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diff --git a/old/53799-0.txt b/old/53799-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 50cee4b..0000000 --- a/old/53799-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14077 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of A General View of Positivism, by Auguste Comte - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: A General View of Positivism - Or, Summary exposition of the System of Thought and Life - -Author: Auguste Comte - -Commentator: Frederic Harrison - -Translator: J. H. Bridges - -Release Date: December 24, 2016 [EBook #53799] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A GENERAL VIEW OF POSITIVISM *** - - - - -Produced by Josep Cols Canals, Charlie Howard, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes: - -Italicized text is enclosed in _underscores_. - -Narrow text within square brackets are sidenotes; numbers within square -brackets refer to footnotes at the end of this eBook. - -“V^e” in Footnote 3 indicates that the “e” is a superscript. - -Other notes will be found at the end of this eBook. - - - - - The New Universal Library - - -A GENERAL VIEW OF POSITIVISM - - - - - A GENERAL VIEW - OF POSITIVISM - - Translated from the French of - AUGUSTE COMTE - - By J. H. BRIDGES, M.B. - _Late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford_ - - A New Edition, with an Introduction (1908), by - FREDERIC HARRISON - - And the Additional Notes in the last French - Edition (Paris, 1907) - - [Illustration] - - LONDON - GEORGE ROUTLEDGE & SONS LIMITED - NEW YORK: E. P. DUTTON & CO. - - - - -_Published by the kind consent of Mrs. Bridges and the Positivist -Committee, to whom the copyright of this translation belongs._ - - - - - Republic of the West - Order and Progress - - A GENERAL VIEW OF - POSITIVISM - - Or, - - _SUMMARY EXPOSITION OF THE - SYSTEM OF THOUGHT - AND LIFE_ - - Adapted to the Great Western Republic, formed of the Five Advanced - Nations, the French, Italian, Spanish, British and German, which, - since the time of Charlemagne, have always constituted a Political - Whole - - - Réorganiser, sans dieu ni roi, par le culte systématique de - l’Humanité. - - Nul n’a droit qu’à faire son devoir. - - L’esprit doit toujours être le ministre du coeur, et jamais son - esclave. - - - Reorganisation, irrespectively of God or king, by the worship of - Humanity, systematically adopted. - - Man’s only right is to do his duty. - - The Intellect should always be the servant of the Heart, and should - never be its slave. - - - By - AUGUSTE COMTE - - _Author of_ ‘_System of Positive Philosophy_’ - PARIS, 1848 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - -By FREDERIC HARRISON - - -Although Positivism has been pretty widely discussed of late, not only -by those interested in philosophy and religion, but by the general -reader and the public press, perhaps but few of them, whether readers -or critics, have exactly grasped the full meaning of it as a system at -once of thought and of life. The vast range of the ground it covers and -the technical, allusive, and close style of Comte’s writings in the -original have made it difficult to master the subject as a whole. It -has accordingly been thought that the time has come to add to the ‘New -Universal Library’ a translation of _The General View of Positivism_, -i.e., the careful summary of the _Positive Polity_ which Auguste Comte -prefixed to the four volumes of his principal work. The translation -which was published by Dr. J. H. Bridges in 1865 is at the same time -a most accurate version by one of Comte’s earliest followers, and -also it is turned in an easy and simpler style, with the references -and allusions explained, marginal headings to the paragraphs, and a -complete analysis of the contents. - -Positivism is not simply a system of Philosophy; nor is it simply a new -form of Religion; nor is it simply a scheme of social regeneration. -It partakes of all of these, and professes to harmonize them under -one dominant conception that is equally philosophic and social. -‘Its primary object,’ writes Comte, ‘is twofold: to generalize our -scientific conceptions and to systematize the art of social life.’ -Accordingly Comte’s ideal embraces the three main elements of which -human life consists--Thoughts, Feelings and Actions. - -Now it is clear that no such comprehensive system was ever before -offered to the world. Neither the Gospel nor any known type of religion -undertook to give a synthetic grouping of the Sciences. No synthetic -scheme of philosophy ever attempted to correlate religion, politics, -art, and industry. No system of Socialism, ancient or modern, started -with mathematics and led up to an ideal of a human devotion to duty, -with a ritual of worship, both public and private. - -Now Comte’s famous _Positive Polity_ did attempt this gigantic task. -And the novelty and extent of such a work explains and accounts for the -extreme difficulty met with by readers of the original French, and also -for the fascination which it has maintained more than fifty years after -the author’s death. It has been talked about, criticized, and even -ridiculed, with an ignorance of its true character which can only be -excused by the abstract and severe form in which Comte thought right to -condense his thoughts. Comte was primarily a mathematician, and neither -Descartes nor Newton troubled themselves about ‘the general reader’. -Kepler, they say, declared himself satisfied if he had one convert -in a century; and philosophers have seldom had justice done them -until some generations have passed. The difficulties presented by the -scientific form of Comte’s works have been obviated for English readers -by the versions of his English followers, which are at once literal -translations, analyses, and elucidations. For the ‘general reader’ -nothing could be more serviceable than Bridges’ clear presentation of -Comte’s own ‘general view’, or summary of his system. - -The translation itself is a literary masterpiece. It renders an -extremely abstract and complex French type of philosophical dogmatism -into easy and simple English, whilst at the same time preserving and -even elucidating the somewhat cryptic allusions and _nuances_ of the -original. The thought in the French is full, pregnant, and suggestive, -at once subtle and abstract, and rich with words of a new coinage--such -as _altruism_, _sociology_, _dynamics_ (i.e., history), and old -words used in a special sense. This difficulty Dr. Bridges surmounts -by breaking up the involved sentences, supplying names and facts -indirectly referred to, and by transferring technical language into -popular English. The success of the translation has been proved by the -thousands of copies sold in the original 12mo edition of 1865, in the -8vo edition of 1875, and in the stereotyped reprint of 1881. - -A pathetic interest attaches to the history of the translation. In -1860 Dr. Bridges, just settled as a physician in Melbourne, lost his -young wife by fever. He at once returned to England, bringing the -remains of his wife for interment in the family graveyard in Suffolk. -In those days of sailing vessels the voyage home round Cape Horn -occupied at least three months. Dr. Bridges resolved to conquer his -sorrow, shut himself in his cabin during the voyage home and completed -the translation (in 430 pages of print) within the time at sea:-- - - The sad mechanic exercise, - Like dull narcotics, numbing pain. - -Auguste Comte always spoke of the _Positive Polity_ as ‘his principal -work’. The _Discours sur l’Ensemble_, or _General View of Positivism_, -formed the introduction to the four volumes. It forms a summary of the -entire work, and it is indeed a systematic application of the doctrine -to the actual condition of society. As the _Polity_, taken as a whole, -professes to embody a set of doctrines for the regulation of thought -and life, the present _Introduction_ is designed to show the need of -such a body of doctrine, the result that they would produce, and the -mode in which they are likely to work. Thus, one who desires to see in -one view the social purpose which Positivism proposes to effect would -find it in no single volume better than in this treatise. - -The work consists of six chapters, treating Positivism respectively -in its intellectual aspect, its social aspect, its influence on the -working classes, on women, on art, and on religion. In other words it -illustrates the application of the system to Philosophy, Politics, -Industry, The Family, Poetry and The Future. It opens with a comparison -of Positivist doctrines with those of the leading extant philosophies. -It closes with a picture of society should those doctrines be realized. -It is thus both a criticism of current theories, and an utopia of a -possible Future. Of the intermediate chapters, the first deals with the -principal changes proposed in our actual political system: the next -chapter deals with the changes proposed in our present social system. -Then come the last two chapters, dealing with the principal agents, -Art, Poetry and Religion, by which those changes may be promoted. The -book is therefore a practical introduction to the subject as a whole; -for it sets forth the _aim_ of Positivism as a system, and then how it -seeks to effect that aim. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER I - - INTELLECTUAL CHARACTER OF POSITIVISM 8 - - The object of Philosophy is to present a systematic view of - human life as a basis for modifying its imperfections--The - Theological Synthesis failed to include the practical side of - human nature--But the Positive spirit originated in practical - life--In human nature, and therefore in the Positive system, - Affection is the preponderating element--The proper function - of Intellect is the service of the Social Sympathies--Under - Theology the Intellect was the slave of the Heart; under - Positivism, its servant--The subordination of the Intellect to - the Heart is the subjective principle of Positivism--Objective - basis of the system: Order of the external World, as revealed - by Science--By it the selfish affections are controlled; the - unselfish strengthened--Our conception of this External Order - has been gradually growing from the earliest times, and is but - just complete--Even where not modifiable, its influence on the - character is of the greatest value--But in most cases we can modify - it; and in these the knowledge of it forms the systematic basis - of human action--The chief difficulty of the Positive Synthesis - was to complete our conception of the External Order by extending - it to Social Phenomena--By the discovery of sociological laws - social questions are made paramount; and thus our _subjective - principle_ is satisfied without danger to free thought--Distinction - between Abstract and Concrete laws. It is the former only - that we require for the purpose before us--In our Theory of - Development the required Synthesis of Abstract conceptions already - exists--Therefore we are in a position to proceed at once with - the work of social regeneration--Error of identifying Positivism - with Atheism, Materialism, Fatalism, or Optimism. Atheism, like - Theology, discusses insoluble mysteries--Materialism is due to the - encroachment of the lower sciences on the domain of the higher, - an error which Positivism rectifies--Nor is Positivism fatalist, - since it asserts the External Order to be modifiable--The charge - of Optimism applies to Theology rather than to Positivism. The - Positivist judges of all historical actions _relatively_, but does - not justify them indiscriminately--The word _Positive_ connotes all - the highest intellectual attributes, and will ultimately have a - moral significance. - - -CHAPTER II - - THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF POSITIVISM 64 - - The relation of Positivism to the French Revolution--The - negative or destructive phase of the Revolution stimulated - the desire of Progress, and consequently the study of social - phenomena--The constructive phase of the Revolution. The first - attempts to construct failed, being based on destructive - principles--Counter-revolution from 1794 to 1830--Political - stagnation between 1830 and 1848--The present position, 1848-1850. - Republicanism involves the great principle of subordinating - Politics to Morals--It gives prominence to the problem of - reconciling Order and Progress--It brings the metaphysical - revolutionary schools into discredit--And it proves to all the - necessity of a true spiritual power; a body of thinkers whose - business is to study and to teach principles, holding aloof - from political action--The need of a spiritual power is common - to the whole Republic of Western Europe--This Republic consists - of the Italian, Spanish, British, and German populations, - grouped round France as their centre--Relation of Positivism - to the mediæval system, to which we owe the first attempt - to separate Spiritual from Temporal power--But the mediæval - attempt was premature; and Positivism will renew and complete - it--The Ethical system of Positivism--Subjection of Self-love - to Social love is the great ethical problem. The Social state - of itself favours this result; but it may be hastened by - organized and conscious effort--Intermediate between Self-love - and universal Benevolence are the domestic affections: filial, - fraternal, conjugal, paternal--Personal virtues placed upon a - social basis--Moral education consists partly of scientific - demonstration of ethical truth, but still more of culture of the - higher sympathies--Organization of Public Opinion--Commemoration - of great men--The political motto of Positivism: Order and - Progress--Progress, the development of Order--Analysis of Progress: - material, physical, intellectual, and moral--Application of our - principles to actual politics. All government must for the present - be provisional--Danger of attempting political reconstruction - before spiritual--Politically what is wanted is Dictatorship, with - liberty of speech and discussion--Such a dictatorship would be a - step towards the separation of spiritual and temporal power--The - motto of 1830, _Liberty and Public Order_--Liberty should be - extended to Education--Order demands centralization--Intimate - connexion of Liberty with Order. - - -CHAPTER III - - THE ACTION OF POSITIVISM UPON THE WORKING CLASSES 140 - - Positivism will not for the present recommend itself to the - governing classes, so much as to the People--The working man who - accepts his position is favourably situated for the reception - of comprehensive principles and generous sympathies--This the - Convention felt; but they encouraged the People to seek political - supremacy, for which they are not fit--It is only in exceptional - cases that the People can be really ‘sovereign’--The truth - involved in the expression is that the well-being of the people - should be the one great object of government--The People’s - function is to assist the spiritual power in modifying the action - of government--Their combined efforts result in the formation - of Public Opinion--Public opinion involves, (1) principles of - social conduct, (2) their acceptance by society at large, (3) an - organ through which to enunciate them--Working men’s clubs--All - three conditions of Public Opinion exist, but have not yet - been combined--Spontaneous tendencies of the people in a right - direction. Their Communism--Its new title of Socialism--Property - is in its nature social, and needs control--But Positivism - rejects the Communist solution of the Problem. Property is to - be controlled by moral not legal agencies--Individualization - of functions as necessary as co-operation--Industry requires - its captains as well as War--Communism is deficient in the - historical spirit--In fact, as a system it is worthless, though - prompted by noble feelings--Property is a public trust, not to - be interfered with legally--Inheritance favourable to its right - employment--Intellect needs moral control as much as wealth--Action - of organized public opinion upon Capitalists. Strikes--Public - Opinion must be based upon a sound system of Education--Education - has two stages; from birth to puberty, from puberty to adolescence. - The first, consisting of physical and esthetic training, to - be given at home--The second part consists of public lectures - on the Sciences, from Mathematics to Sociology--Travels of - Apprentices--Concentration of study--Governmental assistance - not required, except for certain special institutions, and - this only as a provisional measure--We are not ripe for this - system at present; and Government must not attempt to hasten its - introduction--Intellectual attitude of the people. Emancipation - from theological belief--From metaphysical doctrines--Their - mistaken preference of literary and rhetorical talent to real - intellectual power--Moral attitude of the people. The workman - should regard himself as a public functionary--Ambition of power - and wealth must be abandoned--The working classes are the best - guarantee for Liberty and Order--It is from them that we shall - obtain the dictatorial power which is provisionally required. - - -CHAPTER IV - - THE INFLUENCE OF POSITIVISM UPON WOMEN 227 - - Women represent the affective element in our nature, as - philosophers and people represent the intellectual and practical - elements--Women have stood aloof from the modern movement, because - of its anti-historic and destructive character--But they will - sympathize with constructive tendencies; and will distinguish - sound philosophy from scientific specialities--Women’s position - in society. Like philosophers and people, their part is not to - govern, but to modify--The united action of philosophers, women, - and proletaries constitutes Moral Force--Superiority of the - new spiritual power to the old. Self-regarding tendencies of - Catholic doctrine--The spirit of Positivism, on the contrary, - is essentially social. The Heart and the Intellect mutually - strengthen each other--Intellectual and moral affinities of women - with Positivism--Catholicism purified love, but did not directly - strengthen it--Women’s influence over the working classes and their - teachers--Their social influence in the _salon_--But the Family - is their principal sphere of action--Woman’s mission as a wife. - Conjugal love an education for universal sympathy--Conditions of - marriage. Indissoluble monogamy--Perpetual widowhood--Woman’s - mission as a mother--Education of children belongs to mothers. - They only can guide the development of character--Modern sophisms - about Woman’s rights. The domesticity of her life follows from - the principle of Separation of Powers--The position of the sexes - tends to differentiation rather than identity--Woman to be - maintained by Man--The education of women should be identical - with that of men--Women’s privileges. Their mission is in - itself a privilege--They will receive honour and worship from - men--Development of mediæval chivalry--The practice of Prayer, so - far from disappearing, is purified and strengthened in Positive - religion--The worship of Woman a preparation for the worship of - Humanity--Exceptional women. Joan of Arc--It is for women to - introduce Positivism into the Southern nations. - - -CHAPTER V - - THE RELATION OF POSITIVISM TO ART 304 - - Positivism when complete is as favourable to Imagination, as, when - incomplete, it was unfavourable to it--Esthetic talent is for the - adornment of life, not for its government--The political influence - of literary men a deplorable sign and source of anarchy--Theory - of Art--Art is the idealized representation of Fact--Poetry is - intermediate between Philosophy and Polity--Art calls each element - of our nature into harmonious action--Three stages in the esthetic - process: Imitation, Idealization, Expression--Classification of - the arts on the principle of decreasing generality, and increasing - intensity--Poetry--Music--Painting. Sculpture. Architecture--The - conditions favourable to Art have never yet been combined--Neither - in Polytheism--Nor under the Mediæval system--Much less in - modern times--Under Positivism the conditions will all be - favourable. There will be fixed principles, and a nobler moral - culture--Predisposing influence of Education--Relation of Art - to Religion--Idealization of historical types--Art requires the - highest education; but little special instruction--Artists as - a class will disappear. Their function will be appropriated by - the philosophic priesthood--Identity of esthetic and scientific - genius--Women’s poetry--People’s poetry--Value of Art in the - present crisis--Construction of normal types on the basis furnished - by philosophy--Pictures of the Future of Man--Contrasts with the - Past. - - -CHAPTER VI - - CONCLUSION. THE RELIGION OF HUMANITY 355 - - Recapitulation of the results obtained--Humanity is the centre - to which every aspect of Positivism converges--With the - discovery of sociological laws, a synthesis on the basis of - Science becomes possible, science being now concentrated on - the study of Humanity--Statical aspects of Humanity--Dynamical - aspects--Inorganic and organic sciences elevated by their connexion - with the supreme science of Humanity--The new religion is even - more favourable to Art than to Science--Poetic portraiture of - the new Supreme Being, and contrast with the old--Organization - of festivals, representing statical and dynamical aspects of - Humanity--Worship of the dead. Commemoration of their service--All - the arts may co-operate in the service of religion--Positivism - the successor of Christianity, and surpasses it--Superiority of - Positive morality--Rise of the new Spiritual power--Temporal power - will always be necessary, but its action will be modified by the - spiritual--Substitution of duties for rights--Consensus of the - Social Organism--Continuity of the past with the present--Necessity - of a spiritual power to study and teach these truths, and thus - to govern men by persuasion, instead of by compulsion--Nutritive - functions of Humanity, performed by Capitalists, as the temporal - power--These are modified by the cerebral functions, performed - by the spiritual power--Women and priests to have their material - subsistence guaranteed--Normal relation of priests, people, and - capitalists--We are not yet ripe for the normal state. But the - revolution of 1848 is a step towards it--First revolutionary motto; - Liberty and Equality--Second motto; Liberty and Order--Third - motto; Order and Progress--Provisional policy for the period of - transition--Popular dictatorship with freedom of speech--Positive - Committee for Western Europe--Occidental navy--International - coinage--Occidental school--Flag for the Western Republic--Colonial - and foreign Associates of the Committee, the action of which will - ultimately extend to the whole human race--Conclusion. Perfection - of the Positivist ideal--Corruption of Monotheism. - - - - -A GENERAL VIEW OF POSITIVISM - - ‘We tire of thinking and even of acting; we never tire of loving.’ - - -In the following series of systematic essays upon Positivism the -essential principles of the doctrine are first considered; I then -point out the agencies by which its propagation will be effected; and -I conclude by describing certain additional features indispensable to -its completeness. My treatment of these questions will of course be -summary; yet it will suffice, I hope, to overcome several excusable but -unfounded prejudices. It will enable any competent reader to assure -himself that the new general doctrine aims at something more than -satisfying the Intellect; that it is in reality quite as favourable to -Feeling and even to Imagination. - - -INTRODUCTORY REMARKS - -Positivism consists essentially of a Philosophy and a Polity. These can -never be dissevered; the former being the basis, and the latter the -end of one comprehensive system, in which our intellectual faculties -and our social sympathies are brought into close correlation with -each other. For, in the first place, the science of Society, besides -being more important than any other, supplies the only logical and -scientific link by which all our varied observations of phenomena -can be brought into one consistent whole[1]. Of this science it is -even more true than of any of the preceding sciences, that its real -character cannot be understood without explaining its exact relation in -all general features with the art corresponding to it. Now here we find -a coincidence which is assuredly not fortuitous. At the very time when -the theory of society is being laid down, an immense sphere is opened -for the application of that theory; the direction, namely, of the -social regeneration of Western Europe. For, if we take another point of -view, and look at the great crisis of modern history, as its character -is displayed in the natural course of events, it becomes every day -more evident how hopeless is the task of reconstructing political -institutions without the previous remodelling of opinion and of life. -To form then a satisfactory synthesis of all human conceptions is the -most urgent of our social wants: and it is needed equally for the sake -of Order and of Progress. During the gradual accomplishment of this -great philosophical work, a new moral power will arise spontaneously -throughout the West, which, as its influence increases, will lay down -a definite basis for the reorganization of society. It will offer a -general system of education for the adoption of all civilized nations, -and by this means will supply in every department of public and -private life fixed principles of judgment and of conduct. Thus the -intellectual movement and the social crisis will be brought continually -into close connexion with each other. Both will combine to prepare the -advanced portion of humanity for the acceptance of a true spiritual -power, a power more coherent, as well as more progressive, than the -noble but premature attempt of mediaeval Catholicism. - -The primary object, then, of Positivism is two-fold: to generalize our -scientific conceptions, and to systematize the art of social life. -These are but two aspects of one and the same problem. They will form -the subjects of the two first chapters of this work. I shall first -explain the general spirit of the new philosophy. I shall then show its -necessary connexion with the whole course of that vast revolution which -is now about to terminate under its guidance in social reconstruction. - -This will lead us naturally to another question. The regenerating -doctrine cannot do its work without adherents; in what quarter should -we hope to find them? Now, with individual exceptions of great value, -we cannot expect the adhesion of any of the upper classes in society. -They are all more or less under the influence of baseless metaphysical -theories, and of aristocratic self-seeking. They are absorbed in blind -political agitation and in disputes for the possession of the useless -remnants of the old theological and military system. Their action only -tends to prolong the revolutionary state indefinitely, and can never -result in true social renovation. - -Whether we regard its intellectual character or its social objects, it -is certain that Positivism must look elsewhere for support. It will -find a welcome in those classes only whose good sense has been left -unimpaired by our vicious system of education, and whose generous -sympathies are allowed to develop themselves freely. It is among -women, therefore, and among the working classes that the heartiest -supporters of the new doctrine will be found. It is intended, indeed, -ultimately for all classes of society. But it will never gain much real -influence over the higher ranks till it is forced upon their notice by -these powerful patrons. When the work of spiritual reorganization is -completed, it is on them that its maintenance will principally depend; -and so too, their combined aid is necessary for its commencement. -Having but little influence in political government, they are the more -likely to appreciate the need of a moral government, the special object -of which it will be to protect them against the oppressive action of -the temporal power. - -In the third chapter, therefore, I shall explain the mode in which -philosophers and working men will co-operate. Both have been prepared -for this coalition by the general course which modern history has -taken, and it offers now the only hope we have of really decisive -action. We shall find that the efforts of Positivism to regulate and -develop the natural tendencies of the people, make it, even from the -intellectual point of view, more coherent and complete. - -But there is another and a more unexpected source from which Positivism -will obtain support; and not till then will its true character and -the full extent of its constructive power be appreciated. I shall -show in the fourth chapter how eminently calculated is the Positive -doctrine to raise and regulate the social condition of women. It is -from the feminine aspect only that human life, whether individually or -collectively considered, can really be comprehended as a whole. For the -only basis on which a system really embracing all the requirements -of life can be formed, is the subordination of intellect to social -feeling: a subordination which we find directly represented in the -womanly type of character, whether regarded in its personal or social -relations. - -Although these questions cannot be treated fully in the present work, I -hope to convince my readers that Positivism is more in accordance with -the spontaneous tendencies of the people and of women than Catholicism, -and is therefore better qualified to institute a spiritual power. It -should be observed that the ground on which the support of both these -classes is obtained is, that Positivism is the only system which can -supersede the various subversive schemes that are growing every day -more dangerous to all the relations of domestic and social life. Yet -the tendency of the doctrine is to elevate the character of both of -these classes; and it gives a most energetic sanction to all their -legitimate aspirations. - -Thus it is that a philosophy originating in speculations of the most -abstract character, is found applicable not merely to every department -of practical life, but also to the sphere of our moral nature. But -to complete the proof of its universality I have still to speak of -another very essential feature. I shall show, in spite of prejudices -which exist very naturally on this point, that Positivism is eminently -calculated to call the Imaginative faculties into exercise. It is by -these faculties that the unity of human nature is most distinctly -represented: they are themselves intellectual, but their field lies -principally in our moral nature, and the result of their operation is -to influence the active powers. The subject of women treated in the -fourth chapter, will lead me by a natural transition to speak in the -fifth of the Esthetic aspects of Positivism. I shall attempt to show -that the new doctrine by the very fact of embracing the whole range of -human relations in the spirit of reality, discloses the true theory of -Art, which has hitherto been so great a deficiency in our speculative -conceptions. The principle of the theory is that, in co-ordinating the -primary functions of humanity, Positivism places the Idealities of the -poet midway between the Ideas of the philosopher and the Realities of -the statesman. We see from this theory how it is that the poetical -power of Positivism cannot be manifested at present. We must wait -until moral and mental regeneration has advanced far enough to awaken -the sympathies which naturally belong to it, and on which Art in its -renewed state must depend for the future. The first mental and social -shock once passed, Poetry will at last take her proper rank. She will -lead Humanity onward towards a future which is now no longer vague and -visionary, while at the same time she enables us to pay due honour to -all phases of the past. The great object which Positivism sets before -us individually and socially, is the endeavour to become more perfect. -The highest importance is attached therefore to the imaginative -faculties, because in every sphere with which they deal they stimulate -the sense of perfection. Limited as my explanations in this work must -be, I shall be able to show that Positivism, while opening out a new -and wide field for art, supplies in the same spontaneous way new means -of expression. - -I shall thus have sketched with some detail the true character of -the regenerating doctrine. All its principal aspects will have been -considered. Beginning with its philosophical basis, I pass by natural -transitions to its political purpose; thence to its action upon the -people, its influence with women, and lastly, to its esthetic power. -In concluding this work, which is but the introduction to a larger -treatise, I have only to speak of the conception which unites all these -various aspects. As summed up in the positivist motto, _Love, Order, -Progress_, they lead us to the conception of Humanity, which implicitly -involves and gives new force to each of them. Rightly interpreting this -conception, we view Positivism at last as a complete and consistent -whole. The subject will naturally lead us to speak in general terms of -the future progress of social regeneration, as far as the history of -the past enables us to foresee it. The movement originates in France, -and is limited at first to the great family of Western nations. I shall -show that it will afterwards extend, in accordance with definite laws, -to the rest of the white race, and finally to the other two great races -of man. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE INTELLECTUAL CHARACTER OF POSITIVISM - - - [The object of Philosophy - is to present a systematic - view of human life, as a - basis for modifying its - imperfections] - -The object of all true Philosophy is to frame a system which shall -comprehend human life under every aspect, social as well as individual. -It embraces, therefore, the three kinds of phenomena of which our life -consists, Thoughts, Feelings, and Actions. Under all these aspects, the -growth of Humanity is primarily spontaneous; and the basis upon which -all wise attempts to modify it should proceed, can only be furnished -by an exact acquaintance with the natural process. We are, however, -able to modify this process systematically; and the importance of -this is extreme, since we can thereby greatly diminish the partial -deviations, the disastrous delays, and the grave inconsistencies to -which so complex a growth would be liable were it left entirely to -itself. To effect this necessary intervention is the proper sphere -of politics. But a right conception cannot be formed of it without -the aid of the philosopher, whose business it is to define and amend -the principles on which it is conducted. With this object in view the -philosopher endeavours to co-ordinate the various elements of man’s -existence, so that it may be conceived of theoretically as an integral -whole. His synthesis can only be valid in so far as it is an exact -and complete representation of the relations naturally existing. The -first condition is therefore that these relations be carefully studied. -When the philosopher, instead of forming such a synthesis, attempts -to interfere more directly with the course of practical life, he -commits the error of usurping the province of the statesman, to whom -all practical measures exclusively belong. Philosophy and Politics are -the two principal functions of the great social organism. Morality, -systematically considered, forms the connecting link and at the same -time the line of demarcation between them. It is the most important -application of philosophy, and it gives a general direction to polity. -Natural morality, that is to say the various emotions of our moral -nature, will, as I have shown in my previous work, always govern the -speculations of the one and the operations of the other. This I shall -explain more fully. - -But the synthesis, which it is the social function of Philosophy to -construct, will neither be real nor permanent, unless it embraces -every department of human nature, whether speculative, effective, or -practical. These three orders of phenomena react upon each other so -intimately, that any system which does not include all of them must -inevitably be unreal and inadequate. Yet it is only in the present day, -when Philosophy is reaching the positive stage, that this which is her -highest and most essential mission can be fully apprehended. - - [The Theological synthesis - failed to include the - practical side of human - nature] - -The theological synthesis depended exclusively upon our affective -nature; and this is owing its original supremacy and its ultimate -decline. For a long time its influence over all our highest -speculations was paramount. This was especially the case during the -Polytheistic period, when Imagination and Feeling still retained their -sway under very slight restraint from the reasoning faculties. Yet -even during the time of its highest development, intellectually and -socially, theology exercised no real control over practical life. It -reacted, of course, upon it to some extent, but the effects of this -were in most cases far more apparent than real. There was a natural -antagonism between them, which though at first hardly perceived, went -on increasing till at last it brought about the entire destruction -of the theological fabric. A system so purely subjective could not -harmonize with the necessarily objective tendencies and stubborn -realities of practical life. Theology asserted all phenomena to -be under the dominion of Wills more or less arbitrary: whereas in -practical life men were led more and more clearly to the conception of -invariable Laws. For without laws human action would have admitted of -no rule or plan. In consequence of this utter inability of theology -to deal with practical life, its treatment of speculative and even of -moral problems was exceedingly imperfect, such problems being all more -or less dependent on the practical necessities of life. To present -a perfectly synthetic view of human nature was, then, impossible as -long as the influence of theology lasted; because the Intellect was -impelled by Feeling and by the Active powers in two totally different -directions. The failure of all metaphysical attempts to form a -synthesis need not be dwelt upon here. Metaphysicians, in spite of -their claims to absolute truth have never been able to supersede -theology in questions of feeling, and have proved still more inadequate -in practical questions. Ontology, even when it was most triumphant in -the schools, was always limited to subjects of a purely intellectual -nature; and even here its abstractions, useless in themselves, dealt -only with the case of individual development, the metaphysical spirit -being thoroughly incompatible with the social point of view. In my -work on Positive Philosophy I have clearly proved that it constitutes -only a transitory phase of mind, and is totally inadequate for any -constructive purpose. For a time it was supreme; but its utility lay -simply in its revolutionary tendencies. It aided the preliminary -development of Humanity by its gradual inroads upon Theology, which, -though in ancient times entrusted with the sole direction of society, -had long since become in every respect utterly retrograde. - - [But the Positive spirit - originated in practical life] - -But all Positive speculations owe their first origin to the occupations -of practical life; and, consequently, they have always given some -indication of their capacity for regulating our active powers, which -had been omitted from every former synthesis. Their value in this -respect has been and still is materially impaired by their want of -breadth, and their isolated and incoherent character; but it has -always been instinctively felt. The importance that we attach to -theories which teach the laws of phenomena, and give us the power of -prevision, is chiefly due to the fact that they alone can regulate -our otherwise blind action upon the external world. Hence it is that -while the Positive spirit has been growing more and more theoretical, -and has gradually extended to every department of speculation, it has -never lost the practical tendencies which it derived from its source; -and this even in the case of researches useless in themselves, and -only to be justified as logical exercises. From its first origin -in mathematics and astronomy, it has always shown its tendency to -systematize the whole of our conceptions in every new subject which -has been brought within the scope of its fundamental principle. It -exercised for a long time a modifying influence upon theological and -metaphysical principles, which has gone on increasing; and since the -time of Descartes and Bacon it has become evident that it is destined -to supersede them altogether. Positivism has gradually taken possession -of the preliminary sciences of Physics and Biology, and in these the -old system no longer prevails. All that remained was to complete the -range of its influence by including the study of social phenomena. For -this study metaphysics had proved incompetent; by theological thinkers -it had only been pursued indirectly and empirically as a condition of -government. I believe that my work on Positive Philosophy has so far -supplied what was wanting. I think it must now be clear to all that -the Positive spirit can embrace the entire range of thought without -lessening, or rather with the effect of strengthening its original -tendency to regulate practical life. And it is a further guarantee for -the stability of the new intellectual synthesis that Social science, -which is the final result of our researches, gives them that systematic -character in which they had hitherto been wanting, by supplying the -only connecting link of which they all admit. - -This conception is already adopted by all true thinkers. All must -now acknowledge that the Positive spirit tends necessarily towards -the formation of a comprehensive and durable system, in which every -practical as well as speculative subject shall be included. But such -a system would still be far from realizing that universal character -without which Positivism would be incompetent to supersede Theology in -the spiritual government of Humanity. For the element which really -preponderates in every human being, that is to say, Affection, would -still be left untouched. This element it is, and this only, which -gives a stimulus and direction to the other two parts of our nature: -without it the one would waste its force in ill-conceived, or, at -least, useless studies, and the other in barren or even dangerous -contention. With this immense deficiency the combination of our -theoretical and active powers would be fruitless, because it would -lack the only principle which could ensure its real and permanent -stability. The failure would be even greater than the failure of -Theology in dealing with practical questions; for the unity of human -nature cannot really be made to depend either on the rational or the -active faculties. In the life of the individual, and, still more, -in the life of the race, the basis of unity, as I shall show in the -fourth chapter, must always be feeling. It is to the fact that theology -arose spontaneously from feeling that its influence is for the most -part due. And although theology is now palpably on the decline, yet -it will retain, in principle at least, some legitimate claims to the -direction of society so long as the new philosophy fails to occupy this -important vantage-ground. We come then to the final conditions with -which the modern synthesis must comply. Without neglecting the spheres -of Thought and Action it must also comprehend the moral sphere; and the -very principle on which its claim to universality rests must be derived -from Feeling. Then, and not till then, can the claims of theology be -finally set aside. For then the new system will have surpassed the old -in that which is the one essential purpose of all general doctrines. -It will have shown itself able to effect what no other doctrine has -done, that is, to bring the three primary elements of our nature into -harmony. If Positivism were to prove incapable of satisfying this -condition, we must give up all hope of systematization of any kind. For -while Positive principles are now sufficiently developed to neutralize -those of Theology, yet, on the other hand, the influence of theology -would continue to be far greater. Hence it is that many conscientious -thinkers in the present day are so inclined to despair for the future -of society. They see that the old principles on which society has been -governed must finally become powerless. What they do not see is that a -new basis for morality is being gradually laid down. Their theories are -too imperfect and incoherent to show them the direction towards which -the present time is ultimately tending. It must be owned, too, that -their view seems borne out by the present character of the Positive -method. While all allow its utility in the treatment of practical, -and even of speculative, problems, it seems to most men, and very -naturally, quite unfit to deal with questions of morality. - - [In human nature, and - therefore in the Positive - system, Affection is the - preponderating element] - -But on closer examination they will see reason to rectify their -judgment. They will see that the hardness with which Positive science -has been justly reproached, is due to the speciality and want of -purpose with which it has hitherto been pursued, and is not at all -inherent in its nature. Originating as it did in the necessities of our -material nature, which for a long time restricted it to the study of -the inorganic world, it has not till now become sufficiently complete -or systematic to harmonize well with our moral nature. But now that it -is brought to bear upon social questions, which for the future will -form its most important field, it loses all the defects peculiar to -its long period of infancy. The very attribute of reality which is -claimed by the new philosophy, leads it to treat all subjects from the -moral still more than from the intellectual side. The necessity of -assigning with exact truth the place occupied by the intellect and by -the heart in the organization of human nature and of society, leads to -the decision that Affection must be the central point of the synthesis. -In the treatment of social questions Positive science will be found -utterly to discard those proud illusions of the supremacy of reason, -to which it had been liable during its preliminary stages. Ratifying, -in this respect, the common experience of men even more forcibly than -Catholicism, it teaches us that individual happiness and public welfare -are far more dependent upon the heart than upon the intellect. But, -independently of this, the question of co-ordinating the faculties of -our nature will convince us that the only basis on which they can be -brought into harmonious union, is the preponderance of Affection over -Reason, and even over Activity. - -The fact that intellect, as well as social sympathy, is a distinctive -attribute of our nature, might lead us to suppose that either of these -two might be supreme, and therefore that there might be more than one -method of establishing unity. The fact, however, is that there is only -one; because these two elements are by no means equal in their fitness -for assuming the first place. Whether we look at the distinctive -qualities of each, or at the degree of force which they possess, it -is easy to see that the only position for which the intellect is -permanently adapted is to be the servant of the social sympathies. -If, instead of being content with this honourable post, it aspires to -become supreme, its ambitious aims, which are never realized, result -simply in the most deplorable disorder. - -Even with the individual, it is impossible to establish permanent -harmony between our various impulses, except by giving complete -supremacy to the feeling which prompts the sincere and habitual desire -of doing good. This feeling is, no doubt, like the rest, in itself -blind; it has to learn from reason the right means of obtaining -satisfaction; and our active faculties are then called into requisition -to apply those means. But common experience proves that after all the -principal condition of right action is the benevolent impulse; with -the ordinary amount of intellect and activity that is found in men -this stimulus, if well sustained, is enough to direct our thoughts and -energies to a good result. Without this habitual spring of action they -would inevitably waste themselves in barren or incoherent efforts, and -speedily relapse into their original torpor. Unity in our moral nature -is, then, impossible, except so far as affection preponderates over -intellect and activity. - - [The proper function of - Intellect is the Service of - the Social Sympathies] - -True as this fundamental principle is for the individual, it is in -public life that its necessity can be demonstrated most irrefutably. -The problem is in reality the same, nor is any different solution of -it required; only it assumes such increased dimensions, that less -uncertainty is felt as to the method to be adopted. The various beings -whom it is sought to harmonize have in this case each a separate -existence; it is clear, therefore, that the first condition of -co-operation must be sought in their own inherent tendency to universal -love. No calculations of self-interest can rival this social instinct, -whether in promptitude and breadth of intuition, or in boldness and -tenacity of purpose. True it is that the benevolent emotions have in -most cases less intrinsic energy than the selfish. But they have this -beautiful quality, that social life not only permits their growth, -but stimulates it to an almost unlimited extent, while it holds their -antagonists in constant check. Indeed the increasing tendency in the -former to prevail over the latter is the best measure by which to judge -of the progress of Humanity. But the intellect may do much to confirm -their influence. It may strengthen social feeling by diffusing juster -views of the relations in which the various parts of society stand to -each other; or it may guide its application by dwelling on the lessons -which the past offers to the future. It is to this honourable service -that the new philosophy would direct our intellectual powers. Here -the highest sanction is given to their operations, and an exhaustless -field is opened out for them, from which far deeper satisfaction may be -gained than from the approbation of the learned societies, or from the -puerile specialities with which they are at present occupied. - -In fact, the ambitious claims which, ever since the hopeless decline -of the theological synthesis, have been advanced by the intellect, -never were or could be realized. Their only value lay in their solvent -action on the theological system when it had become hostile to -progress. The intellect is intended for service, not for empire; when -it imagines itself supreme, it is really only obeying the personal -instead of the social instincts. It never acts independently of -feeling, be that feeling good or bad. The first condition of command -is force; now reason has but light; the impulse that moves it must -come from elsewhere. The metaphysical Utopias, in which a life of pure -contemplation is held out as the highest ideal, attract the notice of -our men of science; but are really nothing but illusions of pride, or -veils for dishonest schemes. True there is a genuine satisfaction in -the act of discovering truth; but it is not sufficiently intense to -be an habitual guide of conduct. Indeed, so feeble is our intellect, -that the impulse of some passion is necessary to direct and sustain -it in almost every effort. When the impulse comes from kindly feeling -it attracts attention on account of its rarity or value; when it -springs from the selfish motives of glory, ambition, or gain, it is too -common to be remarked. This is usually the only difference between the -two cases. It does indeed occasionally happen that the intellect is -actuated by a sort of passion for truth in itself, without any mixture -of pride or vanity. Yet, in this case, as in every other, there is -intense egotism in exercising the mental powers irrespectively of all -social objects. Positivism, as I shall afterwards explain, is even more -severe than Catholicism in its condemnation of this type of character, -whether in metaphysicians or in men of science. The true philosopher -would consider it a most culpable abuse of the opportunities which -civilization affords him for the sake of the welfare of society, in -leading a speculative life. - -We have traced the Positive principle from its origin in the pursuits -of active life, and have seen it extending successively to every -department of speculation. We now find it, in its maturity, and that -as a simple result of its strict adherence to fact, embracing the -sphere of affection, and making that sphere the central point of its -synthesis. It is henceforth a fundamental doctrine of Positivism, a -doctrine of as great political as philosophical importance, that the -Heart preponderates over the Intellect. - - [Under Theology the - intellect was the slave of - the heart; under Positivism, - its servant] - -It is true that this doctrine, which is the only basis for establishing -harmony in our nature, had been, as I before remarked, instinctively -accepted by theological systems. But it was one of the fatalities of -society in its preliminary phase, that the doctrine was coupled with -an error which, after a time, destroyed all its value. In acknowledging -the superiority of the heart the intellect was reduced to abject -submission. Its only chance of growth lay in resistance to the -established system. This course it followed with increasing effect, -till after twenty centuries of insurrection, the system collapsed. -The natural result of the process was to stimulate metaphysical and -scientific pride, and to promote views subversive of all social order. -But Positivism, while systematically adopting the principle here spoken -of as the foundation of individual and social discipline, interprets -that principle in a different way. It teaches that while it is for the -heart to suggest our problems, it is for the intellect to solve them. -Now the intellect was at first quite inadequate to this task, for which -a long and laborious training was needed. The heart, therefore, had to -take its place, and in default of objective truth, to give free play to -its subjective inspirations. But for these inspirations, all progress, -as I showed in my _System of Positive Philosophy_, would have been -totally impossible. For a long time it was necessary that they should -be believed absolutely; but as soon as our reason began to mould its -conceptions upon observations, more or less accurate, of the external -world, these supernatural dogmas became inevitably an obstacle to its -growth. Here lies the chief source of the important modifications which -theological belief has successively undergone. No further modifications -are now possible without violating its essential principles; and since, -meantime, Positive science is assuming every day larger proportions, -the conflict between them is advancing with increasing vehemence and -danger. The tendency on the one side is becoming more retrograde, on -the other more revolutionary; because the impossibility of reconciling -the two opposing forces is felt more and more strongly. Never was this -position of affairs more manifest than now. The restoration of theology -to its original power, supposing such a thing were possible, would have -the most degrading influence on the intellect, and, consequently, on -the character also; since it would involve the admission that our views -of scientific truth were to be strained into accordance with our wishes -and our wants. Therefore no important step in the progress of Humanity -can now be made without totally abandoning the theological principle. -The only service of any real value which it still renders, is that -of forcing the attention of Western Europe, by the very fact of its -reactionary tendencies, upon the greatest of all social questions. It -is owing to its influence that the central point of the new synthesis -is placed in our moral rather than our intellectual nature; and this, -in spite of every prejudice and habit of thought that has been formed -during the revolutionary period of the last five centuries. And while -in this, which is the primary condition of social organization, -Positivism, proves more efficient than Theology, it at the same time -terminates the disunion which has existed so long between the intellect -and the heart. For it follows logically from its principles, and also -from the whole spirit of the system, that the intellect shall be free -to exercise its full share of influence in every department of human -life. When it is said that the intellect should be subordinate to -the heart, what is meant is, that the intellect should devote itself -exclusively to the problems which the heart suggests, the ultimate -object being to find proper satisfaction for our various wants. -Without this limitation, experience has shown too clearly that it -would almost always follow its natural bent for useless or insoluble -questions, which are the most plentiful and the easiest to deal with. -But when any problem of a legitimate kind has been once proposed, it -is the sole judge of the method to be pursued, and of the utility of -the results obtained. Its province is to inquire into the present, in -order to foresee the future, and to discover the means of improving -it. In this province it is not to be interfered with. In a word the -intellect is to be the servant of the heart, not its slave. Under -these two correlative conditions the elements of our nature will at -last be brought into harmony. The equilibrium of these two elements, -once established, is in little danger of being disturbed. For since -it is equally favourable to both of them, both will be interested -in maintaining it. The fact that Reason in modern times has become -habituated to revolt, is no ground for supposing that it will always -retain its revolutionary character, even when its legitimate claims -have been fully satisfied. Supposing the case to arise, however, -society, as I shall show afterwards, would not be without the means -of repressing any pretensions that were subversive of order. There is -another point of view which may assure us that the position given to -the heart under the new system will involve no danger to the growth of -intellect. Love, when real, ever desires light, in order to attain its -ends. The influence of true feeling is as favourable to sound thought -as to wise activity. - - [The subordination of the - intellect to the heart is - the _Subjective Principle_ - of Positivism] - -Our doctrine, therefore, is one which renders hypocrisy and oppression -alike impossible. And it now stands forward as the result of all the -efforts of the past, for the regeneration of order, which, whether -considered individually or socially, is so deeply compromised by the -anarchy of the present time. It establishes a fundamental principle by -which true philosophy and sound polity are brought into correlation; a -principle which can be felt as well as proved, and which is at once the -keystone of a system and a basis of government. I shall show, moreover, -in the fifth chapter, that the doctrine is as rich in esthetic beauty -as in philosophical power and in social influence. This will complete -the proof of its efficacy as the centre of a universal system. Viewed -from the moral, scientific, or poetical aspect, it is equally valuable; -and it is the only principle which can bring Humanity safely through -the most formidable crisis that she has ever yet undergone. It will -be now clear to all that the force of demonstration, a force peculiar -to modern times, and which still retains much of its destructive -character, becomes matured and elevated by Positivism. It begins -to develop constructive tendencies, which will soon be developed -more largely. It is not too much, then, to say that Positivism, -notwithstanding its speculative origin, offers as much to natures -of deep sympathy as to men of highly cultivated intellects, or of -energetic character. - - [_Objective basis_ of the - system; External Order of - the World, as revealed by - Science] - -The spirit and the principle of the synthesis which all true -philosophers should endeavour to establish, have now been defined. I -proceed to explain the method that should be followed in the task, and -the peculiar difficulty with which it is attended. - -The object of the synthesis will not be secured until it embraces -the whole extent of its domain, the moral and practical departments -as well as the intellectual. But these three departments cannot be -dealt with simultaneously. They follow an order of succession which, -so far from dissevering them from the whole to which they belong, is -seen when carefully examined to be a natural result of their mutual -dependence. The truth is, and it is a truth of great importance, that -Thoughts must be systematized before Feelings, Feelings before Actions. -It is doubtless, owing to a confused apprehension of this truth, that -philosophers hitherto, in framing their systems of human nature, have -dealt almost exclusively, with our intellectual faculties. - -The necessity of commencing with the co-ordination of ideas is not -merely due to the fact that the relations of these, being more -simple and more susceptible of demonstration, form a useful logical -preparation for the remainder of the task. On closer examination we -find a more important, though less obvious reason. If this first -portion of the work be once efficiently performed, it is the foundation -of all the rest. In what remains no very serious difficulty will -occur, provided always that we content ourselves with that degree of -completeness which the ultimate purpose of the system requires. - -To give such paramount importance to this portion of the subject may -seem at first sight inconsistent with the proposition just laid down, -that the strength of the intellectual faculties is far inferior to that -of the other elements of our nature. It is quite certain that Feeling -and Activity have much more to do with any practical step that we take -than pure Reason. In attempting to explain this paradox, we come at -last to the peculiar difficulty of this great problem of human Unity. - -The first condition of unity is a subjective principle; and this -principle in the Positive system is the subordination of the intellect -to the heart: Without this the unity that we seek can never be placed -on a permanent basis, whether individually or collectively. It is -essential to have some influence sufficiently powerful to produce -convergence amid the heterogeneous and often antagonistic tendencies of -so complex an organism as ours. But this first condition, indispensable -as it is, would be quite insufficient for the purpose, without some -objective basis, existing independently of ourselves in the external -world. That basis consists for us in the laws or Order of the phenomena -by which Humanity is regulated. The subjection of human life to this -order is incontestable; and as soon as the intellect has enabled us to -comprehend it, it becomes possible for the feeling of love to exercise -a controlling influence over our discordant tendencies. This, then, is -the mission allotted to the intellect in the Positive synthesis; in -this sense it is that it should be consecrated to the service of the -heart. - -I have said that our conception of human unity must be totally -inadequate, and, indeed, cannot deserve the name, so long as it does -not embrace every element of our nature. But it would be equally fatal -to the completeness of this great conception to think of human nature -irrespectively of what lies outside it. A purely subjective unity, -without any objective basis, would be simply impossible. In the first -place any attempt to co-ordinate man’s moral nature, without regard -to the external world, supposing the attempt feasible, would have very -little permanent influence on our happiness, whether collectively or -individually; since happiness depends so largely upon our relations -to all that exists around us. Besides this, we have to consider the -exceeding imperfection of our nature. Self-love is deeply implanted in -it, and when left to itself is far stronger than Social Sympathy. The -social instincts would never gain the mastery were they not sustained -and called into constant exercise by the economy of the external world, -an influence which at the same time checks the power of the selfish -instincts. - - [By it the selfish - affections are controlled; - the unselfish strengthened] - -To understand this economy aright; we must remember that it embraces -not merely the inorganic world, but also the phenomena of our own -existence. The phenomena of human life, though more modifiable than -any others, are yet equally subject to invariable laws; laws which -form the principal objects of Positive speculation. Now the benevolent -affections, which themselves act in harmony with the laws of social -development, incline us to submit to all other laws, as soon as the -intellect has discovered their existence. The possibility of moral -unity depends, therefore, even in the case of the individual, but -still more in that of society, upon the necessity of recognizing our -subjection to an external power. By this means our self-regarding -instincts are rendered susceptible of discipline. In themselves they -are strong enough to neutralize all sympathetic tendencies, were it -not for the support that the latter find in this External Order. Its -discovery is due to the intellect; which is thus enlisted in the -service of feeling, with the ultimate purpose of regulating action. - -Thus it is that an intellectual synthesis, or systematic study of -the laws of nature, is needed on far higher grounds than those of -satisfying our theoretical faculties, which are, for the most part, -very feeble, even in men who devote themselves to a life of thought. It -is needed, because it solves at once the most difficult problem of the -moral synthesis. The higher impulses within us are brought under the -influence of a powerful stimulus from without. By its means they are -enabled to control our discordant impulses, and to maintain a state of -harmony towards which they have always tended, but which, without such -aid, could never be realized. Moreover, this conception of the order of -nature evidently supplies the basis for a synthesis of human action; -for the efficacy of our action depends entirely upon their conformity -to this order. But this part of the subject has been fully explained in -my previous work, and I need not enlarge upon it further. As soon as -the synthesis of mental conceptions enables us to form a synthesis of -feelings, it is clear that there will be no very serious difficulties -in constructing a synthesis of actions. Unity of action depends upon -unity of impulse, and unity of design; and thus we find that the -co-ordination of human nature, as a whole, depends ultimately upon the -co-ordination of mental conceptions, a subject which seemed at first of -comparatively slight importance. - -The subjective principle of Positivism, that is, the subordination of -the intellect to the heart is thus fortified by an objective basis, -the immutable Necessity of the external world; and by this means it -becomes possible to bring human life within the influence of social -sympathy. The superiority of the new synthesis to the old is even more -evident under this second aspect than under the first. In theological -systems the objective basis was supplied by spontaneous belief in a -supernatural Will. Now, whatever the degree of reality attributed -to these fictions, they all proceeded from a subjective source; and -therefore their influence in most cases must have been very confused -and fluctuating. In respect of moral discipline they cannot be compared -either for precision, for force, or for stability, to the conception -of an invariable Order, actually existing without us, and attested, -whether we will or no, by every act of our existence. - - [Our conception of this - External Order has been - gradually growing from the - earliest times, and is but - just complete] - -This fundamental doctrine of Positivism is not to be attributed in the -full breadth of its meanings to any single thinker. It is the slow -result of a vast process carried out in separate departments, which -began with the first use of our intellectual powers, and which is only -just completed in those who exhibit those powers in their highest form. -During the long period of her infancy Humanity has been preparing -this the most precious of her intellectual attainments, as the basis -for the only system of life which is permanently adapted to our -nature. The doctrine has to be demonstrated in all the more essential -cases from observation only, except so far as we admit argument from -analogy. Deductive argument is not admissible, except in such cases -as are evidently compounded of others in which the proof given has -been sufficient. Thus, for instance, we are authorized by sound logic -to assert the existence of laws of weather; though most of these are -still, and, perhaps, always will be, unknown. For it is clear that -meteorological phenomena result from a combination of astronomical, -physical and chemical influences, each of which has been proved to -be subject to invariable laws. But in all phenomena which are not -thus reducible, we must have recourse to inductive reasoning; for a -principle which is the basis of all deduction cannot be itself deduced. -Hence it is that the doctrine, being so entirely foreign as it is to -our primitive mental state, requires such a long course of preparation. -Without such preparation even the greatest thinkers could not -anticipate it. It is true that in some cases metaphysical conceptions -of a law have been formed before the proof really required had been -furnished. But they were never of much service, except so far as they -generalized in a more or less confused way the analogies naturally -suggested by the laws which had actually been discovered in simpler -phenomena. Besides, such assertions always remained very doubtful and -very barren in result, until they were based upon some outline of a -really Positive theory. Thus, in spite of the apparent potency of -this metaphysical method, to which modern intellects are so addicted, -the conception of an External Order is still extremely imperfect in -many of the most cultivated minds, because they have not verified it -sufficiently in the most intricate and important class of phenomena, -the phenomena of society. I am not, of course, speaking of the few -thinkers who accept my discovery of the principal laws of Sociology. -Such uncertainty in a subject so closely related to all others, -produces great confusion in men’s minds, and affects their perception -of an invariable order, even in the simplest subjects. A proof of this -is the utter delusion into which most geometricians of the present day -have fallen with respect to what they call the Calculus of Chances; -a conception which presupposes that the phenomena considered are not -subject to law. The doctrine, therefore, cannot be considered as firmly -established in any one case, until it has been verified specially in -every one of the primary categories in which phenomena may be classed. -But now that this difficult condition has really been fulfilled by the -few thinkers who have risen to the level of their age, we have at last -a firm objective basis on which to establish the harmony of our moral -nature. That basis is, that all events whatever, the events of our -own personal and social life included, are always subject to natural -relations of sequence and similitude, which in all essential respects -lie beyond the reach of our interference. - - [Even where not modifiable, - its influence on the - character is of the greatest - value] - -This, then, is the external basis of our synthesis, which includes -the moral and practical faculties, as well as the speculative. It -rests at every point upon the unchangeable Order of the world. The -right understanding of this order is the principal subject of our -thoughts; its preponderating influence determines the general course -of our feelings; its gradual improvement is the constant object of -our actions. To form a more precise notion of its influence, let us -imagine that for a moment it were really to cease. The result would -be that our intellectual faculties, after wasting themselves in -wild extravagancies, would sink rapidly into incurable sloth; our -nobler feelings would be unable to prevent the ascendancy of the -lower instincts; and our active powers would abandon themselves to -purposeless agitation. Men have, it is true, been for a long time -ignorant of this Order. Nevertheless we have been always subject to -it; and its influence has always tended, though without our knowledge, -to control our whole being; our actions first, and subsequently -our thoughts, and even our affections. As we have advanced in our -knowledge of it, our thoughts have become less vague, our desires less -capricious, our conduct less arbitrary. And now that we are able to -grasp the full meaning of the conception, its influence extends to -every part of our conduct. For it teaches us that the object to be -aimed at in the economy devised by man, is wise development of the -irresistible economy of nature, which cannot be amended till it is -first studied and obeyed. In some departments it has the character -of fate; that is, it admits of no modification. But even here, in -spite of the superficial objections to it which have arisen from -intellectual pride, it is necessary for the proper regulation of human -life. Suppose, for instance, that man were exempt from the necessity -of living on the earth, and were free to pass at will from one planet -to another, the very notion of society would be rendered impossible by -the licence which each individual would have to give way to whatever -unsettling and distracting impulses his nature might incline him. -Our propensities are so heterogeneous and so deficient in elevation, -that there would be no fixity or consistency in our conduct, but -for these insurmountable conditions. Our feeble reason may fret at -such restrictions, but without them all its deliberations would be -confused and purposeless. We are powerless to create: all that we can -do in bettering our condition is to modify an order in which we can -produce no radical change. Supposing us in possession of that absolute -independence to which metaphysical pride aspires, it is certain that so -far from improving our condition, it would be a bar to all development, -whether social or individual. The true path of human progress lies in -the opposite direction; in diminishing the vacillation, inconsistency, -and discordance of our designs by furnishing external motives for those -operations of our intellectual, moral and practical powers, of which -the original source was purely internal. The ties by which our various -diverging tendencies are held together would be quite inadequate for -their purpose, without a basis of support in the external world, which -is unaffected by the spontaneous variations of our nature. - -But, however great the value of Positive doctrine in pointing out the -unchangeable aspects of the universal Order, what we have principally -to consider are the numerous departments in which that order admits of -artificial modifications. Here lies the most important sphere of human -activity. The only phenomena, indeed, which we are wholly unable to -modify are the simplest of all, the phenomena of the Solar System which -we inhabit. It is true that now that we know its laws we can easily -conceive them improved in certain respects; but to whatever degree our -power over nature may extend, we shall never be able to produce the -slightest change in them. What we have to do is so to dispose our life -as to submit to these resistless fatalities in the best way we can; and -this is comparatively easy, because their greater simplicity enables -us to foresee them with more precision and in a more distinct future. -Their interpretation by Positive science has had a most important -influence on the gradual education of the human intellect: and it will -always continue to be the source from which we obtain the clearest and -most impressive sense of Immutability. Too exclusively studied they -might even now lead to fatalism; but controlled as their influence will -be henceforward by a more philosophic education, they may well become a -means of moral improvement, by disposing us to submit with resignation -to all evils which are absolutely insurmountable. - - [But in most cases we can - modify it; and in these the - knowledge of it forms the - systematic basis of human - action] - -In other parts of the external economy, invariability in all primary -aspects is found compatible with modifications in points of secondary -importance. These modifications become more numerous and extensive as -the phenomena are more complex. The reason of this is that the causes -from a combination of which the effects proceed being more varied and -more accessible, offer greater facilities to our feeble powers to -interfere with advantage. But all this has been fully explained in my -_System of Positive Philosophy_. The tendency of that work was to show -that our intervention became more efficacious in proportion as the -phenomena upon which we acted had a closer relation to the life of man -or society. Indeed the extensive modifications of which society admits, -go far to keep up the common mistake that social phenomena are not -subject to any constant law. - -At the same time we have to remember that this increased possibility of -human intervention in certain parts of the External Order necessarily -coexists with increased imperfection, for which it is a valuable but -very inadequate compensation. Both features alike result from the -increase of complexity. Even the laws of the Solar System are very far -from perfect, notwithstanding their greater simplicity, which indeed -makes their defects more perceptible. The existence of these defects -should be taken into careful consideration; not indeed with the hope -of amending them, but as a check upon unreasoning admiration. Besides, -they lead us to a clearer conception of the true position of Humanity, -a position of which the most striking feature is the necessity of -struggling against difficulties of every kind. Lastly, by observing -these defects we are less likely to waste our time in seeking for -absolute perfection, and so neglecting the wiser course of looking for -such improvements as are really possible. - -In all other phenomena, the increasing imperfection of the economy -of nature becomes a powerful stimulus to all our faculties, whether -moral, intellectual or practical. Here we find sufferings which can -really be alleviated to a large extent by wise and well-sustained -combination of efforts. This consideration should give a firmness and -dignity of bearing, to which Humanity could never attain during her -period of infancy. Those who look wisely into the future of society -will feel that the conception of man becoming, without fear or boast, -the arbiter, within certain limits, of his own destiny, has in it -something far more satisfying than the old belief in Providence, which -implied our remaining passive. Social union will be strengthened by the -conception, because every one will see that union forms our principal -resource against the miseries of human life. And while it calls out our -noblest sympathies, it impresses us more strongly with the importance -of high intellectual culture, being itself the object for which such -culture is required. These important results have been ever on the -increase in modern times; yet hitherto they have been too limited and -casual to be appreciated rightly, except so far as we could anticipate -the future of society by the light of sound historical principles. -Art, so far as it is yet organized, does not include that part of the -economy of nature which, being the most modifiable, the most imperfect, -and the most important of all, ought on every ground to be regarded as -the principal object of human exertions. Even Medical Art, specially -so called, is only just beginning to free itself from its primitive -routine. And Social Art, whether moral or political, is plunged in -routine so deeply that few statesmen admit the possibility of shaking -it off. Yet of all the arts, it is the one which best admits of being -reduced to a system; and until this is done it will be impossible to -place on a rational basis all the rest of our practical life. All these -narrow views are due simply to insufficient recognition of the fact, -that the highest phenomena are as much subject to laws as others. When -the conception of the Order of Nature has become generally accepted -in its full extent, the ordinary definition of Art will become as -comprehensive and as homogeneous as that of Science; and it will then -become obvious to all sound thinkers that the principal sphere of both -Art and Science is the social life of man. - -Thus the social services of the Intellect are not limited to revealing -the existence of an external Economy, and the necessity of submission -to its sway. If the theory is to have any influence upon our active -powers, it should include an exact estimate of the imperfections -of this economy and of the limits within which it varies, so as to -indicate and define the boundaries of human intervention. Thus it will -always be an important function of philosophy to criticize nature in -a Positive spirit, although the antipathy to theology by which such -criticism was formerly animated has ceased to have much interest, from -the very fact of having done its work so effectually. The object of -Positive criticism is not controversial. It aims simply at putting -the great question of human life in a clearer light. It bears closely -on what Positivism teaches to be the great end of life, namely, the -struggle to become more perfect; which implies previous imperfection. -This truth is strikingly apparent when applied to the case of our own -nature, for true morality requires a deep and habitual consciousness of -our natural defects. - - [The chief difficulty of - the Positive Synthesis was - to complete our conception - of the External Order, by - extending it to Social - phenomena] - -I have now described the fundamental condition of the Positive -Synthesis. Deriving its subjective principle from the affections, it -is dependent ultimately on the intellect for its objective basis. This -basis connects it with the Economy of the external world, the dominion -of which Humanity accepts, and at the same time modifies. I have left -many points unexplained; but enough has been said for the purpose of -this work, which is only the introduction to a larger treatise. We -now come to the essential difficulty that presented itself in the -construction of the Synthesis. That difficulty was to discover the true -Theory of human and social Development. The first decisive step in this -discovery renders the conception of the Order of Nature complete. It -stands out then as the fundamental doctrine of an universal system, for -which the whole course of modern progress has been preparing the way. -For three centuries men of science have been unconsciously co-operating -in the work. They have left no gap of any importance, except in the -region of Moral and Social phenomena. And now that man’s history has -been for the first time systematically considered as a whole, and has -been found to be, like all other phenomena, subject to invariable laws, -the preparatory labours of modern Science are ended. Her remaining task -is to construct that synthesis which will place her at the only point -of view from which every department of knowledge can be embraced. - -In my _System of Positive Philosophy_ both these objects were aimed -at. I attempted, and in the opinion of the principal thinkers of our -time successfully, to complete and at the same time co-ordinate Natural -Philosophy, by establishing the general law of human development, -social as well as intellectual. I shall not now enter into the -discussion of this law, since its truth is no longer contested. -Fuller consideration of it is reserved for the third volume of my new -treatise. It lays down, as is generally known, that our speculations -upon all subjects whatsoever, pass necessarily through three successive -stages: a Theological stage, in which free play is given to spontaneous -fictions admitting of no proof; the Metaphysical stage, characterized -by the prevalence of personified abstractions or entities; lastly, -the Positive stage, based upon an exact view of the real facts of -the case. The first, though purely provisional, is invariably the -point from which we start; the third is the only permanent or normal -state; the second has but a modifying or rather a solvent influence, -which qualifies it for regulating the transition from the first stage -to the third. We begin with theological Imagination, thence we pass -through metaphysical Discussion, and we end at last with positive -Demonstration. Thus by means of this one general law we are enabled to -take a comprehensive and simultaneous view of the past, present, and -future of Humanity. - -In my _System of Positive Philosophy_, this law of Filiation has always -been associated with the law of Classification, the application of -which to Social Dynamics furnishes the second element requisite for -the theory of development. It fixes the order in which our different -conceptions pass through each of these phases. That order, as is -generally known, is determined by the decreasing generality, or -what comes to the same thing, by the increasing complexity of the -phenomena; the more complex being naturally dependent upon those that -are more simple and less special. Arranging the sciences according to -this mutual relation, we find them grouped naturally in six primary -divisions[2]; Mathematics, Astronomy, Physics, Chemistry, Biology, -and Sociology. Each passes through the three phases of developments -before the one succeeding it. Without continuous reference to this -classification the theory of development would be confused and vague. - -The theory thus derived from the combination of this second or -statical law with the dynamical law of the three stages, seems at -first sight to include nothing but the intellectual movement. But my -previous remarks will have shown that this is enough to guarantee -its applicability to social progress also; since social progress has -invariably depended on the growth of our fundamental beliefs with -regard to the economy that surrounds us. The historical portion of -my _Positive Philosophy_ has proved an unbroken connexion between -the development of Activity and that of Speculation; on the combined -influence of these depends the development of Affection. The theory -therefore requires no alteration: what is wanted is merely an -additional statement explaining the phases of active, that is to say, -of political development. Human activity, as I have long since shown, -passes successively through the stages of Offensive warfare, Defensive -warfare, and Industry. The respective connexion of these states with -the preponderance of the theological, then metaphysical, or the -positive spirit leads at once to a complete explanation of history. It -reproduces in a systematic form the only historical conception which -has become adopted by universal consent; the division, namely, of -history into Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern. - -Thus the foundation of Social science depends simply upon establishing -the truth of this theory of development. We do this by combining the -dynamic law, which is its distinctive feature, with the statical -principle which renders it coherent; we then complete the theory by -extending it to practical life. All knowledge is now brought within -the sphere of Natural Philosophy; and the provisional distinction by -which, since Aristotle and Plato, it has been so sharply demarcated -from Moral Philosophy, ceases to exist. The Positive spirit, so long -confined to the simpler inorganic phenomena, has now passed through -its difficult course of probation. It extends to a more important and -more intricate class of speculations, and disengages them for ever from -all theological or metaphysical influence. All our notions of truth -are thus rendered homogeneous, and begin at once to converge towards a -central principle. A firm objective basis is consequently laid down for -that complete co-ordination of human existence towards which all sound -Philosophy has ever tended, but which the want of adequate materials -has hitherto made impossible. - - [By the discovery of - Sociological laws social - questions are made - paramount; and thus our - _subjective principle_ is - satisfied without danger to - free thought] - -It will be felt, I think, that the principal difficulty of the Positive -Synthesis was met by my discovery of the laws of development, if -we bear in mind that while that theory completes and co-ordinates -the objective basis of the system, it at the same time holds it in -subordination to the subjective principle. It is under the influence -of this moral principle that the whole philosophical construction -should be carried on. The inquiry into the Order of the Universe is -an indispensable task, and it comes necessarily within the province -of the intellect; but the intellect is too apt to aim in its pride at -something beyond its proper function, which consists in unremitting -service of the social sympathies. It would willingly escape from all -control and follow its own bent towards speculative digressions; a -tendency which is at present favoured by the undisciplined habits of -thought naturally due to the first rise of Positivism in its special -departments. The influence of the moral principle is necessary to -recall it to its true function; since if its investigations were -allowed to assume an absolute character, and to recognize no limit, -we should only be repeating in a scientific form many of the worst -results of theological and metaphysical belief. The Universe is to be -studied not for its own sake, but for the sake of Man or rather of -Humanity. To study it in any other spirit would not only be immoral, -but also highly irrational. For, as statements of pure objective -truth, our scientific theories can never be really satisfactory. They -can only satisfy us from the subjective point of view; that is, by -limiting themselves to the treatment of such questions as have some -direct or indirect influence over human life. It is for social feeling -to determine these limits; outside which our knowledge will always -remain imperfect as well as useless, and this even in the case of the -simplest phenomena; as astronomy testifies. Were the influence of -social feeling to be slackened, the Positive spirit would soon fall -back to the subjects which were preferred during the period of its -infancy; subjects the most remote from human interest, and therefore -also the easiest. While its probationary period lasted, it was natural -to investigate all accessible problems without distinction; and this -was often justified by the logical value of many problems that, -scientifically speaking, were useless. But now that the Positive -method has been sufficiently developed to be applied exclusively to -the purpose for which it was intended, there is no use whatever in -prolonging the period of probation by these idle exercises. Indeed the -want of purpose and discipline in our researches is rapidly assuming -a retrograde character. Its tendency is to undo the chief results -obtained by the spirit of detail during the time when that spirit was -really essential to progress. - -Here, then, we are met by a serious difficulty. The construction of -the objective basis for the Positive synthesis imposes two conditions -which seem, at first sight, incompatible. On the one hand we must -allow the intellect to be free, or else we shall not have the full -benefit of its services; and, on the other, we must control its natural -tendency to unlimited digressions. The problem was insoluble, so long -as the study of the natural economy did not include Sociology. But -as soon as the Positive spirit extends to the treatment of social -questions, these at once take precedence of all others, and thus the -moral point of view becomes paramount. Objective science, proceeding -from without inwards, falls at last into natural harmony with the -subjective or moral principle, the superiority of which it had for -so long a time resisted. As a mere speculative question it may be -considered as proved to the satisfaction of every true thinker, that -the social point of view is logically and scientifically supreme -over all others, being the only point from which all our scientific -conceptions can be regarded as a whole. Yet its influence can never be -injurious to the progress of other Positive studies; for these, whether -for the sake of their method or of their subject matter, will always -continue to be necessary as an introduction to the final science. -Indeed the Positive system gives the highest sanction and the most -powerful stimulus to all preliminary sciences, by insisting on the -relation which each of them bears to the great whole, Humanity. - -Thus the foundation of social science bears out the statement made at -the beginning of this work, that the intellect would, under Positivism, -accept its proper position of subordination to the heart. The -recognition of this, which is the subjective principle of Positivism, -renders the construction of a complete system of human life possible. -The antagonism which, since the close of the Middle Ages, has arisen -between Reason and Feeling, was an anomalous though inevitable -condition. It is now for ever at an end; and the only system which can -really satisfy the wants of our nature, individually or collectively, -is therefore ready for our acceptance. As long as the antagonism -existed, it was hopeless to expect that Social Sympathy could do much -to modify the preponderance of self-love in the affairs of life. But -the case is different as soon as reason and sympathy are brought into -active co-operation. Separately, their influence in our imperfect -organization is very feeble; but combined it may extend indefinitely. -It will never, indeed, be able to do away with the fact that practical -life must, to a large extent, be regulated by interested motives; yet -it may introduce a standard of morality inconceivably higher than any -that has existed in the past, before these two modifying forces could -be made to combine their action upon our stronger and lower instincts. - - [Distinction between - Abstract and Concrete laws. - It is the former only that - we require for the purpose - before us] - -In order to give a more precise conception of the intellectual basis -on which the system of Positive Polity should rest, I must explain the -general principle by which it should be limited. It should be confined -to what is really indispensable to the construction of that Polity. -Otherwise the intellect will be carried away, as it has been before, by -its tendency to useless digressions. It will endeavour to extend the -limits of its province; thereby escaping from the discipline imposed -by social motives, and putting off all attempts at moral and social -regeneration for a longer time than the construction of the philosophic -basis for action really demands. Here we shall find a fresh proof of -the importance of my theory of development. By that discovery the -intellectual synthesis may be considered as having already reached the -point from which the synthesis of affections may be at once begun; and -even that of actions, at least in its highest and most difficult part, -morality properly so called. - -With the view of restricting the construction of the objective basis -within reasonable limits, there is this distinction to be borne in -mind. In the Order of Nature, there are two classes of laws; those -that are simple or Abstract, those that are compound or Concrete. In -my work on _Positive Philosophy_, the distinction has been thoroughly -established, and frequent use has been made of it. It will be -sufficient here to point out its origin and the method of applying it. - -Positive science may deal either with objects themselves as they exist, -or with the separate phenomena that the objects exhibit. Of course we -can only judge of an object by the sum of its phenomena; but it is -open to us either to examine a special class of phenomena abstracted -from all the beings that exhibit it, or to take some special object, -and examine the whole concrete group of phenomena. In the latter case -we shall be studying different systems of existence; in the former, -different modes of activity. As good an example of the distinction as -can be given is that, already mentioned, of Meteorology. The facts of -weather are evidently combinations of astronomical, physical, chemical, -biological, and even social phenomena; each of these classes requiring -its own separate theories. Were these abstract laws sufficiently -well known to us, then the whole difficulty of the concrete problem -would be so to combine them, as to deduce the order in which each -composite effect would follow. This, however, is a process which -seems to me so far beyond our feeble powers of deduction, that, even -supposing our knowledge of the abstract laws perfect, we should still -be obliged to have recourse to the inductive method. - -Now the investigation of the economy of nature here contemplated is -evidently of the abstract kind. We decompose that economy into its -primary phenomena, that is to say, into those which are not reducible -to others. These we range in classes, each of which, notwithstanding -the connexion that exists between all, requires a separate inductive -process; for the existence of laws cannot be proved in any one of them -by pure deduction. It is only with these simpler and more abstract -relations that our synthesis is directly concerned: when these are -established, they afford a rational groundwork for the more composite -and concrete researches. The great complexity of concrete relations -makes it probable that we shall never be able to co-ordinate them -perfectly. In that case the synthesis would always remain limited to -abstract laws. But its true object, that of supplying an objective -basis for the great synthesis of human life, will none the less be -attained. For this groundwork of abstract knowledge would introduce -harmony between all our mental conceptions, and thereby would make it -impossible to systematize our feelings and actions, which is the object -of all sound philosophy. The abstract study of nature is therefore -all that is absolutely indispensable for the establishment of unity -in human life. It serves as the foundation of all wise action; as the -_philosophia prima_, the necessity of which in the normal state of -humanity was dimly foreseen by Bacon. When the abstract laws exhibiting -the various modes of activity have been brought systematically before -us, our practical knowledge of each special system of existence ceases -to be purely empirical, though the greater number of concrete laws may -still be unknown. We find the best example of this truth in the most -difficult and important subject of all, Sociology. Knowledge of the -principal statical and dynamical laws of social existence is evidently -sufficient for the purpose of systematizing the various aspects of -private or public life, and thereby of rendering our condition far -more perfect. Should this knowledge be acquired, of which there is -now no doubt, we need not regret being unable to give a satisfactory -explanation of every state of society that we find existing throughout -the world in all ages. The discipline of social feeling will check -any foolish indulgence of the spirit of curiosity, and prevent the -understanding from wasting its powers in useless speculations; for -feeble as these powers are, it is from them that Humanity derives -her most efficient means of contending against the defects of the -External Order. The discovery of the principal concrete laws would no -doubt be attended by the most beneficial results, moral as well as -physical; and this is the field in which the science of the future -will reap its richest harvest. But such knowledge is not indispensable -for our present purpose, which is to form a complete synthesis of -life, effecting for the final state of humanity what the theological -synthesis effected for its primitive state. For this purpose Abstract -philosophy is undoubtedly sufficient; so that even supposing that -Concrete philosophy should never become so perfect as we desire, social -regeneration will still be possible. - - [In my Theory of - Development, the required - Synthesis of Abstract - conceptions already exists] - -Regarded under this more simple aspect, our system of scientific -knowledge is already so far elaborated, that all thinkers whose nature -is sufficiently sympathetic may proceed without delay to the problem -of moral regeneration; a problem which must prepare the way for that -of political reorganization. For we shall find that the theory of -development of which we have been speaking, when looked at from another -point of view, condenses and systematizes all our abstract conceptions -of the order of nature. - -This will be understood by regarding all departments of our knowledge -as being really component parts of one and the same science; the -science of Humanity. All other sciences are but the prelude or the -development of this. Before we can enter upon it directly, there -are two subjects which it is necessary to investigate; our external -circumstances, and the organization of our own nature. Social life -cannot be understood without first understanding the medium in which -it is developed, and the beings who manifest it. We shall make no -progress, therefore, in the final science until we have sufficient -abstract knowledge of the outer world and of individual life to define -the influence of these laws on the special laws of social phenomena. -And this is necessary from the logical as well as from the scientific -point of view. The feeble faculties of our intellect require to be -trained for the more difficult speculations by practice in the easier. -For the same reasons, the study of the inorganic world should take -precedence of the organic. For, in the first place, the laws of the -more universal mode of existence have a preponderating influence over -those of the more special modes; and in the second place it is clearly -incumbent on us to begin the study of the Positive method with its -simplest and most characteristic applications. I need not dwell further -upon principles so fully established in my former work. - -Social Philosophy, therefore, ought on every ground to be preceded by -Natural Philosophy in the ordinary sense of the word; that is to say -by the study of inorganic and organic nature. It is reserved for our -own century to take in the whole scope of science; but the commencement -of these preparatory studies dates from the first astronomical -discoveries of antiquity. Natural Philosophy was completed by the -modern science of Biology, of which the ancients possessed nothing but -a few statical principles. The dependence of biological conditions upon -astronomical is very certain. But these two sciences differ too much -from each other and are too indirectly connected to give us an adequate -conception of Natural Philosophy as a whole. It would be pushing the -principle of condensation too far to reduce it to these two terms. One -connecting link was supplied by the science of Chemistry which arose -in the Middle Ages. The natural succession of Astronomy, Chemistry, -and Biology leading gradually up to the final science, Sociology, made -it possible to conceive more or less imperfectly of an intellectual -synthesis. But the interposition of Chemistry was not enough: because, -though its relation to Biology was intimate, it was too remote from -Astronomy. For want of understanding the mode in which astronomical -conditions really affected us, the arbitrary and chimerical fancies -of astrology were employed, though of course quite valueless except -for this temporary purpose. In the seventeenth century, however, the -science of Physics specially so called, was founded; and a satisfactory -arrangement of scientific conceptions began to be formed. Physics -included a series of inorganic researches, the more general branch of -which bordered on Astronomy, the more special on Chemistry. To complete -our view of the scientific hierarchy we have now only to go back to -its origin, Mathematics; a class of speculations so simple and so -general, that they passed at once and without effort into the Positive -stage. Without Mathematics, Astronomy was impossible: and they will -always continue to be the starting-point of Positive education for the -individual as they have been for the race. Even under the most absolute -theological influence they stimulate the Positive spirit to a certain -degree of systematic growth. From them it extends step by step to the -subjects from which at first it had been most rigidly excluded. - -We see from these brief remarks that the series of the abstract -sciences naturally arranges itself according to the decrease in -generality and the increase in complication. We see the reason for the -introduction of each member of the series, and the mutual connexion -between them. The classification is evidently the same as that before -laid down in my theory of development. That theory therefore may be -regarded, from the statical point of view, as furnishing a direct basis -for the co-ordination of Abstract conception, on which, as we have -seen, the whole synthesis of human life depends. That co-ordination -at once establishes unity in our intellectual operations. It realizes -the desire obscurely expressed by Bacon for a _scala intellectûs_, -a ladder of the understanding, by the aid of which our thoughts may -pass with ease from the lowest subjects to the highest, or vice versa, -without weakening the sense of their continuous connexion in nature. -Each of the six terms of which our series is composed is in its central -portion quite distinct from the two adjoining links; but it is closely -related in its commencement to the preceding term, in its conclusion -to the term which follows. A further proof of the homogeneousness and -continuity of the system is that the same principle of classification, -when applied more closely, enables us to arrange the various theories -of which each science consists. For example, the three great orders of -mathematical speculations, Arithmetic, Geometry, and Mechanics, follow -the same law of classification as that by which the entire scale is -regulated. And I have shown in my _Positive Philosophy_ that the same -holds good of the other sciences. As a whole, therefore, the series -is the most concise summary that can be formed of the vast range of -Abstract truth; and conversely, all rational researches of a special -kind result in some partial development of this series. Each term in -it requires its own special processes of induction; yet in each we -reason deductively from the preceding term, a method which will always -be as necessary for purposes of instruction as it was originally for -the purpose of discovery. Thus it is that all our other studies are -but a preparation for the final science of Humanity. By it their mode -of culture will always be influenced and will gradually be imbued with -the true spirit of generality, which is so closely connected with -social sympathy. Nor is there any danger of such influence becoming -oppressive, since the very principle of our system is to combine a -due measure of independence with practical convergence. The fact that -our theory of classification, by the very terms of its composition, -subordinates intellectual to social considerations, is eminently -calculated to secure its popular acceptance. It brings the whole -speculative system under the criticism, and at the same time under the -protection of the public, which is usually not slow to check any abuse -of those habits of abstraction which are necessary to the philosopher. - -The same theory then which explains the mental evolution of Humanity, -lays down the true method by which our abstract conceptions should be -classified; thus reconciling the conditions of Order and Movement, -hitherto more or less at variance. Its historical clearness and its -philosophical force strengthen each other, for we cannot understand -the connexion of our conceptions except by studying the succession of -the phases through which they pass. And on the other hand, but for the -existence of such a connexion, it would be impossible to explain the -historical phases. So we see that for all sound thinkers, History and -Philosophy are inseparable. - - [Therefore we are in a - position to proceed at once - with the work of social - regeneration] - -A theory which embraces the statical as well as the dynamical aspects -of the subject, and which fulfils the conditions here spoken of, may -certainly be regarded as establishing the true objective basis on -which unity can be established in our intellectual functions. And -this unity will be developed and consolidated as our knowledge of its -basis becomes more satisfactory. But the social application of the -system will have far more influence on the result than any overstrained -attempts at exact scientific accuracy. The object of our philosophy -is to direct the spiritual reorganization of the civilized world. It -is with a view to this object that all attempts at fresh discovery -or at improved arrangement should be conducted. Moral and political -requirements will lead us to investigate new relations; but the search -should not be carried farther than is necessary for their application. -Sufficient for our purpose, if this incipient classification of our -mental products be so far worked out that the synthesis of Affection -and of Action may be at once attempted; that is, that we may begin -at once to construct that system of morality under which the final -regeneration of Humanity will proceed. Those who have read my _Positive -Philosophy_ will, I think, be convinced that the time for this attempt -has arrived. How urgently it is needed will appear in every part of the -present work. - - [Error of identifying - Positivism with Atheism, - Materialism, Fatalism, - or Optimism. Atheism, - like Theology, discusses - insoluble mysteries] - -I have now described the general spirit of Positivism. But there are -two or three points on which some further explanation is necessary, as -they are the source of misapprehensions too common and too serious to -be disregarded. Of course I only concern myself with such objections as -are made in good faith. - -The fact of entire freedom from theological belief being necessary -before the Positive state can be perfectly attained, has induced -superficial observers to confound Positivism with a state of pure -negation. Now this state was at one time, and that even so recently as -the last century, favourable to progress; but at present in those who -unfortunately still remain in it, it is a radical obstacle to all sound -social and even intellectual organization. I have long ago repudiated -all philosophical or historical connexion between Positivism and what -is called Atheism. But it is desirable to expose the error somewhat -more clearly. - -Atheism, even from the intellectual point of view, is a very imperfect -form of emancipation; for its tendency is to prolong the metaphysical -stage indefinitely, by continuing to seek for new solutions of -Theological problems, instead of setting aside all inaccessible -researches on the ground of their utter inutility. The true Positive -spirit consists in substituting the study of the invariable Laws of -phenomena for that of their so-called Causes, whether proximate or -primary; in a word, in studying the _How_ instead of the _Why_. Now -this is wholly incompatible with the ambitious and visionary attempts -of Atheism to explain the formation of the Universe, the origin of -animal life, etc. The Positivist comparing the various phases of human -speculation, looks upon these scientific chimeras as far less valuable -even from the intellectual point of view than the first spontaneous -inspirations of primeval times. The principle of Theology is to explain -everything by supernatural _Wills_. That principle can never be set -aside until we acknowledge the search for _Causes_ to be beyond our -reach, and limit ourselves to the knowledge of _Laws_. As long as men -persist in attempting to answer the insoluble questions which occupied -the attention of the childhood of our race, by far the more rational -plan is to do as was done then, that is, simply to give free play to -the imagination. These spontaneous beliefs have gradually fallen into -disuse, not because they have been disproved, but because mankind has -become more enlightened as to its wants and the scope of its powers, -and has gradually given an entirely new direction to its speculative -efforts. If we insist upon penetrating the unattainable mystery of -the essential Cause that produces phenomena, there is no hypothesis -more satisfactory than that they proceed from Wills dwelling in them -or outside them; an hypothesis which assimilates them to the effect -produced by the desires which exist within ourselves. Were it not for -the pride induced by metaphysical and scientific studies, it would -be inconceivable that any atheist, modern or ancient, should have -believed that his vague hypotheses on such a subject were preferable -to this direct mode of explanation. And it was the only mode which -really satisfied the reason, until men began to see the utter inanity -and inutility of all search for absolute truth. The Order of Nature is -doubtless very imperfect in every respect; but its production is far -more compatible with the hypothesis of an intelligent Will than with -that of a blind mechanism. Persistent atheists therefore would seem -to be most illogical of theologists: because they occupy themselves -with theological problems, and yet reject the only appropriate -method of handling them. But the fact is that pure Atheism even in -the present day is very rare. What is called Atheism is usually a -phase of Pantheism, which is really nothing but a relapse disguised -under learned terms, into a vague and abstract form of Fetichism. -And it is not impossible that it may lead to the reproduction in one -form or other of every theological phase as soon as the check which -modern society still imposes on metaphysical extravagance has become -somewhat weakened. The adoption of such theories as a satisfactory -system of belief, indicates a very exaggerated or rather false view -of intellectual requirements, and a very insufficient recognition of -moral and social wants. It is generally connected with the visionary -but mischievous tendencies of ambitious thinkers to uphold what they -call the empire of Reason. In the moral sphere it forms a sort of -basis for the degrading fallacies of modern metaphysicians as to the -absolute preponderance of self-interest. Politically, its tendency is -to unlimited prolongation of the revolutionary position: its spirit -is that of blind hatred to the past: and it resists all attempts to -explain it on Positive principles, with a view of disclosing the -future. Atheism, therefore, is not likely to lead to Positivism except -in those who pass through it rapidly as the last and most short-lived -of metaphysical phases. And the wide diffusion of the scientific -spirit in the present day makes this passage so easy that to arrive at -maturity without accomplishing it, is a symptom of a certain mental -weakness, which is often connected with moral insufficiency, and is -very incompatible with Positivism. Negation offers but a feeble and -precarious basis for union: and disbelief in Monotheism is of itself -no better proof of a mind fit to grapple with the questions of the -day than disbelief in Polytheism or Fetichism, which no one would -maintain to be an adequate ground for claiming intellectual sympathy. -The atheistic phase indeed was not really necessary, except for the -revolutionists of the last century who took the lead in the movement -towards radical regeneration of society. The necessity has already -ceased; for the decayed condition of the old system makes the need of -regeneration palpable to all. Persistence in anarchy, and Atheism is -the most characteristic symptom of anarchy, is a temper of mind more -unfavourable to the organic spirit, which ought by this time to have -established its influence, than sincere adhesion to the old forms. -This latter is of course obstructive: but at least it does not hinder -us from fixing our attention upon the great social problem. Indeed -it helps us to do so: because it forces the new philosophy to throw -aside every weapon of attack against the older faith except its own -higher capacity of satisfying our moral and social wants. But in the -Atheism maintained by many metaphysicians and scientific men of the -present day, Positivism, instead of wholesome rivalry of this kind, -will meet with nothing but barren resistance. Anti-theological as such -men may be, they feel unmixed repugnance for any attempts at social -regeneration, although their efforts in the last century had to some -extent prepared the way for it. Far, then, from counting upon their -support, Positivists must expect to find them hostile: although from -the incoherence of their opinions it will not be difficult to reclaim -those of them whose errors are not essentially due to pride. - - [Materialism is due to the - encroachment of the lower - sciences on the domain of - the higher: an error which - Positivism rectifies] - -The charge of Materialism which is often made against Positive -philosophy is of more importance. It originates in the course of -scientific study upon which the Positive system is based. In answering -the charge, I need not enter into any discussion of impenetrable -mysteries. Our theory of development will enable us to see distinctly -the real ground of the confusion that exists upon the subject. - -Positive science was for a long time limited to the simplest subjects: -it could not reach the highest except by a natural series of -intermediate steps. As each of these steps is taken, the student is -apt to be influenced too strongly by the methods and results of the -preceding stage. Here, as it seems to me, lies the real source of that -scientific error which men have instinctively blamed as _materialism_. -The name is just, because the tendency indicated is one which degrades -the higher subjects of thought by confounding them with the lower. It -was hardly possible that this usurpation by one science of the domain -of another should have been wholly avoided. For since the more special -phenomena do really depend upon the more general, it is perfectly -legitimate for each science to exercise a certain deductive influence -upon that which follows it in the scale. By such influence the special -inductions of that science were rendered more coherent. The result, -however, is that each of the sciences has to undergo a long struggle -against the encroachments of the one preceding it; a struggle which, -even in the case of the subjects which have been studied longest, is -not yet over. Nor can it entirely cease until the controlling influence -of sound philosophy be established over the whole scale, introducing -juster views of the relations of its several parts, about which at -present there is such irrational confusion. Thus it appears that -Materialism is a danger inherent in the mode in which the scientific -studies necessary as a preparation for Positivism were pursued. -Each science tended to absorb the one next to it, on the ground of -having reached the Positive stage earlier and more thoroughly. The -evil then is really deeper and more extensive than is imagined by -most of those who deplore it. It passes generally unnoticed except -in the highest class of subjects. These doubtless are more seriously -affected, inasmuch as they undergo the encroaching process from all -the rest; but we find the same thing in different degrees, in every -step of the scientific scale. Even the lowest step, Mathematics, is -no exception, though its position would seem at first sight to exempt -it. To a philosophic eye there is Materialism in the common tendency -of mathematicians at the present day to absorb Geometry or Mechanics -into the Calculus, as well as in the more evident encroachments of -Mathematics upon Physics, of Physics upon Chemistry, of Chemistry, -which is more frequent, upon Biology, or lastly in the common tendency -of the best biologists to look upon Sociology as a mere corollary of -their own science. In all cases it is the same fundamental error: -that is, an exaggerated use of deductive reasoning; and in all it is -attended with the same result; that the higher studies are in constant -danger of being disorganized by the indiscriminate application of the -lower. All scientific specialists at the present time are more or less -materialists, according as the phenomena studied by them are more or -less simple and general. Geometricians, therefore, are more liable to -the error than any others; they all aim consciously or otherwise at a -synthesis in which the most elementary studies, those of Number, Space, -and Motion, are made to regulate all the rest. But the biologists who -resist this encroachment most energetically, are often guilty of the -same mistake. They not unfrequently attempt, for instance, to explain -all sociological facts by the influence of climate and race, which -are purely secondary; thus showing their ignorance of the fundamental -laws of Sociology, which can only be discovered by a series of direct -inductions from history. - -This philosophical estimate of Materialism explains how it is that -it has been brought as a charge against Positivism, and at the same -time proves the deep injustice of the charge. Positivism, far from -countenancing so dangerous an error, is, as we have seen, the only -philosophy which can completely remove it. The error arises from -certain tendencies which are in themselves legitimate, but which have -been carried too far; and Positivism satisfies these tendencies in -their due measure. Hitherto the evil has remained unchecked, except by -the theologico-metaphysical spirit, which, by giving rise to what is -called Spiritualism, has rendered a very valuable service. But useful -as it has been, it could not arrest the active growth of Materialism, -which has assumed in the eyes of modern thinkers something of a -progressive character, from having been so long connected with the -cause of resistance to a retrograde system. Notwithstanding all the -protests of the spiritualists, the lower sciences have encroached upon -the higher to an extent that seriously impairs their independence and -their value. But Positivism meets the difficulty far more effectually. -It satisfies and reconciles all that is really tenable in the rival -claims of both Materialism and Spiritualism; and, having done this, -it discards them both. It holds the one to be as dangerous to Order -as the other to Progress. This result is an immediate consequence of -the establishment of the encyclopædic scale, in which each science -retains its own proper sphere of induction, while deductively it -remains subordinate to the science which precedes it. But what really -decides the matter is the fact that such paramount importance, both -logically and scientifically, is given by Positive Philosophy to social -questions. For these are the questions in which the influence of -Materialism is most mischievous, and also in which it is most easily -introduced. A system therefore which gives them the precedence over all -other questions must hold Materialism to be quite as obstructive as -Spiritualism, since both are alike an obstacle to the progress of that -science for the sake of which all other sciences are studied. Further -advance in the work of social regeneration implies the elimination of -both of them, because it cannot proceed without exact knowledge of -the laws of moral and social phenomena. In the next chapter I shall -have to speak of the mischievous effects of Materialism upon the Art -or practice of social life. It leads to a misconception of the most -fundamental principle of that Art, namely, the systematic separation -of spiritual and temporal power. To maintain that separation, to carry -out on a more satisfactory basis the admirable attempt made in the -Middle Ages by the Catholic Church, is the most important of political -questions. Thus the antagonism of Positivism to Materialism rests upon -political no less than upon philosophical grounds. - -With the view of securing a dispassionate consideration of this -subject, and of avoiding all confusion, I have laid no stress upon the -charge of immorality that is so often brought against Materialism. -The reproach, even when made sincerely, is constantly belied by -experience, indeed it is inconsistent with all that we know of human -nature. Our opinions, whether right or wrong, have not, fortunately, -the absolute power over our feelings and conduct which is commonly -attributed to them. Materialism has been provisionally connected -with the whole movement of emancipation, and it has therefore often -been found in common with the noblest aspirations. That connexion, -however, has now ceased; and it must be owned that even in the most -favourable cases this error, purely intellectual though it be, has to -a certain extent always checked the free play of our nobler instincts, -by leading men to ignore or misconceive moral phenomena, which were -left unexplained by its crude hypothesis. Cabanis gave a striking -example of this tendency in his unfortunate attack upon mediaeval -chivalry.[3] Cabanis was a philosopher whose moral nature was as pure -and sympathetic as his intellect was elevated and enlarged. Yet the -materialism of his day had entirely blinded him to the beneficial -results of the attempts made by the most energetic of our ancestors to -institute the Worship of Woman. - -We have now examined the two principal charges brought against the -Positive system, and we have found that they apply merely to the -unsystematic state in which Positive principles are first introduced. -But the system is also accused of Fatalism and of Optimism; charges -on which it will not be necessary to dwell at great length, because, -though frequently made, they are not difficult to refute. - - [Nor is Positivism - fatalist, since it asserts - the External Order to be - modifiable] - -The charge of Fatalism has accompanied every fresh extension of -Positive science, from its first beginnings. Nor is this surprising; -for when any series of phenomena passes from the dominion of Wills, -whether modified by metaphysical abstractions or not, to the dominion -of Laws, the regularity of the latter contrasts so strongly with the -instability of the former, as to present an appearance of fatality, -which nothing but a very careful examination of the real character of -scientific truth can dissipate. And the error is the more likely to -occur from the fact that our first types of natural laws are derived -from the phenomena of the heavenly bodies. These, being wholly beyond -our interference, always suggest the notion of absolute necessity, a -notion which it is difficult to prevent from extending to more complex -phenomena, as soon as they are brought within the reach of the Positive -method. And it is quite true that Positivism holds the Order of Nature -to be in its primary aspects strictly invariable. All variations, -whether spontaneous or artificial, are only transient and of secondary -import. The conception of unlimited variations would in fact be -equivalent to the rejection of Law altogether. But while this accounts -for the fact that every new Positive theory is accused of Fatalism, -it is equally clear that blind persistence in the accusation shows a -very shallow conception of what Positivism really is. For, unchangeable -as the Order of Nature is in its main aspects, yet all phenomena, -except those of Astronomy, admit of being modified in their secondary -relations, and this the more as they are more complicated. The Positive -spirit, when confined to the subjects of Mathematics and Astronomy, was -inevitably fatalist; but this ceased to be the case when it extended to -Physics and Chemistry, and especially to Biology, where the margin of -variation is very considerable. Now that it embraces Social phenomena, -the reproach, however it may have been once deserved, should be heard -no longer, since these phenomena, which will for the future form its -principal field, admit of larger modification than any others, and that -chiefly by our own intervention. It is obvious then that Positivism, -far from encouraging indolence, stimulates us to action, especially to -social action, far more energetically than any Theological doctrine. It -removes all groundless scruples, and prevents us from having recourse -to chimeras. It encourages our efforts everywhere, except where they -are manifestly useless. - - [The charge of Optimism - applies to Theology rather - than to Positivism. The - positivist judges of - all historical actions - _relatively_, but - does not justify them - indiscriminately] - -For the charge of Optimism there is even less ground than for that -of Fatalism. The latter was, to a certain extent, connected with -the rise of the Positive spirit; but Optimism is simply a result -of Theology; and its influence has always been decreasing with the -growth of Positivism. Astronomical laws, it is true, suggest the idea -of perfection as naturally as that of necessity. On the other hand, -their great simplicity places the defects of the Order of Nature in so -clear a light, that optimists would never have sought their arguments -in astronomy, were it not that the first elements of the science had -to be worked out under the influence of Monotheism, a system which -involved the hypothesis of absolute wisdom. But by the theory of -development on which the Positive synthesis is here made to rest, -Optimism is discarded as well as Fatalism, in the direct proportion -of the intricacy of the phenomena. It is in the most intricate that -the defects of Nature, as well as the power of modifying them, become -most manifest. With regard, therefore, to social phenomena, the most -complex of all, both charges are utterly misplaced. Any optimistic -tendencies that writers on social subjects may display, must be due -to the fact that their education has not been such as to teach them -the nature and conditions of the true scientific spirit. For want -of sound logical training, great misuse has been made in our own -time of a property peculiar to social phenomena. It is that we find -in them a greater amount of spontaneous wisdom than might have been -expected from their complexity. It would be a mistake, however, to -suppose this wisdom perfect. The phenomena in question are those of -intelligent beings who are always occupied in amending the defects -of their economy. It is obvious, therefore, that they will show less -imperfection than if, in a case equally complicated, the agents could -have been blind. The standard by which to judge of action is always -to be taken relatively to the social state in which the action takes -place. Therefore all historical positions and changes must have at -least some grounds of justification; otherwise they would be totally -incomprehensible, because inconsistent with the nature of the agents -and of the actions performed by them. Now this naturally fosters a -dangerous tendency to Optimism in all thinkers, who, whatever their -powers may be, have not passed through any strict scientific training, -and have consequently never cast off metaphysical and theological modes -of thought in the higher subjects. Because every government shows a -certain adaptation to the civilization of its time, they make the loose -assertion that the adaptation is perfect; a conception which is of -course chimerical. But it is unjust to charge Positivism with errors -which are evidently contrary to its true spirit, and merely due to -the want of logical and scientific training in those who have hitherto -engaged in the study of social questions. The object of Sociology is -to explain all historical facts; not to justify them indiscriminately, -as is done by those who are unable to distinguish the influence of the -agent from that of surrounding circumstances. - - [The word _Positive_ - connotes all the highest - intellectual attributes, and - will ultimately have a moral - significance] - -On reviewing this brief sketch of the intellectual character of -Positivism, it will be seen that all its essential attributes -are summed up in the word _Positive_, which I applied to the new -philosophy at its outset. All the languages of Western Europe agree in -understanding by this word and its derivatives the two qualities of -_reality_ and _usefulness_. Combining these, we get at once an adequate -definition of the true philosophic spirit, which, after all, is nothing -but good sense generalized and put into a systematic form. The term -also implies in all European languages, _certainty_ and _precision_, -qualities by which the intellect of modern nations is markedly -distinguished from that of antiquity. Again, the ordinary acceptation -of the term implies a directly _organic_ tendency. Now the metaphysical -spirit is incapable of organizing; it can only criticize. This -distinguishes it from the Positive spirit, although for a time they -had a common sphere of action. By speaking of Positivism as organic, -we imply that it has a social purpose; that purpose being to supersede -Theology in the spiritual direction of the human race. - -But the word will bear yet a further meaning. The organic character -of the system leads us naturally to another of its attributes, namely -its invariable _relativity_. Modern thinkers will never rise above -that critical position which they have hitherto taken up towards the -past, except by repudiating all absolute principles. This last meaning -is more latent than the others, but is really contained in the term. -It will soon become generally accepted, and the word _Positive_ will -be understood to mean relative as much as it now means _organic_, -_precise_, _certain_, _useful_, and _real_. Thus the highest attributes -of human wisdom have, with one exception, been gradually condensed -into a single expressive term. All that is now wanting is that the -word should denote what at first could form no part of the meaning, -the union of moral with intellectual qualities. At present, only the -latter are included; but the course of modern progress makes it certain -that the conception implied by the word Positive, will ultimately have -a more direct reference to the heart than to the understanding. For -it will soon be felt by all that the tendency of Positivism, and that -by virtue of its primary characteristic, reality, is to make Feeling -systematically supreme over Reason as well as over Activity. After all, -the change consists simply in realizing the full etymological value of -the word _Philosophy_[4]. For it was impossible to realize it until -moral and mental conditions had been reconciled; and this has been now -done by the foundation of a Positive science of society. