded as a preparation for Positivism.</p> - -<p>Lastly, we come to the Polytheists of India;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_436">436</a></span> -and with them the incorporation of the White -race will be complete. Already we see some -spontaneous tendencies in this direction. Although -from exceptional causes Theocracy has been preserved -in India, there exist real points of contact -with Positivism; and in this respect the assistance -of Persia will be of service. It is the peculiar -privilege of the Positive doctrine that, taking so -complete a view of human development, it is -always able to appreciate the most ancient forms -of social life at their true worth.</p> - -<p>In these three stages of Positivist propagation, -the Council will have elected the first half of its -foreign associates; admitting successively a Greek, -a Russian, an Egyptian, a Turk, a Persian and -finally, a Hindoo.</p> - -<p>The Yellow race has adhered firmly to Polytheism. -But it has been considerably modified in all -its branches by Monotheism, either in the Christian -or Mohammedan form. To some extent, therefore, -it is prepared for further change; and a sufficient -number of adherents may soon be obtained for -Tartary, China, Japan, and Malacca to be represented -in the Council.</p> - -<p>With one last edition the organization of the -Council is complete. The black race has yet to -be included. It should send two representatives; -one from Hayti, which had the energy to shake -off the iniquitous yoke of slavery, and the other -from central Africa, which has never yet been -subjected to European influence. European pride -has looked with contempt on these African tribes, -and imagines them destined to hopeless stagnation. -But the very fact of their having been left to -themselves renders them better disposed to receive -Positivism, the first system in which their Fetichistic -faith has been appreciated, as the origin from which -the historic evolution of society has proceeded.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_437">437</a></span></p> - -<p>It is probable that the Council will have reached -its limit of sixty members, before the spiritual -interregnum in the central region of Humanity -has been terminated. But even if political reconstruction -were to proceed so rapidly in Europe -as to render all possible assistance to this vast -movement, it is hardly conceivable that the five -stages of which it consists can be thoroughly -effected within a period of two centuries. But -however this may be, the action of the Council -will become increasingly valuable, not only for -its direct influence on the less advanced nations, -but also and more especially, because the proofs -it will furnish of the universality of the new religion -will strengthen its adherents in the Western family.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Conclusion. -Perfection of -the Positivist -ideal</div> - -<p>But the time when Positivism can -be brought into direct contact with -these preliminary phases is far distant, -and we need not wait for it. The -features of the system stand out already with -sufficient clearness to enable us to begin at once -the work of mental and social renovation for -which our revolutionary predecessors so energetically -prepared the way. They however were -blinded to the Future by their hatred of the Past. -With us, on the contrary, social sympathy rests -upon the historical spirit, and at the same time -strengthens it. Solidarity with our contemporaries -is not enough for us, unless we combine it with -the sense of Continuity with former times; and -while we press on toward the Future, we lean upon -the Past, every phase of which our religion holds -in honour. So far from the energy of our progressive -movement being hampered by such feelings, -it is only by doing full justice to the Past, as no -system but ours can do consistently, that we can -obtain perfect emancipation of thought; because -we are thus saved from the necessity of making<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_438">438</a></span> -the slightest actual concession to systems which -we regard as obsolete. Understanding their nature -and their purpose better than the sectaries who -still empirically adhere to them, we can see that -each was in its time necessary as a preparatory -step towards the final system, in which all their -partial and imperfect services will be combined.</p> - -<p>Comparing it especially with the last synthesis by -which the Western family of nations has been directed, -it is clear even from the indications given in -this prefatory work, that the new synthesis is more -real, more comprehensive, and more stable. All -that we find to admire in the mediaeval system is -developed and matured in Positivism. It is the -only system which can induce the intellect to -accept its due position of subordination to the -heart. We recognize the piety and chivalry of -our ancestors, who made a noble application of -the best doctrine that was possible in their time. -We believe that were they living now, they would -be found in our ranks. They would acknowledge -the decay of their provisional phase of thought, -and would see that in its present degenerate state -it is only a symbol of reaction, and a source of -discord.