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE SOCIAL ASPECT OF POSITIVISM, AS SHOWN BY ITS CONNEXION WITH THE -GENERAL REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT OF WESTERN EUROPE - - -As the chief characteristic of Positive Philosophy is the paramount -importance that is given, and that on speculative grounds, to social -considerations, its efficiency for the purposes of practical life -is involved in the very spirit of the system. When this spirit is -rightly understood, we find that it leads at once to an object far -higher than that of satisfying our scientific curiosity; the object, -namely, of organizing human life. Conversely, this practical aspect -of Positive Philosophy exercises the most salutary influence upon its -speculative character. By keeping constantly before us the necessity -of concentrating all scientific efforts upon the social object which -constitutes their value, we take the best possible means of checking -the tendency inherent in all abstract inquiries to degenerate into -useless digressions. But this general connexion between theory and -practice would not by itself be sufficient for our purpose. It would be -impossible to secure the acceptance of a mental discipline, so new and -so difficult, were it not for considerations derived from the general -conditions of modern society; considerations calculated to impress -philosophers with a more definite sense of obligation to do their -utmost towards satisfying the wants of the time. By thus arousing -public sympathies and showing that the success of Positivism is a -matter of permanent and general importance, the coherence of the system -as well as the elevation of its aims will be placed beyond dispute. -We have hitherto been regarding Positivism as the issue in which -intellectual development necessarily results. We have now to view it -from the social side; for until we have done this, it is impossible to -form a true conception of it. - - [The relation of Positivism - to the French Revolution] - -And to do this, all that is here necessary is to point out the close -relation in which the new philosophy stands to the whole course -of the French Revolution. This revolution has now been agitating -Western nations for sixty years[5]. It is the final issue of the vast -transition through which we have been passing during the five previous -centuries. - -In this great crisis there are naturally two principal phases; of -which only the first, or negative, phase has yet been accomplished. In -it we gave the last blow to the old system, but without arriving at -any fixed and distinct prospect of the new. In the second or positive -phase, which is at last beginning, a basis for the new social state -has to be constructed. The first phase led as its ultimate result to -the formation of a sound philosophical system; and by this system the -second phase will be directed. It is this twofold connexion which we -are now to consider. - - [The negative or destructive - phase of the Revolution - stimulated the desire of - Progress, and consequently - the study of social - phenomena] - -The strong reaction which was exercised upon the intellect by the -first great shock of revolution was absolutely necessary to rouse and -sustain our mental efforts in the search for a new system. For the -greatest thinkers of the eighteenth century had been blinded to the -true character of the new state by the effete remnants of the old. -And the shock was especially necessary for the foundation of social -science. For the basis of that science is the conception of human -Progress, a conception which nothing but the Revolution could have -brought forward into sufficient prominence. - -Social Order was regarded by the ancients as stationary: and its theory -under this provisional aspect was admirably sketched out by the great -Aristotle. In this respect the case of Sociology resembles that of -Biology. In Biology statical conceptions were attained without the -least knowledge of dynamical laws. Similarly, the social speculations -of antiquity are entirely devoid of the conception of Progress. Their -historical field was too narrow to indicate any continuous movement of -Humanity. It was not till the Middle Ages that this movement became -sufficiently manifest to inspire the feeling that we were tending -towards a state of increased perfection. It was then seen by all -that Catholicism was superior to Polytheism and Judaism; and this -was afterwards confirmed by the corresponding political improvement -produced by the substitution of Feudalism for Roman government. -Confused as this first feeling of human Progress was, it was yet very -intense and very largely diffused; though it lost much of its vitality -in the theological and metaphysical discussions of later centuries. It -is here that we must look if we would understand that ardour in the -cause of Progress which is peculiar to the Western family of nations, -and which has been strong enough to check many sophistical delusions, -especially in the countries where the noble aspirations of the -Middle Ages have been least impaired by the metaphysical theories of -Protestantism or Deism. - -But whatever the importance of this nascent feeling, it was very -far from sufficient to establish the conviction of Progress as a -fundamental principle of human society. To demonstrate any kind of -progression, at least three terms are requisite. Now the absolute -character of theological philosophy, by which the comparison between -Polytheism and Catholicism was instituted, prevented men from -conceiving the bare possibility of any further stage. The limits of -perfection were supposed to have been reached by the mediaeval system, -and beyond it there was nothing but the Christian Utopia of a future -life. The decline of mediaeval theology soon set the imagination free -from any such obstacles; but it led at the same time to a mental -reaction which for a long time was unfavourable to the development -of this first conception of Progress. It brought a feeling of blind -antipathy to the Middle Ages. Almost all thinkers in their dislike of -the Catholic dogmas were seized with such irrational admiration for -Antiquity as entirely to ignore the social superiority of the mediaeval -system; and it was only among the untaught masses, especially in the -countries preserved from Protestantism, that any real feeling of this -superiority was retained. It was not till the middle of the seventeenth -century that modern thinkers began to dwell on the conception of -Progress. - -It re-appeared then under a new aspect. Conclusive evidence had by -that time been furnished that the more civilized portion of our -race had advanced in science and industry, and even, though not so -unquestionably, in the fine arts. But these aspects were only partial: -and though they were undoubtedly the source of the more systematic -views held by our own century upon the subject, they were not enough -to demonstrate the fact of a progression. And indeed, from the social -point of view, so far more important than any other, Progress seemed -more doubtful than it had been in the Middle Ages. - -But this condition of opinion was changed by the revolutionary shock -which impelled France, the normal centre of Western Europe, to apply -itself to the task of social regeneration. A third term of comparison, -that is to say the type on which modern society is being moulded, now -presented itself; though it lay as yet in a distant and obscure future. -Compared with the mediaeval system it was seen to be an advance as -great as that which justified our ancestors of chivalrous times in -asserting superiority to their predecessors of antiquity. Until the -destruction of Catholic Feudalism became an overt fact, its effete -remnants had concealed the political future, and the fact of continuous -progress in society had always remained uncertain. Social phenomena -have this peculiarity, that the object observed undergoes a process -of development as well as and simultaneously with the observer. Now -up to the time of the Revolution, political development, on which the -principal argument for the theory of Progress must always be based, -corresponded in its imperfection to the incapacity of the scientific -spirit to frame the theory of it. A century ago, thinkers of the -greatest eminence were unable to conceive of a really continuous -progression; and Humanity, as they thought, was destined to move in -circles or in oscillations. But under the influence of the Revolution a -real sense of human development has arisen spontaneously and with more -or less result, in minds of the most ordinary cast; first in France, -and subsequently throughout the whole of Western Europe. In this -respect the crisis has been most salutary; it has given us that mental -courage as well as force without which the conception could never have -arisen. It is the basis of social science and therefore of all Positive -Philosophy; since it is only from the social aspect that Positive -Philosophy admits of being viewed as a connected whole. Without the -theory of Progress, the theory of Order, even supposing that it -could be formed, would be inadequate as a basis for Sociology. It is -essential that the two should be combined. The very fact that Progress, -however viewed, is nothing but the development of Order, shows that -Order cannot be fully manifested without Progress. The dependence -of Positivism upon the French Revolution may now be understood more -clearly. Nor was it by a merely fortuitous coincidence that by this -time the introductory course of scientific knowledge by which the mind -is prepared for Positivism should have been sufficiently completed. - -But we must here observe that, beneficial as the intellectual reaction -of this great crisis undoubtedly was, its effects could not be realized -until the ardour of the revolutionary spirit had been to some extent -weakened. The dazzling light thrown upon the Future for some time -obscured our vision of the Past. It disclosed, though obscurely, the -third term of the social progression; but it prevented us from fairly -appreciating the second term. It encouraged that blind aversion to -the Middle Ages, which had been inspired by the emancipating process -of modern times; a feeling which had once been necessary to induce us -to abandon the old system. The suppression of this intermediate step -would be as fatal to the conception of Progress as the absence of the -last; because this last differs too widely from the first to admit -of any direct comparison with it. Right views upon the subject were -impossible therefore until full justice had been rendered to the Middle -Ages, which form at once the point of union and of separation between -ancient and modern history. Now it was quite impossible to do this as -long as the excitement of the first years of the revolution lasted. In -this respect the philosophical reaction, organized at the beginning -of our century by the great De Maistre, was of material assistance -in preparing the true theory of Progress. His school was of brief -duration, and it was no doubt animated by a retrograde spirit; but it -will always be ranked among the necessary antecedents of the Positive -system; although its works are now entirely superseded by the rise of -the new philosophy, which in a more perfect form has embodied all their -chief results. - -What was required therefore for the discovery of Sociological laws, and -for the establishment upon these laws of a sound philosophical system, -was an intellect in the vigour of youth, imbued with all the ardour of -the revolutionary spirit, and yet spontaneously assimilating all that -was valuable in the attempts of the retrograde school to appreciate -the historical importance of the Middle Ages. In this way and in no -other could the true spirit of history arise. For that spirit consists -in the sense of human continuity, which had hitherto been felt by no -one, not even by my illustrious and unfortunate predecessor Condorcet. -Meantime the genius of Gall was completing the recent attempts to -systematize biology, by commencing the study of the internal functions -of the brain; as far at least as these could be understood from the -phenomena of individual as distinct from social development. And now -I have explained the series of social and intellectual conditions -by which the discovery of sociological laws, and consequently the -foundation of Positivism, was fixed for the precise date at which I -began my philosophical career: that is to say, one generation after -the progressive dictatorship of the Convention, and almost immediately -after the fall of the retrograde tyranny of Bonaparte. - -Thus it appears that the revolutionary movement, and the long period -of reaction which succeeded it, were alike necessary, before the new -general doctrine could be distinctly conceived of as a whole. And if -this preparation was needed for the establishment of Positivism as a -philosophical system, far more needful was it for the recognition of -its social value. For it guaranteed free exposition and discussion of -opinion: and it led the public to look to Positivism as the system -which contained in germ the ultimate solution of social problems. This -is a point so obvious that we need not dwell upon it further. - -Having satisfied ourselves of the dependence of Positivism upon the -first phase of the Revolution, we have now to consider it as the future -guide of the second phase. - - [The constructive phase of - the Revolution. The first - attempts to construct - failed, being based on - destructive principles] - -It is often supposed that the destruction of the old regime was brought -about by the Revolution. But history when carefully examined points to -a very different conclusion. It shows that the Revolution was not the -cause but the consequence of the utter decomposition of the mediaeval -system; a process which had been going on for five centuries throughout -Western Europe, and especially in France; spontaneously at first, -and afterwards in a more systematic way. The Revolution, far from -protracting the negative movement of previous centuries, was a bar to -its further extension. It was a final outbreak in which men showed -their irrevocable purpose of abandoning the old system altogether, -and of proceeding at once to the task of entire reconstruction. The -most conclusive proof of this intention was given by the abolition of -royalty; which had been the rallying point of all the decaying remnants -of the old French constitution. But with this exception, which only -occupied the Convention during its first sitting, the constructive -tendencies of the movement were apparent from its outset; and they -showed themselves still more clearly as soon as the republican spirit -had become predominant. It is obvious, however, that strong as these -tendencies may have been, the first period of the Revolution produced -results of an extremely negative and destructive kind. In fact the -movement was in this respect a failure. This is partly to be attributed -to the pressing necessities of the hard struggle for national -independence which France maintained so gloriously against the combined -attacks of the retrograde nations of Europe. But it is far more largely -owing to the purely critical character of the metaphysical doctrines by -which the revolutionary spirit was at that time directed. - -The negative and the positive movements which have been going on in -Western Europe since the close of the Middle Ages, have been of course -connected with each other. But the former has necessarily advanced -with greater rapidity than the latter. The old system had so entirely -declined, that a desire for social regeneration had become general, -before the groundwork of the new system had been sufficiently completed -for its true character to be understood. As we have just seen, the -doctrine by which social regeneration is now to be directed could -not have arisen previously to the Revolution. The impulse which the -Revolution gave to thought was indispensable to its formation. Here -then was an insurmountable fatality by which men were forced to make -use of the critical principles which had been found serviceable in -former struggles, as the only available instruments of construction. -As soon as the old order had once been fairly abandoned, there was -of course no utility whatever in the negative philosophy. But its -doctrines had become familiar to men’s minds, and its motto of -‘Liberty and Equality’, was at that time the one most compatible with -social progress. Thus the first stage of the revolutionary movement -was accomplished under the influence of principles that had become -obsolete, and that were quite inadequate to the new task required of -them. - -For constructive purposes the revolutionary philosophy was valueless; -except so far as it put forward a vague programme of the political -future founded on sentiment rather than conviction, and unaccompanied -by any explanation of the right mode of realizing it. In default of -organic principles the doctrines of the critical school were employed: -and the result speedily showed their inherent tendency to anarchy; a -tendency as perilous to the germs of the new order as to the ruins -of the old. The experiment was tried once for all, and it left such -ineffaceable memories that it is not probable that any serious attempt -will be made to repeat it. The incapacity for construction inherent in -the doctrine in which the revolutionary spirit had embodied itself was -placed beyond the reach of doubt. The result was to impress every one -with the urgent necessity for social renovation; but the principles of -that renovation were still left undetermined. - - [Counter-revolution from - 1794 to 1830] - -In this condition of philosophical and political opinion, the necessity -of Order was felt to be paramount, and a long period of reaction -ensued. Dating from the official Deism introduced by Robespierre, it -reached its height under the aggressive system of Bonaparte, and it was -feebly protracted, in spite of the peace of 1815, by his insignificant -successors. The only permanent result of this period was the historical -and doctrinal evidence brought forward by De Maistre and his school, -of the social inutility of modern metaphysics, while at the same time -their intellectual weakness was being proved by the successful attempts -of Cabanis, and still more of Gall, to extend the Positive method to -the highest biological questions. In all other respects this elaborate -attempt to prevent the final emancipation of Humanity proved a complete -failure; in fact, it led to a revival of the instinct of Progress. -Strong antipathies were roused everywhere by these fruitless efforts -at reconstructing a system which had become so entirely obsolete, that -even those who were labouring to rebuild it no longer understood its -character or the conditions of its existence. - -A re-awakening of the revolutionary spirit was thus inevitable; and it -took place as soon as peace was established, and the chief upholder -of the retrograde system had been removed. The doctrines of negation -were called back to life; but very little illusion now remained as -to their capacity for organizing. In want of something better, men -accepted them as a means of resisting retrograde principles, just as -these last had owed their apparent success to the necessity of checking -the tendency to anarchy. Amidst these fresh debates on worn-out -subjects, the public soon became aware that a final solution of the -question had not yet arisen even in germ. It therefore concerned itself -for little except the maintenance of Order and Liberty; conditions -as indispensable for the free action of philosophy as for material -prosperity. The whole position was most favourable for the construction -of a definite solution; and it was, in fact, during the last phase of -the retrograde movement that the elementary principle of a solution -was furnished, by my discovery, in 1822, of the two-fold law of -intellectual development. - - [Political stagnation - between 1830 and 1848] - -The apparent indifference of the public, to whom all the existing -parties seemed equally devoid of insight into the political future, -was at last mistaken by a blind government for tacit consent to its -unwise schemes. The cause of Progress was in danger. Then came the -memorable crisis of 1830, by which the system of reaction, introduced -thirty-six years previously, was brought to an end. The convictions -which that system inspired were indeed so superficial, that its -supporters came of their own accord to disavow them, and to uphold in -their own fashion the chief revolutionary doctrines. These again were -abandoned by their previous supporters on their accession to power. -When the history of these times is written, nothing will give a clearer -view of the revulsion of feeling on both sides, than the debates which -took place on Liberty of Education. Within a period of twenty years, -it was alternately demanded and refused by both; and this in behalf of -the same principles, as they were called, though it was in reality a -question of interest rather than principle on either side. - -All previous convictions being thus thoroughly upset, more room was -left for the instinctive feeling of the public; and the question of -reconciling the spirit of Order with that of Progress now came into -prominence. It was the most important of all problems, and it was now -placed in its true light. But this only made the absence of a solution -more manifest; and the principle of the solution existed nowhere but in -Positivism, which as yet was immature. All the opinions of the day had -become alike utterly incompatible both with Order and with Progress. -The Conservative school undertook to reconcile the two; but it had no -constructive power; and the only result of its doctrine was to give -equal encouragement to anarchy and to reaction, so as to be able always -to neutralize the one by the other. The establishment of Constitutional -Monarchy was now put forward as the ultimate issue of the great -Revolution. But no one could seriously place any real confidence in a -system so alien to the whole character of French history, offering as -it did nothing but a superficial and unwise imitation of a political -anomaly essentially peculiar to England. - -The period then between 1830 and 1848 may be regarded as a natural -pause in the political movement. The reaction which succeeded the -original crisis had exhausted itself; but the final or organic phase -of the Revolution was still delayed for want of definite principles -to guide it. No conception had been formed of it, except by a small -number of philosophic minds who had taken their stand upon the -recently established laws of social science, and had found themselves -able, without recourse to any chimerical views, to gain some general -insight into the political future, of which Condorcet, my principal -predecessor, knew so little. But it was impossible for the regenerating -doctrine to spread more widely and to be accepted as the peaceful -solution of social problems, until a distinct refutation had been given -of the false assertion so authoritatively made that the parliamentary -system was the ultimate issue of the Revolution. This notion once -destroyed, the work of spiritual reorganization should be left entirely -to the free efforts of independent thinkers. In these respects our last -political change (1848) will have accomplished all that is required. - - [The present position, - 1848-1850. Republicanism - involves the great principle - of subordinating Politics to - Morals] - -Thanks to the instinctive sense and vigour of our working classes, the -reactionist leanings of the Orleanist government, which had become -hostile to the purpose for which it was originally instituted, have -at last brought about the final abolition of monarchy in France. The -prestige of monarchy had long been lost, and it now only impeded -Progress, without being of any real benefit to Order. By its fictitious -supremacy it directly hindered the work of spiritual reformation, -whilst the measure of real power which it possessed was insufficient to -control the wretched political agitation maintained by animosities of a -purely personal character. - -Viewed negatively, the principle of Republicanism sums up the first -phase of the Revolution. It precludes the possibility of recurrence -to Royalism, which, ever since the second half of the reign of Louis -XIV, has been the rallying point of all reactionist tendencies. -Interpreting the principle in its positive sense, we may regard it as a -direct step towards the final regeneration of society. By consecrating -all human forces of whatever kind to the general service of the -community, republicanism recognizes the doctrine of subordinating -Politics to Morals. Of course it is as a feeling rather than as a -principle that this doctrine is at present adopted; but it could not -obtain acceptance in any other way; and even when put forward in a -more systematic shape, it is upon the aid of feeling that it will -principally rely, as I have shown in the previous chapter. In this -respect France has proved worthy of her position as the leader of the -great family of Western nations, and has in reality already entered -upon the normal state. Without the intervention of any theological -system, she has asserted the true principle on which society should -rest, a principle which originated in the Middle Ages under the impulse -of Catholicism; but for the general acceptance of which a sounder -philosophy and more suitable circumstances were necessary. The direct -tendency, then, of the French Republic is to sanction the fundamental -principle of Positivism, the preponderance, namely, of Feeling over -Intellect and Activity. Starting from this point, public opinion will -soon be convinced that the work of organizing society on republican -principles is one which can only be performed by the new philosophy. - - [It gives prominence to the - problem of reconciling Order - and Progress] - -The whole position brings into fuller prominence the fundamental -problem previously proposed, of reconciling Order and Progress. The -urgent necessity of doing so is acknowledged by all; but the utter -incapacity of any of the existing schools of opinion to realize it -becomes increasingly evident. The abolition of monarchy removes the -most important obstacle to social Progress: but at the same time it -deprives us of the only remaining guarantee for public Order. Thus the -time is doubly favourable to constructive tendencies; yet at present -there are no opinions which possess more than the purely negative value -of checking, and that very imperfectly, the error opposite to their -own. In a position which guarantees Progress and compromises Order, it -is naturally for the latter that the greatest anxiety is felt; and we -are still without any organ capable of systematically defending it. Yet -experience should have taught us how extremely fragile every government -must be which is purely material, that is, which is based solely upon -self-interest, and is destitute of sympathies and convictions. On -the other hand, spiritual order is not to be hoped for at present in -the absence of any doctrine which commands general respect. Even the -social instinct is a force on the political value of which we cannot -always rely: for when not based on some definite principle, it not -unfrequently becomes source of disturbance. Hence we are driven back -to the continuance of a material system of government, although its -inadequacy is acknowledged by all. In a republic, however, such a -government cannot employ its most efficient instrument, corruption. -It has to resort instead to repressive measures of a more or less -transitory kind, every time that the danger of anarchy becomes too -threatening. These occasional measures, however, naturally proportion -themselves to the necessities of the case. Thus, though Order is -exposed to greater perils than Progress, it can count on more powerful -resources for its defence. Shortly after the publication of the first -edition of this work, the extraordinary outbreak of June, 1848, proved -that the republic could call into play, and, indeed, could push to -excess, in the cause of public Order, forces far greater than those -of the monarchy. Thus royalty no longer possesses that monopoly of -preserving Order, which has hitherto induced a few sincere and thinking -men to continue to support it; and henceforth the sole political -characteristic which it retains is that of obstructing Progress. And -yet by another reaction of this contradictory position of affairs, -the monarchical party seems at present to have become the organ of -resistance in behalf of material Order. Retrograde as its doctrines -are, yet from their still retaining a certain organic tendency, the -conservative instincts rally round them. To this the progressive -instincts offer no serious obstacle, their insufficiency for the -present needs being more or less distinctly recognized. It is not to -the monarchical party, however, that we must look for conservative -principles; for in this quarter they are wholly abandoned, and -unhesitating adoption of every revolutionary principle is resorted to -as a means of retaining power; so that the doctrines of the Revolution -would seem fated to close their existence in the retrograde camp. -So urgent is the need of Order that we are driven to accept for the -moment a party which has lost all its old convictions, and which -had apparently become extinct before the Republic began. Positivism -and Positivism alone can disentangle and terminate this anomalous -position. The principle on which it depends is manifestly this: As -long as Progress tends towards anarchy, so long will Order continue to -be retrograde. But the retrograde movement never really attains its -object: indeed its principles are always neutralized by inconsistent -concessions. Judged by the boastful language of its leaders, we might -imagine that it was destroying republicanism; whereas the movement -would not exist at all, but for the peculiar circumstances in which -we are placed; circumstances which are forced into greater prominence -by the foolish opposition of most of the authorities. As soon as the -instinct of political improvement has placed itself under systematic -guidance, its growth will bear down all resistance; and then the reason -of its present stagnation will be patent to all. - - [It brings the metaphysical - revolutionary schools into - discredit] - -And for this Theologism is, unawares, preparing the way. Its apparent -preponderance places Positivism in precisely that position which -I wished for ten years ago. The two organic principles can now be -brought side by side, and their relative strength tested, without the -complication of any metaphysical considerations. For the incoherence -of metaphysical systems is now recognized, and they are finally -decaying under the very political system which seemed at one time -likely to promote their acceptance. Construction is seen by all -to be the thing wanted: and men are rapidly becoming aware of the -utter hollowness of all schools which confine themselves to protests -against the institutions of theologism, while admitting its essential -principles. So defunct, indeed, have these schools become, that they -can no longer fulfil even their old office of destruction. This has -fallen now as an accessory task upon Positivism, which offers the only -systematic guarantee against retrogression as well as against anarchy. -Psychologists, strictly so called, have already for the most part -disappeared with the fall of constitutional monarchy; so close is the -relation between these two importations from Protestantism. It seemed -likely therefore that the Ideologists, their natural rivals, would -regain their influence with the people. But even they cannot win back -the confidence reposed in them during the great Revolution, because -the doctrines in virtue of which it was then given are now so utterly -exploded. The most advanced of their number, unworthy successors of -the school of Voltaire and Danton, have shown themselves thoroughly -incapable either morally or intellectually of directing the second -phase of the Revolution, which they are hardly able to distinguish -from the first phase. Formerly I had taken as their type a man of -far superior merit, the noble Armand Carrel, whose death was such a -grievous loss to the republican cause. But he was a complete exception -to the general rule. True republican convictions were impossible -with men who had been schooled in parliamentary intrigues, and who -had directed or aided the pertinacious efforts of the French press -to rehabilitate the name of Bonaparte. Their accession to power was -futile; for they could only maintain material order by calling in -the retrograde party; and they soon became mere auxiliaries of this -party, disgracefully abjuring all their philosophical convictions. -There is one proceeding which, though it is but an episode in the -course of events, will always remain as a test of the true character -of this unnatural alliance. I allude to the Roman expedition of 1849; -a detestable and contemptible act, for which just penalties will -speedily be imposed on all who were accessory to it; not to speak of -the damnatory verdict of history. But precisely the same hypocritical -opposition to progress has been exhibited by the other class of -Deists, the disciples, that is, of Rousseau, who profess to adopt -Robespierre’s policy. Having had no share in the government, they have -not so entirely lost their hold upon the people; but they are at the -present time totally devoid of political coherence. Their wild anarchy -is incompatible with the general tone of feeling maintained by the -industrial activity, the scientific spirit, and the esthetic culture of -modern life. These Professors of the Guillotine, as they may be called, -whose superficial sophisms would reduce exceptional outbreaks of -popular fury into a cold-blooded system, soon found themselves forced, -for the sake of popularity, to sanction the law which very properly -abolished capital punishment for political offences. In the same way -they are now obliged to disown the only real meaning of the red flag -which serves to distinguish their party, too vague as it is for any -other name. Equally wrong have they shown themselves in interpreting -the tendencies of the working classes, from being so entirely taken -up with questions of abstract rights. The people have allowed these -rights to be taken from them without a struggle whenever the cause of -Order has seemed to require it; yet they still persist, mechanically, -in maintaining that it is on questions of this sort that the solution -of all our difficulties depends. Taking for their political ideal a -short and anomalous period of our history which is never likely to -recur, they are always attempting to suppress liberty for the sake of -what they call progress. In a time of unchangeable peace they are the -only real supporters of war. Their conception of the organization of -labour is simply to destroy the industrial hierarchy of capitalist -and workman established in the Middle Ages; and, in fact, in every -respect these sophistical anarchists are utterly out of keeping with -the century in which they live. There are some, it is true, who still -retain a measure of influence with the working classes, incapable and -unworthy though they be of their position. But their credit is rapidly -declining; and it is not likely to become dangerous at a time when -political enthusiasm is no longer to be won by metaphysical prejudices. -The only effect really produced by this party of disorder, is to -serve as a bugbear for the benefit of the retrograde party, who thus -obtain official support from the middle class, in a way which is quite -contrary to all the principles and habits of that class. It is very -improbable that these foolish levellers will ever succeed to power. -Should they do so, however, their reign will be short, and will soon -result in their final extinction; because it will convince the people -of their profound incapacity to direct the regeneration of Europe. The -position of affairs, therefore, is now distinct and clear; and it is -leading men to withdraw their confidence from all metaphysical schools, -as they had already withdrawn it from theology. In this general -discredit of all the old systems the way becomes clear for Positivism, -the only school which harmonizes with the real tendencies as well as -with the essential needs of the nineteenth century. - - [And it proves to all - the necessity of a true - spiritual power; a body of - thinkers whose business - is to study and to teach - principles, holding aloof - from political action] - -In this explanation of the recent position of French affairs one point -yet remains to be insisted on. We have seen from the general course -of the philosophical, and yet more of the political, movement, the -urgent necessity for a universal doctrine capable of checking erroneous -action, and of avoiding or moderating popular outbreaks. But there is -another need equally manifest, the need of a spiritual power, without -which it would be utterly impossible to bring our philosophy to bear -upon practical life. Widely divergent as the various metaphysical -sects are, there is one point in which they all spontaneously agree; -that is, in repudiating the distinction between temporal and spiritual -authority. This has been the great revolutionary principle ever -since the fourteenth century, and more especially since the rise of -Protestantism. It originated in repugnance to the mediaeval system. -The so-called philosophers of our time, whether psychologists or -ideologists, have, like their Greek predecessors, always aimed at a -complete concentration of all social powers; and they have even spread -this delusion among the students of special sciences. At present there -is no appreciation, except in the Positive system, of that instinctive -sagacity which led all the great men of the Middle Ages to institute, -for the first time, the separation of moral from political authority. -It was a masterpiece of human wisdom; but it was premature, and could -not be permanently successful at a time when men were still governed on -theological principles, and practical life still retained its military -character. This separation of powers, on which the final organization -of society will principally depend, is understood and valued nowhere -but in the new school of philosophy, if we except the unconscious and -tacit admiration for it which still exists in the countries from which -Protestantism has been excluded. From the outset of the Revolution, -the pride of theorists has always made them wish to become socially -despotic; a state of things to which they have ever looked forward as -their political ideal. Public opinion has by this time grown far too -enlightened to allow any practical realization of a notion at once -so chimerical and so retrograde. But public opinion not being as yet -sufficiently organized, efforts in this direction are constantly being -made. The longing among metaphysical reformers for practical as well -as theoretical supremacy is now greater than ever; because, from the -changed state of affairs, their ambition is no longer limited to mere -administrative functions. Their various views diverge so widely, and -all find so little sympathy in the public, that there is not much -fear of their ever being able to check free discussion to any serious -extent, by giving legal sanction to their own particular doctrine. But -quite enough has been attempted to convince every one how essentially -despotic every theory of society must be which opposes this fundamental -principle of modern polity, the permanent separation of spiritual -from temporal power. The disturbances caused by metaphysical ambition -corroborate, then, the view urged so conclusively by the adherents of -the new school, that this division of powers is equally essential to -Order and to Progress. If Positivist thinkers continue to withstand -all temptations to mix actively in politics, and go on quietly with -their own work amidst the unmeaning agitation around them, they will -ultimately make the impartial portion of the public familiar with -this great conception. It will henceforth be judged irrespectively of -the religious doctrines with which it was originally connected. Men -will involuntarily contrast it with other systems, and will see more -and more clearly that Positive principles afford the only basis for -true freedom as well as for true union. They alone can tolerate full -discussion, because they alone rest upon solid proof. Men’s practical -wisdom, guided by the peculiar nature of our political position, will -react strongly upon philosophers, and keep them strictly to their -sphere of moral and intellectual influence. The slightest tendency -towards the assumption of political power will be checked, and the -desire for it will be considered as a certain sign of mental weakness, -and indeed of moral deficiency. Now that royalty is abolished, all -true thinkers are secure of perfect freedom of thought, and even of -expression, as long as they abide by the necessary conditions of -public order. Royalty was the last remnant of the system of castes, -which gave the monopoly of deciding on important social questions to -a special family; its abolition completes the process of theological -emancipation. Of course the magistrates of a republic may show despotic -tendencies; but they can never become very dangerous where power is -held on so brief a tenure, and where, even when concentrated in a -single person, it emanates from suffrage, incompetent as that may be. -It is easy for the Positivist to show that these functionaries know -very little more than their constituents of the logical and scientific -conditions necessary for the systematic working out of moral and social -doctrines. Such authorities, though devoid of any spiritual sanction, -may, however, command obedience in the name of Order. But they can -never be really respected, unless they adhere scrupulously to their -temporal functions, without claiming the least authority over thought. -Even before the central power falls into the hands of men really fit to -wield it, the republican character of our government will have forced -this conviction upon a nation that has now got rid of all political -fanaticism, whether of a retrograde or anarchical kind. And the -conviction is the more certain to arise, because practical authorities -will become more and more absorbed in the maintenance of material -order, and will therefore leave the question of spiritual order to the -unrestricted efforts of thinkers. It is neither by accident nor by -personal influence that I have myself always enjoyed so large a measure -of freedom in writing, and subsequently in public lectures, and this -under governments all of which were more or less oppressive. Every -true philosopher will receive the same licence, if, like myself, he -offers the intellectual and moral guarantees which the public and the -civil power are fairly entitled to expect from the systematic organs of -Humanity. The necessity of controlling levellers may lead to occasional -acts of unwise violence. But I am convinced that respect will always be -shown to constructive thinkers, and that they will soon be called in to -the assistance of public order. For order will not be able to exist -much longer without the sanction of some rational principle. - - [The need of a spiritual - power is common to the whole - Republic of Western Europe] - -The result, then, of the important political changes which have -recently taken place is this. The second phase of the Revolution, which -hitherto has been restricted to a few advanced minds, is now entered -by the public, and men are rapidly forming juster views of its true -character. It is becoming recognized that the only firm basis for a -reform of our political institutions, is a complete reorganization of -opinion and of life; and the way is open for the new religious doctrine -to direct this work. I have thus explained the way in which the social -mission of Positivism connects itself with the spontaneous changes -which are taking place in France, the centre of the revolutionary -movement. But it would be a mistake to suppose that France will be the -only scene of these reorganizing efforts. Judging on sound historical -principles, we cannot doubt that they will embrace the whole extent of -Western Europe. - -During the five centuries of revolutionary transition which have -elapsed since the Middle Ages, we have lost sight of the fact that -in all fundamental questions the Western nations form one political -system. It was under Catholic Feudalism that they were first united; a -union for which their incorporation into the Roman empire had prepared -them, and which was finally organized by the incomparable genius of -Charlemagne. In spite of national differences, embittered as they were -afterwards by theological discord, this great Republic has in modern -times shown intellectual and social growth both in the positive and -negative direction, to which other portions of the human race, even -in Europe, can show no parallel. The rupture of Catholicism, and -the decline of Chivalry, at first seriously impaired this feeling -of relationship. But it soon began to show itself again under new -forms. It rests now, though the basis is inadequate, upon the feeling -of community in industrial development, in esthetic culture, and in -scientific discovery. Amidst the disorganized state of political -affairs, which have obviously been tending towards some radical change, -this similarity in civilization has produced a growing conviction -that we are all participating in one and the same social movement; -a movement limited as yet to our own family of nations. The first -step in the great crisis was necessarily taken by the French nation, -because it was better prepared than any other. It was there that the -old order of things had been most thoroughly uprooted, and that most -had been done in working out the materials of the new. But the strong -sympathies which the outbreak of our revolution aroused in every part -of Western Europe, showed that our sister-nations were only granting -us the honourable post of danger in a movement in which all the nobler -portion of Humanity was to participate. And this was the feeling -proclaimed by the great republican assembly in the midst of their war -of defence. The military extravagances which followed, and which form -the distinguishing feature of the counter-revolution, of course checked -the feeling of union on both sides. But so deeply was it rooted in -all the antecedents of modern history that peace soon restored it to -life, in spite of the pertinacious efforts of all parties interested in -maintaining unnatural separation between France and other countries. -What greatly facilitates this tendency is the decline of every form -of theology, which removes the chief source of former disagreement. -During the last phase of the counter-revolution, and still more during -the long pause in the political movement which followed, each member -of the group entered upon a series of revolutionary efforts more or -less resembling those of the central nation. And our recent political -changes cannot but strengthen this tendency; though of course with -nations less fully prepared the results of these efforts have at -present been less important than in France. Meanwhile it is evident -that this uniform condition of internal agitation gives increased -security for peace, by which its extension had been originally -facilitated. And thus, although there is no organized international -union as was the case in the Middle Ages, yet the pacific habits and -intellectual culture of modern life have already been sufficiently -diffused to call out an instinct of fraternity stronger than any that -has ever existed before. It is strong enough to prevent the subject -of social regeneration from being ever regarded as a merely national -question. - -And this is the point of view which displays the character of the -second phase of the Revolution in its truest light. The first phase, -although in its results advantageous to the other nations, was -necessarily conducted as if peculiar to France, because no other -country was ripe for the original outbreak. Indeed French nationality -was stimulated by the necessity of resisting the counter-revolutionary -coalition. But the final and constructive phase which has begun now -that the national limits of the crisis have been reached, should always -be regarded as common to the whole of Western Europe. For it consists -essentially in spiritual reorganization; and the need of this in one -shape or other presses already with almost equal force upon each of the -five nations who make up the great Western family. Conversely, the -more occidental the character of the reforming movement, the greater -will be the prominence given to intellectual and moral regeneration -as compared with mere modifications of government, in which of course -there must be very considerable national differences. The first social -need of Western Europe is community in belief and in habits of life; -and this must be based upon a uniform system of education controlled -and applied by a spiritual power that shall be accepted by all. This -want satisfied, the reconstruction of governments may be carried out in -accordance with the special requirements of each nation. Difference in -this respect is legitimate: it will not affect the essential unity of -the Positivist Republic, which will be bound together by more complete -and durable ties than the Catholic Republic of the Middle Ages. - -Not only then do we find from the whole condition of Western Europe -that the movement of opinion transcends in importance all political -agitation; but we find that everything points to the necessity of -establishing a spiritual power, as the sole means of directing -this free yet systematic reform of opinion and of life with the -requisite consistency and largeness of view. We now see that the old -revolutionary prejudice of confounding temporal and spiritual power -is directly antagonistic to social regeneration, although it once -aided the preparation for it. In the first place it stimulates the -sense of nationality which ought to be subordinate to larger feelings -of international fraternity. And at the same time, with the view of -satisfying the conditions of uniformity which are so obviously required -for the solution of the common problem, it induces efforts at forcible -incorporation of all the nations into one, efforts as dangerous as -they are fruitless. - - [This Republic consists - of the Italian, Spanish, - British, and German - populations, grouped round - France as their centre] - -My work on Positive Philosophy contains a detailed historical -explanation of what I mean by the expression, Western Europe. But the -conception is one of such importance in relation to the questions of -our time, that I shall now proceed to enumerate and arrange in their -order the elements of which this great family of nations consists. - -Since the fall of the Roman empire, and more especially from the time -of Charlemagne, France has always been the centre, socially as well as -geographically, of this Western region which may be called the nucleus -of Humanity. On the one great occasion of united political action on -the part of Western Europe, that is, in the crusades of the eleventh -and twelfth century, it was evidently France that took the initiative. -It is true that when the decomposition of Catholicism began to assume a -systematic form, the centre of the movement for two centuries shifted -its position. It was Germany that gave birth to the metaphysical -principles of negation. Their first political application was in the -Dutch and English revolutions, which, incomplete as they were, owing to -insufficient intellectual preparation, yet served as preludes to the -great final crisis. These preludes were most important, as showing the -real social tendency of the critical doctrines. But it was reserved for -France to co-ordinate these doctrines into a consistent system and to -propagate them successfully. France then resumed her position as the -principal centre in which the great moral and political questions were -to be worked out. And this position she will in all probability retain, -as in fact it is only a recurrence to the normal organization of the -Western Republic, which had been temporarily modified to meet special -conditions. A fresh displacement of the centre of the social movement -is not to be expected, unless in a future too distant to engage our -attention. It can indeed only be the result of wide extension of our -advanced civilization beyond European limits, as will be explained in -the conclusion of this work. - -North and south of this natural centre, we find two pairs of nations, -between which France will always form an intermediate link, partly from -her geographical position, and also from her language and manners. The -first pair is for the most part Protestant. It comprises, first, the -great Germanic body, with the numerous nations that may be regarded -as its offshoots; especially Holland, which, since the Middle Ages, -has been in every respect the most advanced portion of Germany. -Secondly, Great Britain, with which may be classed the United States, -notwithstanding their present attitude of rivalry. The second pair is -exclusively Catholic. It consists of the great Italian nationality, -which in spite of political divisions has always maintained its -distinct character; and of the population of the Spanish Peninsula -(for Portugal, sociologically considered, is not to be separated from -Spain), which has so largely increased the Western family by its -colonies. To complete the conception of this group of advanced nations, -we must add two accessory members, Greece and Poland, countries which, -though situated in Eastern Europe, are connected with the West, the -one by ancient history, the other by modern. Besides these, there are -various intermediate nationalities which I need not now enumerate, -connecting or demarcating the more important branches of the family. - -In this vast Republic it is that the new philosophy is to find its -sphere of intellectual and moral action. It will endeavour so to modify -the initiative of the central nation, by the reacting influences -of the other four, as to give increased efficiency to the general -movement. It is a task eminently calculated to test the social -capabilities of Positivism, and for which no other system is qualified. -The metaphysical spirit is as unfit for it as the theological. The -rupture of the mediaeval system is due to the decadence of theology: -but the direct agency in the rupture was the solvent force of the -metaphysical spirit. Neither the one nor the other then is likely to -recombine elements, the separation of which is principally due to -their own conceptions. It is entirely to the spontaneous action of the -Positive spirit that we owe those new though insufficient links of -union, whether industrial, artistic, or scientific, which, since the -close of the Middle Ages, have been leading us more and more decidedly -to a reconstruction of the Western alliance. And now that Positivism -has assumed its matured and systematic form, its competence for the -work is even more unquestionable. It alone can effectually remove the -national antipathies which still exist. But it will do this without -impairing the natural qualities of any of them. Its object is by a wise -combination of these qualities, to develop under a new form the feeling -of a common Occidentality. - - [Relation of Positivism - to the mediaeval system, - to which we owe the first - attempt to separate - spiritual from temporal - power] - -By extending the social movement to its proper limits, we thus exhibit -on a larger scale the same features that were noticed when France -alone was being considered. Abroad or at home, every great social -problem that arises proves that the object of the second revolutionary -phase is a reorganization of principles and of life. By this means -a body of public opinion will be formed of sufficient force to lead -gradually to the growth of new political institutions. These will be -adapted to the special requirements of each nation, under the general -superintendence of the spiritual power, from whom our fundamental -principles will have proceeded. The general spirit of these principles -is essentially historical, whereas the tendency of the negative phase -of the revolution was anti-historical. Without blind hatred of the -past, men would never have had sufficient energy to abandon the old -system. But henceforth the best evidence of having attained complete -emancipation will be the rendering full justice to the past in all its -phases. This is the most characteristic feature of that relative spirit -which distinguishes Positivism. The surest sign of superiority, whether -in persons or systems, is fair appreciation of opponents. And this -must always be the tendency of social science when rightly understood, -since its prevision of the future is avowedly based upon systematic -examination of the past. It is the only way in which the free and yet -universal adoption of general principles of social reconstruction -can ever be possible. Such reconstruction, viewed by the light of -Sociology, will be regarded as a necessary link in the series of human -development; and thus many confused and incoherent notions suggested by -the arbitrary beliefs hitherto prevalent will finally disappear. The -growth of public opinion in this respect is aided by the increasing -strength of social feeling. Both combine to encourage the historical -spirit which distinguishes the second period of the Revolution, as we -see indicated already in so many of the popular sympathies of the day. - -Acting on this principle, Positivists will always acknowledge the -close relation between their own system and the memorable effort of -mediaeval Catholicism. In offering for the acceptance of Humanity a -new organization of life, we would not dissociate it with all that -has gone before. On the contrary, it is our boast that we are but -proposing for her maturity the accomplishment of the noble effort of -her youth, an effort made when intellectual and social conditions -precluded the possibility of success. We are too full of the future to -fear any serious charge of retrogression towards the past. It would be -strange were such a charge to proceed from those of our opponents whose -political ideal is that amalgamation of temporal and spiritual power -which was adopted by the theocratic or military systems of antiquity. - -The separation of these powers in the Middle Ages is the greatest -advance ever yet made in the theory of social Order. It was imperfectly -effected, because the time was not ripe for it; but enough was done -to show the object of the separation, and some of its principal -results were partially arrived at. It originated the fundamental -doctrine of modern social life, the subordination of Politics to -Morals; a doctrine which in spite of the most obstinate resistance -has survived the decline of the religion which first proclaimed it. -We see it now sanctioned by a republican government which has shaken -off the fetters of that religion more completely than any other. A -further result of the separation is the keen sense of personal honour, -combined with general fraternity, which distinguishes Western nations, -especially those who have been preserved from Protestantism. To the -same source is due the general feeling that men should be judged -by their intellectual and moral worth, irrespectively of social -position, yet without upsetting that subordination of classes which -is rendered necessary by the requirements of practical life. And this -has accustomed all classes to free discussion of moral and even of -political questions; since every one feels it a right and a duty to -judge actions and persons by the general principles which a common -system of education has inculcated alike on all. I need not enlarge on -the value of the mediaeval church in organizing the political system -of Western Europe, in which there was no other recognized principle -of union. All these social results are usually attributed to the -excellence of the Christian doctrine; but history when fairly examined -shows that the source from which they are principally derived is the -Catholic principle of separating the two powers. For these effects -are nowhere visible except in the countries where this separation -has been effected, although a similar code of morals and indeed a -faith identically the same have been received elsewhere. Besides, -although sanctioned by the general tone of modern life, they have been -neutralized to a considerable extent by the decline of the Catholic -organization, and this especially in the countries where the greatest -efforts have been made to restore the doctrine to its original purity -and power. - -In these respects Positivism has already appreciated Catholicism more -fully than any of its own defenders, not even excepting De Maistre -himself, as indeed some of the more candid organs of the retrograde -school have allowed. But the merit of Catholicism does not merely -depend on the fact that it forms a most important link in the series -of human development. What adds to the glory of its efforts is that, -as history clearly proves, they were in advance of their time. The -political failure of Catholicism resulted from the imperfection of -its doctrines, and the resistance of the social medium in which it -worked. It is true that Monotheism is far more compatible with the -separation of powers than Polytheism. But from the absolute character -of every kind of theology, there was always a tendency in the mediaeval -system to degenerate into mere theocracy. In fact, the proximate -cause of its decline was the increased development of this tendency -in the fourteenth century, and the resistance which it provoked -among the kings, who stood forward to represent the general voice of -condemnation. Again, though separation of powers was less difficult -in the defensive system of mediaeval warfare than in the aggressive -system of antiquity, yet it is thoroughly repugnant to the military -spirit in all its phases, because adverse to that concentration of -authority which is requisite in war. And thus it was never thoroughly -realized, except in the conceptions of a few leading men among both the -spiritual and temporal class. Its brief success was principally caused -by a temporary combination of circumstances. It was for the most part a -condition of very unstable equilibrium, oscillating between theocracy -and empire. - - [But the mediaeval attempt - was premature; and - Positivism will renew and - complete it] - -But Positive civilization will accomplish what in the Middle Ages -could only be attempted. We are aided, not merely by the example of -the Middle Ages, but by the preparatory labours of the last five -centuries. New modes of thought have arisen, and practical life has -assumed new phases; and all are alike tending towards the separation -of powers. What in the Middle Ages was but dimly foreseen by a few -ardent and aspiring minds, becomes now an inevitable and obvious -result, instinctively felt and formally recognized by all. From the -intellectual point of view it is nothing more than the distinction -between theory and practice; a distinction which is already admitted -more or less formally throughout civilized Europe in subjects of less -importance; which therefore it would be unreasonable to abandon in the -most difficult of all arts and sciences. Viewed socially, it implies -the separation of education from action; or of morals from politics; -and few would deny that the maintenance of this separation is one of -the greatest blessings of our progressive civilization. The distinction -is of equal importance to morality and to liberty. It is the only way -of bringing opinion and conduct under the control of principle; for -the most obvious application of a principle has little weight when -it is merely an act of obedience to a special command. Taking the -more general question of bringing our political forces into harmony, -it seems clear that theoretical and practical power are so totally -distinct in origin and operation, whether in relation to the heart, or -intellect, or character, that the functions of counsel and of command -ought never to belong to the same organs. All attempts to unite them -are at once retrograde and visionary, and if successful would lead to -the intolerable government of mediocrities equally unfit for either -kind of power. But as I shall show in the following chapters this -principle of separation will soon find increasing support among women -and the working classes; the two elements of society in which we find -the greatest amount of good sense and right feeling. - -Modern society is, in fact, already ripe for the adoption of this -fundamental principle of polity; and the opposition to it proceeds -almost entirely from its connexion with the doctrines of the mediaeval -church which have now become deservedly obsolete. But there will be an -end of these revolutionary prejudices among all impartial observers as -soon as the principle is seen embodied in Positivism, the only doctrine -which is wholly disconnected with Theology. All human conceptions, -all social improvements originated under theological influence, as we -see proved clearly in many of the humblest details of life. But this -has never prevented Humanity from finally appropriating to herself -the results of the creeds which she has outgrown. And so it will be -with this great political principle; it has already become obsolete -except for the Positive school, which has verified inductively all -the minor truths implied in it. The only direct attacks against it -come from the metaphysicians, whose ambitious aspirations for absolute -authority would be thwarted by it. It is they who attempt to fasten -on Positivism the stigma of theocracy: a strange and in most cases -disingenuous reproach, seeing that Positivists are distinguished from -their opponents by discarding all beliefs which supersede the necessity -for discussion. The fact is that serious disturbances will soon be -caused by the pertinacious efforts of these adherents of pedantocracy -to regulate by law what ought to be left to moral influences; and then -the public will become more alive to the necessity of the Positivist -doctrine of systematically separating political from moral government. -The latter should be understood to rely exclusively on the forces of -conviction and persuasion; its influence on action being simply that -of counsel; whereas the former employs direct compulsion, based upon -superiority of physical force. - -We now understand what is meant by the constructive character of -the second revolutionary phase. It implies a union of the social -aspirations of the Middle Ages with the wise political instincts of the -Convention. In the interval of these two periods the more advanced -nations were without any systematic organization, and were abandoned -to the two-fold process of transition, which was decomposing the old -order and preparing the new. Both these preliminary steps are now -sufficiently accomplished. The desire for social regeneration has -become too strong to be resisted, and a philosophical system capable -of directing it has already arisen. We may, therefore, recommence on a -better intellectual and social basis the great effort of Catholicism, -to bring Western Europe to a social system of peaceful activity -and intellectual culture, in which Thought and Action should be -subordinated to universal Love. Reconstruction will begin at the points -where demolition began previously. The dissolution of the old organism -began in the fourteenth century by the destruction of its international -character. Conversely, reorganization begins by satisfying the -intellectual and mental wants common to the five Western nations. - - [The Ethical system of - Positivism] - -And here, since the object of this character is to explain the social -value of Positivism, I may show briefly that it leads necessarily to -the formation of a definite system of universal Morality; this being -the ultimate object of all Philosophy, and the starting-point of all -Polity. Since it is by its moral code that every spiritual power must -be principally tested, this will be the best mode of judging of the -relative merits of Positivism and Catholicism. - - [Subjection of Self-love to - Social love is the great - ethical problem. The Social - state of itself favours - this result; but it may be - hastened by organized and - conscious effort] - -To the Positivist the object of Morals is to make our sympathetic -instincts preponderate as far as possible over the selfish instincts; -social feelings over personal feelings. This way of viewing the subject -is peculiar to the new philosophy, for no other system has included -the more recent additions to the theory of human nature, of which -Catholicism gave so imperfect a representation. - -It is one of the first principles of Biology that organic life always -preponderates over animal life. By this principle the Sociologist -explains the superior strength of the self-regarding instincts, -since these are all connected more or less closely with the instinct -of self-preservation. But although there is no evading this fact, -Sociology shows that it is compatible with the existence of benevolent -affections, affections which Catholicism had asserted to be altogether -alien to our nature, and to be entirely dependent on superhuman Grace -derived from a sphere beyond the reach of Law. The great problem, -then, is to raise social feeling by artificial effort to the position -which, in the natural condition, is held by selfish feeling. The -solution is to be found in another biological principle, namely, -that functions and organs are developed by constant exercise, and -atrophied by prolonged inaction. Now the effect of the Social state is, -that while our sympathetic instincts are constantly stimulated, the -selfish propensities are restricted; since, if free play were given -to them, human intercourse would very shortly become impossible. Thus -it compensates to some extent the natural weakness of the Sympathies -that they are capable of almost indefinite extension, while Self-love -meets inevitably with a more or less efficient check. Both these -tendencies naturally increase with the progress of Humanity, and their -increase is the best measure of the degree of perfection that we have -attained. Their growth, though spontaneous, may be materially hastened -by organized intervention, both of individuals and of society, the -object being to increase all favourable influences and diminish the -unfavourable. This is the object of the art of Morals. Like every other -art, it is restricted within certain limits. But in this case the -limits are less narrow, because the phenomena, being more complex, are -also more modifiable. - -Positive morality differs therefore from that of theological as well -as of metaphysical systems. Its primary principle is the preponderance -of Social Sympathy. Full and free expansion of the benevolent emotions -is made the first condition of individual and social well-being, since -these emotions are at once the sweetest to experience, and are the -only feelings which can find expression simultaneously in all. The -doctrine is as deep and pure as it is simple and true. It is eminently -characteristic of a philosophy which, by virtue of its attribute of -reality, subordinates all scientific conceptions to the social point -of view, as the sole point from which they can be co-ordinated into -a whole. The intuitive methods of metaphysics could never advance -with any consistency beyond the sphere of the individual. Theology, -especially Christian theology, could only rise to social conceptions by -an indirect process, forced upon it, not by its principles, but by its -practical functions. Intrinsically, its spirit was altogether personal; -the highest object placed before each individual was the attainment -of his own salvation, and all human affections were made subordinate -to the love of God. It is true that the first training of our higher -feelings is due to theological systems; but their moral value depended -mainly on the wisdom of the priesthood. They compensated the defects of -their doctrine, and at that time no better doctrine was available, by -taking advantage of the antagonism which naturally presented itself -between the interests of the imaginary and those of the real world. -The moral value of Positivism on the contrary, is inherent in its -doctrine, and can be largely developed, independently of any spiritual -discipline, though not so far as to dispense with the necessity for -such discipline. Thus, while Morality as a science is made far more -consistent by being placed in its true connexion with the rest of our -knowledge, the sphere of natural morality is widened by bringing human -life, individually and collectively, under the direct and continuous -influence of Social Feeling. - - [Intermediate between - self-love and universal - benevolence are the domestic - affections: filial, - fraternal, conjugal, - paternal] - -I have stated that Positive morality is brought into a coherent and -systematic form by its principle of universal love. This principle must -now be examined first in its application to the separate aspects of the -subject, and subsequently as the means by which the various parts may -be co-ordinated. - -There are three successive states of morality answering to the three -principal stages of human life; the personal, the domestic, and the -social stage. The succession represents the gradual training of the -sympathetic principle; it is drawn out step by step by a series -of affections which, as it diminishes in intensity, increases in -dignity. This series forms our best resource in attempting as far -as possible to reach the normal state; subordination of self-love -to social feeling. These are the two extremes in the scale of human -affections; but between them there is an intermediate degree, namely, -domestic attachment, and it is on this that the solution of the -great moral problem depends. The love of his family leads Man out of -his original state of Self-love and enables him to attain finally a -sufficient measure of Social love. Every attempt on the part of the -moral educator to call this last into immediate action, regardless -of the intermediate stage, is to be condemned as utterly chimerical -and profoundly injurious. Such attempts are regarded in the present -day with far too favourable an eye. Far from being a sign of social -progress, they would, if successful, be an immense step backwards; -since the feeling which inspires them is one of perverted admiration -for antiquity. - -Since the importance of domestic life is so great as a transition from -selfish to social feeling, a systematic view of its relations will be -the best mode of explaining the spirit of Positive morality, which is -in every respect based upon the order found in nature. - -The first germ of social feeling is seen in the affection of the -child for its parents. Filial love is the starting-point of our moral -education: from it springs the instinct of Continuity, and consequently -of reverence for our ancestors. It is the first tie by which the new -being feels himself bound to the whole past history of Man. Brotherly -love comes next, implanting the instinct of Solidarity, that is to say -of union with our contemporaries; and thus we have already a sort of -outline of social existence. With maturity new phases of feeling are -developed. Relationships are formed of an entirely voluntary nature; -which have therefore a still more social character than the involuntary -ties of earlier years. This second stage in moral education begins -with conjugal affection, the most important of all, in which perfect -fullness of devotion is secured by the reciprocity and indissolubility -of the bond. It is the highest type of all sympathetic instincts, -and has appropriated to itself in a special sense the name of Love. -From this most perfect of unions proceeds the last in the series of -domestic sympathies, parental love. It completes the training by which -Nature prepares us for universal sympathy: for it teaches us to care -for our successors; and thus it binds us to the Future, as filial love -had bound us to the Past. - -I placed the voluntary class of domestic sympathies after the -involuntary, because it was the natural order of individual -development, and it thus bore out my statement of the necessity of -family life as an intermediate stage between personal and social life. -But in treating more directly of the theory of the Family as the -constituent element of the body politic, the inverse order should be -followed. In that case conjugal attachment would come first, as being -the feeling through which the family comes into existence as a new -social unit, which in many cases consists simply of the original pair. -Domestic sympathy, when once formed by marriage, is perpetuated first -by parental then by filial affection; it may afterwards be developed -by the tie of brotherhood, the only relation by which different -families can be brought into direct contact. The order followed here -is that of decrease in intensity, and increase in extension. The -feeling of fraternity, which I place last, because it is usually least -powerful, will be seen to be of primary importance when regarded as -the transition from domestic to social affections; it is, indeed, the -natural type to which all social sympathies conform. But there is yet -another intermediate relation, without which this brief exposition of -the theory of the family would be incomplete; I mean the relation of -household servitude, which may be called indifferently domestic or -social. It is a relation which at the present time is not properly -appreciated on account of our dislike to all subjection; and yet the -word _domestic_ is enough to remind us that in every normal state -of Humanity, it supplies what would otherwise be a want in household -relations. Its value lies in completing the education of the social -instinct, by a special apprenticeship in obedience and command, both -being subordinated to the universal principle of mutual sympathy. - -The object of the preceding remarks was to show the efficacy of the -Positive method in moral questions by applying it to the most important -of all moral theories, the theory of the Family. For more detailed -proof, I must refer to my treatise on _Positive Polity_, to which -this work is introductory. I would call attention, however, to the -beneficial influence of Positivism on personal morality. Actions which -hitherto had always been referred even by Catholic philosophers to -personal interests, are now brought under the great principle of Love -on which the whole Positive doctrine is based. - - [Personal virtues placed - upon a social basis] - -Feelings are only to be developed by constant exercise; and exercise is -most necessary when the intrinsic energy of the feeling is least. It -is therefore quite contrary to the true spirit of moral education to -degrade duty in questions of personal morality to a mere calculation -of self-interest. Of course, in this elementary part of Ethics, it -is easier to estimate the consequences of actions, and to show the -personal utility of the rules enjoined. But this method of procedure -inevitably stimulates the self-regarding propensities, which are -already too preponderant, and the exercise of which ought as far as -possible to be discouraged. Besides, it often results in practical -failure. To leave the decision of such questions to the judgment of the -individual, is to give a formal sanction to all the natural difference -in men’s inclinations. When the only motive urged is consideration for -personal consequences, every one feels himself to be the best judge -of these, and modifies the rule at his pleasure. Positivism, guided -by a truer estimate of the facts, entirely remodels this elementary -part of Ethics. Its appeal is to social feeling, and not to personal, -since the actions in question are of a kind in which the individual is -far from being the only person interested. For example, such virtues -as temperance and chastity are inculcated by the Positivist on other -grounds than those of their personal advantages. He will not of course -be blind to their individual value; but this is an aspect on which -he will not dwell too much, for fear of concentrating attention on -self-interest. At all events, he will never make it the basis of his -precepts, but will invariably rest them upon their social value. -There are cases in which men are preserved by an unusually strong -constitution from the injurious effects of intemperance or libertinage; -but such men are bound to sobriety and continence as vigorously as the -rest, because without these virtues they cannot perform their social -duties rightly. Even in the commonest of personal virtues, cleanliness, -this alteration in the point of view may be made with advantage. A -simple sanitary regulation is thus ennobled by knowing that the object -of it is to make each one of us more fit for the service of others. -In this way and in no other, can moral education assume its true -character at the very outset. We shall become habituated to the feeling -of subordination to Humanity, even in our smallest actions. It is in -these that we should be trained to gain the mastery over the lower -propensities; and the more so that, in these simple cases, it is less -difficult to appreciate their consequences. - -The influence of Positivism on personal morality is in itself a proof -of its superiority to other systems. Its superiority in domestic -morality we have already seen, and yet this was the best aspect of -Catholicism, forming indeed the principal basis of its admirable moral -code. On social morality strictly so called, I need not dwell at -length. Here the value of the new philosophy will be more direct and -obvious, the fact of its standing at the social point of view being -the very feature which distinguishes it from all other systems. In -defining the mutual duties arising from the various relations of life, -or again in giving solidity and extension to the instinct of our common -fraternity, neither theological nor metaphysical morality can bear -comparison with Positivism. Its precepts are adapted without difficulty -to the special requirements of each case, because they are ever in -harmony with the general laws of society and of human nature. But on -these obvious characteristics of Positivism I need not further enlarge, -as I shall have other occasions for referring to them. - -After this brief exposition of Positive morality I must allude with -equal brevity to the means by which it will be established and applied. -These are of two kinds. The first lay down the foundations of moral -training for each individual: they furnish principles, and they -regulate feelings. The second carry out the work begun, and ensure the -application of the principles inculcated to practical life. Both these -functions are in the first instance performed spontaneously, under the -influence of the doctrine and of the sympathies evoked by it. But for -their adequate performance a spiritual power specially devoted to the -purpose is necessary. - - [Moral education consists - partly of scientific - demonstration of ethical - truth, but still more of - culture of the highest - sympathies] - -The moral education of the Positivist is based both upon Reason and on -Feeling, the latter having always the preponderance, in accordance -with the primary principle of the system. - -The result of the rational basis is to bring moral precepts to the test -of rigorous demonstration, and to secure them against all danger from -discussion, by showing that they rest upon the laws of our individual -and social nature. By knowing these laws, we are enabled to form a -judgment of the influence of each affection, thought, action, or habit, -be that influence direct or indirect, special or general, in private -life or in public. Convictions based upon such knowledge will be as -deep as any that are formed in the present day from the strictest -scientific evidence, with the excess of intensity due to their higher -importance and their close connexion with our noblest feelings. Nor -will such convictions be limited to those who are able to appreciate -the logical value of the arguments. We see constantly in other -departments of Positive science that men will adopt notions upon trust, -and carry them out with the same zeal and confidence, as if they were -thoroughly acquainted with all the grounds for their belief. All that -is necessary is, that they should feel satisfied that their confidence -is well bestowed, the fact being, in spite of all that is said of the -independence of modern thought, that it is often given too readily. -The most willing assent is yielded every day to the rules which -mathematicians, astronomers, physicists, chemists, or biologists, have -laid down in their respective arts, even in cases where the greatest -interests are at stake. And similar assent will certainly be accorded -to moral rules when they, like the rest, shall be acknowledged to be -susceptible of scientific proof. - -But while using the force of demonstration to an extent hitherto -impossible, Positivists will take care not to exaggerate its -importance. Moral education, even in its more systematic parts, should -rest principally upon Feeling, as the mere statement of the great -human problem indicates. The study of moral questions, intellectually -speaking, is most valuable; but the effect it leaves is not directly -moral, since the analysis will refer, not to our own actions, but to -those of others; for all scientific investigations, to be impartial -and free from confusion, must be objective, not subjective. Now to -judge others without immediate reference to self, is a process which -may possibly result in strong convictions, but so far from calling -out right feelings, it will, if carried too far, interfere with or -check their natural development. However, the new school of moralists -is the less likely to err in this direction, that it would be totally -inconsistent with that profound knowledge of human nature in which -Positivism has already shown itself so far superior to Catholicism. -No one knows so well as the Positivist that the principal source -of real morality lies in direct exercise of our social sympathies, -whether systematic or spontaneous. He will spare no efforts to develop -these sympathies from the earliest years by every method which sound -philosophy can indicate. It is in this that moral education, whether -private or public, principally consists; and to it mental education -is always to be held subordinate. I shall revert to these remarks in -the next chapter, when I come to the general question of educating the -People. - - [Organization of Public - Opinion] - -But however efficient the training received in youth, it will not -be enough to regulate our conduct in after years, amidst all the -distracting influences of practical life, unless the same spiritual -power which provides the education prolong its influence over our -maturity. Part of its task will be to recall individuals, classes, -and even nations, when the case requires it, to principles which they -have forgotten or misinterpreted, and to instruct them in the means of -applying them wisely. And here, even more than in the work of education -strictly so called, the appeal will be to Feeling rather than to -pure Reason. Its force will be derived from Public Opinion strongly -organized. If the spiritual power awards its praise and blame justly, -public opinion, as I shall show in the next chapter, will lend it the -most irresistible support. This moral action of Humanity upon each of -her members has always existed whenever there was any real community of -principles and feelings. But its strength will be far greater under the -Positive system. The reality of the doctrine and the social character -of modern civilization give advantages to the new spiritual power which -were denied to Catholicism. - - [Commemoration of great men] - -And these advantages are brought forward very prominently by the -Positive system of commemoration. Commemoration, when regularly -instituted, is a most valuable instrument in the hands of a spiritual -power for continuing the work of moral education. It was the absolute -character of Catholicism, even more than the defective state of -mediaeval society, that caused the failure of its noble aspirations -to become the universal religion. In spite of all its efforts, its -system of commemoration has always been restricted to very narrow -limits, both in time and space. Outside these limits, Catholicism has -always shown the same blindness and injustice that it now complains -of receiving from its own opponents. Positivism, on the contrary, -can yield the full measure of praise to all times and all countries, -without either weakness or inconsistency. Possessing the true theory -of human development, every mode and phase of that development will be -celebrated. Thus every moral precept will be supported by the influence -of posterity; and this in private life as well as in public, for the -system of commemoration will be applied in the same spirit to the -humblest services as well as to the highest. - -While reserving special details for the treatise to which this work is -introductory, I may yet give one illustration of this important aspect -of Positivism; an illustration which probably will be the first step in -the practical application of the system. I would propose to institute -in Western Europe on any days that may be thought suitable, the -yearly celebration of the three greatest of our predecessors, Caesar, -St. Paul and Charlemagne, who are respectively the highest types of -Greco-Roman civilization, of Mediaeval Feudalism, and of Catholicism, -which forms the link between the two periods. The services of these -illustrious men have never yet been adequately recognized, for want of -a sound historical theory enabling us to explain the prominent part -which they played in the development of our race. Even in St. Paul’s -case the omission is noticeable. Positivism gives him a still higher -place than has been given him by Theology; for it looks upon him as -historically the founder of the religion which bears the inappropriate -name of Christianity. In the other two cases the influence of Positive -principles is even more necessary. For Caesar has been almost equally -misjudged by theological and by metaphysical writers; and Catholicism -has done very little for the appreciation of Charlemagne. However, -notwithstanding the absence of any systematic appreciation of these -great men, yet from the reverence with which they are generally -regarded, we can hardly doubt that the celebration here proposed would -meet with ready acceptance throughout Western Europe. - -To illustrate my meaning still further, I may observe that history -presents cases where exactly the opposite course is called for, and -which should be held up not for approbation but for infamy. Blame, -it is true, should not be carried to the same extent as praise, -because it stimulates the destructive instincts to a degree which is -always painful and sometimes injurious. Yet strong condemnation is -occasionally desirable. It strengthens social feelings and principles, -if only by giving more significance to our approval. Thus I would -suggest that after doing honour to the three great men who have done so -much to promote the development of our race, there should be a solemn -reprobation of the two principal opponents of progress, Julian and -Bonaparte; the latter being the more criminal of the two, the former -the more insensate. Their influence has been sufficiently extensive to -allow of all the Western nations joining in this damnatory verdict.[6] - -The principal function of the spiritual power is to direct the future -of society by means of education; and, as a supplementary part of -education, to pronounce judgment upon the past in the mode here -indicated. But there are functions of another kind, relating more -immediately to the present; and these too result naturally from its -position as an educating body. If the educators are men worthy of -their position, it will give them an influence over the whole course -of practical life, whether private or public. Of course it will merely -be the influence of counsel, and practical men will be free to accept -or reject it; but its weight may be very considerable when given -prudently, and when the authority from which it proceeds is recognized -as competent. The questions on which its advice is most needed are the -relations between different classes. Its action will be coextensive -with the diffusion of Positive principles; for nations professing the -same faith, and sharing in the same education, will naturally accept -the same intellectual and moral directors. In the next chapter I shall -treat this subject more in detail. I merely mention it here as one -among the list of functions belonging to the new spiritual power. - - [The political motto of - Positivism: Order and - Progress] - -It will now not be difficult to show all the characteristics of -Positivism are summed up in the motto, _Order and Progress_, a motto -which has a philosophical as well as political bearing, and which I -shall always feel glad to have put forward. - -Positivism is the only school which has given a definite significance -to these two conceptions, whether regarded from their scientific -or their social aspect. With regard to Progress, the assertion -will hardly be disputed, no definition of it but the Positive ever -having yet been given. In the case of Order, it is less apparent; -but, as I have shown in the first chapter, it is no less profoundly -true. All previous philosophies had regarded Order as stationary, a -conception which rendered it wholly inapplicable to modern politics. -But Positivism, by rejecting the absolute, and yet not introducing -the arbitrary, represents Order in a totally new light, and adapts it -to our progressive civilization. It places it on the firmest possible -foundation, that is, on the doctrine of the invariability of the -laws of nature, which defends it against all danger from subjective -chimeras. The Positivist regards artificial Order in Social phenomena, -as in all others, as resting necessarily upon the Order of nature, in -other words, upon the whole series of natural laws. - - [Progress, the development - of Order] - -But Order has to be reconciled with Progress: and here Positivism is -still more obviously without a rival. Necessary as the reconciliation -is, no other system has even attempted it. But the facility with -which we are now enabled, by the encyclopædic scale, to pass from the -simplest mathematical phenomena to the most complicated phenomena of -political life, leads at once to a solution of the problem. Viewed -scientifically, it is an instance of that necessary correlation of -existence and movement, which we find indicated in the inorganic -world, and which becomes still more distinct in Biology. Finding it -in all the lower sciences, we are prepared for its appearance in a -still more definite shape in Sociology. Here its practical importance -becomes more obvious, though it had been implicitly involved before. In -Sociology the correlation assumes this form: Order is the condition of -all Progress; Progress is always the object of Order. Or, to penetrate -the question still more deeply, Progress may be regarded simply as the -development of Order; for the order of nature necessarily contains -within itself the germ of all possible progress. The rational view of -human affairs is to look on all their changes, not as new Creations, -but as new Evolutions. And we find this principle fully borne out in -history. Every social innovation has its roots in the past; and the -rudest phases of savage life show the primitive trace of all subsequent -improvement. - - [Analysis of Progress: - material, physical, - intellectual, and moral] - -Progress then is in its essence identical with Order, and may be looked -upon as Order made manifest. Therefore, in explaining this double -conception on which the Science and Art of society depend, we may at -present limit ourselves to the analysis of Progress. Thus simplified it -is more easy to grasp, especially now that the novelty and importance -of the question of Progress are attracting so much attention. For the -public is becoming instinctively alive to its real significance, as the -basis on which all sound moral and political teaching must henceforth -rest. - -Taking, then, this point of view, we may say that the one great object -of life, personal and social, is to become more perfect in every -way; in our external condition first, but also, and more especially, -in our own nature. The first kind of Progress we share in common -with the higher animals; all of which make some efforts to improve -their material position. It is of course the least elevated stage of -progress; but being the easiest, it is the point from which we start -towards the higher stages. A nation that has made no efforts to improve -itself materially, will take but little interest in moral or mental -improvement. This is the only ground on which enlightened men can feel -much pleasure in the material progress of our own time. It stirs up -influences that tend to the nobler kinds of Progress; influences which -would meet with even greater opposition than they do, were not the -temptations presented to the coarser natures by material prosperity -so irresistible. Owing to the mental and moral anarchy in which we -live, systematic efforts to gain the higher degrees of Progress are -as yet impossible; and this explains, though it does not justify, the -exaggerated importance attributed nowadays to material improvements. -But the only kinds of improvement really characteristic of Humanity -are those which concern our own nature; and even here we are not quite -alone; for several of the higher animals show some slight tendencies to -improve themselves physically. - -Progress in the higher sense includes improvements of three sorts; -that is to say, it may be Physical, Intellectual, or Moral progress; -the difficulty of each class being in proportion to its value and the -extent of its sphere. Physical progress, which again might be divided -on the same principle, seems under some of its aspects almost the same -thing as material. But regarded as a whole it is far more important -and far more difficult: its influence on the well-being of Man is also -much greater. We gain more, for instance, by the smallest addition -to length of life, or by any increased security for health, than by -the most elaborate improvements in our modes of travelling by land or -water, in which birds will probably always have a great advantage over -us. However, as I said before, physical progress is not exclusively -confined to Man. Some of the animals, for instance, advance as far as -cleanliness, which is the first step in the progressive scale. - -Intellectual and Moral progress, then, is the only kind really -distinctive of our race. Individual animals sometimes show it, -but never a whole species, except as a consequence of prolonged -intervention on the part of Man. Between these two highest grades, as -between the two lower, we shall find a difference of value, extent, -and difficulty; always supposing the standard to be the manner in -which they affect Man’s well-being, collectively or individually. To -strengthen the intellectual powers, whether for art or for science, -whether it be the powers of observation or those of induction and -deduction, is, when circumstances allow of their being made available -for social purposes, of greater and more extensive importance, than -all physical, and, _a fortiori_ than all material improvements. But -we know from the fundamental principle laid down in the first chapter -of this work, that moral progress has even more to do with our -well-being than intellectual progress. The moral faculties are more -modifiable, although the effort required to modify them is greater. -If the benevolence or courage of the human race were increased, it -would bring more real happiness than any addition to our intellectual -powers. Therefore to the question, What is the true object of human -life, whether looked at collectively or individually? the simplest -and most precise answer would be, the perfection of our moral nature; -since it has a more immediate and certain influence on our well-being -than perfection of any other kind. All the other kinds are necessary, -if for no other reason than to prepare the way for this; but from the -very fact of this connexion it may be regarded as their representative; -since it involves them all implicitly and stimulates them to increased -activity. Keeping then to the question of moral perfection, we find -two qualities standing above the rest in practical importance, namely, -Sympathy and Energy. Both these qualities are included in the word -_Heart_, which in all European languages has a different meaning for -the two sexes. Both will be developed by Positivism, more directly, -more continuously, and with greater result, than under any former -system. The whole tendency of Positivism is to encourage sympathy; -since it subordinates every thought, desire, and action to social -feeling. Energy is also presupposed, and at the same time fostered, by -the system. For it removes a heavy weight of superstition, it reveals -the true dignity of man, and it supplies an unceasing motive for -individual and collective action. The very acceptance of Positivism -demands some vigour of character; it implies the braving of spiritual -terrors, which were once enough to intimidate the firmest minds. - -Progress, then, may be regarded under four successive aspects: -Material, Physical, Intellectual, and Moral. Each of these might again -be divided on the same principle, and we should then discover several -intermediate phases. These cannot be investigated here; and I have -only to note that the philosophical principle of this analysis is -precisely the same as that on which I have based the Classification of -the Sciences. In both cases the order followed is that of increasing -generality and complexity in the phenomena. The only difference is in -the mode in which the two arrangements are developed. For scientific -purposes the lower portion of the scale has to be expanded into greater -detail; while from the social point of view attention is concentrated -on the higher parts. But whether it be the scale of the True or that of -the Good, the conclusion is the same in both. Both alike indicate the -supremacy of social considerations; both point to universal Love as the -highest ideal. - -I have now explained the principal purpose of Positive Philosophy, -namely, spiritual reorganization; and I have shown how that purpose -is involved in the Positivist motto, Order and Progress. Positivism, -then, realizes the highest aspirations of mediaeval Catholicism, and -at the same time fulfils the conditions, the absence of which caused -the failure of the Convention. It combines the opposite merits of the -Catholic and the Revolutionary spirit, and by so doing supersedes -them both. Theology and Metaphysics may now disappear without danger, -because the service which each of them rendered is now harmonized with -that of the other, and will be performed more perfectly. The principle -on which this result depends is the separation of spiritual from -temporal power. This, it will be remembered, had always been the chief -subject of contention between the two antagonistic parties. - - [Application of our - principles to actual - politics. All government - must for the present be - provisional] - -I have spoken of the moral and mental reorganization of Western -Europe as characterizing the second phase of the Revolution. Let us -now see what are its relations with the present state of politics. Of -course the development of Positivism will not be much affected by the -retrograde tendencies of the day, whether theological or metaphysical. -Still the general course of events will exercise an influence upon it, -of which it is important to take account. So too, although the new -doctrine cannot at present do much to modify its surroundings, there -are yet certain points in which action may be taken at once. In the -fourth volume of this treatise the question of a transitional policy -will be carefully considered, with the view of facilitating the advent -of the normal state which social science indicates in a more distant -future. I cannot complete this chapter without some notice of this -provisional policy, which must be carried on until Positivism has made -its way to general acceptance. - -The principal feature of this policy is that it is temporary. To set -up any permanent institution in a society which has no fixed opinions -or principles of life, would be hopeless. Until the most important -questions are thoroughly settled, both in principle and practice, the -only measures of the least utility are those which facilitate the -process of reconstruction. Measures adopted with a view to permanence -must end, as we have seen them end so often, in disappointment and -failure, however enthusiastically they may have been received at first. - -Inevitable as this consequence of our revolutionary position is, it has -never been understood, except by the great leaders of the republican -movement in 1793. Of the various governments that we have had during -the last two generations, all, except the Convention, have fallen -into the vain delusion of attempting to found permanent institutions, -without waiting for any intellectual or moral basis. And therefore -it is that none but the Convention has left any deep traces in men’s -thoughts or feelings. All its principal measures, even those which -concerned the future more than the present, were avowedly provisional; -and the consequence was that they harmonized well with the peculiar -circumstances of the time. The true philosopher will always look with -respectful admiration on these men, who not only had no rational theory -to guide them, but were encumbered with false metaphysical notions; -and who yet notwithstanding proved themselves the only real statesmen -that Western Europe can boast of since the time of Frederick the Great. -Indeed the wisdom of their policy would be almost unaccountable, only -that the very circumstances which called for it so urgently, were to -some extent calculated to suggest it. The state of things was such -as to make it impossible to settle the government on any permanent -basis. Again, amidst all the wild extravagance of the principles in -vogue, the necessity of a strong government to resist foreign invasion -counteracted many of their worst effects. On the removal of this -salutary pressure, the Convention fell into the common error, though to -a less extent than the Constituent Assembly. It set up a constitution -framed according to some abstract model, which was supposed to be -final, but which did not last so long as the period originally proposed -for its own provisional labours. It is on this first period of its -government that its fame rests. - -The plan originally proposed was that the government of the Convention -should last till the end of the war. If this plan could have been -carried out, it would probably have been extended still further, as -the impossibility of establishing any permanent system would have been -generally recognized. The only avowed motive for making the government -provisional was of course the urgent necessity of national defence. -But beneath this temporary motive, which for the time superseded -every other consideration, there was another and a deeper motive for -it, which could not have been understood without sounder historical -principles than were at that time possible. That motive was the utterly -negative character of the metaphysical doctrines then accepted, and the -consequent absence of any intellectual or moral basis for political -reconstruction. This of course was not recognized, but it was really -the principal reason why the establishment of any definite system of -government was delayed. Had the war been brought to an end, clearer -views of the subject would no doubt have been formed; indeed they had -been formed already in the opposite camp, by men of the Neo-catholic -school, who were not absorbed by the urgent question of defending -the Republic. What blinded men to the truth was the fundamental -yet inevitable error of supposing the critical doctrines of the -preceding generation applicable to purposes of construction. They were -undeceived at last by the utter anarchy which the triumph of these -principles occasioned; and the next generation occupied itself with the -counter-revolutionary movement, in which similar attempts at finality -were made by the various reactionist parties. For these parties were -quite as destitute as their opponents of any principles suited to the -task of reconstruction; and they had to fall back upon the old system -as the only recognized basis on which public Order could be maintained. - - [Danger of attempting - political reconstruction - before spiritual] - -And in this respect the situation is still unchanged. It still retains -its revolutionary character; and any immediate attempt to reorganize -political administration would only be the signal for fresh attempts -at reaction, attempts which now can have no other result than anarchy. -It is true that Positivism has just supplied us with a philosophical -basis for political reconstruction. But its principles are still so new -and undeveloped, and besides are understood by so few, that they cannot -exercise much influence at present on political life. Ultimately, and -by slow degrees, they will mould the institutions of the future; but -meanwhile they must work their way freely into men’s minds and hearts, -and for this at least one generation will be necessary. Spiritual -organization is the only point where an immediate beginning can be -made; difficult as it is, its possibility is at last as certain as -its urgency. When sufficient progress has been made with it, it will -cause a gradual regeneration of political institutions. But any attempt -to modify these too rapidly would only result in fresh disturbances. -Such disturbances, it is true, will never be as dangerous as they -were formerly, because the anarchy of opinion is so profound that it -is far more difficult for men to agree in any fixed principles of -action. The absolute doctrines of the last century which inspired such -intense conviction, can never regain their strength, because, when -brought to the crucial test of experience as well as of discussion, -their uselessness for constructive purposes and their subversive -tendency became evident to every one. They have been weakened, too, by -theological concessions which their supporters, in order to carry on -the government at all, were obliged to make. Consequently the policy -with which they are at present connected is one which oscillates -between reaction and anarchy, or rather which is at once despotic and -destructive, from the necessity of controlling a society which has -become almost as diverse to metaphysical as to theological rule. In -the utter absence, then, of any general convictions, the worst forms -of political commotion are not to be feared, because it would be -impossible to rouse men’s passions sufficiently. But unwise efforts -to set up a permanent system of government would even now lead, in -certain cases, to lamentable disorder, and would at all events be -utterly useless. Quiet at home depends now, like peace abroad, simply -on the absence of disturbing forces; a most insecure basis, since it -is itself a symptom of the extent to which the disorganizing movement -has proceeded. This singular condition must necessarily continue until -the _interregnum_ which at present exists in the moral and intellectual -region comes to an end. As long as there is such an utter want of -harmony in feeling as well as in opinion, there can be no real security -against war or internal disorder. The existing equilibrium has arisen -so spontaneously that it is no doubt less unstable than is generally -supposed. Still it is sufficiently precarious to excite continual -panics, both at home and abroad, which are not only very irritating, -but often exercise a most injurious influence over our policy. Now -attempts at immediate reconstruction of political institutions, instead -of improving this state of things, make it very much worse, by giving -factitious life to the old doctrines, which, being thoroughly worn -out, ought to be left to the natural process of decay. The inevitable -result of restoring them to official authority will be to deter the -public, and even the thinking portion of it, from that free exercise of -the mental powers by which, and by which only, we may hope to arrive -without disturbance at fixed principles of action. - -The cessation of war therefore justifies no change in republican -policy. As long as the spiritual interregnum lasts, it must retain its -provisional character. Indeed this character ought to be more strongly -impressed upon it than ever. For no one now has any real belief in the -organic value of the received metaphysical doctrines. They would never -have been revived but for the need of having some sort of political -formula to work with, in default of any real social convictions. But -the revival is only apparent, and it contrasts most strikingly with -the utter absence of systematic principles in most active minds. There -is no real danger of repeating the error of the first revolutionists -and of attempting to construct with negative doctrines. We have only -to consider the vast development of industry, of esthetic culture, and -of scientific study, to free ourselves from all anxiety on this head. -Such things are incompatible with any regard for the metaphysical -teaching of ideologists or psychologists. Nor is there much to fear -in the natural enthusiasm which is carrying us back to the first days -of the Revolution. It will only revive the old republican spirit, and -make us forget the long period of retrogression and stagnation which -have elapsed since the first great outbreak; for this is the point -on which the attention of posterity will be finally concentrated. -But while satisfying these very legitimate feelings, the people will -soon find that the only aspect of this great crisis which we have to -imitate is the wise insight of the Convention during the first part -of its administration, in perceiving that its policy could only be -provisional, and that definite reconstruction must be reserved for -better times. We may fairly hope that the next formal attempt to set -up a constitution according to some abstract ideal, will convince the -French nation, and ultimately the whole West, of the utter futility -of such schemes. Besides, the free discussion which has now become -habitual to us, and the temper of the people, which is as sceptical -of political entities as of Christian mysteries, would make any such -attempts extremely difficult. Never was there a time so unfavourable -to doctrines admitting of no real demonstration: demonstration being -now the only possible basis of permanent belief. Supposing then a new -constitution to be set on foot, and the usual time to be spent in the -process of elaborating it, public opinion will very possibly discard it -before it is completed; not allowing it even the short average duration -of former constitutions. Any attempt to check free discussion on the -subject would defeat its own object; since free discussion is the -natural consequence of our intellectual and social position. - - [Politically what is - wanted is Dictatorship, - with liberty of speech and - discussion] - -The same conditions which require our policy to be provisional while -the spiritual interregnum lasts, point also to the mode in which -this provisional policy should be carried out. Had the revolutionary -government of the Convention continued till the end of the war, it -would probably have been prolonged up to the present time. But in -one most important respect a modification would have been necessary. -During the struggle for independence what was wanted was a vigorous -dictatorship, combining spiritual with temporal powers: a dictatorship -even stronger than the old monarchy, and only distinguished from -despotism by its ardour in the cause of progress. Without complete -concentration of political power, the republic could never have been -saved. But with peace the necessity for such concentration was at an -end. The only motive for still continuing the provisional system was -the absence of social convictions. But this would also be a motive for -giving perfect liberty of speech and discussion, which till then had -been impossible or dangerous. For liberty was a necessary condition for -elaborating and diffusing a new system of universal principles, as the -only sure basis for the future regeneration of society. - -This hypothetical view of changes which might have taken place in the -Conventional government, may be applied to the existing condition of -affairs. It is the policy best adapted for the republican government -which is now arising in all the security of a settled peace, and yet -amidst the most entire anarchy of opinion. The successors of the -Convention, men unworthy of their task, degraded the progressive -dictatorship entrusted to them by the circumstances of the time into a -retrograde tyranny. During the reign of Charles X, which was the last -phase of the reaction, the central power was thoroughly undermined by -the legal opposition of the parliamentary or local power. The central -government still refused to recognize any limits to its authority; but -the growth of free thought made its claims to spiritual jurisdiction -more and more untenable, leaving it merely the temporal authority -requisite for public order. During the neutral period which followed -the counter-revolution, the dictatorship was not merely restricted to -its proper functions, but was legally destroyed; that is the local -power as represented by parliament took the place of the central power. -All pretentions to spiritual influence were abandoned by both; their -thoughts being sufficiently occupied with the maintenance of material -order. The intellectual anarchy of the time made this task difficult -enough; but they aggravated the difficulty by unprincipled attempts -to establish their government on the basis of pure self-interest, -irrespectively of all moral considerations. The restoration of the -republic and the progressive spirit aroused by it has no doubt given to -both legislative and executive a large increase of power: to an extent -indeed which a few years back would have caused violent antipathy. But -it would be a grievous error for either of them to attempt to imitate -the dictatorial style of the Conventional government. Unsuccessful in -any true sense as the attempt would be, it might occasion very serious -disturbances, which like the obsolete metaphysical principles in which -they originate, would be equally dangerous to Order and to Progress. - -We see, then, that in the total absence of any fixed principles on -which men can unite, the policy required is one which shall be purely -provisional, and limited almost entirely to the maintenance of material -order. If order be preserved, the situation is in all other respects -most favourable to the work of mental and moral regeneration which -will prepare the way for the society of the future. The establishment -of a republic in France disproves the false claims set up by official -writers in behalf of constitutional government, as if it was the -final issue of the Revolution. Meantime there is nothing irrevocable -in the republic itself, except the moral principle involved in it, -the absolute and permanent preponderance of Social Feeling; in other -words, the concentration of all the powers of Man upon the common -welfare. This is the only maxim of the day which we can accept as -final. It needs no formal sanction, because it is merely the expression -of feelings generally avowed, all prejudices against it having been -entirely swept away. But with the doctrines and the institutions -resulting from them, through which this dominion of social feeling is -to become an organized reality, the republic has no direct connexion; -it would be compatible with many different solutions of the problem. -Politically, the only irrevocable point is the abolition of monarchy, -which for a long time has been in France and to a less extent -throughout the West, the symbol of retrogression. - -That spirit of devotion to the public welfare, which is the noblest -feature of republicanism, is strongly opposed to any immediate attempts -at political finality, as being incompatible with conscientious -endeavours to find a real solution of social problems. For before the -practical solution can be hoped for, a systematic basis for it must -exist: and this we can hardly expect to find in the remnants left to -us of the old creeds. All that the true philosopher desires is simply -that the question of moral and intellectual reorganization shall be -left to the unrestricted efforts of thinkers of whatever school. And in -advocating this cause, he will plead the interests of the republic, for -the safety of which it is of the utmost importance that no special set -of principles should be placed under official patronage. Republicanism -then, will do far more to protect free thought, and resist political -encroachment, than was done during the Orleanist government by the -retrograde instincts of Catholicism. Catholic resistance to political -reconstructions was strong, but blind: its place will now be more -than supplied by wise indifference on the part of the public, which -has learnt by experience the inevitable failure of these incoherent -attempts to realize metaphysical Utopias. The only danger of the -position is lest it divert the public, even the more reflective portion -of it, from deep and continuous thought, to practical experiments based -on superficial and hasty considerations. It must be owned that the -temper of mind which now prevails would have been most unfavourable for -the original elaboration of Positivism. That work, however, had already -been accomplished under the Constitutional system; which, while not so -restrictive as the preceding government, was yet sufficiently so to -concentrate our intellectual powers, which of themselves would have -been too feeble, upon the task. The original conception had indeed been -formed during the preceding reign; but its development and diffusion -took place under the parliamentary system. Positivism now offers -itself for practical application to the question of social progress, -which has become again the prominent question, and will ever remain -so. Unfavourable as the present political temper would have been to -the rise of Positivism, it is not at all so to its diffusion; always -supposing its teachers to be men of sufficient dignity to avoid the -snare of political ambition into which thinkers are now so apt to fall. -By explaining, as it alone can explain, the futility and danger of the -various Utopian schemes which are now competing with each other for -the reorganization of society, Positivism will soon be able to divert -public attention from these political chimeras, to the question of a -total reformation of principles and of life. - - [Such a dictatorship would - be a step towards the - separation of spiritual and - temporal power] - -Republicanism, then, will offer no obstacle to the diffusion of -Positivist principles. Indeed, there is one point of view from which -we may regard it as the commencement of the normal state. It will -gradually lead to the recognition of the fundamental principle that -spiritual power must be wholly independent of every kind of temporal -power, whether central or local. It is not merely that statesmen will -soon have to confess their inability to decide on the merits of a -doctrine which supposes an amount of deep scientific knowledge from -which they must necessarily be precluded. Besides this, the disturbance -caused by the ambition of metaphysical schemers, who are incapable of -understanding the times in which they live, will induce the public to -withdraw their confidence from such men, and give it only to those -who are content to abandon all political prospects, and to devote -themselves to their proper function as philosophers. Thus Republicanism -is, on the whole, favourable to this great principle of Positivism, -the separation of temporal from spiritual power, notwithstanding the -temptations offered to men who wish to carry their theories into -immediate application. The principle seems, no doubt, in opposition -to all our revolutionary prejudices. But the public, as well as the -government, will be brought to it by experience. They will find it the -only means of saving society from the consequences of metaphysical -Utopias, by which Order and Progress are alike threatened. Thinkers -too, those of them at least who are sincere, will cease to regard -it with such blind antipathy, when they see that while it condemns -their aspirations to political influence, it opens out to them a -noble and most extensive sphere of moral influence. Independently of -social considerations, it is the only way in which the philosopher can -maintain the dignity to which his position entitles him, and which is -at present so often compromised by the very success of his political -ambition. - - [The motto of 1830, _Liberty - and Public Order_] - -The political attitude which ought for the present to be assumed is so -clearly indicated by all the circumstances of the time, that practical -instinct has in this respect anticipated theory. The right view is -well expressed in the motto, _Liberty and Public Order_, which was -adopted spontaneously by the middle class at the commencement of the -neutral period in 1830. It is not known who was the author of it; but -it is certainly far too progressive to be considered as representing -the feelings of the monarchy. It is not of course the expression of -any systematic convictions; but no metaphysical school could have -pointed out so clearly the two principal conditions required by the -situation. Positivism, while accepting it as an inspiration of popular -wisdom, makes it more complete by adding two points which should have -been contained in it at first, only that they were too much opposed -to existing prejudices to have been sanctioned by public opinion. -Both parts of the motto require some expansion. Liberty ought to -include perfect freedom of teaching; Public Order should involve the -preponderance of the central power over the local. I subjoin a few -brief remarks on these two points, which will be considered more fully -in the fourth volume of this treatise. - - [Liberty should be extended - to Education] - -Positivism is now the only consistent advocate of free speech and -free inquiry. Schools of opinion which do not rest on demonstration, -and would consequently be shaken by any argumentative attacks, can -never be sincere in their wish for Liberty, in the extended sense here -given to it. Liberty of writing we have now had for a long time. But -besides this we want liberty of speech; and also liberty of teaching; -that is to say, the abandonment by the State of all its educational -monopolies. Freedom of teaching, of which Positivists are the only -genuine supporters, has become a condition of the first importance: -and this not merely as a provisional measure, but as an indication of -the normal state of things. In the first place, it is the only means -by which any doctrine that has the power of fixing and harmonizing -men’s convictions can become generally known. To legalize any system -of education would imply that such a doctrine had been already found; -it most assuredly is not the way to find it. But again, freedom of -teaching is a step towards the normal state; it amounts to an admission -that the problem of education is one which temporal authorities are -incompetent to solve. Positivists would be the last to deny that -education ought to be regularly organized. Only they assert, first, -that as long as the spiritual interregnum lasts, no organization is -possible; and secondly, that whenever the acceptance of a new synthesis -makes it possible, it will be effected by the spiritual power to which -that synthesis gives rise. In the meantime no general system of State -education should be attempted. It will be well, however, to continue -State assistance to those branches of instruction which are the most -liable to be neglected by private enterprise, especially reading and -writing. Moreover, there are certain institutions either established -or revived by the Convention for higher training in special subjects; -these ought to be carefully preserved, and brought up to the present -state of our knowledge, for they contain the germs of principles -which will be most valuable when the problem of reorganizing general -education comes before us. But all the institutions abolished by the -Convention ought now to be finally suppressed. Even the Academies -should form no exception to this rule, for the harm which they have -done, both intellectually and morally, since their reinstalment, has -fully justified the wisdom of the men who decided on their abolition. -Government should no doubt exercise constant vigilance over all private -educational institutions; but this should have nothing to do with their -doctrines, but with their morality, a point scandalously neglected -in the present state of the law. These should be the limits of state -interference in education. With these exceptions it should be left to -the unrestricted efforts of private associations, so as to give every -opportunity for a definitive educational system to establish itself. -For to pretend that any satisfactory system exists at present would -only be a hypocritical subterfuge on the part of the authorities. -The most important step towards freedom of education would be the -suppression of all grants to theological or metaphysical societies, -leaving each man free to support the religion and the system of -instruction which he prefers. This, however, should be carried out in -a just and liberal spirit worthy of the cause, and without the least -taint of personal dislike or party feeling. Full indemnity should be -given to members of Churches or Universities, upon whom these changes -would come unexpectedly. By acting in this spirit it will be far less -difficult to carry out measures which are obviously indicated by the -position in which we stand. As there is now no doctrine which commands -general assent, it would be an act of retrogression to give legal -sanction to any of the old creeds, whatever their former claim to -spiritual ascendancy. It is quite in accordance with the republican -spirit to refuse such sanction, notwithstanding the tendency that there -is to allow ideologists to succeed to the Academic offices held under -the constitutional system by psychologists. - - [Order demands - centralization] - -But Positivism will have as beneficial an influence on Public -Order as on Liberty. It holds, in exact opposition to revolutionary -prejudices, that the central power should preponderate over the local. -The constitutionalist principle of separating the legislative from -the executive is only an empirical imitation of the larger principle -of separating temporal and spiritual power, which was adopted in the -Middle Ages. There will always be a contest for political supremacy -between the central and local authorities; and it is an error into -which, from various causes, we have fallen recently, to attempt -to balance them against each other. The whole tendency of French -history has been to let the central power preponderate, until it -degenerated and became retrograde towards the end of the seventeenth -century. Our present preference for the local power is therefore an -historical anomaly, which is sure to cease as soon as the fear of -reaction has passed away. And as Republicanism secures us against -any dangers of this kind, our political sympathies will soon resume -their old course. The advantages of the central power are, first, -that it is more directly responsible than the other; and, secondly, -that it is more practical and less likely to set up any claims to -spiritual influence. This last feature is of the highest importance, -and is likely to become every day more marked. Whereas the local or -legislative power, not having its functions clearly defined, is very -apt to interfere in theoretical questions without being in any sense -qualified for doing so. Its preponderance would, then, in most cases be -injurious to intellectual freedom, which, as it feels instinctively, -will ultimately result in the rise of a spiritual authority destined -to supersede its own. On the strength of these tendencies, which -have never before been explained, Positivists have little hesitation -in siding in almost all cases with the central as against the local -power. Philosophers, whom no one can accuse of reactionist or servile -views, who have given up all political prospects, and who are devoting -themselves wholly to the work of spiritual reorganization, need not -be afraid to take this course; and they ought to exert themselves -vigorously in making the central power preponderant, limiting the -functions of the local power to what is strictly indispensable. And, -notwithstanding all appearances to the contrary, republicanism will -help to modify the revolutionary feeling on this point. It removes -the distrust of authority caused naturally by the retrograde spirit -of the old monarchy; and it makes it easier to repress any further -tendencies of the same kind, without necessitating an entire change -in the character of our policy for the sake of providing against a -contingency, of which there is now so little fear. As soon as the -central power has given sufficient proof of its progressive intentions, -there will be no unwillingness on the part of the French public to -restrict the powers of the legislative body, whether by reducing it -to one-third of its present numbers, which are so far too large, or -even by limiting its functions to the annual vote of the supplies. -During the last phase of the counter-revolution, and the long period -of parliamentary government which followed, a state of feeling has -arisen on this subject, which is quite exceptional, and which sound -philosophical teaching, and wise action on the part of government, -will easily modify. It is inconsistent with the whole course of French -history; and only leads us into the mistake of imitating the English -constitution, which is adapted to no other country. The very extension -which has just been given to the representative system will bring -it into discredit, by showing it to be as futile and subversive in -practice as philosophy had represented it to be in theory. - - [Intimate connexion of - Liberty with Order] - -Such, then, is the way in which Positivism would interpret these two -primary conditions of our present policy, Liberty and Public Order. -But besides this, it explains and confirms the connexion which exists -between them. It teaches in the first place, that true liberty is -impossible at present without the vigorous control of a central power, -progressive in the true sense of the word, wise enough to abdicate all -spiritual influence, and keep to its own practical functions. Such a -power is needed in order to check the despotic spirit of the various -doctrines now in vogue. As all of them are more or less inconsistent -with the principle of separation of powers, they would all be willing -to employ forcible means of securing uniformity of opinion. Besides, -the anarchy which is caused by our spiritual interregnum, might, but -for a strong government, very probably interfere with the philosophical -freedom which we now enjoy. Conversely, unless Liberty in the sense -here spoken of be granted, it will be impossible for the central -power to maintain itself in the position which public order requires. -The obstacle to that position at present is the fear of reaction; -and a scrupulous regard for freedom is the only means of removing -these feelings which, though perhaps unfounded, are but too natural. -All fears will be allayed at once when liberty of instruction and -association becomes part of the law of the land. There will then be no -hope, and indeed no wish, on the part of government to regulate our -social institutions in conformity with any particular doctrine. - -The object of this chapter has been to show the social value of -Positivism. We have found that not merely does it throw light upon -our Future policy, but that it also teaches us how to act upon the -Present; and these indications have in both cases been based upon -careful examination of the Past, in accordance with the fundamental -laws of human development. It is the only system capable of handling -the problem now proposed by the more advanced portion of our race to -all who would claim to guide them. That problem is this; to reorganize -human life, irrespectively of god or king; recognizing the obligation -of no motive, whether public or private, other than Social Feeling, -aided in due measure by the positive science and practical energy of -Man. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE ACTION OF POSITIVISM UPON THE WORKING CLASSES - - - [Positivism will not for the - present recommend itself to - the governing classes, so - much as to the People] - -Positivism, whether looked at as a philosophical system or as an -instrument of social renovation, cannot count upon much support -from any of the classes, whether in Church or State, by whom the -government of mankind has hitherto been conducted. There will be -isolated exceptions of great value, and these will soon become more -numerous: but the prejudices and passions of these classes will present -serious obstacles to the work of moral and mental reorganization which -constitutes the second phase of the great Western revolution. Their -faulty education and their repugnance to system prejudice them against -a philosophy which subordinates specialities to general principles. -Their aristocratic instincts make it very difficult for them to -recognize the supremacy of Social Feeling; that doctrine which lies -at the root of social regeneration, as conceived by Positivism. That -no support can be expected from the classes who were in the ascendant -before the Revolution, is of course obvious; and we shall probably meet -with opposition, quite as real though more carefully concealed, from -the middle classes, to whom that revolution transferred the authority -and social influence which they had long been coveting. Their thoughts -are entirely engrossed with the acquisition of power; and they concern -themselves but little with the mode in which it is used, or the objects -to which it is directed. They were quite convinced that the Revolution -had found a satisfactory issue in the parliamentary system instituted -during the recent period of political oscillation. They will long -continue to regret that stationary period, because it was peculiarly -favourable to their restless ambition. A movement tending to the -complete regeneration of society is almost as much dreaded now by the -middle classes as it was formerly by the higher. And both would at all -events agree in prolonging the system of theological hypocrisy, as far -as republican institutions admitted of it. That policy is now the only -means by which retrogression is still possible. Ignoble as it is, there -are two motives for adopting it; it secures respect and submission on -the part of the masses, and it imposes no unpleasant duties on their -governors. All their critical and metaphysical prejudices indispose -them to terminate the state of spiritual anarchy which is the greatest -obstacle to social regeneration: while at the same time their ambition -dreads the establishment of a new moral authority, the restrictive -influence of which would of course press most heavily upon themselves. -In the eighteenth century, men of rank, and even kings, accepted the -purely negative philosophy that was then in vogue; it removed many -obstacles, it was an easy path to reputation, and it imposed no great -sacrifice. But we can hardly hope from this precedent that the wealthy -and literary classes of our own time will be equally willing to accept -Positive philosophy; the avowed purpose of which is to discipline our -intellectual powers, in order to reorganize our modes of life. - -The avowal of such a purpose is quite sufficient to prevent Positivism -from gaining the sympathies of any one of the governing classes. The -classes to which it must appeal are those who have been left untrained -in the present worthless methods of instruction by words and entities, -who are animated with strong social instincts, and who consequently -have the largest stock of good sense and good feeling. In a word it is -among the Working Classes that the new philosophers will find their -most energetic allies. They are the two extreme terms in the social -series as finally constituted; and it is only through their combined -action that social regeneration can become a practical possibility. -Notwithstanding their difference of position, a difference which -indeed is more apparent than real, there are strong affinities between -them, both morally and intellectually. Both have the same sense of the -real, the same preference for the useful, and the same tendency to -subordinate special points to general principles. Morally they resemble -each other in generosity of feeling, in wise unconcern for material -prospects, and in indifference to worldly grandeur. This at least will -be the case as soon as philosophers in the true sense of that word -have mixed sufficiently with the nobler members of the working classes -to raise their own character to its proper level. When the sympathies -which unite them upon these essential points have had time to show -themselves, it will be felt that the philosopher is, under certain -aspects, a member of the working class fully trained; while the working -man is in many respects a philosopher without the training. Both too -will look with similar feelings upon the intermediate or capitalist -class. As that class is necessarily the possessor of material power, -the pecuniary existence of both will as a rule be independent upon it. - - [The working man who accepts - his position is favourably - situated for the reception - of comprehensive principles - and generous sympathies] - -These affinities follow as a natural result from their respective -position and functions. The reason of their not having been recognized -more distinctly is, that at present we have nothing that can be called -a philosophic class, or at least it is only represented by a few -isolated types. Workmen worthy of their position are happily far less -rare; but hitherto it is only in France, or rather in Paris, that -they have shown themselves in their true light, as men emancipated -from chimerical beliefs, and careless of the empty prestige of social -position. It is, then, only in Paris that the truth of the preceding -remarks can be fully verified. - -The occupations of working men are evidently far more conducive to -philosophical views than those of the middle classes; since they are -not so absorbing, as to prevent continuous thought, even during the -hours of labour. And besides having more time for thinking, they have -a moral advantage in the absence of any responsibility when their work -is over. The workman is preserved by his position from the schemes of -aggrandisement, which are constantly harassing the capitalist. Their -difference in this respect causes a corresponding difference in their -modes of thought; the one cares more for general principles, the other -more for details. To a sensible workman, the system of dispersive -speciality now so much in vogue shows itself in its true light. He sees -it, that is, to be brutalizing, because it would condemn his intellect -to the most paltry mode of culture, so much so that it will never -be accepted in France, in spite of the irrational endeavours of our -Anglo-maniac economists. To the capitalist, on the contrary, and even -to the man of science, that system, however rigidly and consistently -carried out, will seem far less degrading; or rather it will be looked -upon as most desirable, unless his education has been such as to -counteract these tendencies, and to give him the desire and the ability -for abstract and general thought. - -Morally, the contrast between the position of the workman and the -capitalist is even more striking. Proud as most men are of worldly -success, the degree of moral or mental excellence implied in the -acquisition of wealth or power, even when the means used have been -strictly legitimate, is hardly such as to justify that pride. Looking -at intrinsic qualities rather than at visible results, it is obvious -that practical success, whether in industry or in war, depends far -more on character than on intellect or affection. The principal -condition for it is the combination of a certain amount of energy -with great caution, and a fair share of perseverance. When a man has -these qualities, mediocrity of intellect and moral deficiency will -not prevent his taking advantage of favourable chances; chance being -usually a very important element in worldly success. Indeed it would -hardly be an exaggeration to say that poverty of thought and feeling -has often something to do with forming and maintaining the disposition -requisite for the purpose. Vigorous exertion of the active powers -is more frequently induced by the personal propensities of avarice, -ambition, or vanity, than by the higher instincts. Superiority of -position, when legitimately obtained, deserves respect; but the -philosopher, like the religionist, and with still better grounds, -refuses to regard it as a proof of moral superiority, a conclusion -which would be wholly at variance with the true theory of human nature. - -The life of the workman, on the other hand, is far more favourable to -the development of the nobler instincts. In practical qualities he is -usually not wanting, except in caution, a deficiency which makes his -energy and perseverance less useful to himself, though fully available -for society. But it is in the exercise of the higher feelings that -the moral superiority of the working class is most observable. When -our habits and opinions have been brought under the influence of -systematic principles, the true character of this class, which forms -the basis of modern society, will become more distinct; and we shall -see that home affections are naturally stronger with them than with -the middle classes, who are too much engrossed with personal interests -for the full enjoyment of domestic ties. Still more evident is their -superiority in social feelings strictly so called, for these with them -are called into daily exercise from earliest childhood. Here it is that -we find the highest and most genuine types of friendship, and this -even amongst those who are placed in a dependent position, aggravated -often by the aristocratic prejudices of those above them, and whom we -might imagine on that account condemned to a lower moral standard. We -find sincere and simple respect for superiors, untainted by servility, -not vitiated by the pride of learning, not disturbed by the jealousies -of competition. Their personal experience of the miseries of life is -a constant stimulus to the nobler sympathies. In no class is there -so strong an incentive to social feeling, at least to the feeling of -Solidarity between contemporaries; for all are conscious of the support -that they derive from union, support which is not at all incompatible -with strong individuality of character. The sense of Continuity with -the past has not, it is true, been sufficiently developed; but this -is a want which can only be supplied by systematic culture. It will -hardly be disputed that there are more remarkable instances of prompt -and unostentatious self-sacrifice at the call of a great public -necessity in this class than in any other. Note, too, that in the -utter absence of any systematic education, all these moral excellences -must be looked upon as inherent in the class. It is impossible to -attribute them to theological influence, now that they have so entirely -shaken off the old faith. The type I have described would be generally -considered imaginary; and at present it is only in Paris that it can -be fully realized. But the fact of its existence in the centre of -Western Europe is enough for all rational observers. A type so fully -in accordance with what we know of human nature cannot fail ultimately -to spread everywhere, especially when these spontaneous tendencies are -placed under the systematic guidance of Positivism. - - [This the Convention felt; - but they encouraged the - People to seek political - supremacy, for which they - are not fit] - -These remarks will prepare us to appreciate the wise and generous -instincts of the Convention in looking to the Proletariate as the -mainspring of its policy; and this is not merely on account of the -incidental danger of foreign invasion, but in dealing with the larger -question of social regeneration, which it pursued so ardently, though -in such ignorance of its true principles. Owing, however, to the want -of a satisfactory system, and the disorder produced by the metaphysical -theories of the time, the spirit in which this alliance with the -people was framed was incompatible with the real object in view. It -was considered that government ought as a rule to be in the hands of -the people. Now under the special circumstances of the time popular -government was undoubtedly very useful. The existence of the republic -depended almost entirely upon the proletariate, the only class that -stood unshaken and true to its principles. But in the absolute spirit -of the received political theories, this state of things was regarded -as normal, a view which is incompatible with the most important -conditions of modern society. It is of course always right for the -people to assist government in carrying out the law, even to the extent -of physical force, should the case require it. Interference of this -subordinate kind, whether in foreign or internal questions, so far from -leading to anarchy, is obviously a guarantee for order which ought to -exist in every properly constituted society. Indeed in this respect our -habits in France are still very defective; men are too often content to -remain mere lookers on, while the police to whom they owe their daily -protection is doing its duty. But for the people to take a direct part -in government, and to have the final decision of political measures, -is a state of things which in modern society is only adapted to times -of revolution. To recognize it as final would lead at once to anarchy, -were it not so utterly impossible to realize. - - [It is only in exceptional - cases that the People can be - really ‘sovereign’] - -Positivism rejects the metaphysical doctrine of the Sovereignty of the -people. But it appropriates all that is really sound in the doctrine, -and this with reference not merely to exceptional cases but to the -normal state; while at the same time it guards against the danger -involved in its application as an absolute truth. In the hands of the -revolutionary party the doctrine is generally used to justify the right -of insurrection. Now in Positive Polity, this right is looked upon -as an ultimate resource, with which no society should allow itself -to dispense. Absolute submission, which is too strongly inculcated -by modern Catholicism, would expose us to the danger of tyranny. -Insurrection may be regarded, scientifically, as a sort of reparative -crisis, of which societies stand in more need than individuals in -accordance with the well-known biological law, that the higher and -the more complicated the organism, the more frequent and also the -more dangerous is the pathological state. Therefore, the fear that -Positivism, when generally accepted, will encourage passive obedience, -is perfectly groundless; although it is certainly not favourable to the -pure revolutionary spirit, which would fain take the disease for the -normal type of health. Its whole character is so essentially relative, -that it finds no difficulty in accepting subordination as the rule, -and yet allowing for exceptional cases of revolt; a course by which -good taste and human dignity are alike satisfied. Positivism looks upon -insurrection as a dangerous remedy that should be reserved for extreme -cases; but it would never scruple to sanction and even to encourage -it when it is really indispensable. This is quite compatible with -refusing, as a rule, to submit the decision of political questions and -the choice of rulers to judges who are obviously incompetent; and who, -under the influence of Positivism, will of their own free will abdicate -rights which are subversive of order. - - [The truth involved in the - expression is that the - well-being of the people - should be the one great - object of government] - -The metaphysical doctrine of the Sovereignty of the people, contains, -however, a truth of permanent value, though in a very confused form. -This truth Positivism separates very distinctly from its dangerous -alloy, yet without weakening, on the contrary, with the effect of -enforcing, its social import. There are two distinct conceptions in -this doctrine, which have hitherto been confounded; a political -conception applicable to certain special cases; a moral conception -applicable to all. - -In the first place the name of the whole body politic ought to be -invoked in the announcement of any special measure, of which the -motives are sufficiently intelligible, and which directly concern -the practical interests of the whole community. Under this head -would be included decisions of law courts, declarations of war, -etc. When society has reached the Positive state, and the sense of -universal solidarity is more generally diffused, there will be even -more significance and dignity in such expressions than there is now, -because the name invoked will no longer be that of a special nation, -but that of Humanity as a whole. It would be absurd, however, to extend -this practice to those still more numerous cases where the people is -incompetent to express any opinion, and has merely to adopt the opinion -of superior officers who have obtained its confidence. This may be -owing either to the difficulty of the question or to the fact of its -application being indirect or limited. Such, for instance, would be -enactments, very often of great importance, which deal with scientific -principles; or again most questions relating to special professions -or branches of industry. In all these cases popular good sense would, -under Positivist influence, easily be kept clear from political -illusions. It is only under the stimulus of metaphysical pride that -such illusions become dangerous; and the untaught masses have but -little experience of this feeling. - -There is, however, another truth implied in the expression, -Sovereignity of the people. It implies that it is the first of duties -to concentrate all the efforts of society upon the common good. And in -this there is a more direct reference to the working class than to any -other; first, on account of their immense numerical superiority, and, -secondly, because the difficulties by which their life is surrounded -require special interference to a degree which for other classes would -be unnecessary. From this point of view it is a principle which all -true republicans may accept. It is, in fact, identical with what we -have laid down as the universal basis of morality, the direct and -permanent preponderance of social feeling over all personal interests. -Not merely, then, is it incorporated by Positivism, but, as was shown -in the first chapter, it forms the primary principle of the system, -even under the intellectual aspect. Since the decline of Catholicism -the metaphysical spirit has been provisionally the guardian of this -great social precept. Positivism now finally appropriates it, and -purifies it for the future from all taint of anarchy. Revolutionists, -as we should expect from their characteristic dislike to the separation -of the two powers, had treated the question politically. Positivism -avoids all danger by shifting it to the region of morality. I shall -show presently that this very salutary change, so far from weakening -the force of the principle, increases its permanent value, and at the -same time removes the deceptive and subversive tendencies which are -always involved in the metaphysical mode of regarding it. - - [The People’s function is to - assist the spiritual power - in modifying the action of - government] - -What then, it will be asked, is the part assigned to the Proletariate -in the final constitution of society? This similarity of position which -I pointed out between themselves and the philosophic class suggests the -answer. They will be of the most essential service to the spiritual -power in each of its three social functions, judgment, counsel, and -even education. All the intellectual and moral qualities that we have -just indicated in this class concur in fitting them for this service. -If we except the philosophic body, which is the recognized organ of -general principles, there is no class which is so habitually inclined -to take comprehensive views of any subject. Their superiority in Social -Feeling is still more obvious. In this even the best philosophers are -rarely their equals; and it would be a most beneficial corrective of -their tendency to over-abstraction to come into daily contact with the -noble and spontaneous instincts of the people. The working class, then, -is better qualified than any other for understanding, and still more -for sympathizing with the highest truths of morality, though it may -not be able to give them a systematic form. And, as we have seen, it -is in social morality, the most important and the highest of the three -branches of Ethics, that their superiority is most observable. Besides, -independently of their intrinsic merits, whether intellectual or moral, -the necessities of their daily life serve to impress them with respect -for the great rules of morality, which in most cases were framed for -their own protection. To secure the application of these rules in daily -life is a function of the spiritual power in the performance of which -they will meet with but slight assistance from the middle classes. It -is with them that temporal power naturally resides, and it is their -misuse of power that has to be controlled and set right. The working -classes are the chief sufferers from the selfishness and domineering -of men of wealth and power. For this reason they are the likeliest to -come forward in defence of public morality. And they will be all the -more disposed to give it their hearty support if they have nothing to -do directly with political administration. Habitual participation in -temporal power, to say nothing of its unsettling influence, would -lead them away from the best remedy for their sufferings of which the -constitution of society admits. Popular sagacity will soon detect the -utter hollowness of the off-hand solutions that are now being obtruded -upon us. The people will rapidly become convinced that the surest -method of satisfying all legitimate claims lies in the moral agencies -which Positivism offers, though it appears to them at the same time to -abdicate political power which either yields them nothing or results in -anarchy. - -So natural is this tendency of the people to rally round the spiritual -power in defence of morality, that we find it to have been the -case even in mediaeval times. Indeed this it is which explains the -sympathies which Catholicism still retains, notwithstanding its -general decline, in the countries where Protestantism has failed to -establish itself. Superficial observers often mistake these sympathies -for evidence of sincere attachment to the old creeds, though in point -of fact they are more thoroughly undermined in those countries than -anywhere else. It is an historical error which will, however, soon be -corrected by the reception which these nations, so wrongly imagined -to be in a backward stage of political development, will give to -Positivism. For they will soon see its superiority to Catholicism in -satisfying the primary necessity with which their social instincts are -so justly preoccupied. - -In the Middle Ages, however, the relations between the working classes -and the priesthood were hampered by the institution of serfage, which -was not wholly abolished until Catholicism had begun to decline. In -fact a careful study of history will show that one of the principal -causes of its decline was the want of popular support. The mediaeval -church was a noble, but premature attempt. Disbelief in its doctrines, -and also retrograde tendencies in its directors, had virtually -destroyed it, before the Proletariate had attained sufficient social -importance to support it successfully, supposing it could have deserved -their support. But we are now sufficiently advanced for the perfect -realization of the Catholic ideal in Positivism. And the principal -means of realizing it will be the formation of an alliance between -philosophers and the working classes, for which both are alike prepared -by the negative and positive progress of the last five centuries. - - [Their combined efforts - result in the formation of - Public Opinion] - -The direct object of their combined action will be to set in motion the -force of Public Opinion. All views of the future condition of society, -the views of practical men as well as of philosophic thinkers, agree -in the belief that the principal feature of the state to which we -are tending, will be the increased influence which Public Opinion is -destined to exercise. - -It is in this beneficial influence that we shall find the surest -guarantee for morality; for domestic and even for personal morality, -as well as for social. For as the whole tendency of Positivism is to -induce every one to live as far as possible without concealment, the -public will be intrusted with a strong check upon the life of the -individual. Now that all theological illusions have become so entirely -obsolete, the need of such a check is greater than it was before. It -compensates for the insufficiency of natural goodness which we find in -most men, however wisely their education has been conducted. Except -the noblest of joys, that which springs from social sympathy when -called into constant exercise, there is no reward for doing right -so satisfactory as the approval of our fellow-beings. Even under -theological systems it has been one of our strongest aspirations to -live esteemed in the memory of others. And still more prominence will -be given to this noble form of ambition under Positivism, because -it is the only way left us of satisfying the desire which all men -feel of prolonging their life into the Future. And the increased -force of Public Opinion will correspond to the increased necessity -for it. The peculiar reality of Positive doctrine and its constant -conformity with facts facilitate the recognition of its principles, -and remove all obscurity in their application. They are not to be -evaded by subterfuges like those to which metaphysical and theological -principles, from their vague and absolute character, have been always -liable. Again, the primary principle of Positivism, which is to judge -every question by the standard of social interests, is in itself a -direct appeal to Public Opinion; since the public is naturally the -judge of the good or bad effect of action upon the common welfare. -Under theological and metaphysical systems no appeal of this sort was -recognized; because the objects upheld as the highest aims of life were -purely personal. - -In political questions the application of our principle is still more -obvious. For political morality Public Opinion is almost our only -guarantee. We feel its force even now in spite of the intellectual -anarchy in which we live. Neutralized as it is in most cases by the -wide divergences of men’s convictions, yet it shows itself on the -occasion of any great public excitement. Indeed, we feel it to our cost -sometimes when the popular mind has taken a wrong direction; government -in such cases being very seldom able to offer adequate resistance. -These cases may convince us how irresistible this power will prove when -used legitimately, and when it is formed by systematic accordance in -general principles instead of by a precarious and momentary coincidence -of feeling. And here we see more clearly than ever how impossible -it is to effect any permanent reconstruction of the institutions of -society, without a previous reorganization of opinion and of life. The -spiritual basis is necessary not merely to determine the character -of the temporal reconstruction, but to supply the principal motive -force by which the work is to be carried out. Intellectual and moral -harmony will gradually be restored, and under its influence the new -political system will by degrees arise. Social improvements of the -highest importance may therefore be realized long before the work of -spiritual reorganization is completed. We find in mediaeval history -that Catholicism exercised a powerful influence on society during its -emergence from barbarism, before its own internal constitution had -advanced far. And this will be the case to a still greater degree with -the regeneration which is now in progress. - - [Public opinion involves, - (1) principles of social - conduct, (2) their - acceptance by society at - large, (3) an organ through - which to enunciate them] - -Having defined the sphere within which Public Opinion should operate, -we shall find little difficulty in determining the conditions requisite -for its proper organization. These are, first, the establishment of -fixed principles of social action; secondly, their adoption by the -public, and its consent to their application in special cases; and, -lastly, a recognized organ to lay down the principles, and to apply -them to the conduct of daily life. Obvious as these three conditions -appear, they are still so little understood, that it will be well to -explain each of them somewhat more fully. - -The first condition, that of laying down fixed principles, is, in fact, -the extension to social questions of that separation between theory -and practice, which in subjects of less importance is universally -recognized. This is the aspect in which the superiority of the new -spiritual system to the old is most perceptible. The principles of -moral and political conduct that were accepted in the Middle Ages -were little better than empirical, and owed their stability entirely -to the sanction of religion. In this respect, indeed, the superiority -of Catholicism to the systems which preceded it, consisted merely in -the fact of separating its precepts from the special application of -them. By making its precepts the distinct object of preliminary study, -it secured them against the bias of human passions. Yet important as -this separation was, the system was so defective intellectually, that -the successful application of its principles depended simply on the -good sense of the teachers; for the principles in themselves were as -vague and as absolute as the creeds from which they were derived. The -influence exercised by Catholicism was due to its indirect action upon -social feeling in the only mode then possible. But the claims with -which Positivism presents itself are far more satisfactory. It is based -on a complete synthesis; one which embraces, not the outer world only, -but the inner world of human nature. This, while in no way detracting -from the practical value of social principles, give them the imposing -weight of theoretical truth; and ensures their stability and coherence, -by connecting them with the whole series of laws on which the life of -man and of society depend. For these laws will corroborate even those -which are not immediately deduced from them. By connecting all our -rules of action with the fundamental conception of social duty, we -render their interpretation in each special case clear and consistent, -and we secure it against the sophisms of passion. Principles such as -these, based on reason, and rendering our conduct independent of the -impulses of the moment, are the only means of sustaining the vigour -of Social Feeling, and at the same time of saving us from the errors -to which its unguided suggestions so often lead. Direct and constant -culture of Social Feeling in public as well as in private life is no -doubt the first condition of morality. But the natural strength of -Self-love is such that something besides this is required to control -it. The course of conduct must be traced beforehand in all important -cases by the aid of demonstrable principles, adopted at first upon -trust, and afterwards from conviction. - -There is no art whatever in which, however ardent and sincere our -desire to succeed, we can dispense with knowledge of the nature and -conditions of the object aimed at. Moral and political conduct is -assuredly not exempt from such an obligation, although we are more -influenced in this case by the direct promptings of feeling than in -any other of the arts of life. It has been shown only too clearly by -many striking instances how far Social Feeling may lead us astray -when it is not directed by right principles. It was for want of fixed -convictions that the noble sympathies entertained by the French -nation for the rest of Europe at the outset of the Revolution so soon -degenerated into forcible oppression, when her retrograde leader began -his seductive appeal to selfish passions. Inverse cases are still more -common; and they illustrate the connexion of feeling and opinion as -clearly as the others. A false social doctrine has often favoured the -natural ascendency of Self-love by giving a perverted conception of -public well-being. This has been too plainly exemplified in our own -time by the deplorable influence which Malthus’s sophistical theory -of population obtained in England. This mischievous error met with -very little acceptance in the rest of Europe, and it has been already -refuted by the nobler thinkers of his own country; but it still gives -the show of scientific sanction to the criminal antipathy of the -governing classes in Great Britain to all effectual measures of reform. - -Next to a system of principles, the most important condition for -the exercise of Public Opinion is the existence of a strong body of -supporters sufficient to make the weight of these principles felt. Now -it was here that Catholicism proved so weak; and therefore, even had -its doctrine been less perishable, its decline was unavoidable. But -the defect is amply supplied in the new spiritual order, which, as I -have before shown, will receive the influential support of the working -classes. And the need of such assistance is as certain as the readiness -with which it will be yielded. For though the intrinsic efficacy of -Positive teaching is far greater than that of any doctrine which is not -susceptible of demonstration, yet the convictions it inspires cannot -be expected to dispense with the aid of vigorous popular support. -Human nature is imperfectly organized; and the influence which Reason -exercises over it is not by any means so great as this supposition -would imply. Even Social Feeling, though its influence is far greater -than that of Reason, would not in general be sufficient for the right -guidance of practical life, if Public Opinion were not constantly at -hand to support the good inclinations of individuals. The arduous -struggle of Social Feeling against Self-love requires the constant -assertion of true principles to remove uncertainty as to the proper -course of action in each case. But it requires also something more. -The strong reaction of All upon Each is needed, whether to control -selfishness or to stimulate sympathy. The tendency of our poor and weak -nature to give way to the lower propensities is so great that, but -for this universal co-operation, Feeling and Reason would be almost -inadequate to their task. In the working class we find the requisite -conditions. They will, as we have seen, form the principal source of -opinion, not merely from their numerical superiority, but also from -their intellectual and moral qualities, as well as from the influence -directly due to their social position. Thus it is that Positivism views -the great problem of human life, and shows us for the first time that -the bases of a solution already exist in the very structure of the -social organism. - - [Working men’s clubs] - -Working men, whether as individuals or, what is still more important, -collectively, are now at liberty to criticize all the details, and -even the general principles, of the social system under which they -live; affecting, as it necessarily does, themselves more nearly than -any other class. The remarkable eagerness lately shown by our people -to form clubs, though there was no special motive for it, and no very -marked enthusiasm, was a proof that the checks which had previously -prevented this tendency from showing itself were quite unsuited to our -times. Nor is this tendency likely to pass away; on the contrary, it -will take deeper root and extend more widely, because it is thoroughly -in keeping with the habits, feelings, and wants of working men, who -form the majority in these meetings. A consistent system of social -truth will largely increase their influence, by giving them a more -settled character and a more important aim. So far from being in any -way destructive, they form a natural though imperfect model of the -mode of life which will ultimately be adopted in the regenerate -condition of Humanity. In these unions social sympathies are kept in -constant action by a stimulus of a most beneficial kind. They offer the -speediest and most effectual means of elaborating Public Opinion: this -at least is the case when there has been a fair measure of individual -training. No one at present has any idea of the extent of the -advantages which will one day spring from these spontaneous meetings, -when there is an adequate system of general principles to direct -them. Spiritual reorganization will find them its principal basis -of support, for they secure its acceptance by the people; and this -will have the greater weight, because it will always be given without -compulsion or violence. The objection that meetings of this kind may -lead to dangerous political agitation, rests upon a misinterpretation -of the events of the Revolution. So far from their stimulating a desire -for what are called political rights, or encouraging their exercise -in those who possess them, their tendency is quite in the opposite -direction. They will soon divert working men entirely from all useless -attempts to interfere with existing political institutions, and bring -them to their true social function, that of assisting and carrying out -the operations of the new spiritual power. It is a noble prospect which -is thus held out to them by Positivism, a prospect far more inviting -than any of the metaphysical illusions of the day. The real intention -of the Club is to form a provisional substitute for the Church of old -times, or rather to prepare the way for the religious building of -the new form of worship, the worship of Humanity; which, as I shall -explain in a subsequent chapter, will be gradually introduced under -the regenerating influence of Positive doctrine. Under our present -republican government all progressive tendencies are allowed free -scope, and therefore it will not be long before our people accept -this new vent for social sympathies, which in former times could find -expression only in Catholicism. - -In this theory of Public Opinion one condition yet remains to -be described. A philosophic organ is necessary to interpret the -doctrine; the influence of which would otherwise in most cases be -very inadequate. This third condition has been much disputed; but it -is certainly even more indispensable than the second. And in fact it -has never been really wanting, for every doctrine must have had some -founder, and usually has a permanent body of teachers. It would be -difficult to conceive that a system of moral and political principles -should be possessed of great social influence, and yet at the same time -that the men who originate or inculcate the system should exercise no -spiritual authority. It is true that this inconsistency did for a time -exist under the negative and destructive influence of Protestantism and -Deism, because men’s thoughts were for the time entirely taken up with -the struggle to escape from the retrograde tendencies of Catholicism. -During this long period of insurrection, each individual became a -sort of priest; each, that is, followed his own interpretation of a -doctrine which needed no special teachers, because its function was -not to construct but to criticize. All the constitutions that have -been recently established on metaphysical principles give a direct -sanction to this state of things, in the preambles with which they -commence. They apparently regard each citizen as competent to form a -sound opinion on all social questions, thus exempting him from the -necessity of applying to any special interpreters. This extension -to the normal state of things of a phase of mind only suited to the -period of revolutionary transition, is an error which I have already -sufficiently refuted. - -In the minor arts of life, it is obvious that general principles cannot -be laid down without some theoretical study; and that the application -of these rules to special cases is not to be entirely left to the -untaught instinct of the artisan. And can it be otherwise with the -art of Social Life, so far harder and more important than any other, -and in which, from its principles being less simple and less precise, -a special explanation of them in each case is even more necessary? -However perfect the demonstration of social principles may become, -it must not be supposed that knowledge of Positive doctrine, even -when it has been taught in the most efficient way, will dispense with -the necessity of frequently appealing to the philosopher for advice -in questions of practical life, whether private or public. And this -necessity of an interpreter to intervene occasionally between the -principle and its application, is even more evident from the moral -than it is from the intellectual aspect. Certain as it is that no one -will be so well acquainted with the true character of the doctrine as -the philosopher who teaches it, it is even more certain that none is -so likely as himself to possess the moral qualifications of purity, -of exalted aims, and of freedom from party spirit, without which his -counsels could have but little weight in reforming individual or social -conduct. It is principally through his agency that we may hope in most -cases to bring about that reaction of All upon Each, which, as we -have seen, is of such indispensable importance to practical morality. -Philosophers are not indeed the principal source of Public Opinion, -as intellectual pride so often leads them to believe. Public Opinion -proceeds essentially from the free voice and spontaneous co-operation -of the people. But in order that the full weight of their unanimous -judgment may be felt, it must be announced by some recognized organ. -There are, no doubt, rare cases where the direct expression of popular -feeling is enough, but these are quite exceptional. Thus working men -and philosophers are mutually necessary, not merely in the creation -of Public Opinion, but also in most cases in the manifestation of it. -Without the first, the doctrine, however well established, would not -have sufficient force. Without the second, it would usually be too -incoherent to overcome those obstacles in the constitution of man and -of society, which make it so difficult to bring practical life under -the influence of fixed principles. - -In fact this necessity for some systematic organ to direct and give -effect to Public Opinion, has always been felt, even amidst the -spiritual anarchy which at present surrounds us, on every occasion in -which such opinion has played any important part. For its effect on -these occasions would have been null and void but for some individual -to take the initiative and personal responsibility. This is frequently -verified in private life by cases in which we see the opposite state -of things; we see principles which no one would think of contesting, -practically inadequate, for want of some recognized authority to apply -them. It is a serious deficiency, which is, however, compensated, -though imperfectly, by the greater facility of arriving at the truth in -such cases, and by the greater strength of the sympathies which they -call forth. But in public life, with its more difficult conditions and -more important claims, such entire absence of systematic intervention -could never be tolerated. In all public transactions even now we -may perceive the participation of a spiritual authority of one kind -or other; the organs of which, though constantly varying, are in -most cases metaphysicians or literary men writing for the press. -Thus even in the present anarchy of feelings and convictions, Public -Opinion cannot dispense with guides and interpreters. Only it has to -be content with men who at the best can only offer the guarantee of -personal responsibility, without any reliable security either for -the stability of their convictions or the purity of their feelings. -But now that the problem of organizing Public Opinion has once been -proposed by Positivism, it cannot remain long without a solution. It -plainly reduces itself to the principle of separating the two social -powers; just as we have seen that the necessity of an established -doctrine rested on the analogous principle of separating theory from -practice. It is clear, on the one hand, that sound interpretation of -moral and political rules, as in the case of any other art, can only -be furnished by philosophers engaged in the study of the natural laws -on which they rest. On the other hand these philosophers, in order to -preserve that breadth and generality of view which is their principal -intellectual characteristic, must abstain scrupulously from all regular -participation in practical affairs, and especially from political life: -on the ground that its specializing influence would soon impair their -speculative capacity. And such a course is equally necessary on moral -grounds. It helps to preserve purity of feeling and impartiality of -character; qualities essential to their influence upon public as well -as upon private life. - -Such, in outline, is the Positive theory of Public Opinion. In each -of its three constituent elements, the Doctrine, the Power, and the -Organ, it is intimately connected with the whole question of spiritual -reorganization; or rather, it forms the simplest mode of viewing that -great subject. All the essential parts of it are closely related to -each other. Positive principles, on the one hand, cannot count on much -material support, except from the working classes; these in their turn -will for the future regard Positivism as the only doctrine with which -they can sympathize. So, again, with the philosophic organs of opinion; -without the People, their necessary independence cannot be established -or sustained. To our literary classes the separation of the two powers -is instinctively repugnant, because it would lay down systematic -limits to the unwise ambition which we now see in them. And it will -be disliked as strongly by the rich classes, who will look with fear -upon a new moral authority destined to impose an irresistible check -upon their selfishness. At present it will be generally understood -and welcomed only by the proletary class, who have more aptitude for -general views and for social sympathy. In France especially they are -less under the delusion of metaphysical sophisms and of aristocratic -prestige than any other class; and the Positivist view of this primary -condition of social regeneration will find a ready entrance into their -minds and hearts. - - [All three conditions of - Public Opinion exist, but - have not yet been combined] - -Our theory of Public Opinion shows us at once how far we have already -gone in organizing this great regulator of modern society; how far we -still fall short of what is wanted. The Doctrine has at last arisen: -there is no doubt of the existence of the Power; and even the Organ is -not wanting. But they do not as yet stand in their right relation to -each other. The effective impulse towards social regeneration depends, -then, on one ultimate condition; the formation of a firm alliance -between philosophers and proletaries. - -Of this powerful coalition I have already spoken. I have now to -explain the advantages which it offers to the people in the way of -obtaining sufficient recognition of all legitimate claims. - -Of these advantages, the principal, and that by which the rest will -speedily be developed and secured, is the important social function -which is hereby conferred upon them. They become auxiliaries of the -new spiritual power; auxiliaries indispensable to its action. This -vast proletary class, which ever since its rise in the Middle Ages has -been shut out from the political system, will now assume the position -for which by nature it is best adapted, and which is most conducive -to the general well-being of society. Its members, independently of -their special vocation, will at last take a regular and most important -part in public life, a part which will compensate for the hardships -inseparable from their social position. Their combined action, far -from disturbing the established order of things, will be its most -solid guarantee, from the fact of being moral, not political. And here -we see definitely the alteration which Positivism introduces in the -revolutionary conception of the action of the working classes upon -society. For stormy discussions about rights, it substitutes peaceable -definition of duties. It supersedes useless disputes for the possession -of power, by inquiring into the rules that should regulate its wise -employment. - - [Spontaneous tendencies - in the people of a right - direction. Their Communism] - -A superficial observer of the present state of things might imagine our -working classes to be as yet very far from this frame of mind. But he -who looks deeper into the question will see that the very experiment -which they are now trying, of extending their political rights, will -soon have the effect of showing them the hollowness of a remedy which -has so slight a bearing upon the objects really important to them. -Without making any formal abdication of rights, which might seem -inconsistent with their social dignity, there is little doubt that -their instinctive sagacity will lead them to the still more efficacious -plan of indifference. Positivism will readily convince them that -whereas spiritual power, in order to do its work, must ramify in every -direction, it is essential to public order that political power should -be as a rule concentrated. And this conviction will grow upon them, as -they see more clearly that the primary social problems which are very -properly absorbing their attention are essentially moral rather than -political. - -One step in this direction they have already taken of their own accord, -though its importance has not been duly appreciated. The well-known -scheme of Communism, which has found such rapid acceptance with them, -serves, in the absence of sounder doctrine, to express the way in which -they are now looking at the great social problem. The experience of -the first part of the Revolution has not yet wholly disabused them of -political illusions, but it has at least brought them to feel that -Property is of more importance than Power in the ordinary sense of the -word. So far Communism has given a wider meaning to the great social -problem, and has thereby rendered an essential service, which is not -neutralized by the temporary dangers involved in the metaphysical forms -in which it comes before us. Communism should therefore be carefully -distinguished from the numerous extravagant schemes brought forward in -this time of spiritual anarchy; a time which stimulates incompetent -and ill-trained minds to the most difficult subjects of thought. The -foolish schemes referred to have so few definite features, that we have -to distinguish them by the names of their authors. But Communism bears -the name of no single author, and is something more than an accidental -product of anomalous circumstances. We should look upon it as the -natural progress in the right direction of the revolutionary spirit; -progress of a moral rather than intellectual kind. It is a proof that -revolutionary tendencies are now concentrating themselves upon moral -questions, leaving all purely political questions in the background. -It is quite true that the solution of the problem which Communists are -now putting forward, is still as essentially political as that of their -predecessors; since the only mode by which they propose to regulate the -employment of property, is by a change in the mode of its tenure. Still -it is owing to them that the question of property is at last brought -forward for discussion: and it is a question which so evidently needs -a moral solution, the solution of it by political means is at once -so inadequate and so destructive, that it cannot long continue to be -debated, without leading to the more satisfactory result offered by -Positivism. Men will see that it forms a part of the final regeneration -of opinion and of life, which Positivism is now inaugurating. - -To do justice to Communism, we must look at the generous sympathies -by which it is inspired, not at the shallow theories in which those -sympathies find expression provisionally, until circumstances enable -them to take some other shape. Our working classes, caring but very -little for metaphysical principles, do not attach nearly the same -importance to these theories as is done by men of literary education. -As soon as they see a better way of bringing forward the points on -which they have such legitimate claims, they will very soon adopt the -clear and practical conceptions of Positivism, which can be carried -out peaceably and permanently, in preference to these vague and -confused chimeras, which, as they will instinctively feel, lead only -to anarchy. Till then they will naturally abide by Communism, as the -only method of bringing forward the most fundamental of social problems -in a way which there shall be no evading. The very alarm which their -present solution of the problem arouses helps to stir public attention, -and fix it on this great subject. But for this constant appeal to their -fears, the metaphysical delusions and aristocratic self-seeking of the -governing classes would shelve the question altogether, or pass it by -with indifference. The errors of Communism must be rectified; but there -is no necessity for giving up the name, which is a simple assertion of -the paramount importance of Social Feeling. However, now that we have -happily passed from monarchy to republicanism, the name of _Communist_ -is no longer indispensable; the word _Republican_ expresses the meaning -as well, and without the same danger. Positivism, then, has nothing to -fear from Communism; on the contrary, it will probably be accepted by -most Communists among the working classes, especially in France where -abstractions have but little influence on minds thoroughly emancipated -from theology. The people will gradually find that the solution of -the great social problem which Positivism offers is better than the -Communistic solution. - - [Its new title of Socialism] - -A tendency in this direction has already shown itself since the first -edition of this work was published. The working classes have now -adopted a new expression, _Socialism_, thus indicating that they accept -the problem of the Communists while rejecting their solution. Indeed -that solution would seem to be finally disposed of by the voluntary -exile of their leader. Yet, if the Socialists at present keep clear -of Communism, it is only because their position is one of criticism -or inaction. If they were to succeed to power, with principles so far -below the level of their sympathies, they would inevitably fall into -the same errors and extravagances which they now instinctively feel to -be wrong. Consequently the rapid spread of Socialism very naturally -alarms the upper classes; and their resistance, blind though it be, -is at present the only legal guarantee for material order. In fact, -the problem brought forward by the Communists admits of no solution -but their own, so long as the revolutionary confusion of temporal -and spiritual power continues. Therefore the universal blame that is -lavished on these utopian schemes cannot fail to inspire respect for -Positivism, as the only doctrine which can preserve Western Europe -from some serious attempt to bring Communism into practical operation. -Positivists stand forward now as the party of construction, with a -definite basis for political action; namely, systematic prosecution -of the wise attempt of mediaeval statesmen to separate the two social -powers. On this basis they are enabled to satisfy the Poor, and at -the same time to restore the confidence of the Rich. It is a final -solution of our difficulties which will make the titles of which we -have been speaking unnecessary. Stripping the old word _Republican_ of -any false meaning at present attached to it, we may retain it as the -best expression of the social sympathies on which the regeneration of -society depends. For the opinions, manners, and even institutions of -future society, _Positivist_ is the only word suitable. - - [Property is in its nature - social, and needs control] - -The peculiar reality of Positivism, and its invariable tendency to -concentrate our intellectual powers upon social questions, are -attributes, both of which involve its adoption of the essential -principle of Communism; that principle being, that Property is in its -nature social, and that it needs control. - -Property has been erroneously represented by most modern jurists as -conferring an absolute right upon the possessor, irrespectively of -the good or bad use made of it. This view is instinctively felt by -the working classes to be unsound, and all true philosophers will -agree with them. It is an anti-social theory, due historically to -exaggerated reaction against previous legislation of a peculiarly -oppressive kind, but it has no real foundation either in justice or -in fact. Property can neither be created, nor even transmitted by the -sole agency of its possessor. The co-operation of the public is always -necessary, whether in the assertion of the general principle or in -the application of it to each special case. Therefore the tenure of -property is not to be regarded as a purely individual right. In every -age and in every country the state has intervened, to a greater or less -degree, making property subservient to social requirements. Taxation -evidently gives the public an interest in the private fortune of each -individual; an interest which, instead of diminishing with the progress -of civilization, has been always on the increase, especially in modern -times, now that the connexion of each member of society with the whole -is becoming more apparent. The practice of confiscation, which also is -in universal use, shows that in certain extreme cases the community -considers itself authorized to assume entire possession of private -property. Confiscation has, it is true, been abolished for a time in -France. But this isolated exception is due only to the abuses which -recently accompanied the exercise of what was in itself an undoubted -right; and it will hardly survive when the causes which led to it are -forgotten, and the power which introduced it has passed away. In their -abstract views of property, then, Communists are perfectly able to -maintain their ground against the jurists. - -They are right, again, in dissenting as deeply as they do from -the Economists, who lay it down as an absolute principle that the -application of wealth should be entirely unrestricted by society. This -error, like the one just spoken of, is attributable to instances of -unjustifiable interference. But it is utterly opposed to all sound -philosophical teaching, although it has a certain appearance of truth, -in so far as it recognizes the subordination of social phenomena to -natural laws. But the Economists seem to have adopted this important -principle only to show how incapable they are of comprehending it. -Before they applied the conception of Law to the higher phenomena of -nature, they ought to have made themselves well acquainted with its -meaning, as applied to the lower and more simple phenomena. Not having -done so, they have been utterly blind to the fact that the Order of -nature becomes more and more modifiable as it grows more complicated. -This conception lies at the very root of our whole practical life; -therefore nothing can excuse the metaphysical school of Economists -for systematically resisting the intervention of human wisdom in the -various departments of social action. That the movement of society is -subject to natural laws is certain; but this truth, instead of inducing -us to abandon all efforts to modify society, should rather lead to -a wiser application of such efforts, since they are at once more -efficacious, and more necessary in social phenomena than in any other. - -So far, therefore, the fundamental principle of Communism is one -which the Positivist school must obviously adopt. Positivism not -only confirms this principle, but widens its scope, by showing its -application to other departments of human life; by insisting that, -not wealth only, but that all our powers shall be devoted in the -true republican spirit to the continuous service of the community. -The long period of revolution which has elapsed since the Middle -Ages has encouraged individualism in the moral world, as in the -intellectual it has fostered the specializing tendency. But both are -equally inconsistent with the final order of modern society. In all -healthy conditions of Humanity, the citizen, whatever his position, -has been regarded as a public functionary, whose duties and claims -were determined more or less distinctly by his faculties. The case -of property is certainly no exception to this general principle. -Proprietorship is regarded by the Positivist as an important social -function; the function, namely, of creating and administering that -capital by means of which each generation lays the foundation for the -operations of its successor. This is the only tenable view of property; -and wisely interpreted, it is one which, while ennobling to its -possessor, does not exclude a due measure of freedom. It will in fact -place his position on a firmer basis than ever. - - [But Positivism rejects the - Communist solution of the - problem. Property is to be - controlled by moral not - legal agencies] - -But the agreement here pointed out the between sociological science -and the spontaneous inspirations of popular judgment, goes no farther. -Positivists accept, and indeed enlarge, the programme of Communism; -but we reject its practical solution on the ground that it is at -once inadequate and subversive. The chief difference between our -own solution and theirs is that we substitute moral agencies for -political. Thus we come again to our leading principle of separating -spiritual from temporal power; a principle which, disregarded as it -has hitherto been in the system of modern renovators, will be found in -every one of the important problems of our time to be the sole possible -issue. In the present case, while throwing such light on the fallacy -of Communism, it should lead us to excuse the fallacy, by reminding -us that politicians of every accredited school are equally guilty of -it. At a time when there are so very few, even of cultivated minds, -who have a clear conception of this the primary principle of modern -politics, it would be harsh to blame the people for still accepting a -result of revolutionary empiricism, which is so universally adopted by -other classes. - -I need not enter here into any detailed criticism of the utopian -scheme of Plato. It was conclusively refuted twenty-two centuries ago, -by the great Aristotle, who thus exemplified the organic character, -by which, even in its earliest manifestations, the Positive spirit -is distinguished. In modern Communism, moreover, there is one fatal -inconsistency, which while it proves the utter weakness of the system, -testifies at the same time to the honourable character of the motives -from which it arose. Modern Communism differs from the ancient, as -expounded by Plato, in not making women and children common as well as -property; a result to which the principle itself obviously leads. Yet -this, the only consistent view of Communism, is adopted by none but -a very few literary men, whose affections, in themselves too feeble, -have been perverted by vicious intellectual training. Our untaught -proletaries, who are the only Communists worthy our consideration, are -nobly inconsistent in this respect. Indivisible as their erroneous -system is, they only adopt that side of it which touches on their -social requirements. The other side is repugnant to all their highest -instincts, and they utterly repudiate it. - -Without discussing these chimerical schemes in detail, it will be well -to expose the errors inherent in the method of reasoning which leads to -them, because they are common to all the other progressive schools, the -Positivist school excepted. The mistake consists in the first place, -in disregarding or even denying the natural laws which regulate social -phenomena; and secondly, in resorting to political agencies where -moral agency is the real thing needed. The inadequacy and the danger -of the various utopian systems which are now setting up their rival -claims to bring about the regeneration of society, are all attributable -in reality to these two closely-connected errors. For the sake of -clearness, I shall continue to refer specially to Communism as the most -prominent of these systems. But it will be easy to extend the bearing -of my remarks to all the rest. - - [Individualization of - functions as necessary as - co-operation] - -The ignorance of the true laws of social life under which Communists -labour is evident in their dangerous tendency to suppress -individuality. Not only do they ignore the inherent preponderance in -our nature of the personal instincts; but they forget that, in the -collective Organism, the separation of functions is a feature no less -essential than the co-operation of functions. Suppose for a moment -that the connexion between men could be made such that they were -physically inseparable, as has been actually the case with twins in -certain cases of monstrosity; society would obviously be impossible. -Extravagant as this supposition is, it may illustrate the fact that in -social life individuality cannot be dispensed with. It is necessary -in order to admit of that variety of simultaneous efforts which -constitutes the immense superiority of the Social Organism over every -individual life. The great problem for man is to harmonize, as far as -possible, the freedom resulting from isolation, with the equally urgent -necessity for convergence. To dwell exclusively upon the necessity -of convergence would tend to undermine not merely our practical -energy, but our true dignity; since it would do away with the sense -of personal responsibility. In exceptional cases where life is spent -in forced subjection to domestic authority, the comforts of home are -often not enough to prevent existence from becoming an intolerable -burden, simply from the want of sufficient independence. What would -it be, then, if everybody stood in a similar position of dependence -towards a community that was indifferent to his happiness? Yet no less -a danger than this would be the result of adopting any of those utopian -schemes which sacrifice true liberty to uncontrolled equality, or even -to an exaggerated sense of fraternity. Wide as the divergence between -Positivism and the Economic schools is, Positivists adopt substantially -the strictures which they have passed upon Communism; especially those -of Dunoyer, their most advanced writer. - - [Industry requires its - captains as well as War] - -There is another point in which Communism is equally inconsistent with -the laws of Sociology. Acting under false views of the constitution -of our modern industrial system, it proposes to remove its directors, -who form so essential a part of it. An army can no more exist without -officers than without soldiers; and this elementary truth holds good of -Industry as well as of War. The organization of modern industry has not -been found practicable as yet; but the germ of such organization lies -unquestionably in the division which has arisen spontaneously between -Capitalist and Workman. No great works could be undertaken if each -worker were also to be a director, or if the management, instead of -being fixed, were entrusted to a passive and irresponsible body. It is -evident that under the present system of industry there is a tendency -to a constant enlargement of undertakings: each fresh step leads at -once to still further extension. Now this tendency, so far from being -opposed to the interests of the working classes, is a condition which -will most seriously facilitate the real organization of our material -existence, as soon as we have a moral authority competent to control -it. For it is only the larger employers that the spiritual power can -hope to penetrate with a strong and habitual sense of duty to their -subordinates. Without a sufficient concentration of material power, -the means of satisfying the claims of morality would be found wanting, -except at such exorbitant sacrifices as would be incompatible with all -industrial progress. This is the weak point of every plan of reform -which limits itself to the mode of acquiring power, whether public -power or private, instead of aiming at controlling its use in whosever -hands it may be placed. It leads to a waste of those forces which, when -rightly used, form our principal resource in dealing with grave social -difficulties. - - [Communism is deficient in - the historical spirit] - -The motives, therefore, from which modern Communism has arisen, -however estimable, lead at present, in the want of proper scientific -teaching, to a very wrong view both of the nature of the disease and -of its remedy. A heavier reproach against it is, that in one point it -shows a manifest insufficiency of social instinct. Communists boast of -their spirit of social union; but they limit it to the union of the -present generation, stopping short of historical continuity, which yet -is the principal characteristic of Humanity. When they have matured -their moral growth, and have followed out in Time that connexion which -at present they only recognize in Space, they will at once see the -necessity of these general conditions which at present they would -reject. They will understand the importance of inheritance, as the -natural means by which each generation transmits to its successor -the result of its own labours and the means of improving them. The -necessity of inheritance, as far as the community is concerned, is -evident, and its extension to the individual is an obvious consequence. -But whatever reproaches Communists may deserve in this respect are -equally applicable to all the other progressive sects. They are all -pervaded by an anti-historic spirit, which leads them to conceive of -Society as though it had no ancestors; and this, although their own -ideas for the most part can have no bearing except upon posterity. - - [In fact, as a system, it is - worthless, though prompted - by noble feelings] - -Serious as these errors are, a philosophic mind will treat the -Communism of our day, so far as it is adopted in good faith, with -indulgence, whether he look at the motives from which it arose, or at -the practical results which will follow from it. It is hardly fair to -criticize the intrinsic merits of a doctrine, the whole meaning and -value of which are relative to the peculiar phase of society in which -it is proposed. Communism has in its own way discharged an important -function. It has brought prominently forward the greatest of social -problems; and, if we except the recent Positivist explanation, its -mode of stating it has never been surpassed. And let no one suppose -that it would have been enough simply to state the problem, without -hazarding any solution of it. Those who think so do not understand -the exigencies of man’s feeble intellect. In far easier subjects than -this, it is impossible to give prolonged attention to questions which -are simply asked, without any attempt to answer them. Suppose, for -instance, that Gall and Broussais had limited themselves to a simple -statement of their great problems without venturing on any