</p> - -<p>And now that the doctrine has been shown to -rest on a central principle, a principle which appeals -alike to instinct and to reason, we may carry our -comparison a step further, and convince all clear-seeing -and honest minds that it is as superior -to former systems in its influence over the emotions -and the imagination, as it is from the practical -and intellectual aspect. Under it, Life, whether -private or public, becomes in a still higher sense -than under Polytheism, a continuous act of worship -performed under the inspiration of universal -Love. All our thoughts, feelings, and actions flow -spontaneously to a common centre in Humanity,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_439">439</a></span> -our Supreme Being; a Being who is real, accessible, -and sympathetic, because she is of the same nature -as her worshippers, though far superior to any one -of them. The very conception of Humanity is a -condensation of the whole mental and social -history of man. For it implies the irrevocable -extinction of theology and of war; both of which -are incompatible with uniformity of belief and -with co-operation of all the energies of the race. -The spontaneous morality of the emotions is -restored to its due place; and Philosophy, Poetry, -and Polity are thereby regenerated. Each is -placed in its due relation to the others, and is -consecrated to the study, the praise, and the -service of Humanity, the most relative and the -most perfectible of all beings. Science passes -from the analytic to the synthetic state, being -entrusted with the high mission of founding an -objective basis for man’s action on the laws of the -external world and of man’s nature; a basis which -is indispensable to control the oscillation of our -opinions, the versatility of our feelings, and the -instability of our purposes. Poetry assumes at -last its true social function, and will henceforth -be preferred to all other studies. By idealizing -Humanity under every aspect, it enables us to -give fit expression to the gratitude we owe to her, -both publicly and as individuals; and thus it -becomes a source of the highest spiritual benefit.</p> - -<p>But amidst the pleasures that spring from the -study and the praise of Humanity, it must be -remembered that Positivism is characterized -always by reality and utility, and admits of no -degeneration into asceticism or quietism. The -Love by which it is inspired is no passive principle; -while stimulating Reason and Imagination, it -does so only to give a higher direction to our -practical activity. It was in practical life that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_440">440</a></span> -the Positive spirit first arose, extending thence to -the sphere of thought, and ultimately to the moral -sphere. The grand object of human existence is -the constant improvement of the natural Order -that surrounds us: of our material condition -first; subsequently of our physical, intellectual, -and moral nature. And the highest of these -objects is moral progress, whether in the individual, -in the family, or in society. It is on this that -human happiness, whether in private or public -life, principally depends. Political art, then, -when subordinated to morality, becomes the most -essential of all arts. It consists in concentration -of all human effort upon the service of Humanity -in accordance with the natural laws which regulate -her existence.</p> - -<p>The great merit of ancient systems of polity, of -the Roman system especially, was that precedence -was always given to public interests. Every -citizen co-operated in the manner and degree -suited to those early times. But there were no -means of providing proper regulation for domestic -life. In the Middle Ages, when Catholicism -attempted to form a complete system of morality, -private life was made the principal object. All -our affections were subjected to a most beneficial -course of discipline, in which the inmost springs -of vice and virtue were reached. But owing to -the inadequacy of the doctrines on which the system -rested, the solution of the problem was incoherent. -The method by which Catholicism controlled the -selfish propensities was one which turned men -away from public life, and concentrated them on -interests which were at once chimerical and -personal. The immediate value of this great -effort was, that it brought about for the first time -a separation between moral and political power, -which in the systems of antiquity had always been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_441">441</a></span> -confounded. But the separation was due rather -to the force of circumstances than to any conscious -efforts; and it could not be fully carried out, -because it was incompatible with the spirit of the -Catholic doctrine and with the military character -of society. Woman sympathized with Catholicism, -but the people never supported it with enthusiasm, -and it soon sank under the encroachments of the -temporal power, and the degeneracy of the priesthood.</p> - -<p>Positivism is the only system which can renew -this premature effort and bring it to a satisfactory -issue. Combining the spirit of antiquity with -that of Catholic Feudalism, it proposes to carry -out the political programme put forward by the -Convention.