solution; -their principles, however incontestable, would have been barren of -result, for want of that motive power of renovation which nothing can -give but a systematic solution of some kind or other, hazardous as the -attempt must be at first. Now it is hardly likely that we should be -able to evade this condition of our mental faculties in subjects which -are not only of the highest difficulty, but also more exposed than any -others to the influence of passion. Besides, when we compare the errors -of Communism with those of other social doctrines which have recently -received official sanction, we shall feel more disposed to palliate -them. Are they, for instance, more shallow and more really dangerous -than the absurd and chimerical notion which was accepted in France for -a whole generation, and is still upheld by so many political teachers; -the notion that the great Revolution has found its final issue in the -constitutional system of government, a system peculiar to England -during her stage of transition? Moreover, our so-called conservatives -only escape the errors of Communism by evading or ignoring its -problems, though they are becoming every day more urgent. Whenever -they are induced to deal with them, they render themselves liable to -exactly the same dangers, dangers common to all schools which reject -the division of the two powers, and which consequently are for ever -trying to make legislation do the work of morality. Accordingly we see -the governing classes nowadays upholding institutions of a thoroughly -Communist character, such as alms-houses, foundling hospitals, etc.; -while popular feeling strongly and rightly condemns such institutions, -as being incompatible with that healthy growth of home affection which -should be common to all ranks. - -Were it not that Communism is provisionally useful in antagonizing -other doctrines equally erroneous, it would have, then, no real -importance, except that due to the motives which originated it; since -its practical solution is far too chimerical and subversive ever to -obtain acceptance. Yet, from the high morality of these motives, it -will probably maintain and increase its influence until our working -men find that their wants can be more effectually satisfied by gentler -and surer means. Our republican system seems at first sight favourable -to the scheme; but it cannot fail soon to have the reverse effect, -because, while adopting the social principle which constitutes the real -merit of Communism, it repudiates its mischievous illusions. In France, -at all events, where property is so easy to acquire and is consequently -so generally enjoyed, the doctrine cannot lead to much practical harm; -rather its reaction will be beneficial, because it will fix men’s -minds more seriously on the just claims of the People. The danger is -far greater in other parts of Western Europe; especially in England, -where aristocratic influence is less undermined, and where consequently -the working classes are less advanced and more oppressed. And even -in Catholic countries, where individualism and anarchy have been met -by a truer sense of fraternity, Communistic disturbances can only be -avoided finally by a more rapid dissemination of Positivism, which will -ultimately dispel all social delusions, by offering the true solution -of the questions that gave rise to them. - -The nature of the evil shows us at once that the remedy we seek must -be almost entirely of a moral kind. This truth, based as it is on -real knowledge of human nature, the people will soon come to feel -instinctively. And here Communists are, without knowing it, preparing -the way for the ascendancy of Positivism. They are forcing upon men’s -notice in the strongest possible way a problem to which no peaceable -and satisfactory solution can be given, except by the new philosophy. - - [Property is a public trust, - not to be interfered with - legally] - -That philosophy, abandoning all useless and irritating discussion as -to the origin of wealth and the extent of its possession, proceeds at -once to the moral rules which should regulate it as a social function. -The distribution of power among men, of material power especially, lies -so far beyond our means of intervention, that to set it before us as -our main object to rectify the defects of the natural order in this -respect, would be to waste our short life in barren and interminable -disputes. The chief concern of the public is that power, in whosever -hands it may be placed, should be exercised for their benefit; and this -is a point to which we may direct our efforts with far greater effect. -Besides, by regulating the employment of wealth, we do, indirectly, -modify its tenure; for the mode in which wealth is held has some -secondary influence over the right use of it. - -The regulations required should be moral, not political in their -source; general, not special, in their application. Those who accept -them will do so of their own free will, under the influence of their -education. Thus their obedience, while steadily maintained, will have, -as Aristotle long ago observed, the merit of voluntary action. By -converting private property into a public function, we would subject -it to no tyrannical interference; for this, by the destruction of -free impulse and responsibility, would prove most deeply degrading to -man’s character. Indeed, the comparison of proprietors with public -functionaries will frequently be applied in the inverse sense; with the -view, that is, of strengthening the latter rather than of weakening -the former. The true principle of republicanism is, that all forces -shall work together for the common good. With this view we have on -the one hand, to determine precisely what it is that the common good -requires; and on the other, to develop the temper of mind most likely -to satisfy the requirement. The conditions requisite for these two -objects are, a recognized Code of principles, an adequate Education, -and a healthy direction of Public Opinion. For such conditions we must -look principally to the philosophic body which Positivism proposes to -establish at the apex of modern society. Doubtless this purely moral -influence would not be sufficient of itself. Human frailty is such that -Government, in the ordinary sense of the word, will have as before -to repress by force the more palpable and more dangerous class of -delinquencies. But this additional control, though necessary, will not -fill so important a place as it did in the Middle Ages under the sway -of Catholicism. Spiritual rewards and punishments will preponderate -over temporal, in proportion as human development evokes a stronger -sense of the ties which unite each with all, by the threefold bond of -Feeling, Thought, and Action. - - [Inheritance favourable to - its right employment] - -Positivism, being more pacific and more efficacious than Communism, -because more true, is also broader and more complete in its solution -of great social problems. The superficial view of property, springing -too often from envious motives, which condemns Inheritance because -it admits of possession without labour, is not subversive merely, -but narrow. From the moral point of view we see at once the radical -weakness of these empirical reproaches. They show blindness to the -fact that this mode of transmitting wealth is really that which is -most likely to call out the temper requisite for its right employment. -It saves the mind and the heart from the mean and sordid habits which -are so often engendered by slow accumulation of capital. The man who -is born to wealth is more likely to feel the wish to be respected. And -thus those whom we are inclined to condemn as idlers may very easily -become the most useful of the rich classes, under a wise reorganization -of opinions and habits. Of course too, since with the advance of -Civilization the difficulty of living without industry increases, the -class that we are speaking of becomes more and more exceptional. In -every way, then, it is a most serious mistake to wish to upset society -on account of abuses which are already in course of removal, and which -admit of conversion to a most beneficial purpose. - - [Intellect needs moral - control as much as wealth] - -Again, another feature in which the Positivist solution surpasses the -Communist, is the remarkable completeness of its application. Communism -takes no account of anything but wealth; as if wealth were the only -power in modern society badly distributed and administered. In reality -there are greater abuses connected with almost every other power that -man possesses; and especially with the powers of intellect; yet these -our visionaries make not the smallest attempt to rectify. Positivism -being the only doctrine that embraces the whole sphere of human -existence, is therefore the only doctrine that can elevate Social -Feeling to its proper place, by extending it to all departments of -human activity without exception. Identification, in a moral sense, of -private functions with public duties is even more necessary in the case -of the scientific man or the artist, than in that of the proprietor; -whether we look at the source from which his powers proceed, or at -the object to which they should be directed. Yet the men who wish to -make material wealth common, the only kind of wealth that can be held -exclusively by an individual, never extend their utopian scheme to -intellectual wealth, in which it would be far more admissible. In fact -the apostles of Communism often come forward as zealous supporters -of what they call literary property. Such inconsistencies show the -shallowness of the system; it proclaims its own failure in the very -cases that are most favourable for the application. The extension of -the principle here suggested would expose at once the inexpediency -of political regulations on the subject, and the necessity of moral -rules; for these and these only can ensure the right use of all our -faculties without distinction. Intellectual effort, to be of any -value, must be spontaneous; and it is doubtless an instinctive sense -of this truth which prevents Communists from subjecting intellectual -faculties to their utopian regulations. But Positivism can deal with -these faculties which stand in the most urgent need of wise direction, -without inconsistency and without disturbance. It leaves to them -their fair measure of free action; and in the case of other faculties -which, though less eminent, are hardly less dangerous to repress, it -strengthens their freedom. When a pure morality arises capable of -impressing a social tendency upon every phase of human activity, the -freer our action becomes the more useful will it be to the public. The -tendency of modern civilization, far from impeding private industry, is -to entrust it more and more with functions, especially with those of a -material kind, which were originally left to government. Unfortunately -this tendency, which is very evident, leads economists into the mistake -of supposing that industry may be left altogether without organization. -All that it really proves is that the influence of moral principles is -gradually preponderating over that of governmental regulations. - - [Action of organized public - opinion upon Capitalists. - Strikes] - -The method which is peculiar to Positivism of solving our great -social problems by moral agencies, will be found applicable also to -the settlement of industrial disputes, so far as the popular claims -involved are well founded. These claims will thus become clear from -all tendency to disorder, and will consequently gain immensely in -force; especially when they are seen to be consistent with principles -which are freely accepted by all, and when they are supported by -a philosophic body of known impartiality and enlightenment. This -spiritual power, while impressing on the people the duty of respecting -their temporal leaders, will impose duties upon these latter, which -they will find impossible to evade. As all classes will have received -a common education, they will all alike be penetrated with the general -principles on which these special obligations will rest. And these -weapons, derived from no source but that of Feeling and Reason, and -aided solely by Public Opinion, will wield an influence over practical -life, of which nothing in the present day can give any conception. We -might compare it with the influence of Catholicism in the Middle Ages, -only that men are too apt to attribute the results of Catholicism -to the chimerical hopes and fears which it inspired, rather than to -the energy with which praise and blame were distributed. With the new -spiritual power praise and blame will form the only resource; but it -will be developed and consolidated to a degree which, as I have before -shown, was impossible for Catholicism. - -This is the only real solution of the disputes that are so constantly -arising between workmen and their employers. Both parties will look -to this philosophic authority as a supreme court of arbitration. In -estimating its importance, we must not forget that the antagonism of -employer and employed has not yet been pushed to its full consequences. -The struggle between wealth and numbers would have been far more -serious, but for the fact that combination, without which there can be -no struggle worth speaking of, has hitherto only been permitted to the -capitalist. It is true that in England combinations of workmen are not -legally prohibited. But in that country they are not yet sufficiently -emancipated either intellectually or morally, to make such use of the -power as would be the case in France. When French workmen are allowed -to concert their plans as freely as their employers, the antagonism -of interests that will then arise will make both sides feel the need -of a moral power to arbitrate between them. Not that the conciliating -influence of such a power will ever be such as to do away entirely with -extreme measures; but it will greatly restrict their application, and -in cases where they are unavoidable, will mitigate their excesses. Such -measures should be limited on both sides to refusal of co-operation; a -power which every free agent ought to be allowed to exercise, on his -own personal responsibility, with the object of impressing on those who -are teaching him unjustly the importance of the services which he has -been rendering. The workman is not to be compelled to work any more -than the capitalist to direct. Any abuse of this extreme protest on -either side will of course be disapproved by the moral power; but the -option of making the protest is always to be reserved to each element -in the collective organism, by virtue of his natural independence. -In the most settled times functionaries have always been allowed to -suspend their services on special occasions. It was done frequently in -the Middle Ages by priests, professors, judges, etc. All we have to -do is to regulate this privilege, and embody it into the industrial -system. This will be one of the secondary duties of the philosophic -body, who will naturally be consulted on most of these occasions, as -on all others of public or private moment. The formal sanction which -it may give to a suspension or positive prohibition of work would -render such a measure far more effective than it is at present. The -operation of the measure is but partial at present, but it might in -this way extend, first to all who belong to the same trade, then to -other branches of industry, and even ultimately to every Western nation -that accepts the same spiritual guides. Of course persons who think -themselves aggrieved may always resort to this extreme course on their -own responsibility, against the advice of the philosophic body. True -spiritual power confines itself to giving counsel: it never commands. -But in such cases, unless the advice given by the philosophers has been -wrong, the suspension of work is not likely to be sufficiently general -to bring about any important result. - -This theory of trade-unions is, in fact, in the industrial world, -what the power of insurrection is with regard to the higher social -functions; it is an ultimate resource which every collective organism -must reserve. The principle is the same in the simpler and more -ordinary cases as in the more unusual and important. In both the -intervention of the philosophic body, whether solicited or not, whether -its purpose be to organize popular effort or to repress it, will -largely influence the result. - -We are now in a position to state with more precision the main -practical difference between the policy of Positivism, and that of -Communism or of Socialism. All progressive political schools agree in -concentrating their attention upon the problem, How to give the people -their proper place as a component element of modern Society, which -ever since the Middle Ages has been tending more and more distinctly -to its normal mode of existence. They also agree that the two great -requirements of the working classes are, the organization of Education, -and the organization of Labour. But here their agreement ends. When -the means of effecting these two objects have to be considered, -Positivists find themselves at issue with all other Progressive -schools. They maintain that the organization of Industry must be based -upon the organization of Education. It is commonly supposed that both -may be begun simultaneously: or indeed that Labour may be organized -irrespectively of Education. It may seem as if we are making too much -of a mere question of arrangement; yet the difference is one which -affects the whole character and method of social reconstruction. The -plan usually followed is simply a repetition of the old attempt to -reconstruct politically without waiting for spiritual reconstruction; -in other words, to raise the social edifice before its intellectual and -moral foundations have been laid. Hence the attempts made to satisfy -popular requirements by measures of a purely political kind, because -they appear to meet the evil directly; a course which is as useless -as it is destructive. Positivism, on the contrary, substitutes for -such agencies, an influence which is sure and peaceful, although it be -gradual and indirect; the influence of a more enlightened morality, -supported by a purer state of Public Opinion; such opinion being -organized by competent minds, and diffused freely amongst the people. -In fact, the whole question, whether the solution of the twofold -problem before us is to be empirical, revolutionary, and therefore -confined simply to France; or whether it is to be consistent, pacific, -and applicable to the whole of Western Europe, depends upon the -preference or the postponement of the organization of Labour to the -organization of Education. - - [Public Opinion must be - based upon a sound system of - Education] - -This conclusion involves a brief explanation of the general system of -education which Positivism will introduce. This the new spiritual power -regards as its principal function, and as its most efficient means of -satisfying the working classes in all reasonable demands. - -It was the great social virtue of Catholicism, that it introduced -for the first time, as far as circumstances permitted, a system of -education common to all classes without distinction, not excepting -even those who were still slaves. It was a vast undertaking, yet -essential to its purpose of founding a spiritual power which was to be -independent of the temporal power. Apart from its temporary value, it -has left us one imperishable principle, namely that in all education -worthy of the name, moral training should be regarded as of greater -importance than scientific teaching. Catholic education, however, was -of course, extremely defective; owing partly to the circumstances of -the time, and partly to the weakness of the doctrine on which it -rested. Having reference almost exclusively to the oppressed masses, -the principal lesson which it taught was the duty of almost passive -resignation, with the exception of certain obligations imposed upon -rulers. Intellectual culture in any true sense there was none. All -this was natural in a faith which directed men’s highest efforts to -an object unconnected with social life, and which taught that all the -phenomena of nature were regulated by an impenetrable Will. Catholic -Education was consequently quite unsuited to any period but the -Middle Ages; a period during which the advanced portion of Humanity -was gradually ridding itself of the ancient institution of slavery, -by commuting it first into serfdom, as a preliminary step to entire -personal freedom. In the ancient world Catholic education would have -been too revolutionary; at the present time it would be servile and -inadequate. Its function was that of directing the long and difficult -transition from the social life of Antiquity to that of Modern times. -Personal emancipation once obtained, the working classes began to -develop their powers and rise to their true position as a class; and -they soon became conscious of intellectual and social wants which -Catholicism was wholly incapable of satisfying. - -And yet this is the only real system of universal education which the -world has hitherto seen. For we cannot give that name to the so-called -University system which metaphysicians began to introduce into Europe -at the close of the Middle Ages; and which offered little more than -the special instruction previously given to the priesthood; that -is, the study of the Latin language, with the dialectical training -required for the defence of their doctrines. Morals were untaught -except as a part of the training of the professed theologian. All this -metaphysical and literary instruction was of no great service to social -evolution, except so far as it developed the critical power; it had, -however, a certain indirect influence on the constructive movement, -especially on the development of Art. But its defects, both practical -and theoretical, have been made more evident by its application to -new classes of society, whose occupations, whether practical or -speculative, required a very different kind of training. And thus, -while claiming the title of Universal, it never reached the working -classes, even in Protestant countries, where each believer became to a -certain extent his own priest. - -The theological method being obsolete, and the metaphysical method -inadequate, the task of founding an efficient system of popular -education belongs to Positivism; the only doctrine capable of -reconciling these two orders of conditions, the intellectual and the -moral, which are equally necessary, but which since the Middle Ages -have always proved incompatible. Positivist education, while securing -the supremacy of the heart over the understanding more efficiently -than Catholicism, will yet put no obstacle in the way of intellectual -growth. The function of Intellect, in education as in practical life, -will be to regulate Feeling; the culture of which, beginning at birth, -will be maintained by constant exercise of the three classes of duties -relative to Self, to the Family, and to Society. - -I have already explained the mode in which the principles of universal -morality will be finally co-ordinated; a task which, as I have shown, -is connected with the principal function of the new spiritual power. -I have now only to point out the paramount influence of morality on -every part of Positive Education. It will be seen to be connected at -first spontaneously, and afterwards in a more systematic form, with the -entire system of human knowledge. - -Positive Education, adapting itself to the requirements of the Organism -with which it has to deal, subordinates intellectual conditions -to social. Social conditions are considered as the main object, -intellectual as but the means of attaining it. Its principal aim is -to induce the working classes to accept their high social function of -supporting the spiritual power, while at the same time it will render -them more efficient in their own special duties. - - [Education has two stages: - from birth to puberty, from - puberty to adolescence. - The first, consisting of - physical and esthetic - training to be given at home] - -Presuming that Education extends from birth to manhood, we may divide -it into two periods, the first ending with puberty, that is, at the -beginning of industrial apprenticeship. Education here should be -essentially spontaneous, and should be carried on as far as possible -in the bosom of the family. The only studies required should be of -an esthetic kind. In the second period, Education takes a systematic -form, consisting chiefly of a public course of scientific lectures, -explaining the essential laws of the various orders of phenomena. -These lectures will be the groundwork of Moral Science, which will -co-ordinate the whole, and point out the relation of each part to -the social purpose common to all. Thus, at about the time which long -experience has fixed as that of legal majority, and when in most -cases the term of apprenticeship closes, the workman will be prepared -intellectually and morally for his public and private service. - -The first years of life, from infancy to the end of the period of -second dentition, should be devoted to education of the physical -powers, carried on under the superintendence of the parents, -especially of the mother. Physical education, as usually practised, -is nothing but mere muscular exercise; but a more important object is -that of training the senses, and giving manual skill, so as to develop -from the very first our powers of observation and action. Study, in -the ordinary acceptation, there should be none during this period, not -even reading or writing. An acquaintance with facts of various kinds, -such as may spontaneously attract the growing powers of attention, -will be the only instruction received. The philosophic system of the -infant individual, like that of the infant species, consists in pure -Fetichism, and its natural development should not be disturbed by -unwise interference. The only care of the parents will be to impress -those feelings and habits for which a rational basis will be given -at a later period. By taking every opportunity of calling the higher -instincts into play, they will be laying down the best foundation for -true morality. - -During the period of about seven years comprised between the second -dentition and puberty, Education will become somewhat more systematic; -but it will be limited to the culture of the fine arts; and it will -be still most important, especially on moral grounds, to avoid -separation from the family. The study of Art should simply consist -in practising it more or less systematically. No formal lectures are -necessary, at least for the purposes of general education, though of -course for professional purposes they may still be required. There is -no reason why these studies should not be carried on at home by the -second generation of Positivists, when the culture of the parents will -be sufficiently advanced to allow them to superintend it. They will -include Poetry, the art on which all the rest are based; and the two -most important of the special arts, music and drawing. Meantime the -pupil will become familiar with the principal Western languages, which -are included in the study of Poetry, since modern poetry cannot be -properly appreciated without them. Moreover, independently of esthetic -considerations, a knowledge of them is most important morally, as -a means of destroying national prejudices, and of forming the true -Positivist standard of Occidental feeling. Each nation will be taught -to consider it a duty to learn the language of contiguous countries; an -obvious principle, which, in the case of Frenchmen, will involve their -learning all the other four languages, as a consequence of that central -position which gives them so many advantages. When this rule becomes -general, and the natural affinities of the five advanced nations are -brought fully into play, a common Occidental language will not be long -in forming itself spontaneously, without the aid of any metaphysical -scheme for producing a language that shall be absolutely universal. - -During the latter portion of primary Education, which is devoted to -the culture of the imaginative powers, the philosophic development -of the individual, corresponding to that of the race, will carry -him from the simple Fetichism with which he began to the state of -Polytheism. This resemblance between the growth of the individual and -that of society has always shown itself more or less, in spite of the -irrational precautions of Christian teachers. They have never been -able to give children a distaste for those simple tales of fairies and -genii, which are natural to this phase. The Positivist teacher will -let this tendency take its own course. It should not, however, involve -any hypocrisy on the part of the parents, nor need it lead to any -subsequent contradiction. The simple truth is enough. The child may -be told that these spontaneous beliefs are but natural to his age, but -that they will gradually lead him on to others, by the fundamental law -of all human development. Language of this kind will not only have the -advantage of familiarizing him with a great principle of Positivism, -but will stimulate the nascent sense of sociability, by leading him -to sympathize with the various nations who still remain at his own -primitive stage of intellectual development. - - [The second part consists - of public lectures on the - Sciences, from Mathematics - to Sociology] - -The second part of Positivist Education cannot be conducted altogether -at home, since it involves public lectures, in which of course the -part taken by the parent can only be accessory. But this is no reason -for depriving the pupil of the advantages of family life; it remains -as indispensable as ever to his moral development, which is always to -be the first consideration. It will be easy for him to follow the best -masters without weakening his sense of personal and domestic morality, -which is the almost inevitable result of the monastic seclusion of -modern schools. The public-school system is commonly thought to -compensate for these disadvantages, by the knowledge of the world which -it gives; but this is better obtained by free intercourse with society, -where sympathies are far more likely to be satisfied. Recognition -of this truth would do much to facilitate and improve popular -education; and it applies to all cases, except perhaps to some special -professions, where seclusion of the pupils may still be necessary, -though even in these cases probably it may be ultimately dispensed with. - -The plan to be followed in this period of education, will obviously be -that indicated by the encyclopædic law of Classification, which forms -part of my Theory of Development. Scientific study, whether for the -working man or the philosopher, should begin with the inorganic world -around us, and then pass to the subject of Man and Society; since our -ideas on these two subjects form the basis of our practical action. The -first class of studies, as I have stated before, includes four sciences -which we may arrange in pairs: Mathematics and Astronomy forming the -first pair; Physics and Chemistry the second. To each of these pairs, -two years may be given. But as the first ranges over a wide field, and -is of greater logical importance, it will require two lectures weekly; -whereas, for all the subsequent studies one lecture will be sufficient. -Besides, during these two years, the necessities of practical life -will not press heavily, and more time may fairly be spent in mental -occupation. From the study of inorganic science, the pupil will proceed -to Biology: this subject may easily be condensed in the fifth year -into a series of forty lectures, without really losing either its -philosophic or its popular character. This concludes the introductory -part of Education. The student will now co-ordinate all his previous -knowledge by the direct study of Sociology, statically and dynamically -viewed. On this subject also forty lectures will be given, in which the -structure and growth of human societies, especially those of modern -times, will be clearly explained. With this foundation we come to the -last of the seven years of pupillage, in which the great social purpose -of the scheme is at last reached. It will be devoted to a systematic -exposition of Moral Science, the principles of which may be now fully -understood by the light of the knowledge previously obtained of the -World, of Life, and of Humanity. - -During this course of study, part of the three unoccupied months of -each year will be spent in public examinations, to test the degree to -which the instruction has been assimilated. The pupils will of their -own accord continue their esthetic pursuits, even supposing their -natural tastes in this direction not to be encouraged as they ought to -be. During the last two years the Latin and Greek languages might be -acquired, as an accessory study, which would improve the poetic culture -of the student, and be useful to him in the historical and moral -questions with which he will then be occupied. For the purposes of Art, -Greek is the more useful of the two; but in the second object, that of -enabling us to realize our social Filiation, Latin is of even greater -importance. - -In the course of these seven years the philosophic development of the -individual, preserving its correspondence with that of the race, will -pass through its last phase. As the pupil passed before from Fetichism -to Polytheism, so he will now pass, as spontaneously, into Monotheism, -induced by the influence on his imaginative powers which hitherto have -been supreme, of the spirit of discussion. No interference should be -offered to this metaphysical transition, which is the homage that he -pays to the necessary conditions under which mankind arrives at truth. -There is something in this provisional phase which evidently harmonizes -well with the abstract and independent character of Mathematics, with -which the two first years of the seven are occupied. As long as more -attention is given to deduction than to induction, the mind cannot but -retain a leaning to metaphysical theories. Under their influence the -student will soon reduce his primitive theology to Deism of a more or -less distinct kind; and this during his physico-chemical studies will -most likely degenerate into a species of Atheism; which last phase, -under the enlightening influence of biological and still more of -sociological knowledge, will be finally replaced by Positivism. Thus at -the time fixed for the ultimate study of moral science, each new member -of Humanity will have been strongly impressed by personal experience, -with a sense of historical Filiation, and will be enabled to sympathize -with his ancestors and contemporaries, while devoting his practical -energies to the good of his successors. - - [Travels of Apprentices] - -There is an excellent custom prevalent among the working men of France -and creditable to their good sense, with which our educational scheme -seems at first sight incompatible. I refer to the custom of travelling -from place to place during the last years of apprenticeship; which -is as beneficial to their mind and character, as the purposeless -excursions of our wealthy and idle classes are in most cases injurious. -But there is no necessity for its interfering with study, since it -always involves long residence in the chief centres of production, -where the workman is sure to find annual courses of lectures similar -to those which he would otherwise have been attending at home. -As the structure and distribution of the philosophic body will -be everywhere the same, there need be no great inconvenience in -these changes. For every centre not more than seven teachers will -be required; each of whom will take the whole Encyclopædic scale -successively. Thus the total number of lectures will be so small as -to admit of a high standard of merit being everywhere attained, and -of finding everywhere a fair measure of material support. So far from -discouraging the travelling system, Positivism will give it a new -character, intellectually and socially, by extending the range of -travel to the whole of Western Europe, since there is no part of it in -which the workman will not be able to prosecute his education. The -difference of language will then be no obstacle. Not only would the -sense of fraternity among Western nations be strengthened by such a -plan, but great improvement would result esthetically. The languages -of Europe would be learnt more thoroughly, and there would be a -keener appreciation of works of art, whether musical, pictorial, or -architectural; for these can never be properly appreciated but in the -country which gave them birth. - - [Concentration of study] - -Judging by our present practice, it would seem impossible to include -such a mass of important scientific studies, as are here proposed, -in three hundred and sixty lectures. But the length to which courses -of lectures on any subject extend at present, is owing partly to the -special or professional object with which the course is given, and -still more to the discursive and unphilosophical spirit of most of the -teachers, consequent on the miserable manner in which our scientific -system is organized. Such a regeneration of scientific studies as -Positivism proposes, will animate them with a social spirit, and thus -give them a larger and more comprehensive tendency. Teachers will -become more practised in the art of condensing, and their lectures -will be far more substantial. They will not indeed be a substitute for -voluntary effort, on which all the real value of teaching depends. -Their aim will be rather to direct such effort. A striking example, -which is not so well remembered as it should be, will help to explain -my meaning. At the first opening of the Polytechnic School, courses of -lectures were given, very appropriately named _Revolutionary Courses_, -which concentrated the teaching of three years into three months. -What was in that case an extraordinary anomaly, due to republican -enthusiasm, may become the normal state when a moral power arises -not inferior in energy, and yet based upon a consistent intellectual -synthesis, of which our great predecessors of the Revolution could have -no conception. - -Little attention has hitherto been given to the didactic value of -Feeling. Since the close of the Middle Ages, the heart has been -neglected in proportion as the mind has been cultivated. But it is -the characteristic principle of Positivism, a principle as fertile in -intellectual as in moral results, that the Intellect, whether we look -at its natural or at its normal position, is subordinate to Social -Feeling. Throughout this course of popular education, parents and -masters will seize every suitable occasion for calling Social Feeling -into play; and the most abstruse subjects will often be vivified by its -influence. The office of the mind is to strengthen and to cultivate the -heart; the heart again should animate and direct the mental powers. -This mutual influence of general views and generous feelings will -have greater effect upon scientific study, from the esthetic culture -previously given, in which such habits of mind will have been formed, -as will give grace and beauty to the whole life. - - [Governmental assistance not - required, except for certain - special institutions, and - this only as a provisional - measure] - -When I speak of this education as specially destined for the people, -I am not merely using words to denote its comprehensiveness and -philosophic character. It is, in my opinion, the only education, -with the exception of certain special branches, for which public -organization is needed. It should be looked on as a sacred debt which -the republic owes to the working classes. But the claim does not extend -to other classes, who can easily pay for any special instruction that -they may require. Besides such instruction will be only a partial -development of the more general teaching, or an application of it to -some particular purpose. Therefore if the general training be sound, -most people will be able to prosecute accessory studies by themselves. -Apprenticeship to any business involves very little, except the -practice of it. Even in the highest arts, no course of systematic -instruction is necessary. The false views now prevalent on the subject -are due to the unfortunate absence of all general education, since -the decay of Catholicism. The special institutions founded in Europe -during the last three centuries, and carefully remodelled in France -by the Convention, are only valuable as containing certain germs of -truth, which will be found indispensable when general education is -finally reorganized. But important as they may be from a scientific -aspect, their practical utility, which seems to have been the motive -for establishing them, is exceedingly doubtful. The arts which they -were intended to promote could have done perfectly well without them. I -include in these remarks such institutions as the Polytechnic School, -the Museum of Natural History, etc. Their value, like that of all -good institutions of modern times, is purely provisional. Viewed in -this light, it may be worth our while to reorganize them. Positivist -principles, discarding all attempts to make them permanent, will be all -the better able to adapt them to their important temporary purpose. -Indeed there are some new institutions which it might be advisable to -form; such, for instance, as a School of Comparative Philology, the -object of which would be to range all human languages according to -their true affinities. This would compensate the suppression of Greek -and Latin professorships, which is certainly an indispensable measure. -But the whole of this provisional framework would no doubt disappear -before the end of the nineteenth century, when a system of general -education will have been thoroughly organized. The present necessity -for a provisional system should lead to no misconception of its -character and purpose. Working men are the only class who have a real -claim upon the State for instruction; and this, if wisely organized, -dispenses with the necessity of special institutions. The adoption of -these views would at once facilitate and ennoble popular education. -Nations, provinces, and towns will vie with one another in inviting -the best teachers that the spiritual authorities of Western Europe can -supply. And every true philosopher will take pride in such teaching, -when it becomes generally understood that the popular character of -his lectures implies that they shall be at the same time systematic. -Members of the new spiritual power will in most cases regard teaching -as their principal occupation, for at least a considerable portion of -their public life. - - [We are not ripe for this - system at present; and - Government must not attempt - to hasten its introduction] - -What has been said makes it clear that any organization of such -education as this at the present time would be impossible. However -sincere the intentions of governments to effect this great result -might be, any premature attempt to do it would but injure the work, -especially if they put in a claim to superintend it. The truth is -that a system of education, if it deserve the name, presupposes the -acceptance of a definite philosophical and social creed to determine -its character and purpose. Children cannot be brought up in convictions -contrary to those of their parents; indeed, the influence of the -parent is essential to the instructor. Opinions and habits that have -been already formed may subsequently be strengthened by an educational -system; but the carrying out of any such system is impossible, -until the principles of combined action and belief have been well -established. Till then the organization that we propose can only be -effected in the case of individuals who are ripe for it. Each of -these will endeavour to repair the faults and deficiencies of his own -education in the best way he can, by the aid of the general doctrine -which he accepts. Assuming that the doctrine is destined to triumph, -the number of such minds gradually increases, and they superintend the -social progress of the next generation. This is the natural process, -and no artificial interference can dispense with it. So far, then, from -inviting government to organize education, we ought rather to exhort it -to abdicate the educational powers which it already holds, and which, -I refer more especially to France, are either useless or a source of -discord. There are only two exceptions to this remark, namely, primary -education, and special instruction in certain higher branches. Of these -I have already spoken. But with these exceptions, it is most desirable -that government, whether municipal or central, should surrender its -unreasonable monopoly, and establish real liberty of teaching; the -condition of such liberty being, as I said before, the suppression of -all annual grants whatsoever for theological or metaphysical purposes. -Until some universal faith has been accepted on its own merits, all -attempts made by Government to reform education must necessarily -be reactionary; since they will always be based on some one of the -retrogressive creeds which it is our object to supersede altogether. - -It is with adults, then, that we must deal. We must endeavour to -disseminate systematic convictions among them, and thus open the -door to a real reform of education for the next generation. The -press and the power of free speech offer many ways of bringing -about this result. The most important of these would be a more or -less connected series of popular lectures on the various positive -sciences, including history, which may now be ranked among them. Now -for these lectures to produce their full effect, they must even when -treating of the most elementary point in mathematics, be thoroughly -philosophic and consequently animated by a social spirit. They must -be entirely independent of government, so as not to be hampered by -any of the authorized views. Lastly, there is a condition in which -all the rest are summed up. These lectures should be Occidental, not -simply National. What we require is a free association of philosophers -throughout Western Europe, formed by the voluntary co-operation of all -who can contribute efficiently to this great preliminary work; their -services being essentially gratuitous. It is a result which no system -but Positivism is capable of effecting. By its agency that coalition -between philosophers and the working classes, on which so much depends, -will speedily be established. - -While the work of propagating Positivist convictions is going on in the -free and unrestricted manner here described, the spiritual authority -will at the same time be forming itself, and will be prepared to make -use of these convictions as the basis for social regeneration. Thus -the transitional state will be brought as nearly as possible into -harmony with the normal state; and this the more in proportion as the -natural affinity between philosophers and workmen is brought out more -distinctly. The connexion between Positivist lectures and Positivist -clubs will illustrate my meaning. While the lectures prepare the -way for the Future, the clubs work in the same direction by judging -the Past, and advising for the Present; so that we have at once a -beginning of the three essential functions of the new spiritual power. - -We have now a clear conception of popular education in its provisional, -and in its normal state. Long before the normal state can be realized, -the mutual action of philosophers and workmen will have done great -service to both. Meeting with such powerful support from the people, -the rising spiritual power will win the respect if not the affection -of their rulers, even of those among them who are now the most -contemptuous of every influence but that of material power. Their -excess of pride will often be so far humbled that they will invite -its mediation in cases where the people have been roused to just -indignation. The force of numbers seems at first so violent as to carry -all before it; but in the end it usually proves far inferior to that -of wealth. It cannot exist for any length of time without complete -convergence of opinion and feeling. Hence, a spiritual power has very -great weight in controlling or directing its action. Philosophers will -never, indeed, be able to manage the working classes as they please, -as some unprincipled agitators have imagined; but when they exercise -their authority rightly, whether it be in the cause of Order or that -of Progress, they will have great power over their passions and -conduct. Such influence can only spring from long cherished feelings -of gratitude and trust, due not merely to presumed capacity but to -services actually rendered. No one is a fit representative of his own -claims; but the philosopher may honourably represent the cause of -working men before the governing classes; and the people will in their -turn compel their rulers to respect the new spiritual power. By this -habitual exchange of services the aspirations of the people will be -kept clear of all subversive tendencies, and philosophers will be led -to abandon the folly of seeking political power. Neither class will -degrade itself by making its own interest the chief consideration: each -will find its own reward in keeping to the nobler course of its own -social duty. - - [Intellectual attitude of - the people. Emancipation - from theological belief] - -To complete this view of the political attitude which Positivism -recommends to the working class, I have now to speak of the -intellectual and moral conditions which that attitude requires, and on -which the character of their spiritual leaders depends. What is wanted -is only a more perfect development of tendencies which already exist in -the people, and which have already shown themselves strong in Paris, -the centre of the great Western movement. - -Intellectually the principal conditions are two; Emancipation from -obsolete beliefs, and a sufficient amount of mental culture. - -The emancipation of the working classes from theology is complete, at -least in Paris. In no other class has it so entirely lost its power. -The shallow deism, which satisfies so many of our literary men, finds -little favour with the people. They are happily unversed in studies -of words and abstractions, without which this last stage in the -process of emancipation speedily comes to an end. We only require a -stronger expression of popular feeling on this point, so as to avoid -all deception and false statement as to the intellectual character of -the reorganization that is going on. And the freedom that we are now -enjoying will admit of these feelings being unmistakably manifested, -especially now that they have the new philosophy for their exponent. -A distinct declaration of opinion on this subject is urgently needed -on social grounds. That hypocritical affectation of theological belief -against which we have to fight, is designed to prevent, or at least -has the effect of preventing, the just enforcement of popular claims. -These unscrupulous attempts to mystify the people involve their mental -subjection. The result is, that their legitimate aspirations for real -progress are evaded, by diverting their thoughts towards an imaginary -future state. It is for the working classes themselves to break -through this concerted scheme, which is even more contemptible than -it is odious. They have only to declare without disguise what their -intellectual position really is; and to do this so emphatically as -to make any mistake on the part of the governing classes impossible. -They will consequently reject all teachers who are insufficiently -emancipated, or who in any way support the system of theological -hypocrisy, which, from Robespierre downwards, has been the refuge of -all reactionists, whether democrat or royalist. But there are teachers -of another kind, who sincerely maintain that our life here on earth is -a temporary banishment, and that we ought to take as little interest -in it as possible. A prompt answer may be given to such instructors -as these. They should be requested to follow out their principle -consistently, and to cease to interfere in the management of a world -which is so alien to what, in their ideas, is the sole aim of life. - - [From metaphysical doctrines] - -Metaphysical principles have more hold on our working classes than -theological; yet their abandonment is equally necessary. The subtle -extravagances by which the German mind has been so confused, find, -it is true, little favour in Catholic countries. But even in Paris -the people retains a prejudice in favour of metaphysical instruction, -though happily it has not been able to obtain it. It is most desirable -that this last illusion of our working classes should be dissipated, -as it forms the one great obstacle to their social action. One -reason for it is that they fall into the common error of confounding -knowledge with intelligence, and imagine in their modesty that none -but instructed men are capable of governing. Now this error, natural -as it is, often leads them to choose incompetent leaders. A truer -estimate of modern society would teach them that it is not among our -literary, or even our scientific men, proud as they may be of their -attainments, that the largest number of really powerful intellects are -to be found. There are more of them among the despised practical class, -and even amongst the most uninstructed working men. In the Middle Ages -this truth was better known than it is now. Education was thought more -of than instruction. A knight would be appreciated for his sagacity -and penetration, and appointed to important posts, though he might be -extremely ignorant. Clear-sightedness, wisdom, and even consistency of -thought, are qualities which are very independent of learning; and, as -matters now stand, they are far better cultivated in practical life -than in scholastic study. In breadth of view, which lies at the root -of all political capacity, our literary classes have certainly shown -themselves far below the average. - - [Their mistaken preference - of literary and rhetorical - talent to real intellectual - power] - -And now we come to another and a deeper reason for the prejudice of -which I am speaking. It is that they make no distinction between -one kind of instruction and another. The unfortunate confidence -which they still bestow on literary men and lawyers shows that the -prestige of pedantry lingers among them longer than the prestige of -theology or monarchy. But all this will soon be altered under the -influence of republican government, and the strong discipline of a -sound philosophical system. Popular instinct will soon discover that -constant practice of the faculty of expression, whether in speech or -in writing, is no guarantee for real power of thought; indeed that it -has a tendency to incapacitate men from forming a clear and decided -judgment on any question. The instruction which such men receive is -utterly deficient in solid principles, and it almost always either -presupposes or causes a total absence of fixed convictions. Most minds -thus trained, while skilled in putting other men’s thoughts into shape, -become incapable of distinguishing true from false in the commonest -subjects, even when their own interest requires it. The people must -give up the feeling of blind respect which leads them to intrust such -men with their higher interests. Reverence for superiors is doubtless -indispensable to a well-ordered state; only it needs to be better -guided than it is now. - -What then, working men may ask, is the proper training for themselves, -and consequently for those who claim to guide them? The answer is, -systematic cultivation of the Positive spirit. It is already called -into exercise by their daily occupations; and all that is wanted is -to strengthen it by a course of scientific study. Their daily work -involves a rudimentary application of the Positive method: it turns -their attention to many most important natural laws. In fact, the -workmen of Paris, whom I take as the best type of their class, have -a clearer sense of that union of reality with utility by which the -Positive spirit is characterized, than most of our scientific men. -The speciality of their employment is no doubt disadvantageous with -respect to breadth and coherence of ideas. But it leaves the mind -free from responsibility, and this is the most favourable condition -for developing these qualities to which all vigorous intellects are -naturally disposed. But nothing will so strongly impress on the -people the importance of extending and organizing their scientific -knowledge, as their interest in social questions. Their determination -to rectify a faulty condition of society will suggest to them that -they must first know what the laws of Social life really are; -knowledge which is obviously necessary in every other subject. They -will then feel how impossible it is to understand the present state -of society, without understanding its relation on the one hand with -the Past, and on the other with the Future. Their desire to modify -the natural course of social phenomena will make them anxious to know -the antecedents and consequences of these phenomena, so as to avoid -all mischievous or useless interference. They will thus discover -that Political Art is even more dependent than other arts, upon -its corresponding Science. And then they will soon see that this -science is no isolated department of knowledge, but that it involves -preliminary study of Man and of the World. In this way they will pass -downwards through the hierarchic scale of Positive conceptions, until -they come back to the inorganic world, the sphere more immediately -connected with their own special avocations. And thus they will reach -the conclusion that Positivism is the only system which can satisfy -either the intellectual or material wants of the people, since its -subject-matter and its objects are identical with their own, and since, -like themselves, it subordinates everything to social considerations. -All that it claims is to present in a systematic form principles which -they already hold instinctively. By co-ordinating these principles of -morality and good sense, their value, whether in public or in private -questions, is largely increased; and the union of the two forms of -wisdom, theoretical and practical wisdom, is permanently secured. -When all this is understood, the people will feel some shame at -having entrusted questions of the greatest complexity to minds that -have never quite comprehended the difference between a cubic inch -and a cubic foot. As to men of science, in the common acceptation of -the word, who are so respected by the middle classes, we need not -be afraid of their gaining much influence with the people. They are -alienated from them by their utter indifference to social questions; -and before these their learned puerilities fade into insignificance. -Absorbed in the details of their own special science, they are quite -incapable of satisfying unsophisticated minds. What the people want is -to have clear conceptions on all subjects, _des clartés de tout_, as -Molière has it. Whenever the savants of our time are drawn by their -foolish ambition into politics, ordinary men find to their surprise -that, except in a few questions of limited extent and importance, -their minds have become thoroughly narrow under the influence of the -specializing system of which they are so proud. Positivism explains -the mystery, by showing that, since the necessity for the specializing -system now no longer exists, it naturally results if prolonged, in a -sort of academic idiocy. During the last three centuries it did real -service to society, by laying down the scientific groundwork for the -renovation of Philosophy projected by Bacon and Descartes. But as soon -as the groundwork was sufficiently finished to admit of the formation -of true Science, that is, of Science viewed relatively to Humanity, -the specializing method became retrograde. It ceased to be of any -assistance to the modern spirit; and indeed it is now, especially in -France, a serious obstacle to its diffusion and systematic working. -The wise revolutionists of the Convention were well aware of this -when they took the bold step of suppressing the Academy of Sciences. -The beneficial results of this statesman-like policy will soon be -appreciated by our workmen. The danger lest, in withdrawing their -confidence from metaphysicians or literary men, they should fall into -the bad scientific spirit, is not therefore very great. With the social -aims which they have in view, they cannot but see that generality in -their conceptions is as necessary as positivity. The Capitalist class -by which industry is directed, being more concentrated on special -objects, will always look on men of pure science with more respect. -But the people will be drawn by their political leanings towards -philosophers in the true sense of that word. The number of such men is -but very small at present; but it will soon increase at the call of the -working classes, and will indeed be recruited from their ranks. - - [Moral attitude of the - people. The workman should - regard himself as a public - functionary] - -This, then, should be the attitude of the working class, -intellectually. Morally, what is required is, that they should have -a sufficient sense of the dignity of labour, and that they should be -prepared for the mission that now lies before them. - -The workman must learn to look upon himself, morally, as a public -servant, with functions of a special and also of a general kind. Not -that he is to receive his wages for the future from the State instead -of from a private hand. The present plan is perfectly well adapted to -all services which are so direct and definite, that a common standard -of value can be at once applied to them. Only let it be understood -that the service is not sufficiently recompensed, without the social -feeling of gratitude towards the agent that performs it. In what are -called liberal professions, this feeling already obtains. The client or -patient is not dispensed from gratitude by payment of his fee. In this -respect the republican instincts of the Convention have anticipated the -teaching of philosophy. They valued the workman’s labour at its true -worth. Workmen have only to imagine labour suppressed or even suspended -in the trade to which they may belong, to see its importance to the -whole fabric of modern society. Their general function as a class, the -function of forming public opinion, and of supporting the action of -the spiritual power, it is of course less easy for them to understand -at present. But, as I have already shown, it follows so naturally -from their character and position, and corresponds so perfectly with -their requirements as a class, that they cannot fail to appreciate -its importance, when the course of events allows, or rather compels -them to bring it into play. The only danger lies in their insisting -on the possession of what metaphysicians call political rights, and -in engaging in useless discussions about the distribution of power, -instead of fixing their attention on the manner in which it is used. Of -this, however, there is no great fear, at all events in France, where -the metaphysical theory of Right has never reached so fanatical a pitch -with the working classes as elsewhere. Ideologists may blame them, and -may use their official influence as they will; but the people have too -much good sense to be permanently misled as to their true function in -society. Deluged as they have been with electoral votes, they will soon -voluntarily abandon this useless qualification, which now has not even -the charm of a privilege. Questions of pure politics have ceased to -interest the people; their attention is fixed, and will remain fixed, -on social questions, which are to be solved for the most part through -moral agencies. That substitutions of one person or party for another, -or that mere modifications of any kind in the administration should be -looked on as the final issue of the great Revolution, is a result in -which they will never acquiesce. - -And if this is to be the attitude of the people, it must be the -attitude no less of those who seek to gain their confidence. With -them, as with the people, political questions should be subordinate -to social questions; and with them the conviction should be even more -distinct, that the solution of social problems depends essentially -on moral agencies. They must, in fact, accept the great principle of -separation of spiritual from temporal power, as the basis on which -modern society is to be prominently organized. So entirely does the -principle meet the wants of the people, that they will soon insist -on its adoption by their teachers. They will accept none who do not -formally abandon any prospects they may have of temporal power, -parliamentary as well as administrative. And by thus dedicating their -lives without reservation to the priesthood of Humanity, they will gain -confidence, not merely from the people, but from the governing classes. -Governments will offer no impediment to social speculations which do -not profess to be susceptible of immediate application; and thus the -normal state may be prepared for in the future without disturbance, -and yet without neglecting the present. Practical statesmen meanwhile, -no longer interfered with by pretentious sophists, will give up their -retrograde tendencies, and will gradually adapt their policy to the new -ideas current in the public mind, while discharging the indispensable -function of maintaining material order. - - [Ambition of power and - wealth must be abandoned] - -For the people to rise to the true level of their position, they have -only to develop and cultivate certain dispositions which already -exist in them spontaneously. And the most important of these is, -absence of ambition for wealth or rank. Political metaphysicians -would say that the sole object of the Great Revolution was to give -the working classes easier access to political and civil power. But -this, though it should always be open to them, is very far from -meeting their true wants. Individuals among them may be benefited by -it, but the mass is left unaffected, or rather is placed often in -a worse position, by the desertion of the more energetic members. -The Convention is the only government by which this result has been -properly appreciated. It is the only government which has shown due -consideration for working men as such; which has recognized the value -of their services, and encouraged what is the chief compensation for -their condition of poverty, their participation in public life. All -subsequent governments, whether retrograde or constitutional, have, on -the contrary, done all they could to divert the people from their true -social function, by affording opportunity for individuals among them -to rise to higher positions. The monied classes, under the influence -of blind routine, have lent their aid to this degrading policy, by -continually preaching to the people the necessity of saving; a precept -which is indeed incumbent on their own class, but not on others. -Without saving, capital could not be accumulated and administered; it -is therefore of the highest importance that the monied classes should -be as economical as possible. But in other classes, and especially in -those dependent on fixed wages, parsimonious habits are uncalled for -and injurious; they lower the character of the labourer, while they -do little or nothing to improve his physical condition; and neither -the working classes nor their teachers should encourage them. Both -the one and the other will find their truest happiness in keeping -clear of all serious practical responsibility, and in allowing free -play to their mental and moral faculties in public as well as private -life. In spite of the Economists, savings-banks are regarded by the -working classes with unmistakable repugnance. And the repugnance is -justifiable; they do harm morally, by checking the exercise of generous -feelings. Again, it is the fashion to declaim against wine-shops; and -yet after all they are at present the only places where the people can -enjoy society. Social instincts are cultivated there which deserve our -approval far more than the self-helping spirit which carries men to -the savings-bank. No doubt this unconcern for money, wise as it is, -involves real personal risk; but it is a danger which civilization is -constantly tending to diminish, without effacing qualities which do -the workman honour, and which are the source of his most cherished -pleasures. The danger ceases when the mental and moral faculties -are called into stronger exercise. The interest which Positivism -will arouse among the people in public questions, will lead to the -substitution of the club for the wine-shop. In these questions, the -generous inspirations of popular instinct hold out a model which -philosophers will do well to follow themselves. Fondness for money is -as much a disqualification for the spiritual government of Humanity, as -political ambition. It is a clear proof of moral incompetence, which is -generally connected in one way or other with intellectual feebleness. - -One of the principal results of the spiritual power exercised by -philosophers and the working classes under the Positivist system, will -be to compensate by a just distribution of blame and praise for the -imperfect arrangements of social rank, in which wealth must always -preponderate. Leaving the present subordination of offices untouched, -each functionary will be judged by the intrinsic worth of his mind and -heart, without servility and yet without any encouragement to anarchy. -It must always be obvious that the political importance which high -position gives, is out of all proportion to the real merit implied -in gaining that position. The people will come to see more and more -clearly that real happiness, so far from depending on rank, is far more -compatible with their own humble station. Exceptional men no doubt -there are, whose character impels them to seek power; a character -more dangerous than useful, unless there be sufficient wisdom in the -social body to turn it to good account. The best workmen, like the -best philosophers, will soon cease to feel envy for greatness, laden, -as it always must be, with heavy responsibilities. At present, the -compensation which I hold out to them has not been realized; but when -it exists, the people will feel that their spiritual and temporal -leaders are combining all the energies of society for the satisfaction -of their wants. Recognizing this, they will care but little for fame -that must be bought by long and tedious meditation, or for power -burdened with constant care. There are men whose talents call them to -these important duties, and they will be left free to perform them; -but the great mass of society will be well satisfied that their own -lot is one far more in keeping with the constitution of our nature; -more compatible with that harmonious exercise of the faculties of -Thought, Feeling, and Action, which is most conducive to happiness. -The immediate pressure of poverty once removed, the highest reward of -honourable conduct will be found in the permanent esteem, posthumous as -it may be sometimes, of that portion of Humanity which has witnessed -it. In a word the title, _servus servorum_, which is still retained by -the Papacy from false humility, but which originated in anticipation of -a social truth, is applicable to all functionaries in high position. -They may be described as the involuntary servants of voluntary -subordinates. It is not chimerical to conceive Positivist society -so organized that its theoretical and practical directors, with all -their personal advantages, will often regret that they were not born, -or that they did not remain, in the condition of workmen. The only -solid satisfaction which great minds have hitherto found in political -or spiritual power has been that, being more occupied with public -interests, they had a wider scope for the exercise of social feeling. -But the excellence of the future condition of society will be, that the -possibility of combining public and private life will be open to all. -The humblest citizen will be able to influence not by command but by -counsel, in proportion to his energy and worth. - -All the views brought forward in this chapter bear out the statement -with which it began, that the Proletariate forms the principal basis -of the social system, not merely as finally constituted, but in its -present state of transition; and admitting this, the present state will -be seen to have no essential difference from the normal future to which -it tends. The principal conditions of our transitional policy were -described at the conclusion of the last chapter. The security for these -conditions is to be found in the natural tendencies of the people of -Western Europe, and especially of France. Our governors will do well to -follow these tendencies instead of attempting to lead them; for they -are in perfect keeping with the two great requirements of the present -time, Liberty and Public Order. - - [The working classes are the - best guarantee for Liberty - and for Order] - -Liberty of thought and speech is enjoyed in France, and especially in -Paris, to an extent impossible in any other country, and it is due -principally to the intellectual emancipation of our workmen. They have -rid themselves of theology in all its forms, and yet have not accepted -any metaphysical system. At the same time, though totally devoid at -present of systematic convictions, there is in them a submissiveness of -mind which predisposes them to receive convictions combining reality -with utility. In all other classes there is a tendency to use forcible -measures in spreading their doctrines when discussion fails. It is -only to the people that philosophers can look for the support and -extension of Liberty, which is so essential to their objects; and from -this they derive moral confidence far more reassuring than any legal -security. However reactionary or stationary the views of particular -leaders or sects may be, with such a population as that of Paris, no -real oppression is possible. Of all the claims which France has to the -leadership of Europe, this is the strongest. The resistance which is -still offered to freedom of association and freedom of education will -soon be overcome by the force of its liberal sympathies. A population -of such strong social feeling as ours will certainly not allow itself -to be permanently deprived of the power of meeting together freely -in clubs; institutions most conducive both to its culture and to -the protection of its interests. It will insist with equal force -upon perfect liberty of teaching, feeling deeply the need of solid -instruction, and the incapacity of metaphysicians and theologians -to give it. Without popular pressure, the essential conditions of -educational liberty will always be evaded. - -And if Liberty depends upon popular support, Public Order, whether -at home or abroad, depends upon it no less. The inclinations of the -working classes are altogether on the side of peace. Their strong -dislike of war is the principal reason of the present remarkable -tranquillity of Europe. The foolish regret expressed by all the -retrograde parties for the decline of the military spirit is a -sufficient indication of what the popular feeling is; but even more -significant is the necessity for compulsory enlistment, which began -in France and has extended to other parts of Europe. There has been -much factitious indignation on the subject, but at least it must be -allowed, that in our armies the officers are the only volunteers. -Again, the working class is more free than any other from international -prejudices, which still disunite the great family of Western nations, -although they are very much weaker than formerly. They are strongest in -the middle classes, a fact principally due to industrial competition. -But working men feel how similar their wants and their conditions -are in all countries, and this feeling checks their animosity. And -the consciousness of union will become far stronger, now that the -great social problem of their incorporation into modern society is -being raised everywhere. No errors that statesmen can commit, whether -in matters of war or peace, can prevent this from becoming the -preponderating question in every European country; and thus it tends to -preserve their mutual concord. - -Popular sympathies of this sort are, it may be said, less conducive -to internal tranquillity than to pacific foreign relations. But the -alarm which is naturally aroused by the spiritual anarchy around us -must not blind us to the real guarantees for Order which popular -tendencies, rightly interpreted, hold out. It is to the people that -we must look for the ascendancy of central over local power, which, -as we have seen, is so indispensable to public order. The executive -authority, provided only that it gives no cause to fear reaction, will -always have their support when opposed by an assembly the prevalent -tendencies of which will usually be adverse to their interests. They -will always turn instinctively to the dictatorial rather than to the -parliamentary branch of the administration; feeling that from its -practical character and the directness of its action, it is more likely -to meet their wants. Useless discussions on constitutional questions -may suit ambitious members of the middle classes, by facilitating their -arrival to power. But the people take very little interest in all this -unmeaning agitation, and often treat it with merited contempt. They -know that it can be of no use to them, and that its only result is -to evade their real wants by undermining the only authority that can -do them justice. Consequently the people are certain to give their -support to every government that deserves it; especially in France, -where political passions have already yielded to the superior and more -permanent interest of social questions. And while strengthening the -government they may do much to elevate its character; by confining -it strictly to its practical function, and resisting any attempts -that it may make to interfere with opinion. In all these respects -the spontaneous influence of the working classes will be of material -assistance in carrying out the systematic conceptions of social -philosophy. - - [It is from them that we - shall obtain the dictatorial - power which is provisionally - required] - -But a more striking proof of the political influence to be exercised -by the people is this. The dictatorship which our transitional policy -requires as long as the spiritual interregnum lasts must arise in the -first instance from their ranks. - -In the word _People_, especially in the French language, there is a -fortunate ambiguity, which may serve to remind us that the proletariate -class is not, properly speaking, a class at all, but constitutes the -body of society. From it proceed the various special classes, which we -may regard as organs necessary to that body. Since the abolition of -royalty, the last remnant of caste, our political leaders have been -recruited, and will continue to be so, from the working class. In the -normal state, however, it will be required as a preliminary condition, -that the holder of dictatorial power shall have first received the -political training which is given by the exercise of authority in his -own business. In a settled state of society, Government, strictly so -called, is a mere extension of civil influence. Ultimately, therefore, -political power will fall into the hands of the great leaders of -industry. As spiritual reorganization proceeds, they will gradually -become more worthy of it than they are at present. Besides, the tenure -of power will become less burdensome, because it will be confined to -duties of a purely practical kind. - -As yet, however, the case is very different; and therefore the -wealthy, though ultimately they will be the administrators of power, -are not those to whom it should as a rule be entrusted in our present -condition. Special departments may be given to them with advantage, as -we have seen proved recently, and that in cases where the functions to -be performed had no relation whatever to industrial skill. But they -are not competent as yet for dictatorial power, the power which has to -supply the place of royalty. Individual exceptions, of course, there -may be, though none have appeared hitherto, and at least they are -not enough for our provisional system to rely on. As yet the wealthy -classes have shown themselves too debased in thought and feeling for -an office of such importance. Nor do we find greater aptitude for -it outside the industrial class. Scientific men are most assuredly -unfit for it, especially in France, where the system of Academies has -narrowed the mind, withered the feelings, and enervated the character -to such an extent, that most of them fail in the conduct of common -life, and are utterly unworthy of the smallest post of authority, even -in their own department. - -All other classes failing us, we have to look to the working class, -which has been left more free to form broad views, and in which the -sense of duty has been better cultivated. On historical grounds I -feel convinced that the workmen of France are more likely than any -other class to supply men competent for supreme power, as long as the -spiritual interregnum lasts; that is, for at least one generation. - -On looking at this question calmly and without scholastic or -aristocratic prejudice, it will be seen, as I pointed out at the -beginning of this chapter, that the working class is better situated -than any other with respect to generality of views and generosity of -feeling. In knowledge and experience of administration they would -ordinarily be deficient; they would therefore not be fit for the -work of any special department. But this is no disqualification for -the supreme power, or indeed for any of the higher offices for which -breadth of view rather than special knowledge is required. These may be -filled by working men, whose good sense and modesty will at once lead -them to choose their agents for special departments from the classes -who have usually furnished them before. The practical character and -progressive spirit of such a government being beyond suspicion, special -talent of whatever kind may be made available, even in the case of men -who, if they had been placed in a higher position, would have proved -thoroughly hostile to republican institutions. Of all the diversified -elements of modern society, there is not one which may not be of real -service in assisting the transition. Among soldiers and magistrates, -for instance, there are many who will join the popular movement, and -become sincere supporters of republicanism. A government of this kind -would tranquillize the people, would obviate the necessity for violent -compressive measures, and would at the same time have a most beneficial -influence on the capitalist class. It would show them the necessity of -attaining to greater purity of feeling and greater breadth of view, if -they are to become worthy of the position for which they are ultimately -destined. - -Thus, whether we look at the interests of Public Order, or at those -of Liberty, it appears necessary as a provisional measure, during -the continuance of our spiritual interregnum, that the holders -of dictatorial power shall be chosen from the working class. The -success of a few working men in the pursuit of wealth has exercised -an unsettling influence on the rest; but in the present instance we -need not fear this result. It will be obvious that the career of a -proletary governor is a rare exception, and one which requires peculiar -endowments. - -In examining the mode in which this anomalous policy should be carried -out, we must bear in mind the object with which it was instituted. -It is most important to get rid of the custom, based on motives -of self-interest, which has grown up during the last generation, -of insisting on parliamentary experience as an apprenticeship for -executive power; executive power being always the real object of -ambition. We have found from experience what we might have anticipated -on theoretical grounds, that this plan excludes all except mere -talkers of the Girondin type, men totally devoid of statesman-like -qualities. To working men it offers almost insurmountable obstacles; -and even supposing these obstacles to be overcome, we may be sure -that they would lose the straightforwardness and native vigour which -constitute their best claim to the exceptional position proposed for -them. - -It is best, then, that they should reach the position assigned to them -at once, without the circuitous process of a parliamentary career. -Our transition towards the normal state will then exhibit its true -character. It will be tranquil and yet decisive; for it will rest on -the combined action of philosophers without political ambition, and -dictators adverse to spiritual encroachment. The teacher who attempts -to govern, the governor who attempts to educate, will both incur severe -public censure, as enemies alike of peace and progress. The whole -result will be a change in our revolutionary condition identical with -that which the Convention would have realized, if, as its founders -contemplated, it had lasted till the Peace. - -Such, then, is the nature of the compact into which all true -philosophers should enter with the leading members of the proletary -class. Their object is to direct the organic and final phase through -which the Great Revolution is now passing. What they have to do is -carefully to prolong the provisional system adopted by the Convention, -and to ignore, as far as possible, the traditions of all succeeding -governments, whether stationary or retrograde. Comprehensiveness of -view and social sympathy predominate alike in both members of this -great alliance; and it is thus a guarantee for our present state of -transition, and a sure earnest of the normal future. The people are -the spontaneous representatives of this alliance; the philosophers -its systematic organ. The intellectual deficiencies of the former will -easily be remedied by philosophers, who will show them how essential -it is on social grounds that they should understand the true meaning -of history; since otherwise their conception of the union of mankind -must be limited to the present generation, ignoring the more important -truth of the continuity of the Present with the Past and the Future. A -far greater obstacle is the moral deficiency of most philosophers of -our time. But the wholesome influence of the people upon them, combined -with a deep philosophic conviction of the preponderance of Feeling -in every subject of thought, will do much to overcome the ambitious -instincts which weaken and distract their energies in the common cause -of social renovation. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE INFLUENCE OF POSITIVISM UPON WOMEN - - - [Women represent the - affective element in our - nature, as philosophers - and people represent the - intellectual and practical - elements] - -In their action, then, upon society, philosophers may hope for the -energetic support of the working classes. But the regenerating movement -requires still the co-operation of a third element, an element -indicated by our analysis of human nature, and suggested also by -historical study of the great crisis of modern times. - -The moral constitution of man consists of something more than Intellect -and Activity. These are represented in the constitution of society by -the philosophic body and the proletariate. But besides these there is -Feeling, which, in the theory put forward in the first chapter of this -work, was shown to be the predominating principle, the motive power -of our being, the only basis on which the various parts of our nature -can be brought into unity. Now the alliance between philosophers and -working men, which has been just described, however perfectly it may -be realized, does not represent the element of Feeling with sufficient -distinctness and prominence. - -Certainly without Social Feeling, neither philosophers nor proletaries -can exercise any real influence. But in their case its source is not -sufficiently pure nor deep to sustain them in the performance of their -duty. A more spontaneous and more perennial spring of inspiration must -be found. - -With the philosopher social sympathies will never be wanting in -coherence, since they will be connected with his whole system of -thought; but this very scientific character will deaden their vigour, -unless they are revived by impulses in which reflection has no share. -Roused as he will be by the consciousness of public duty to a degree -of activity of which abstract thinkers can form no conception, the -emotions of private life will yet be not less necessary for him than -for others. Intercourse with the working classes will be of the -greatest benefit to him; but even this is not enough to compensate the -defects of a life devoted to speculation. - -The sympathies of the people again, though stronger and more -spontaneous than those of the philosopher, are, in most cases, less -pure and not so lasting. From the pressure of daily necessities it is -difficult for them to maintain the same consistent and disinterested -character. Great as are the moral advantages which will result from -the incorporation of the people in modern society, they are not enough -by themselves to outweigh the force of self-interest aroused by the -precarious nature of their position. Emotions of a gentler and less -transient kind must be called into play. Philosophers may relieve the -working classes from the necessity of pressing their own claims and -grievances; but the fact still remains, that the instincts by which -those claims are prompted are personal rather than social. - -Thus, in the alliance which has been here proposed as necessary -for social reorganization, Feeling, the most influential part of -human nature, has not been adequately represented. An element is -wanting which shall have the same relation to the moral side of our -constitution, as the philosophic body has with Intellect, and the -people with Activity. On this, as well as on other grounds, it is -indispensable that Women be associated in the work of regeneration -as soon as its tendencies and conditions can be explained to them. -With the addition of this third element, the constructive movement at -last assumes its true character. We may then feel confident that our -intellectual and practical faculties will be kept in due subordination -to universal Love. The digressions of intellect, and the subversive -tendencies of our active powers will be as far as possible prevented. - - [Women have stood aloof from - the modern movement, because - of its anti-historic and - destructive character] - -Indispensable to Positivism as the co-operation of women is, it -involves one essential condition. Modern progress must rise above its -present imperfect character, before women can thoroughly sympathize -with it. - -At present the general feeling amongst them is antipathy to the -Revolution. They dislike the destructive character which the Revolution -necessarily exhibited in its first phase. All their social sympathies -are given to the Middle Ages. And this is not merely due, as is -supposed, to the regret which they very naturally feel for the decline -of chivalry, although they cannot but feel that the Middle Ages are -the only period in which the feeling of reverence for women has been -properly cultivated. But the real ground of their predilection is -deeper and less interested. It is that, being morally the purest -portion of Humanity, they venerate Catholicism, as the only system -which has upheld the principle of subordinating Politics to Morals. -This, I cannot doubt, is the secret cause of most of the regret with -which women still regard the irrevocable decay of mediaeval society. - -They do not disregard the progress which modern times have made in -various special directions. But our erroneous tendencies towards -bringing back the old supremacy of Politics over Morality, are, in -their eyes, a retrograde movement so comprehensive in its character -that no partial improvements can compensate for it. True, we are -able to justify this deviation provisionally, since the decay of -Catholicism renders political dictatorship necessary. But women, having -comparatively little to do with the practical business of life, can -hardly appreciate this necessity without a more satisfactory theory -of history than they at present possess. It is a complete mistake -to charge women with being retrograde on account of these feelings -of regret which are most honourable to them. They might retort the -charge with far better reason on the revolutionists, for their blind -admiration of Greek and Roman society, which they still persist in -asserting to be superior to Catholic Feudalism; a delusion, the -continuance of which is principally due to our absurd system of -classical education, from which women are fortunately preserved. - -However this may be, the feelings of women upon these subjects are a -very plain and simple demonstration of the first condition of social -regeneration, which is, that Politics must again be subordinated to -Morality; and this upon a more intelligible, more comprehensive, and -more permanent basis than Catholicism could supply. A system which -supplied such a basis would naturally involve reverence for women as -one of its characteristic results. Such, then, are the terms on which -women will cordially co-operate in the progressive movement. Nothing -but incapacity to satisfy these terms could induce any thinkers to -condemn the conception as retrograde. - -It is not, then, to the Revolution itself that women feel antipathy, -but to the anti-historic spirit which prevailed in its first phase. -The blind abuse lavished on the Middle Ages wounds their strongest -sympathies. They care little for metaphysical theories of society in -which human happiness is made to consist in a continual exercise of -political rights; for political rights, however attractively presented, -will always fail to interest them. But they give their cordial sympathy -to all reasonable claims of the people; and these claims form the real -object of the revolutionary crisis. They will wish all success to -philosophers and workmen when they see them endeavouring to transform -political disputes into social compacts, and proving that they have -greater regard for duties than for rights. If they regret the decline -of the gentle influence which they possessed in former times, it is -principally because they find it superseded by coarse and egotistic -feelings, which are now no longer counterbalanced by revolutionary -enthusiasm. Instead of blaming their antipathies, we should learn -from them the urgent necessity of putting an end to the moral and -intellectual anarchy of our times; for this it is which gives a ground -of real justice to their reproaches. - - [But they will sympathize - with constructive - tendencies; and will - distinguish sound philosophy - from scientific specialities] - -Women will gladly associate themselves with the Revolution as soon as -its work of reconstruction is fairly begun. Its negative phase must not -be prolonged too far. It is difficult enough for them to understand how -such a phase could ever be necessary; therefore they cannot be expected -to excuse its aberrations. The true connexion of the Revolution -with the Middle Ages must be fairly stated. History, when rightly -interpreted, will show them that its real object is, while laying -down a surer basis for Morality, to restore it to the old position of -superiority over Politics in which the mediaeval system first placed -it. Women will feel enthusiasm for the second phase of the Revolution, -when they see republicanism in the light in which Positivism presents -it, modified by the spirit of ancient chivalry. - -Then, and not till then, will the movement of social regeneration be -fairly begun. The movement can have no great force until women give -cordial support to it; for it is they who are the best representatives -of the fundamental principle on which Positivism rests, the victory -of social over selfish affections. On philosophers rests the duty -of giving logical coherence to this principle, and saving it from -sophistical attacks. Its practical working depends upon the proletary -class, without whose aid it would almost always be evaded. But to -maintain it in all its purity, as an inspiration that needs neither -argument nor compulsion, is the work of women only. So constituted, the -alliance of the three classes will be the foreshadowed image of the -normal state to which Humanity is tending. It will be the living type -of perfect human nature. - -Unless the new philosophy can obtain the support of women, the attempt -to substitute it for theology in the regulation of social life had -better be abandoned. But if the theory stated in my first chapter be -true, Positivism will have even greater influence with women than with -the working classes. In the principle which animates it, in its manner -of regarding and of handling the great problem of human life, it is but -a systematic development of what women have always felt instinctively. -To them, as to the people, it offers a noble career of social -usefulness, and it holds out a sure prospect of improvement in their -own personal position. - -Nor is it surprising that the new philosophy should possess such -qualities. They follow naturally from the reality which is one of its -chief claims to acceptance; in other words, from the exactness with -which it takes account of the facts of every subject that it deals -with. Strong as the prejudices of women are upon religious questions, -it cannot be long before they find out that Positivism satisfies, not -merely their intellectual, but their moral and social wants better than -Catholicism. They will then have no further reason for clinging to -the old system, of the decayed condition of which they are perfectly -aware. At present they not unnaturally confound Positivism with the -scientific specialities on which it is based. Scientific studies have, -as they see, a hardening influence, which they cannot suppose that the -new school of philosophers, who insist so strongly upon the necessity -of studying science, can have escaped. Closer acquaintance with the -subject will show them where their error lies. They will see that the -moral danger of scientific studies arises almost entirely from want of -purpose and from irrational speciality, which always alienate them from -the social point of view. But for the Positivist this danger does not -exist; since, however far he may carry these preliminary studies, he -does so simply in order to gain a stronger grasp of social questions. -His one object is to concentrate all the powers of Man upon the general -advancement of the race. And so long as this object be kept in view, -women’s good sense will readily distinguish between the training -necessary for it, and the puerilities of the learned societies. The -general spirit of this work, however, makes further explanation -unnecessary. - - [Women’s position in - society. Like philosophers - and people, their part is - not to govern, but to modify] - -The social mission of woman in the Positive system follows as a natural -consequence from the qualities peculiar to her nature. - -In the most essential attribute of the human race, the tendency to -place social above personal feeling, she is undoubtedly superior to -man. Morally, therefore, and apart from all material considerations, -she merits always our loving veneration, as the purest and simplest -impersonation of Humanity, who can never be adequately represented in -any masculine form. But these qualities do not involve the possession -of political power, which some visionaries have claimed for women, -though without their own consent. In that which is the great object -of human life, they are superior to men; but in the various means of -attaining that object they are undoubtedly inferior. In all kinds of -force, whether physical, intellectual, or practical, it is certain that -Man surpasses Woman, in accordance with a general law which prevails -throughout the animal kingdom. Now practical life is necessarily -governed by force rather than by affection, because it requires -unremitting and laborious activity. If there were nothing else to do -but to love, as in the Christian utopia of a future life in which there -are no material wants, Women would be supreme. But life is surrounded -with difficulties, which it needs all our thoughts and energies to -avoid; therefore Man takes the command, notwithstanding his inferiority -in goodness. Success in all great efforts depends more upon energy and -talent than upon goodwill, although this last condition reacts strongly -upon the others. - -Thus the three elements of our moral constitution do not act in perfect -harmony. Force is naturally supreme, and all that women can do is -to modify it by affection. Justly conscious of their superiority in -strength of feeling, they endeavour to assert their influence in a way -which is often attributed by superficial observers to the mere love -of power. But experience always teaches them that in a world where -the simplest necessaries of life are scarce and difficult to procure, -power must belong to the strongest, not to the most affectionate, even -though the latter may deserve it best. With all their efforts they can -never do more than modify the harshness with which men exercise their -authority. And men submit more readily to this modifying influence, -from feeling that in the highest attributes of Humanity women are their -superiors. They see that their own supremacy is due principally to the -material necessities of life, provision for which calls into play the -self-regarding rather than the social instincts. Hence we find it the -case in every phase of human society that women’s life is essentially -domestic, public life being confined to men. Civilization, so far from -effacing this natural distinction, tends, as I shall afterwards show, -to develop it, while remedying its abuses. - -Thus the social position of women is in this respect very similar to -that of philosophers and of the working classes. And we now see why -these three elements should be united. It is their combined action -which constitutes the moral or modifying force of society. - -Philosophers are excluded from political power by the same fatality -as women, although they are apt to think that their intellectual -eminence gives them a claim to it. Were our material wants more easily -satisfied, the influence of intellect would be less impeded than it is -by the practical business of life. But, on this hypothesis, women would -have a better claim to govern than philosophers. For the reasoning -faculties would have remained almost inert had they not been needed to -guide our energies; the constitution of the brain not being such as to -favour their spontaneous development. Whereas the affective principle -is dependent on no such external stimulus for its activity. A life of -thought is a more evident disqualification for the government of the -world even than a life of feeling, although the pride of philosophers -is a greater obstacle to submission than the vanity of women. With all -its pretensions, intellectual force is not in itself more moral than -material force. Each is but an instrument; the merit depends entirely -upon its right employment. The only element of our nature which is -in itself moral is Love; for Love alone tends of itself towards the -preponderance of social feeling over self-interest. And since even Love -cannot govern, what can be the claim of Intellect? In practical life -precedence must always depend upon superior energy. Reason, even more -than Feeling, must be restricted to the task of modifying. Philosophers -therefore must be excluded from government, at least as rigidly as -women. It is in vain for intellect to attempt to command; it never -can do more than modify. In fact, the morality which it indirectly -possesses is due to this impossibility of exercising compulsory -power, and would be ruined by the attainment of it, supposing it were -possible. Intellect may do much to amend the natural order of things, -provided that it does not attempt to subvert it. What it can do is by -its power of systematic arrangement to effect the union of all the -classes who are likely to exert a beneficial influence on material -power. It is with this view that every spiritual power has availed -itself of the aid of women, as we see was the case in the Middle Ages. - -Proceeding with our sociological analysis of moral force, we shall find -an equally striking resemblance between the influence of Women and that -exercised by the People. - -In the first stage of progress, there is no modifying power except what -springs from Feeling; afterwards Intellect combines with it, finding -itself unable to govern. The only element now wanting is Activity; and -this want, which is indispensable, is supplied by the co-operation of -the people. The fact is, that although the people constitute the basis -on which all political power rests, yet they have as little to do -directly with the administration of power as philosophers or women. - -Power, in the strict sense of the word, power, that is, which controls -action without persuading the will, has two perfectly distinct sources, -numbers and wealth. The force of numbers is usually considered the more -material of the two; but in reality it is the more moral. Being created -by co-operation, it involves some convergence of ideas and feelings, -and therefore it does not give such free scope for the self-regarding -instincts as the more concentrated power of wealth. But for this very -reason, it is too indirect and precarious for the ordinary purposes -of government. It can influence government morally, but cannot take -an active part in it. The same causes which exclude philosophers and -women apply in the case of the people. Our material necessities are so -urgent, that those who have the means of providing for them will always -be the possessors of power. Now the wealthy have these means; they -hold in their hands the products of labour, by which each generation -facilitates the existence and prepares the operations of its successor. -Consequently the power of the capitalist is one of so concentrated a -kind, that numbers can very seldom resist it successfully. Even in -military nations we find the same thing; the influence of numbers, -though more direct, affects only the mode of acquiring wealth, not -its tenure. But in industrial states, where wealth is acquired by -other ways than violence, the law is evident. And with the advance -of civilization it will operate not less, but more strongly. Capital -is ever on the increase, and consequently is ever creating means of -subsistence for those who possess nothing. In this sense, but in no -other, the cynical maxim of Antiquity, _Paucis nascitur humanum genus_, -will always bear a true meaning. The few provide subsistence for the -many. We come back, then, to the conclusion of the last chapter; that -the working classes are not destined for political power, but that they -tend to become a most important source of moral power. The moral value -of their influence is even more indirect than that of philosophers, -and depends even more in their case upon subordination politically. -In the few cases where government passes for a time into the hands -of the masses, wealth in its turn assumes a sort of moral influence -foreign to its nature. It moderates the violence with which government -is apt to be administered in such cases. The high intellectual and -moral qualities belonging to the working classes are, as we have seen, -in great part due to their social position. They would be seriously -impaired if the political authority that belongs to wealth were -habitually transferred to numbers. - - [The united action of - philosophers, women, and - proletaries constitutes - Moral Force] - -Such, in outline, is the Positive theory of Moral Force. By it the -despotism of material force may be in part controlled. It rests upon -the union of the three elements in society who are excluded from the -sphere of politics strictly so called. In their combined action lies -our principal hope of solving, so far as it can be solved, the great -problem of man’s nature, the successful struggle of Social Feeling -against Self-love. Each of the three elements supplies a quality -indispensable to the task. Without women this controlling power would -be deficient in purity and spontaneous impulse; without philosophers, -in wisdom and coherence; without the people, in energy and activity. -The philosophic element, although neither the most direct nor the most -efficient, is yet the distinctive feature of this power, because its -function is to organize its constitution and direct its operations in -accordance with the true laws of social life. As being the systematic -organ of the spiritual power it has become identified with it in -name. This, however, may lead to an erroneous conception. The moral -aspect of the spiritual power is more important than the intellectual. -While retaining the name as an historical tradition of real value, -Positivists attach a somewhat different meaning to it. It originated in -a time when theories of society were unknown, and when Intellect was -considered as the central principle of human nature. - -Spiritual power, as interpreted by Positivism, begins with the -influence of women in the family; it is afterwards moulded into a -system by thinkers, while the people are the guarantees for its -political efficiency. Although it is the intellectual class that -institutes the union, yet its own part in it, as it should never -forget, is less direct than that of women, less practical than that of -the people. The thinker is socially powerless except so far as he is -supported by feminine sympathy and popular energy. - -Thus the necessity of associating women in the movement of social -regeneration creates no obstacle whatever to the philosophy by which -that movement is to be directed. On the contrary, it aids its progress, -by showing the true character of the moral force which is destined -to control all the other forces of man. It involves as perfect an -inauguration of the normal state as our times of transition admit. -For the chief characteristic of that state will be a more complete -and more harmonious union of the same three classes to whom we are -now looking for the first impulse of reform. Already we can see how -perfectly adapted to the constitution of man this final condition of -Humanity will be. Feeling, Reason, Activity, whether viewed separately -or in combination, correspond exactly to the three elements of the -regenerative movement, Women, Philosophers, and People. - -Verification of this theory may be found more or less distinctly in -every period of history. Each of the three classes referred to have -always borne out the biological law that the life of relation or animal -life, is subordinated to the life of nutrition. Still more striking is -the application to this case of another general principle, namely, that -Progress is the development of Order; a principle which, as I showed in -the second chapter, connects every dynamical question in Sociology with -the corresponding statical conception. For with the growth of society, -the modifying influence of moral force is always increasing, both by -larger scope being given to each of its three elements specially, and -also by the more perfect consolidation of their union. Robertson has -made an important remark on the gradual improvement in the condition -of women, which is but a particular case of this sociological law. -The general principle on which progress in all three classes depends, -is the biological law, that the preponderance of vegetable life over -animal life diminishes as the organism is higher in the scale and is -more perfectly developed. - -During the various phases of ancient Polytheism, the controlling -power consisted simply of the moral influence exerted by women in the -Family. In public life the influence of thinkers had not made itself -independent of the governmental authority, of which it was sometimes -the source, sometimes the instrument. Mediaeval Catholicism went a -step further, and took the first step in systematizing moral force. -It created an independent spiritual authority to which political -governments were subordinated, and this authority was always supported -by women. But the complete organization of moral force was reserved -for modern times. It is only recently that the working classes have -begun to interfere actively in social questions; and, as I have shown -in the preceding chapter, it is from their co-operation that the -new spiritual power will derive its practical efficiency. Limited -originally to the sphere of Feeling, and subsequently extended to the -intellectual sphere, it henceforward embraces the sphere of Activity; -and this without losing its spiritual character, since the influences -of which it consists are entirely distinct from the domain of practical -politics. Each of its three elements persuades, advises, judges; -but except in isolated cases, never commands. The social mission of -Positivism is to regulate and combine their spontaneous action, by -directing each to the objects for which it is best adapted. - -And this mission, in spite of strong prejudices to the contrary, it -will be found well calculated to fulfil. I have already shown its -adaptation to the case of the people and of the philosophic body, -whether regarded separately or in combination: I have now to show that -it is equally adapted to the case of women. - -In proof of this I have but to refer to the principle on which, as -stated in the first chapter, the whole system of Positivism is based; -the preponderance of affection in our nature. Such a principle is of -itself an appeal to women to associate themselves with the system, as -one of its essential elements. In Catholicism, their co-operation, -though valuable, was not of primary importance, because Catholicism -claimed a divine origin independent of their assistance. But to -Positivism they are indispensable, as being the purest and simplest -embodiment of its fundamental principle. It is not merely in the Family -that their influence will be required. Their duty will often be to call -philosophers and people back to that unity of purpose which originated -in the first place with themselves, and which each of the other -elements is often disposed to violate. - -All true philosophers will no doubt accept and be profoundly influenced -by the conviction, that in all subjects of thought the social point -of view should be logically and scientifically preponderant. They -will consequently admit the truth that the Heart takes precedence -of the Understanding. Still they require some more direct incentive -to universal Love than these convictions can supply. Knowing, as -they do, how slight is the practical result of purely intellectual -considerations, they will welcome so precious an incentive, were it -only in the interest of their own mission. I recognized its necessity -myself, when I wrote on the 11th of March, 1846, to her who, in -spite of death, will always remain my constant companion[7]: ‘I was -incomplete as a philosopher, until the experience of deep and pure -passion has given me fuller insight into the emotional side of human -nature’. Strong affection exercises a marvellous influence upon mental -effort. It elevates the intellect at once to the only point of view -which is really universal. Doubtless, the method of pure science leads -up to it also; but only by a long and toilsome process, which exhausts -the power of thought, and leaves little energy for following out the -new results to which this great principle gives rise. The stimulation -of affection under feminine influence is necessary, therefore, for -the acceptance of Positivism, not merely in those classes for whom a -long preliminary course of scientific study would be impossible. It -is equally necessary for the systematic teachers of Positivism, in -whom it checks the tendency, which is encouraged by habits of abstract -speculation, to deviate into useless digressions; these being always -easier to prosecute than researches of real value. - - [Superiority of the new - spiritual power to the old. - Self-regarding tendencies of - Catholic doctrine] - -Under this aspect the new spiritual system is obviously superior to -the old. By the institution of celibacy, which was indispensable to -Catholicism, its priests were entirely removed from the beneficial -influence exercised by women. Only those could profit from it who -did not belong to the ecclesiastical body; the members of that body, -as Ariosto has remarked in his vigorous satire, were excluded. Nor -could the evil be remedied, except in very rare cases, by irregular -attachment, which inevitably corrupted the priest’s character by -involving the necessity of perpetual hypocrisy. - -And when we look at the difference of the spirit by which the two -systems are pervaded, we shall find still more striking evidence that -the new system offers a far larger sphere of moral influence to women -than the old. - -Both are based upon the principle of affection; but in Positivism the -affection inculcated is social, in Catholicism it is essentially -personal. The object of Catholic devotion is one of such stupendous -magnitude, that feelings which are unconnected with it are in danger -of being crushed. The priesthood, it is true, wise interpreters in -this respect of a general instinct, brought all the more important -social obligations within the compass of religion, and held them out -as necessary for salvation. Indirectly, the nobler feelings were -thus called into action; but at the same time they were rendered far -less spontaneous and pure. There could be no perfectly disinterested -affection under a system which promised eternal rewards for all acts -of self-denial. For it was impossible, and indeed it would have -been thought sinful, to keep the future out of sight; and thus all -spontaneous generosity was unavoidably tainted by self-interest. -Catholicism gave rise to an ignoble theory of morals which became very -mischievous when it was adopted by the metaphysicians; because, while -retaining the vicious principle, they swept away the checks by which -the priesthood had controlled it. But even when we look at the purest -form in which the love of God was exhibited, we cannot call it a social -feeling, except in so far as the same object of worship was held out -simultaneously to all. Intrinsically, it is anti-social, since, when -attained in absolute perfection, it implies the entire sacrifice of -all other love. And in the best representatives of Christian thought -and feeling, this tendency is very apparent. No one has portrayed the -Catholic ideal with such sublimity and pathos as the author of the -_Imitation_, a work which so well deserved the beautiful translation of -Corneille. And yet, reading it as I do daily, I cannot help remarking -how grievously the natural nobleness of Thomas A’Kempis was impaired by -the Catholic system, although in spite of all obstacles he rises at -times to the purest ardour. Certainly those of our feelings which are -purely unselfish must be far stronger and more spontaneous than ever -has yet been supposed, since even the oppressive discipline of twelve -centuries could not prevent their growth. - - [The spirit of Positivism, - on the contrary, is - essentially social. The - Heart and the Intellect - mutually strengthen each - other] - -Positivism, from the fact of its conformity with the constitution of -our nature, is the only system calculated to develop, both in public -and in private life, those high attributes of Humanity which, for want -of adequate systematic culture, are still in their rudimentary stage. -Catholicism, while appealing to the Heart, crushed Intellect, and -Intellect naturally struggled to throw off the yoke. Positivism, on the -contrary, brings Reason into complete harmony with Feeling, without -impairing the activity of either. - -Scientific study of the relation which each individual bears to the -whole race is a continual stimulus to social sympathy. Without a -theory of society, it is impossible to keep this relation distinctly -and constantly in view. It is only noticed in a few exceptional cases, -and unconnected impressions are soon effaced from the memory. But the -Positivist teacher, taking the social point of view invariably, will -make this notion far more familiar to us than it has ever been before. -He will show us the impossibility of understanding any individual -or society apart from the whole life of the race. Nothing but the -bewilderment caused by theological and metaphysical doctrines can -account for the shallow explanations of human affairs given by our -teachers, attributing as they do to Man what is really due to Humanity. -But with the sounder theory that we now possess, we can see the truth -as it really stands. We have but to look each of us at our own life -under its physical, intellectual, or moral aspects, to recognize what -it is that we owe to the combined action of our predecessors and -contemporaries. The man who dares to think himself independent of -others, either in feelings, thoughts, or actions, cannot even put the -blasphemous conception into words without immediate self-contradiction, -since the very language he uses is not his own. The profoundest -thinker cannot by himself form the simplest language; it requires the -co-operation of a community for several generations. Without further -illustration, the tendency of Positive doctrine is evident. It appeals -systematically to our social instincts, by constantly impressing -upon us that only the Whole is real; that the Parts exist only in -abstraction. - -But independently of the beneficial influence which, in this final -state of Humanity, the mind will exercise upon the heart, the direct -culture of the heart itself will be more pure and more vigorous than -under any former system. It offers us the only means of disengaging -our benevolent affections from all calculations of self-interest. As -far as the imperfection of man’s nature admits, these affections will -gradually become supreme, since they give deeper satisfaction than all -others, and are capable of fuller development. Setting the rewards and -punishments of theology aside, we shall attain at last to that which is -the real happiness of man, pure and disinterested love. This is truly -the Sovereign Good, sought for so long by former systems of philosophy -in vain. That it surpasses all other good one fact will show, known to -the tender-hearted from personal experience; that it is even better to -love than to be loved. Overstrained as this may seem to many, it is yet -in harmony with a general truth, that our nature is in a healthier -state when active than when passive. In the happiness of being loved, -there is always some tinge of self-love; it is impossible not to feel -pride in the love of one whom we prefer to all others. Since, then, -loving gives purer satisfaction than being loved, the superiority -of perfectly disinterested affection is at once demonstrated. It -is the fundamental defect of our nature, that intrinsically these -affections are far weaker than the selfish propensities connected with -the preservation of our own existence. But when they have been once -aroused, even though the original stimulus may have been personal, -they have greater capacity of growth, owing to the peculiar charm -inherent in them. Besides, in the exercise of these feelings, all of -us can co-operate with and encourage one another, whereas the reverse -is the case with the selfish instincts. There is, therefore, nothing -unreasonable in supposing that Positivism, by regulating and combining -these natural tendencies, may rouse our sympathetic instincts to a -condition of permanent activity hitherto unknown. When the heart is -no longer crushed by theological dogmas, or hardened by metaphysical -theories, we soon discover that real happiness, whether public or -private, consists in the highest possible development of the social -instincts. Self-love comes to be regarded as an incurable infirmity, -which is to be yielded to only so far as is absolutely necessary. -Here lies the universal adaptability of Positivism to every type of -character and to all circumstances. In the humblest relations of life, -as in the highest, regenerate Humanity will apply the obvious truth, It -is better to give than to receive. - -The Heart thus aroused will in its turn react beneficially upon the -Intellect; and it is especially from women that this reaction will -proceed. I have spoken of it so fully before, that I need not describe -it further. It is in Feeling that I find the basis on which the whole -structure of Positivism, intellectually as well as morally considered, -rests. The only remark I have now to add is, that by following out this -principle, philosophical difficulties of the most formidable kind are -at once surmounted. From moral considerations, the intellect may be -readily induced to submit to scientific restrictions, the propriety of -which would remain for a long time matter of debate, were philosophical -discussions the only means of indicating it. Attempt, for instance, -to convince a pure mathematician, however conscientious and talented, -that Sociology is both logically and scientifically superior to all -other studies. He would not readily admit this; and severe exertion -of the inductive and deductive faculties can alone convince him of -it. But by the aid of Feeling, an artisan or a woman can, without -education, readily grasp this great encyclopædic principle, and apply -it practically to the common affairs of life. But for this, the larger -conceptions of philosophy would have but a limited range, and very -few would be capable of the course of study which is yet so important -on social grounds for all. Comprehensiveness of mind is no doubt -favourable to sympathy, but is itself more actively stimulated by it. -When the Positivist method of education is accepted, moral excellence -will be very generally regarded as a guarantee of real intellectual -capacity. The revolutionist leaders of the Convention showed their -sense of this connexion by allowing, as they did sometimes, republican -ardour to outweigh scientific attainment. Of course, so long as men -remain without a systematic theory of morals, such policy would be -likely to fail of its object, and indeed would become positively -mischievous. But the reproach is usually that it was a retrograde -policy, a reproach far more applicable to the present system, in which -the standard of fitness for any office is regulated exclusively by -intellectual considerations, the heart being altogether disregarded. -Historically we can explain this practice by the fact that the -religious faith in which our moral nature has hitherto been trained -has been of a most oppressive character. Ever since the Middle Ages, -the intellect and the heart have been unavoidably at issue. Positivism -is the only system which can put an end to their antagonism, because, -as I have before explained, while subordinating Reason to Feeling, it -does so in such a way as not to impair the development of either. With -its present untenable claims to supremacy, Intellect is in reality the -principal source of social discord. Until it abdicates in favour of -the Heart, it can never be of real service in reconstruction. But its -abdication will be useless, unless it is entirely voluntary. Now this -is precisely the result which Positivism attains, because it takes -up the very ground on which the claims of intellect are defended, -namely, scientific demonstration, a ground which the defenders of -intellect cannot repudiate without suspicion at once attaching to their -motives. But theological or metaphysical remedies can only exasperate -the disease. By oppressing the intellect they provoke it to fresh -insurrection against the heart. - - [Intellectual and moral - affinities of women with - Positivism] - -For all these reasons, women, who are better judges of moral questions -than ourselves, will admit that Positivism, incontestably superior -as it is to other systems intellectually, surpasses them yet more -in dealing with the affections. Their only objection arises from -confounding Positive Philosophy itself with its preliminary course of -scientific study. - -Women’s minds no doubt are less capable than ours of generalizing -very widely, or of carrying on long processes of deduction. They are, -that is, less capable than men of abstract intellectual exertion. On -the other hand, they are generally more alive to that combination of -reality with utility which is one of the characteristics of Positive -speculation. In this respect they have much in common intellectually -with the working classes; and fortunately they have also the same -advantage of being untrammelled by the present absurd system of -education. Nor is their position far removed from what it should be -normally; being less engaged than men in the business of life, their -contemplative faculties are called into activity more easily. Their -minds are neither preoccupied nor indifferent; the most favourable -condition for the reception of philosophical truth. They have far -more affinity intellectually with philosophers who truly deserve -the name, than we find in the scientific men of the present day. -Comprehensiveness of thought they consider as important as positivity, -whereas our savants care for nothing but the latter quality, and even -that they understand imperfectly. Molière’s remarkable expression, -_des clartés de tout_, which I applied in the last chapter to popular -education, was used by him in reference to women. Accordingly we find -that women took a vivid interest in the very first attempt made to -systematize Positive speculation, the Cartesian philosophy. No more -striking proof could be given of their philosophical affinities; and -the more so that in the Cartesian system moral and social speculations -were necessarily excluded. Surely, then, we may expect them to receive -Positivism far more favourably, a system of which the principal -subject of speculation is the moral problem in which both sexes are -alike interested. - -Women, therefore, may, like the people, be counted among the future -supporters of the new philosophy. Without their combined aid it could -never hope to surmount the strong repugnance to it which is felt by our -cultivated classes, especially in France, where the question of its -success has first to be decided. - - [Catholicism purified - love, but did not directly - strengthen it] - -But when women have sufficient acquaintance with Positivism, to see its -superiority to Catholicism in questions of feeling, they will support -it from moral sympathy even more than from intellectual adhesion. It -will be the heart even more than the mind which will incline them -to the only system of philosophy which has fully recognized the -preponderance of Feeling. They cannot fail to be drawn towards a system -which regards women as the embodiment of this principle; the unity -of human nature, of which this principle is the basis, being thus -entrusted to their special charge. The only reason of their regret -for the past, is that the present fails to satisfy their noblest -social instincts. Not that Catholicism ever really satisfied them; -indeed in its general character it is even less adapted to women than -to men, since the dominant quality of woman’s nature is in direct -contradiction with it. Christianity, notwithstanding its claims to -moral perfection, has always confounded the quality of tenderness with -that of purity. And it is true that love cannot be deep unless it is -also pure. But Catholicism, although it purified love from the animal -propensities which had been stimulated by Polytheism, did nothing -otherwise to strengthen it. It has given us indeed too many instances -of purity, pushed to the extent of fanaticism, without tenderness. And -this result is especially common now, because the austerity of the -Christian spirit is not corrected, as it used to be, by the inspiring -influences of Chivalry. Polytheism, deficient as it was in purity, -was really far more conducive than Christianity, to tenderness. Love -of God, the supreme affection round which Catholicism endeavoured -to concentrate all other feelings, was essentially a self-regarding -principle, and as such conflicted with woman’s noblest instincts. Not -only did it encourage monastic isolation, but if developed to the -full extent, it became inconsistent with love for our fellow men. It -was impiety for the knight to love his Lady better than his God; and -thus the best feelings of his nature were repressed by his religious -faith. Women, therefore, are not really interested in perpetuating -the old system; and the very instincts by which their nature is -characterized, will soon incline them to abandon it. They have only -been waiting until social life should assume a less material character; -so that morality, for the preservation of which they justly consider -themselves responsible, may not be compromised. And on this head -Positivism satisfies their heart no less than their understanding with -all the guarantees that they can require. Based as it is upon accurate -knowledge of our nature, it can combine the simple affectionate spirit -of Polytheism with the exquisite purity of Catholicism, without fear -of taint from the subversive sophisms engendered by the spiritual -anarchy of our times. Not however that purity is to be placed on the -same level with tenderness. Tenderness is the more essential of the -two qualities, because more closely connected with the grand object -of all human effort, the elevation of Social Feeling over Self-love. -In a woman without tenderness there is something even more monstrous -than in a man without courage. Whatever her talents and even her energy -may be, they will in most cases prove mischievous both to herself and -to others, unless indeed they should be nullified by the restraint of -theological discipline. If she has force of character it will be wasted -in a struggle against all legitimate authority; while her mental power -will be employed only in destructive sophisms. Too many cases of this -kind present themselves in the social anarchy of the present time. - -Such is the Positivist theory on the subject of Women. It marks out -for them a noble field of social usefulness. It extends the scope -of their influence to public as well as private life, and yet in a -way thoroughly in harmony with their nature. Without leaving the -family, they will participate in the controlling power exercised by -philosophers and workmen, seeking even in their own domestic sphere -rather to modify than to govern. In a word, as I shall show more fully -in the last chapter of this introductory work, Woman is the spontaneous -priestess of Humanity. She personifies in the purest form the principle -of Love upon which the unity of our nature depends; and the culture of -that principle in others is her special function. - - [Women’s influence over the - working classes and their - teachers] - -All classes, therefore, must be brought under women’s influence; for -all require to be reminded constantly of the great truth that Reason -and Activity are subordinate to Feeling. Of their influence upon -philosophers I have spoken. If they are men worthy of their mission, -they will be conscious of the tendency which their life has to harden -them and lead them into useless speculation; and they will feel the -need of renewing the ardour of their social sympathy at its native -source. Feeling, when it is pure and deep, corrects its own errors, -because they clash with the good to which it is ever tending. But -erroneous use of the intellectual or practical faculties, cannot be -even recognized, much less corrected, without the aid of Affection, -which is the only part of our nature that suffers directly from such -errors. Therefore whenever either the philosopher or the people -deviate from duty, it will be the part of women to remonstrate with -them gently, and recall them to the true social principles which are -entrusted to their special charge. - -With the working classes, the special danger to be contended against -is their tendency to abuse their strength, and to resort to force for -the attainment of their objects, instead of persuasion. But this danger -is after all less than that of the misuse of intellectual power to -which philosophers are so liable. Thinkers who try to make reasoning -do the work of feeling can very seldom be convinced of their error. -Popular excitement, on the contrary, has often yielded to feminine -influence, exerted though it has been hitherto without any systematic -guidance. The difference is no doubt partly owing to the fact that -there are now few or none who deserve the name of philosophers. For we -cannot give that name to the superficial sophists and rhetoricians of -our time, whether psychologists or ideologists, men wholly incapable -of deep thought on any subject. Independently of this, however, the -difference is explained by the character of the two classes. Women -will always find it harder to deal with intellectual pride than with -popular violence. Appeals to social feeling are their only weapons; -and the social feelings of the workman are stronger than those of the -philosopher. Sophistry is far more formidable to them than passion. In -fact, were it not that the working classes are even now so amenable -to female influence, society would be in extreme danger from the -disorder caused by intellectual anarchy. There are many sophisms which -maintain themselves in spite of scientific refutation, and which would -be destructive of all order, were it not for our moral instincts. Of -this the Communists offer a striking example, in avoiding, with that -admirable inconsistency