</p> - -<p>Positive religion brings before us in a definite -shape the noblest of human problems, the permanent -preponderance of Social feeling over Self-love. -As far as the exceeding imperfection of our -nature enables us to solve it, it would be solved -by calling our home affections into continuous -action; affections which stand half-way between -self-love and universal sympathy. In order to -consolidate and develop this solution, Positivism -lays down the philosophical and social principle -of separation of theoretical from practical power. -Theoretical power is consultative; it directs -education, and supplies general principles. Practical -power directs action by special and imperative -rules. All the elements of society that are excluded -from political government become guarantees for -the preservation of this arrangement. The priests -of Humanity, who are the systematic organs of the -moderating power, will always find themselves supported, -in their attempts to modify the governing -power, by women and by the people. But to be -so supported, they must be men who, in addition<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_442">442</a></span> -to the intellectual power necessary for their mission, -have the moral qualities which are yet more necessary; -who combine, that is, the tenderness of -women with the energy of the people. The first -guarantee for the possession of such qualities is -the sacrifice of political authority and even of -wealth. Then we may at least hope to see the -new religion taking the place of the old, because -it will fulfil in a more perfect way the mental and -social purposes for which the old religion existed. -Monotheism will lapse like Polytheism and -Fetichism, into the domain of history; and will, -like them, be incorporated into the system of -universal commemoration, in which Humanity -will render due homage to all her predecessors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">Corruption of -Monotheism</div> - -<p>It is not, then, merely on the ground -of speculative truth that Positivists -would urge all those who are still halting between -two opinions, to choose between the absolute and -the relative, between the fruitless search for -Causes and the solid study of Laws, between submission -to arbitrary Wills and submission to -demonstrable Necessities. It is for Feeling still -more than for Reason to make the decision; for -upon it depends the establishment of a higher -form of social life.</p> - -<p>Monotheism in Western Europe is now as -obsolete and as injurious as Polytheism was -fifteen centuries ago. The discipline in which -its moral value principally consisted has long since -decayed; and consequently the sole effect of its -doctrine, which has been so extravagantly praised, -is to degrade the affections by unlimited desires, -and to weaken the character by servile terrors. -It supplied no field for the Imagination, and -forced it back upon Polytheism and Fetichism, -which, under Theology, form the only possible -foundation for poetry. The pursuits of practical<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_443">443</a></span> -life were never sincerely promoted by it, and they -advanced only by evading or resisting its influence. -The noblest of all practical pursuits, that of social -regeneration, is at the present time in direct -opposition to it. For by its vague notion of -Providence, it prevents men from forming a true -conception of Law, a conception necessary for -true prevision, on which all wise intervention -must be based.</p> - -<p>Sincere believers in Christianity will soon cease -to interfere with the management of a world, -where they profess themselves to be pilgrims and -strangers. The new Supreme Being is no less -jealous than the old, and will not accept the servants -of two masters. But the truth is, that the -more zealous theological partisans, whether -royalists, or aristocrats, or democrats, have now -for a long time been insincere. God to them is -but the nominal chief of a hypocritical conspiracy, -a conspiracy which is even more contemptible -than it is odious. Their object is to keep the -people from all great social improvements by -assuring them that they will find compensation -for their miseries in an imaginary future life. -The doctrine is already falling into discredit among -the working classes everywhere throughout the -West, especially in Paris. All theological tendencies, -whether Catholic, Protestant, or Deist, really -serve to prolong and aggravate our moral anarchy, -because they hinder the diffusion of that social -sympathy and breadth of view, without which -we can never attain fixity of principle and regularity -of life. Every subversive scheme now -afloat has either originated in Monotheism or has -received its sanction. Even Catholicism has lost -its power of controlling revolutionary extravagance -in some of its own most distinguished members.</p> - -<p>It is for the sake of Order therefore, even more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_444">444</a></span> -than of Progress, that we call on all those who -desire to rise above their present disastrous state -of oscillation in feeling and opinion, to make a -distinct choice between Positivism and Theology. -For there are now but two camps: the camp of -reaction and anarchy, which acknowledges more -or less distinctly the direction of God: the camp -of construction and progress, which is wholly -devoted to Humanity.</p> - -<p>The Being upon whom all our thoughts are -concentrated is one whose existence is undoubted. -We recognize that existence not in the Present -only, but in the Past, and even in the Future: -and we find it always subject to one fundamental -Law, by which we are enabled to conceive of it as -a whole. Placing our highest happiness in universal -Love, we live, as far as it is possible, for others; -and this in public life as well as in private; for -the two are closely linked together in our religion; -a religion clothed in all the beauty of Art, and yet -never inconsistent with Science. After having -thus exercised our powers to the full, and having -given a charm and sacredness to our temporary -life, we shall at last be for ever incorporated into -the Supreme Being, of whose life all noble natures -are necessarily partakers. It is only through the -workers of Humanity that we can feel the inward -reality and inexpressible sweetness of this incorporation. -It is unknown to those who being still -involved in theological belief, have not been able -to form a clear conception of the Future, and have -never experienced the feeling of pure self-sacrifice.</p> - -<p class="p2 center smaller"> -THE END</p> - -<p class="p2 center smaller">Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. -</p> - -<div class="chapter"><div class="footnotes"> -<h2 class="nobreak p1"><a id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> The establishment of this great principle is the most important -result of my <cite>System of Positive Philosophy</cite>. This -work was published 1830–1842, with the title of <cite>Course of -Positive Philosophy</cite>, because it was based upon a course of -lectures delivered 1826–1829. But since that time I have -always given it the more appropriate name of System. -Should the work reach a second edition, the correction will -be made formally: meanwhile, this will, I hope, remove all -misconception on the subject.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> [Comte afterwards added a seventh science, Ethics, -(see vol. ii of <cite>System of Positive Polity</cite>).]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> [See Cabanis, <cite>Rapports du physique et du moral de -l’homme</cite>, V<sup>e</sup> memoire, where he speaks of ‘<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">les restes de l’esprit -de chevalerie, fruit ridicule de l’odieuse féodalité</i>.’]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> Philosophy—the <em>love</em> of wisdom.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> [Written in 1848.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> On reconsideration, Comte saw fit to withdraw this -proposal. See <cite>Positive Polity</cite>, vol. iv, ch. 5, p. 351.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> [Clotilde de Vaux, see <cite>Testament d’Auguste Comte</cite>, p. 550].</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> This law was introduced by Royer-Collard. It forbids -discussion of the private affairs of public men.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> [<cite>Testament d’Auguste Comte</cite>, p. 556].</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> [This story <cite>Lucie</cite> is republished in Vol. i of <cite>System of -Positive Polity</cite>.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Toute la suite des hommes, pendant le cours de tant de -siècles, doit être considérée comme un même homme qui -subsiste toujours et qui apprend continuellement.—Pascal, -<cite>Pensées</cite>, Part I, Art. I. [The whole succession of men during -the course of so many centuries should be considered as -one Man ever living and constantly learning.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> [See <cite>The Positivist Calendar</cite>, edited by H. G. Jones -(W. Reeves, 1905).]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> [<cite>Tableau Historique des progrès de l’Esprit Humain</cite>, Paris, -1900.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> [The Republic of 1848.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> [This report was republished in <cite>Revue Occidentale</cite>, July -1889; see also an article and a document published by M. -Pierre Laffitte in the same review in January, 1890.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> [This committee was formed in 1903.]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> This report was republished in <cite>Revue Occidentale</cite>, September, -1885.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> The relative position here assigned to England and -Germany is reversed in the fourth volume of the <cite>Politique -Positive</cite>.</p></div> -</div></div> - -<div class="chapter"><div class="transnote"> -<h2 class="nobreak p1"><a id="Transcribers_Notes"></a>Transcriber’s Notes</h2> - -<p>Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a predominant -preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.</p> - -<p>Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced -quotation marks retained.</p> - -<p>Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_320">320</a>: “the creative process” was misprinted as “the -creature process”; changed here.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_399">399</a>: “one of its principal features” was misprinted -as “principle”; changed here.</p> -</div></div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's A General View of Positivism, by Auguste Comte - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A GENERAL VIEW OF POSITIVISM *** - -***** This file should be named 53799-h.htm or 53799-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/7/9/53799/ - -Produced by Josep Cols Canals, Charlie Howard, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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