to which I have already called attention, the -extension of their principle to the Family. Surrounded by the wildest -theories, such as, if they were put in practice, would utterly destroy -or paralyse society, we see large numbers of working men showing in -their daily life a degree of affection and respect for women, which -is unequalled by any other class. It is well to reflect on facts like -these, not only because they lead us to judge the Communist school with -more justice, but because, occurring as they do in the midst of social -anarchy, they show what powerful agencies for good will be at our -disposal in more settled times. Certainly they cannot be attributed to -theological teaching, which has rather had the effect of strengthening -the errors which it attacks by the absurdity of its refutations. They -are simply the result of the influence which women have spontaneously -exercised on the nobler feelings of the people. In Protestant countries -where their influence is less, the mischievous effects of Communistic -theories have been far greater. We owe it to women that the Family has -been so little injured by the retrograde spirit of those republican -reformers, whose ideal of modern society is to absorb the Family into -the State, as was done by a few small tribes in ancient Greece. - -The readiness shown by women in applying practical remedies to -erroneous theories of morality is shown in other cases where the -attractiveness of the error would seem irresistible to the coarser -nature of men. The evils consequent on divorce, which has been -authorized in Germany for three centuries, have been much lessened by -women’s instinctive repugnance to it. The same may be said of recent -attacks upon marriage, which are still more serious because the anarchy -of modern life revives all the extravagances of the metaphysical spirit -in ancient times. In no one case has a scheme of society hostile to -marriage met with any real favour from women, plausible as many of them -seemed. Unable in their ignorance of social science to see the fallacy -of such schemes themselves, our revolutionary writers cannot conceive -that women will not be convinced by them. But happily women, like the -people, judge in these matters by the heart rather than by the head. In -the absence of any guiding principle to direct the understanding and -prevent the deviations to which it is always exposed, the heart is a -far safer guide. - -There is no need at present of pursuing these remarks farther. It is -abundantly clear that women are in every respect adapted for rectifying -the moral deviations to which every element in the social organism is -liable. And if we already feel the value of their influence, springing -as it does from the unaided inspirations of the heart, we may be sure -it will become far more consolidated and will be far more widely felt, -when it rests on the basis of a sound philosophical system, capable of -refuting sophisms and exposing fallacies from which their unassisted -instinct is insufficient to preserve us. - - [Their social influence in - the _salon_] - -Thus the part to be played by women in public life is not merely -passive. Not only will they give their sanction individually -and collectively to the verdicts of public opinion as formed by -philosophers and by the people; but they will themselves interfere -actively in moral questions. It will be their part to maintain the -primary principle of Positivism, which originated with themselves, and -of which they will always be the most natural representatives. - -But, how, it may be asked, can this be reconciled with my previous -remark that women’s life should still be essentially domestic? - -For the ancients, and for the greater part of the human race at the -present time, it would be irreconcilable. But in Western Europe the -solution has long ago been found. From the time when women acquired, -as they did in the Middle Ages, a fair measure of domestic freedom, -opportunities for social intercourse arose, which combined most happily -the advantages of private and of public life, and in these women -presided. The practice afterwards extended, especially in France, and -these meetings became the laboratories of public opinion. It seems now -as if they had died out, or had lost their character. The intellectual -and moral anarchy of our times is most unfavourable to free interchange -of thoughts and feelings. But a custom so social, and which did such -good service in the philosophical movement preceding the Revolution, is -assuredly not destined to perish. In the more perfect social state to -which we are tending, it will be developed more fully than ever, when -men’s minds and hearts have accepted the rallying point offered by the -new philosophy. - -This is, then, the mode in which women can with propriety participate -in public life. Here all classes will recognize their authority as -paramount. Under the new system these meetings will entirely lose -their old aristocratic character, which is now simply obstructive. -The Positivist salon will complete the series of social meetings, in -which the three elements of the spiritual power will be able to act -in concert. First, there is the religious assemblage in the Temple of -Humanity. Here the philosopher will naturally preside, the other two -classes taking on a secondary part. In the Club again it is the people -who will take the active part; women and philosophers would support -them by their presence, but without joining in the debate. Lastly, -women in their salons will promote active and friendly intercourse -between all three classes; and here all who may be qualified to take a -leading part will find their influence cordially accepted. Gently and -without effort a moral control will thus be established, by which acts -of violence or folly may be checked in their source. Kind advice, given -indirectly but earnestly, will often save the philosopher from being -blinded by ambition, or from deviating, through intellectual pride, -into useless digressions. Working men at these meetings will learn -to repress the spirit of violence or envy that frequently arises in -them, recognizing the sacredness of the care thus manifested for their -interests. And the great and the wealthy will be taught from the manner -in which praise and blame is given by those whose opinion is most -valued, that the only justifiable use of power or talent is to devote -it to the service of the weak. - - [But the Family is their - principal sphere of action] - -But, however important the public duties that women will ultimately -be called upon to perform, the Family is after all their highest and -most distinctive sphere of work. It was in allusion to their domestic -influence that I spoke of them as the originators of spiritual power. -Now the Family, although it is the basis of all human society, has -never been satisfactorily defended by any received system of society. -All the corrosive power of metaphysical analysis has been employed -upon it; and of many of the sophisms put forward no rational refutation -has been given. On the other hand, the protection of the theologians -is no less injurious. For they still persist in connecting the -institutions of the Family with their obsolete dogmas, which, however -useful they may have been formerly, are now simply dangerous. From the -close of the Middle Ages the priesthood has been powerless, as the -licentious songs of the troubadours prove, to protect the sanctity of -marriage against the shallow but mischievous attacks which even then -were made against it. And afterwards, when these false principles -became more generally prevalent, and even royal courts disgraced -themselves by giving public approval to them, the weakness of the -priests became still more manifest. Thus nothing can be more monstrous -than these ignorant assertions that theological doctrines have been the -safeguard of the Family. They have done nothing to preserve it from the -most subversive attacks, under which it must have succumbed, but for -the better instincts of society, especially of the female portion of -it. With the exception of a foolish fiction about the origin of Woman, -theology has put forward no systematic defence of marriage; and as -soon as theological authority itself fell into discredit, the feeble -sanction which it gave to domestic morality became utterly powerless -against sophistical attacks. But now that the Family can be shown on -Positive principles to rest on scientific laws of human nature or -of society, the danger of metaphysical controversy and theological -feebleness is past. These principles will be discussed systematically -in the second volume of the larger Treatise to which this work is the -Introduction. But the few remarks to which I must at present limit -myself, will, I hope, at least satisfy the reader as to the capability -of Positivism to re-establish morality upon a firm basis. - - [Woman’s mission as a wife. - Conjugal love an education - for universal sympathy] - -According to the lower views of the subject, such as those coarsely -expressed by the great hero of reaction, Napoleon, procreation and -maternity are the only social functions of Woman. Indeed many theorists -object even to her rearing her children, and think it preferable -to leave them to the abstract benevolence of the State. But in the -Positivist theory of marriage, the principal function of Woman is one -quite unconnected with procreation. It is a function dependent on the -highest attributes of our nature. - -Vast as is the moral importance of maternity, yet the position of -wife has always been considered even more characteristic of woman’s -nature; as shown by the fact that the words woman and wife are in many -languages synonymous. Marriage is not always followed by children; and -besides this, a bad wife is very seldom indeed a good mother. The first -aspect then, under which Positivism considers Woman, is simply as the -companion of Man, irrespective of her maternal duties. - -Viewed thus, Marriage is the most elementary and yet the most perfect -mode of social life. It is the only association in which entire -identity of interests is possible. In this union, to the moral -completeness of which the language of all civilized nations bears -testimony, the noblest aim of human life is realized, as far as it -ever can be. For the object of human existence, as shown in the second -chapter, is progress of every kind; progress in morality, that is to -say in the subjection of Self-interest to Social Feeling, holding the -first rank. Now this unquestionable principle leads us by a very sure -and direct path to the true theory of marriage. - -Different as the two sexes are by nature, and increased as that -difference is by the diversity which happily exists in their social -position, each is consequently necessary to the moral development -of the other. In practical energy and in the mental capacity which -usually accompanies it, Man is evidently superior to Woman. Woman’s -strength, on the other hand, lies in Feeling. She excels Man in love, -as Man excels her in force. It is impossible to conceive of a closer -union than that which binds these two beings to the mutual service and -perfection of each other, saving them from all danger of rivalry. The -voluntary character too of this union gives it a still further charm, -when the choice has been on both sides a happy one. In the Positive -theory, then, of marriage, its principal object is considered to be -that of completing and confirming the education of the heart by calling -out the purest and strongest of human sympathies. - -It is true that sexual instinct, which, in man’s case at all events, -was the origin of conjugal attachment, is a feeling purely selfish. It -is also true that its absence would in the majority of cases, diminish -the energy of affection. But woman with her more loving heart, has -usually far less need of this coarse stimulus than man. The influence -of her purity reacts on man, and ennobles his affection. And affection -is in itself so sweet, that when once it has been aroused by whatever -agency, its own charm is sufficient to maintain it in activity. When -this is the case, conjugal union becomes a perfect ideal of friendship; -yet still more beautiful than friendship, because each possesses and is -possessed by the other. For perfect friendship, difference of sex is -essential, as excluding the possibility of rivalry. No other voluntary -tie can admit of such full and unrestrained confidence. It is the -source of the most unalloyed happiness that man can enjoy; for there -can be no greater happiness than to live for another. - -But independently of the intrinsic value of this sacred union, we have -to consider its importance from the social point of view. It is the -first stage in our progress towards that which is the final object of -moral education, namely, universal love. Many writers of the so-called -socialist school, look upon conjugal love and universal benevolence, -the two extreme terms in the scale of affections, as opposed to each -other. In the second chapter, I pointed out the falseness and danger -of this view. The man who is incapable of deep affection for one -whom he has chosen as his partner in the most intimate relations of -life, can hardly expect to be believed when he professes devotion to -a mass of human beings of whom he knows nothing. The heart cannot -throw off its original selfishness, without the aid of some complete -and enduring affection. And conjugal love, concentrated as it is upon -one object exclusively, is more enduring and complete than any other. -From personal experience of strong love we rise by degrees to sincere -affection for all mankind; although, as the scope of feeling widens, -its energy must decrease. The connexion of these two states of feeling -is instinctively recognized by all; and it is clearly indicated by the -Positive theory of human nature, which has now placed it beyond the -reach of metaphysical attacks. When the moral empire of Woman has been -more firmly established by the diffusion of Positivist principles, men -will see that the common practice of looking to the private life of a -statesman as the best guarantee of his public conduct had deep wisdom -in it. One of the strongest symptoms of the general laxity of morals to -which mental anarchy has brought us, is that disgraceful law passed -in France thirty years ago, and not yet repealed; the avowed object -of which was to surround men’s lives with a ‘wall’ of privacy; a law -introduced by psychologist politicians who no doubt needed such a -wall.[8] - - [Conditions of marriage. - Indissoluble monogamy] - -The purpose of marriage once clearly understood, it becomes easy to -define its conditions. The intervention of society is necessary; but -its only object is to confirm and to develop the order of things which -exists naturally. - -It is essential in the first place to the high purposes for which -marriage has been instituted, that the union shall be both exclusive -and indissoluble. So essential indeed are both conditions, that we -frequently find them even when the connexion is illegal. That any one -should have ventured to propound the doctrine that human happiness is -to be secured by levity and inconsistency in love, is a fact which -nothing but the utter deficiency of social and moral principles can -explain. Love cannot be deep unless it remains constant to a fixed -object. The very possibility of change is a temptation to it. So -differently constituted as man and woman are, is their short life too -much for perfect knowledge and love of one another? Yet the versatility -to which most human affection is liable makes the intervention of -society necessary. Without some check upon indecision and caprice, life -might degenerate into a miserable series of experiments, each ending -in failure and degradation. Sexual love may become a powerful engine -for good: but only on the condition of placing it under rigorous and -permanent discipline. Those who doubt the necessity for this, have only -to cast a glance beyond Western Europe at the countries where no such -discipline has been established. It has been said that the adoption or -rejection of monogamy is a simple question of climate. But for this -hypothesis there is no ground whatever. It is as contrary to common -observation as to philosophic theory. Marriage, like every other human -institution, has always been improving. Beginning in all countries with -unrestricted polygamy, it tends in all to the purest monogamy. Tracing -back the history of Northern Europe, we find polygamy there as well as -in the South; and Southern nations, like Northern, adopt polygamy as -their social life advances. We see the tendency to it in those parts of -the East which come into contact with Western civilization. - -Monogamy, then, is one of the most precious gifts which the Middle Ages -have bequeathed to Western Europe. The striking superiority of social -life in the West is probably due to it more than to any other cause. -Protestant countries have seriously impaired its value by their laws of -divorce. But this aberration will hardly be permanent. It is alien to -the purer feelings of women and of the people, and the mischief done by -it is limited to the privileged classes. France is now threatened with -a revival of the metaphysical delusions of the Revolution, and it is -feared by some that the disastrous example of Germany in this respect -will be imitated. But all such tendencies, being utterly inconsistent -with the habits of modern life, will soon be checked by the sounder -philosophical principles which have now arisen. The mode of resistance -to these errors which Positivism adopts will render the struggle most -useful in hastening the adoption of the true theory of marriage. The -spirit of Positivism being always relative, concessions may be made -to meet exceptional cases, without weakening or contradicting the -principle; whereas the absolute character of theological doctrine was -incompatible with concession. The rules of morality should be general -and comprehensive; but in their practical application exceptions have -often to be made. By no philosophy but the Positive can these two -conditions be reconciled. - - [Perpetual widowhood] - -To the spirit of anarchy, however, Positivism yields nothing. The unity -essential to marriage, it renders more complete than ever. It develops -the principle of monogamy, by inculcating, not as a legal institution, -but as moral duty, the perpetuity of widowhood. Affection so firmly -concentrated has always been regarded with respect even on man’s side. -But hitherto no religion has had sufficient purity or influence to -secure its adoption. Positivism, however, from the completeness of its -synthesis, and from the fact that its rules are invariably based on the -laws of nature, will gain such influence, and we find little difficulty -in inducing all natures of delicate feeling to accept this additional -obligation. It follows from the very principle which to the Positivist -is the object of all marriage, the raising and purifying of the heart. -Unity of the tie which is already recognized as necessary in life, is -not less so in death. Constancy in widowhood was once common among -women; and if its moral beauty is less appreciated now, it is because -all systematic morality has been forgotten. But it is none the less, -as careful study of human nature will show, a most precious source of -moral good, and one which is not beyond the reach of nobler natures, -even in their youth. Voluntary widowhood, while it offers all the -advantages which chastity can confer on the intellectual and physical -as well as on the moral nature, is yet free from the moral dangers -of celibacy. Constant adoration of one whom Death has implanted -more visibly and deeply on the memory, leads all high natures, and -especially philosophers, to give themselves more unreservedly to the -service of Humanity; and thus their public life is animated by the -ennobling influence of their innermost feelings. Alike from a sense of -their own truest happiness and from devotion to public duty, they will -be led to this result. - -Deep as is the satisfaction in this prolongation of the sacredness -of marriage, it may be carried by those who recognize its value yet -further. As the death of one did not destroy the bond, so neither -should the death of both. Let, then, those whom death could not divide -be laid in the same grave together. A promise of this solemn act of -perpetuation might be given beforehand, when the organs of public -opinion judged it merited. A man would find a new motive for public -exertion, if it were felt to be a pledge that the memory of her whom he -loved should be for ever coupled with his own. We have a few instances -where this union of memories has taken place spontaneously, as in -the case of Laura and Petrarch, and of Dante and Beatrice. Yet these -instances are so exceptional, that they hardly help us to realize -the full value of the institution proposed. There is no reason for -limiting it to cases of extraordinary genius. In the more healthy state -of society to which we are tending, where private and public life -will be far more closely connected than they have been hitherto, this -recompense of service may be given to all who have deserved it, by -those who have come within their circle of influence. - -Such, then, are the consolations which Positivist sympathy can -give. They leave no cause to regret the visionary hopes held out by -Christianity, hopes which now are as enfeebling to the heart as to -the intellect. Here, as in all other respects, the moral superiority -of Positivism is shown, for the comfort which it gives to the bereaved -implies a strengthening of the tie. Christian consolation, of which -so much has been said, rather encourages a second union. By so doing -it seriously impairs the value of the institution; for a division of -affection arises, which indeed seems hardly compatible with the vague -utopia of a future life. The institutions of perpetual widowhood and of -union in the tomb have found no place in any previous system, though -both were wanting to make monogamy complete. Here, as elsewhere, the -best reply which the new philosophy can give to ignorant prejudice -or malignant calumny, is to take new steps forward in the moral -advancement of Man. - -Thus the theory of marriage, as set forward by the Positivist, becomes -totally independent of any physical motive. It is regarded by him as -the most powerful instrument of moral education; and therefore as the -basis of public or individual welfare. It is no overstrained enthusiasm -which leads us to elevate the moral purity of marriage. We do so -from rigorous examination of the facts of human nature. All the best -results, whether personal or social, of marriage may follow, when the -union, though more impassioned, is as chaste as that of brother and -sister. The sexual instinct has no doubt something to do in most cases -with the first formation of the passion; but it is not necessary in -all cases to gratify the instinct. Abstinence, in cases where there is -real ground for it on both sides, will but serve to strengthen mutual -affection. - - [Woman’s mission as a mother] - -We have examined the position of Woman as a wife, without supposing her -to be a mother. We shall find that maternity, while it extends her -sphere of moral influence, does not alter its nature. - -As a mother, no less than as a wife, her position will be improved -by Positivism. She will have, almost exclusively, the direction of -household education. Public education given subsequently, will be -little but a systematic development of that which has been previously -given at home. - - [Education of children - belongs to mothers. - They only can guide the - development of character] - -For it is a fundamental principle that education, in the normal -condition of society, must be entrusted to the spiritual power; and -in the family the spiritual power is represented by Woman. There are -strong prejudices against entrusting the education of children to -mothers: prejudices springing from the revolutionary spirit of modern -times. Since the close of the Middle Ages, the tendency has been to -place the intellect above the heart. We have neglected the moral side -of education, and I have given undue importance to its intellectual -side. But Positivism having superseded this revolutionary phase by -demonstrating the preponderance of the heart over the intellect, moral -education will resume its proper place. Certainly the present mode of -instruction is not adopted for Woman’s teaching. But their influence -over the education of the future will be even greater than it was in -the Middle Ages. For in the first place, in every part of it, moral -considerations will be paramount; and moreover, until puberty, nothing -will be studied continuously except Art and Poetry. The knights of old -times were usually brought up in this way under feminine guidance, and -on them most assuredly it had no enervating influence. The training can -hardly be supposed less adapted to a pacific than to a warlike state of -society. For instruction, theoretical and practical, as distinguished -from education, masters are no doubt necessary. But moral education -will be left entirely to women, until the time arrives for systematic -teaching of moral science in the years immediately preceding majority. -Here the philosopher is necessary. But the chief duties of the -philosopher lie with adults; his aim being to recall them, individually -or collectively, to principles impressed on them in childhood, and to -enforce the right application of these principles to special cases as -they may arise. That part of education which has the greatest influence -on life, what may be called the spontaneous training of the feelings, -belongs entirely to the mother. Hence it is, as I have already -observed, of the greatest importance to allow the pupil to remain with -his family, and to do away with the monastic seclusion of our public -schools. - -The peculiar fitness of women for inculcating these elementary -principles of morality is a truth which every true philosopher will -fully recognize. Women, having stronger sympathies than men, must -be better able to call out sympathies in others. Men of good sense -have always felt it more important to train the heart than the head; -and this is the view adopted by Positive Philosophy. There is a -danger of exaggerating the importance of system and of forgetting -the conditions on which its utility depends; but the Positivist is -preserved from this danger by the peculiar reality of his philosophy. -In morals, even more than in other subjects, we can only systematize -what has existed previously without system. The feelings must first -be stimulated to free and direct action, before we attempt to bring -them under philosophic discipline. And this process, which begins with -birth, and lasts during the whole period of physical growth, should -be left for women to superintend. So specially are they adapted for -it, that failing the mother, a female friend, if well chosen, and if -she can make herself sufficiently a member of the family, will in most -cases do better than the father himself. The importance of the subject -can only be appreciated by minds dominated, as women’s minds are, by -feeling. Women can see, what men can seldom see, that most actions, and -certainly the actions of youth and childhood, ought not to be judged -in themselves so much as by the tendencies which they show or by the -habits to which they lead. Viewed with reference to their influence -on character, no actions are indifferent. The simplest events in a -child’s life may serve as an occasion for enforcing the fundamental -principle by which the early as well as later stages of Positivist -education should be directed; the strengthening of Social Feeling, -the weakening of Self-love. In fact, actions of an unimportant kind -are precisely those in which it is easiest to appreciate the feelings -which prompted them; since the mind of the observer, not being occupied -with the consequences of such actions, is more free to examine their -source. Moreover, it is only by teaching the child to do right in small -things that he can be trained for the hard inward struggle that lies -before him in life; the struggle to bring the selfish instincts more -and more completely under the control of his higher sympathies. In -these respects the best tutor, however sympathetic his nature, will be -always far inferior to a good mother. A mother may often not be able to -explain the reason of the principle on which she acts, but the wisdom -of her plans will generally show itself in the end. Without formal -teaching, she will take every opportunity of showing her children, as -no other instructor could show them, the joy that springs from generous -feelings, and the misery of yielding to selfishness. - -From the relation of mother we return by a natural transition to -Woman’s position as a wife. The mother, though her authority of course -tends to decrease, continues to superintend the growth of character -until the ordinary age of marriage. Up to that time feminine influence -over Man has been involuntary on his part. By marriage he enters into -a voluntary engagement of subordination to Woman for the rest of his -life. Thus he completes his moral education. Destined himself for -action, he finds his highest happiness in honourable submission to one -in whom the dominant principle is affection. - -Positivism holds out to woman a most important sphere of public and -private duty. This sphere, as we may now see, is nothing but a larger -and more systematic development of the qualities by which she is -characterized. Her mission is so uniform in its nature and so clearly -defined, that there seems hardly room for much uncertainty as to her -proper social position. It is a striking instance of the rule which -applies universally to all human effort; namely, that the order of -things instituted by man ought to be simply a consolidation and -improvement of the natural order. - - [Modern sophisms about - Women’s rights. The - domesticity of her life - follows from the principle - of Separation of Powers] - -In all ages of transition, as in our own, there have been false and -sophistical views of the social position of Woman. But we find it -to be a natural law that Woman should pass the greater part of her -life in the family; and this law has never been affected to any -important extent. It has always been accepted instinctively, though -the sophistical arguments against it have never yet been adequately -refuted. The institution of the family has survived the subtle attacks -of Greek metaphysics, which then were in all the vigour of their -youth, and which were acting on minds that had no systematic principles -to oppose to them. Therefore, profound as the intellectual anarchy of -the present day may be, we need not be seriously alarmed when we see -that nothing worse comes of it than shallow plagiarisms from ancient -utopias, against which the vigorous satire of Aristophanes was quite -enough to rouse general indignation. True, there is a more complete -absence of social principles now, than when the world was passing -from Polytheism to Monotheism; but our intellectual powers are more -developed than they were then, and in moral culture our superiority -is even greater. Women in those times were too degraded to offer -even the opposition of their silence to the pedants who professed -to be taking up their cause; the only resistance offered was of a -purely intellectual kind. But happily in modern times the women of -the West have been free; and have consequently been able to manifest -such unmistakable aversion for these ideas, and for the want of moral -discipline which gives rise to them, that, though still unrefuted -philosophically, their mischievous effects have been neutralized. -Nothing but women’s antipathy has prevented the practical outrages -which seem logically to follow from these subversive principles. Among -our privileged classes the danger is aggravated by indolence; moreover, -the possession of wealth has a bad influence on women’s moral nature. -Yet even here the evil is not really very deep or widely spread. Men -have never been seriously perverted, and women still less so, by -flattery of their bad propensities. The really formidable temptations -are those which act upon our better instincts, and give them a wrong -direction. Schemes which are utterly offensive to female delicacy will -never really be adopted, even by the wealthier classes, who are less -averse to them than others. The repugnance shown to them by the people, -with whom the mischief that they would cause would be irreparable, is -far more decided. The life which working people lead makes it very -clear to both sexes what the proper position of each should be. Thus -it will be in the very class where the preservation of the institution -of the family is of the greatest importance, that Positivists will -find the least difficulty in establishing their theory of the social -position of women, as consequent on the sphere of public and private -duty which has been here assigned to them. - -Looking at the relation of this theory to other parts of the Positive -system, we shall see that it follows from the great principle which -dominates every other social problem, the principle of separating -spiritual and temporal power. That Woman’s life should be concentrated -in her family, and that even there her influence should be that -of persuasion rather than that of command, is but an extension of -the principle which excludes the spiritual power from political -administration. Women, as the purest and most spontaneous of the moral -forces of society, are bound to fulfil with rigorous exactness all the -conditions which the exercise of moral force demands. Effectually to -perform their mission of controlling and guiding our affections, they -must abstain altogether from the practical pursuits of the stronger -sex. Such abstinence, even when the arrangements of society may leave -it optional, is still more desirable in their case than in the case of -philosophers. Active life, incompatible as it is with the clearness and -breadth of philosophic speculation, is even more injurious to delicacy -of feeling, which is women’s highest claim to our respect and the true -secret of their influence. The philosophic spirit is incompatible with -a position of practical authority, because such a position occupies -the mind with questions of detail. But to purity of feeling it is -even more dangerous, because it strengthens the instincts of power -and of gain. And for women it would be harder to avoid the danger of -such a position than for men. Abounding as they do in sympathy, they -are generally deficient in energy, and are therefore less able to -withstand corrupting influences. The more we examine this important -subject, the clearer it becomes that the present condition of women -does not hamper them in their true work; that, on the contrary, it is -well calculated to develop and even improve their highest qualities. -The natural arrangements of society in this as in other respects are -far less faulty than certain blind declaimers would have us believe. -But for the existence of strong material forces, moral force would -soon deteriorate, because its distinctive purpose would be gone. -Philosophers and proletaries would soon lose their intellectual and -moral superiority by the acquisition of power. On women its effect -would be still more disastrous. From instances in the upper classes -of society, where wealth gives them independence, and sometimes -unfortunately even power, we see but too clearly what the consequences -would be. And this is why we have to look to the poorer classes for the -highest type of womanly perfection. With the people sympathy is better -cultivated, and has a greater influence upon life. Wealth has more to -do with the moral degradation of women among the privileged classes -than even idleness and dissipation. - - [The position of the sexes - tends to differentiation - rather than identity] - -Progress, in this respect as in every other, is only a more complete -development of the pre-existing Order. Equality in the position of the -two sexes is contrary to their nature, and no tendency to it has at -any time been exhibited. All history assures us that with the growth -of society the peculiar features of each sex have become not less but -more distinct. By Catholic Feudalism the social condition of women in -Western Europe was raised to a far higher level. But it took away from -them the priestly functions which they had held under Polytheism; a -religion in which the priesthood was more occupied with Art than with -Science. So too with the gradual decline of the principle of Caste, -women have been excluded more and more rigidly from royalty and from -every other kind of political authority. Again, there is a visible -tendency towards the removal of women from all industrial occupations, -even from those which might seem best suited to them. And thus female -life, instead of becoming independent of the Family, is being more and -more concentrated in it; while at the same time their proper sphere of -moral influence is constantly extending. The two tendencies so far from -being opposed, are inseparably connected. - -Without discussing the absurd and retrograde schemes which have -been recently put forward on the subject, there is one remark which -may serve to illustrate the value of the order which now exists. -If women were to obtain that equality in the affairs of life which -their so-called champions are claiming for them without their wish, -not only would they suffer morally, but their social position would -be endangered. They would be subject in almost every occupation to -a degree of competition which they would not be able to sustain. -Moreover, by rivalry in the pursuits of life, mutual affection between -the sexes would be corrupted at its source. - - [Woman to be maintained by - Man] - -Leaving these subversive dreams, we find a natural principle which, by -determining the practical obligations of the Active to the Sympathetic -sex, averts this danger. It is a principle which no philosophy but -Positivism has been sufficiently real and practical to bring forward -systematically for general acceptance. It is no new invention, however, -but a universal tendency, confirmed by careful study of the whole -past history of Man. The principle is, that Man should provide for -Woman. It is a natural law of the human race; a law connected with -the essentially domestic character of female life. We find it in the -rudest forms of social life; and with every step in the progress of -society its adoption becomes more extensive and complete. A still -larger application of this fundamental principle will meet all the -material difficulties under which women are now labouring. All social -relations, and especially the question of wages, will be affected by -it. The tendency to it is spontaneous; but it also follows from the -high position which Positivism has assigned to Woman as the sympathetic -element in the spiritual power. The intellectual class, in the same -way, has to be supported by the practical class, in order to have its -whole time available for the special duties imposed upon it. But in the -case of women, the obligation of the other sex is still more sacred, -because the sphere of duty in which protection for them is required, -is the home. The obligation to provide for the intellectual class, -affects society as a whole; but the maintenance of women is, with few -exceptions, a personal obligation. Each individual should consider -himself bound to maintain the woman he has chosen to be his partner -in life. There are cases, however, in which men should be considered -collectively responsible for the support of the other sex. Women who -are without husband or parents should have their maintenance guaranteed -by society; and this not merely from compassion for their dependent -position, but with the view of enabling them to render public service -of the greatest moral value. - -The direction, then, of progress in the social condition of woman is -this: to render her life more and more domestic; to diminish as far -as possible the burden of out-door labour; and so to fit her more -completely for her special office of educating our moral nature. -Among the privileged classes it is already a recognized rule that -women should be spared all laborious exertion. It is the one point -in the relations of the sexes in which the working classes would do -well to imitate the habits of their employers. In every other respect -the people of Western Europe have a higher sense of their duties -to women than the upper classes. Indeed there are few of them who -would not be ashamed of the barbarity of subjecting women to their -present burdensome occupations, if the present state of our industrial -system allowed of its abolition. But it is chiefly among the higher -and wealthier classes that we find those degrading and very often -fraudulent bargains, connected with unscrupulous interference of -parents in the question of marriage, which are so humiliating to one -sex and so corrupting to the other. Among the working classes the -practice of giving dowries is almost extinct; and as women’s true -mission becomes more recognized, and as choice in marriage becomes less -restricted, this relic of barbarism, with all its debasing results, -will rapidly die out. With this view the application of our theory -should be carried one step further. Women should not be allowed to -inherit. If inheritance be allowed, the prohibition of dowries would -be evaded in a very obvious manner by discounting the reversionary -interest. Since women are to be exempt from the labour of production, -capital, that is to say, the instruments of labour produced by each -generation for the benefit of the next, should revert to men. This view -of inheritance, so far from making men a privileged class, places them -under heavy responsibilities. It is not from women that any serious -opposition to it will proceed. Wise education will show them its value -to themselves personally, as a safeguard against unworthy suitors. But, -important as the rule is, it should not be legally enforced until it -has become established on its own merits as a general custom, which -every one has felt to conduce to the healthy organization of the Family -as here described. - - [The education of women - should be identical with - that of men] - -Coming now to the subject of female education, we have only to make a -further application of the theory which has guided us hitherto. - -Since the vocation assigned by our theory to women is that of educating -others, it is clear that the educational system which we have proposed -in the last chapter for the working classes, applies to them as well -as to the other sex with very slight alterations. Unencumbered as it -is with specialities, it will be found, even in its more scientific -parts, as suitable to the sympathetic element of the moderating -power, as to the synergic element. We have spoken of the necessity -of diffusing sound historical views among the working classes; and -the same necessity applies to women; for social sympathy can never be -perfectly developed, without a sense of the continuity of the Past, -as well as of the solidarity of the Present. Since, then, both sexes -alike need historical instruction as a basis for the systematization of -moral truth, both should alike pass through the scientific training -which prepares the way for social studies, and which moreover has as -intrinsic a value for women as for men. Again, since the first or -spontaneous stage of education is entirely to be left to women, it is -most desirable that they should themselves have passed through the -second or systematic stage. The only department with which they need -not concern themselves, is what is called professional education. -But this, as I have before observed, is not susceptible of regular -organization. Professional skill can only be acquired by careful -practice and experience, resting upon a sound basis of theory. In all -other respects women, philosophers, and working men will receive the -same education. - -But while I would place the sexes on a level in this respect, I do -not take the view of my eminent predecessor Condorcet, that they -should be taught together. On moral grounds, which of course are the -most important consideration, it is obvious that such a plan would be -equally prejudicial to both. In the church, in the club, in the salon, -they may associate freely at every period of life. But at school such -intercourse would be premature; it would check the natural development -of character, not to say that it would obviously have an unsettling -influence upon study. Until the feelings on both sides are sufficiently -matured, it is of the greatest importance that the relations of the two -sexes should not be too intimate, and that they should be superintended -by the watchful eye of their mothers. - -As, however, the subjects of study are to be the same for both, the -necessity of separating the sexes does not imply that there should be -special teachers for women. Not to speak of the increased expenditure -that would thus be incurred, it would inevitably lower the standard -of female education. It would always be presumed that their teachers -were men of inferior attainments. To ensure that the instruction given -is the same for both sexes, the instructors must be the same, and must -give their lectures alternately to each sex. These conditions are -perfectly compatible with the scheme described in the last chapter. It -was there mentioned that each philosopher would be expected to give -one, or, in some cases, two lectures every week. Now supposing this -were doubled, it would still come far short of the intolerable burdens -which are imposed upon teachers in the present day. Moreover, as the -Positivist educator will pass successively through the seven stages of -scientific instruction, he will be able so to regulate his work as to -avoid wearisome repetition of the same lectures in each year. Besides, -the distinguished men to whom our educational system will be entrusted -will soon discover that their two audiences require some difference in -the manner of teaching, and that this may be done without in any way -lowering the uniform standard which their method and their doctrines -require. - -But independently of the importance to female education of this -identity of teachers, it will react beneficially on the intellectual -and moral character of the philosopher who teaches. It will preclude -him from entering into useless details, and will keep him involuntarily -to the broad principles of his subject. By coming into contact -simultaneously with two natures, in one of which thought, and in the -other emotion, is predominant, he will gain clearer insight into the -great principle of subordinating the intellect to the heart. The -obligation of teaching both sexes will complete that universality -of mind which is to be required of the new school of philosophers. -To treat with equal ability of all the various orders of scientific -conceptions, and to interest two audiences of so different a character, -is a task which will demand the highest personal qualifications. -However, as the number required by the conditions is not excessive, -it will not be impossible to find men fit for the purpose, as soon as -the proper means are taken to procure their services, and to guarantee -their material subsistence. It must be borne in mind, too, that the -corporation of teachers is not to be recruited from any one nation for -itself, but from the whole of Western Europe; so that the Positivist -educator will change his residence, when required, even more frequently -than the priests of the Middle Ages. Putting these considerations -together, we shall find that Positivist education for both sexes may be -organized on a sufficient scale for the whole of Western Europe, with -less than the useless, or worse than useless, expenditure incurred by -the clergy of the Anglican church. This would give each functionary -an adequate maintenance, though none of them would be degraded by -wealth. A body of twenty thousand philosophers would be enough now, -and probably would always suffice, for the spiritual wants of the five -Western nations. This would imply the establishment of the septennial -system of instruction in two thousand stations. The influence of women -and of working men will never become so systematic as to enable them -to dispense with philosophic assistance altogether. But in proportion -as they become more effectually incorporated as elements of the -spiritual power, the necessity of enlarging the purely speculative -class will diminish. Under theological systems it has been far too -numerous. The privilege of living in comfort without productive labour -will be ultimately so rare and so dearly earned, that no rational -ground of objection to it will be left. It will be generally felt -that the cost of maintaining these philosophic teachers, like that of -maintaining women, is no real burden to the productive classes; on the -contrary, that it conduces to their highest interest, by ensuring the -performance of intellectual and moral functions which are the noblest -characteristics of Humanity. - -It appears, then, that the primary principle laid down at the -beginning of this chapter enables us to solve all the problems that -offer themselves on the subject of Woman. Her function in society is -determined by the constitution of her nature. She is spontaneously -the organ of Feeling, on which the unity of human nature entirely -depends. And she constitutes the purest and most natural element of the -moderating power; which, while avowing its own subordination to the -material forces of society, purposes to direct them to higher uses. As -mother and as wife, it is her office to conduct the moral education of -Humanity. In order the more perfectly to fulfil this mission, her life -must be connected even more closely than it has been with the Family. -At the same time she must participate, to the full extent that is -possible, in the general system of instruction. - - [Women’s privileges. Their - mission is in itself a - privilege] - -A few remarks on the privileges which the fulfilment of this vocation -will bring, will complete this part of my subject. - -Women’s mission is a striking illustration of the truth that happiness -consists in doing the work for which we are naturally fitted. That -mission is always the same; it is summed up in one word, Love. But -Love is a work in which there can never be too many workers; it grows -by co-operation; it has nothing to fear from competition. Women are -charged with the education of Sympathy, the source of human unity; -and their highest happiness is reached when they have the full -consciousness of their vocation, and are free to follow it. It is the -admirable feature of their social mission, that it invites them to -cultivate qualities which are natural to them; to call into exercise -emotions which all allow to be the most pleasurable. All that is -required for them in a better organization of society are certain -improvements in their external condition. They must be relieved from -out-door labour; and other means must be taken to prevent their moral -influence from being impaired. Both objects are contemplated in the -material, intellectual, and moral ameliorations which Positivism is -destined to effect in female life. - - [They will receive honour - and worship from men] - -But besides the pleasure inherent in their vocation, Positivism offers -a recompense for their services, which Catholic Feudalism foreshadowed -but could not realize. As men become more and more grateful for the -blessing of their moral influence, they will give expression to this -feeling in a systematic form. In a word the new doctrine will institute -the Worship of Woman, publicly and privately, in a far more perfect -way than has ever before been possible. It is the first permanent step -towards the worship of Humanity; which, as the concluding chapter -of this introductory work will show, is the central principle of -Positivism, viewed either as a Philosophy or as a Polity. - - [Development of mediaeval - chivalry] - -Our ancestors in chivalrous times made noble efforts in this -direction, which, except by women, are now no longer appreciated. -But these efforts, however admirable, were inadequate; partly owing -to the military spirit of society in those times, partly because -their religious doctrines had not a sufficiently social character. -Nevertheless, they have left memories which will not perish. The -refinement of life in Western Europe is in great part due to them, -although much of it is already effaced by the anarchy of the present -time. - -Chivalry, if we are to believe the negative philosophers of the last -century, can never revive; because the religious beliefs with which -it was connected have become obsolete. But the connexion was never -very profound, and there is no reason whatever for its continuance. -Far too much has been made of it by recent apologists for Catholicism; -who, while laying great stress on the sanction which Theology gave -to Chivalry, have failed to appreciate the sympathies to which this -admirable institution is really due. The real source of Chivalry lies -most unquestionably in the feudal spirit. Theological sanction for it -was afterwards sought for, as the only systematic basis that offered -itself at that time. But the truth is that Theology and Chivalry were -hardly compatible. Theology fixed men’s thoughts upon a visionary -future; Chivalry concentrated his energies upon the world around him. -The knight of the Middle Ages had always to choose between his God and -his Lady; and could therefore never attain that concentrated unity of -purpose, without which the full result of his mission, so generously -undertaken, could never be realized. - -Placed as we are now, near the close of the revolutionary period, we -are beginning to see that Chivalry is not destined to extinction; that, -on the contrary, when modern life has assumed its normal character, -its influence will be greater than ever, because it will operate on a -more pacific society, and will be based on a more practical religion. -For Chivalry satisfies an essential want of society, a want which -becomes more urgent as civilization advances; it institutes a voluntary -combination of the strong for the protection of the weak. The period of -transition from the offensive military system of Rome to the defensive -system of Feudalism, was naturally the time of its first appearance, -and it received the sanction of the religion then dominant. But society -is now entering upon a period of permanent peace; and when this, the -most striking political feature of modern times, has become firmly -established, the influence of Chivalry will be greater than ever. -Its procedure will be different, because the modes of oppression are -happily not now what they were formerly. The instruments of material -force are now not arms, but riches. It is no longer the person that is -attacked, but his means of subsistence. The advantages of the change -are obvious: the danger is less serious, and protection from it is -easier and more effectual. But it will always remain most desirable -that protectors should come forward, and that they should form an -organized association. The destructive instinct will always show itself -in various ways, wherever there are the means of indulging it. And -therefore as an adjunct to the spiritual organization, Positivism will -encourage a systematic manifestation of chivalrous feeling among the -leaders of industry. Those among them who feel animated with the noble -spirit of the heroes of the Middle Ages, will devote not their sword, -but their wealth, their time, and, if need be, their whole energies -to the defence of the oppressed in all classes. The objects of their -generosity will principally be found, as in the Middle Ages, among the -classes specially exposed to material suffering, that is to say, among -women, philosophers, and working men. It would be strange indeed for a -system like Positivism, the main object of which is to strengthen the -social spirit, not to appropriate the institution which is the noblest -product of that spirit. - -So far, then, the restoration of Chivalry is merely a reconstruction -of the mediaeval institution in a shape adapted to the altered state -of ideas and feelings. In modern as in mediaeval times, devotion of -the strong to the weak follows as a natural consequence from the -subordination of Politics to Morals. Now, as then, the spiritual -power will be nobly seconded by members of the governing class in the -attempt to bring that class to a stricter sense of social duty. But -besides this, Feudal Chivalry had a deeper and more special purpose in -reference to women. And in this respect the superiority of Positivism -is even more complete and obvious. - -Feudalism introduced for the first time the worship of Woman. But -in this it met with little support from Catholicism, and was in -many respects thwarted by it. The habits of Christianity were in -themselves adverse to real tenderness of heart; they only strengthened -it indirectly, by promoting one of the indispensable conditions of -true affection, purity of life. In all other respects Chivalry was -constantly opposed by the Catholic system; which was so austere and -anti-social, that it could not sanction marriage except as an infirmity -which it was necessary to tolerate, but which was hazardous to personal -salvation. Even its rules of purity, valuable as they were, were often -weakened by interested motives which seriously impaired their value. -Consequently, notwithstanding all the noble and long-continued efforts -of our mediaeval ancestors, the institution of the worship of Woman was -very imperfectly effected, especially in its relation to public life. -Whatever Catholic apologists may say, there is every reason to believe -that if Feudalism could have arisen before the decline of Polytheism, -the influence of Chivalry would have been greater. - -It was reserved for the more comprehensive system of Positivism, in -which sound practice is always supported by sound theory, to give full -expression to the feeling of veneration for women. In the new religion, -tenderness of heart is looked upon as the first of Woman’s attributes. -But purity is not neglected. On the contrary its true source and its -essential value, as the first condition of happiness and of moral -growth, are pointed out more distinctly than before. The shallow and -sophistical views of marriage maintained in these unsettled times by -men of narrow minds and coarse feelings, will be easily refuted by -a more careful study of human nature. Even the obstacles presented -by scientific materialism will rapidly disappear before the spread -of Positivist morality. A physician of great sagacity, Hufeland, has -remarked, with truth, that the well-known vigour of the knights of -old times was a sufficient answer to men who talked of the physical -dangers of continence. Positivism, dealing with this question in all -its aspects, teaches that while the primary reason for insisting on -purity is that it is essential to depth of affection, it has as close -a connexion with the physical and intellectual improvement of the -individual and the race as with our moral progress. - -Positivism then, as the whole tendency of this chapter indicates, -encourages, on intellectual as well as on moral grounds, full and -systematic expression of the feeling of veneration for Women, in public -as well as in private life, collectively as well as individually. -Born to love and to be loved, relieved from the burdens of practical -life, free in the sacred retirement of their homes, the women of the -West will receive from Positivists the tribute of deep and sincere -admiration which their life inspires. They will feel no scruple in -accepting their position as spontaneous priestesses of Humanity; they -will fear no longer the rivalry of a vindictive Deity. From childhood -each of us will be taught to regard their sex as the principal source -of human happiness and improvement, whether in public life or in -private. - -The treasures of affection which our ancestors wasted upon mystical -objects, and which these revolutionary times ignore, will then -be carefully preserved and directed to their proper purpose. The -enervating influence of chimerical beliefs will have passed away; and -men in all the vigour of their energies, feeling themselves the masters -of the known world, will feel it their highest happiness to submit with -gratitude to the beneficent power of womanly sympathy. In a word, Man -will in those days kneel to Woman, and to Woman alone. - -The source from which these reverential feelings for the sympathetic -sex proceed, is a clear appreciation in the other sex of benefits -received, and a spirit of deep thankfulness for them. The Positivist -will never forget that moral perfection, the primary condition of -public and private happiness, is principally due to the influence of -Woman over Man, first as mother, then as wife. Such a conviction cannot -fail to arouse feelings of loving veneration for those with whom, -from their position in society, he is in no danger of rivalry in the -affairs of life. When the mission of woman is better understood, and is -carried out more fully, she will be regarded by Man as the most perfect -impersonation of Humanity. - - [The practice of Prayer, so - far from disappearing, is - purified and strengthened in - Positive religion] - -Originating in spontaneous feelings of gratitude, the worship of Woman, -when it has assumed a more systematic shape, will be valued for its -own sake as a new instrument of happiness and moral growth. Inert as -the tender sympathies are in Man, it is most desirable to strengthen -them by such exercise as the public and private institution of this -worship will afford. And here it is that Positivists will find all the -elevating influences which Catholicism derived from Prayer. - -It is a common but very palpable error to imagine that Prayer is -inseparable from the chimerical motives of self-interest in which it -first originated. In Catholicism there was always a tendency to rise -above these motives, so far at least as the principles of theology -admitted. From St. Augustine downwards, all the nobler spirits have -felt more and more strongly, notwithstanding the self-absorbing -tendencies of Christian doctrine, that Prayer did not necessarily imply -petition. When sounder views of human nature have become prevalent, -the value of this important function will be more clearly appreciated; -and it will ultimately become of greater importance than ever, because -founded on a truer principle. In the normal state of Humanity, the -moral efficacy of Prayer will no longer be impaired by thoughts of -personal recompense. It will be simply a solemn out-pouring, whether -in private or in public, of men’s nobler feelings, inspiring them with -larger and more comprehensive thoughts. As a daily practice, it is -inculcated by Positivism as the best preservative against the selfish -and narrow views which are so apt to arise in the ordinary avocations -of life. To men its value is even greater than to women; their life -being less favourable to large views and general sympathies, it is the -more important to revive them at regular periods. - -But Prayer would be of little value unless the mind could form a -clear conception of its object. The worship of Woman satisfies this -condition, and is so far of greater efficacy than the worship of -God. True, the ultimate object of Positivist Prayer, as shown in -the concluding chapter of this volume, is Humanity. But some of its -best moral effects would hardly be realized, if it were at once and -exclusively directed to an object so difficult to conceive clearly. -It is possible that Women with their stronger sympathies may be able -to reach this stage without intermediate steps. However this may be, -men certainly would not be able to do so; even the intellectual class, -with all its powers of generalization, would find it impossible. The -worship of Woman, begun in private, and afterwards publicly celebrated, -is necessary in man’s case to prepare him for any effectual worship of -Humanity. - -No one can be so unhappy as not to be able to find some woman worthy -of his peculiar love, whether in the relation of wife or of mother; -some one who in his solitary prayer may be present to him as a fixed -object of devotion. Nor will such devotion, as might be thought, -cease with death; rather, when its object has been rightly chosen, -death strengthens it by making it more pure. The principle upon which -Positivism insists so strongly, the union of the Present with the Past, -and even with the Future, is not limited to the life of Society. It is -a doctrine which unites all individuals and all generations; and when -it has become more familiar to us, it will stimulate every one to call -his dearest memories to life; the spirit of the system being that the -private life of the very humblest citizen has a close relation to his -public duty. We all know how intellectual culture enables us to live -with our great predecessors of the Middle Ages and of Antiquity, almost -as we should do with absent friends. And if intellect can do so much, -will it not be far easier for the strong passion of Love to effect -this ideal resurrection? We have already many instances where whole -nations have shown strong sympathies or antipathies to great historical -names, especially when their influence was still sensibly felt. There -is no reason why a private life should not produce the same effect -upon those who have been brought into contact with it. Moral culture -has been conducted hitherto on such unsatisfactory principles, that -we can hardly form an adequate notion of its results when Positivism -has regenerated it, and has concentrated the affections as well as -the thoughts of Man upon human life. To live with the dead is the -peculiar privilege of Humanity, a privilege which will extend as our -conceptions widen and our thoughts become more pure. Under Positivism -the impulse to it will become far stronger, and it will be recognized -as a systematic principle in private as well as in public life. Even -the Future is not excluded from its application. We may live with those -who are not yet born; a thing impossible only till a true theory of -history had arisen, of scope sufficient to embrace at one glance the -whole course of human destiny. There are numberless instances to prove -that the heart of Man is capable of emotions which have no outward -basis, except what Imagination has supplied. The familiar spirits of -the Polytheist, the mystical desires of the Monotheist, all point to -a general tendency in the Past, which, with our better principles, -we shall be able in the Future to direct to a nobler and more real -purpose. And thus even those who may be so unfortunate as to have no -special object of love need not, on that account, be precluded from -the act of worship: they may choose from the women of the past some -type adapted to their own nature. Men of powerful imagination might -even form their own more perfect ideal, and thus open out the path -of the future. This, indeed, is what was often done by the knights -of chivalrous times, simple and uninstructed as they were. Surely -then we, with our fuller understanding and greater familiarity with -the Past, should be able to idealize more perfectly. But whether the -choice lie in the Past or in the Future, its efficacy would be impaired -unless it remained constant to one object; and fixed principles, such -as Positivism supplies, are needed to check the natural tendency to -versatility of feeling. - - [The worship of Woman a - preparation for the worship - of Humanity] - -I have dwelt at some length upon the personal adoration of Woman under -its real or ideal aspects, because upon it depends nearly all the moral -value of any public celebration. Public assemblage in the temples of -Humanity may strengthen and stimulate feelings of devotion, but cannot -originate them. Unless each worshipper has felt in his own person deep -and reverential love for those to whom our highest affections are due, -a public service in honour of women would be nothing but a repetition -of unmeaning formulas. But those whose daily custom it has been to -give expression to such feelings in secret, will gain, by assembling -together, all the benefit of more intense and more exalted sympathy. -In my last letter to her who is for ever mine, I said: ‘Amidst the -heaviest anxieties which Love can bring, I have never ceased to feel -that the one thing essential to happiness is that the heart shall be -always nobly occupied’.[9] And now that we are separated by Death, -daily experience confirms this truth, which is moreover in exact -accordance with the Positive theory of human nature. Without personal -experience of Love no public celebration of it can be sincere. - -In its public celebration the superiority of the new Religion is even -more manifest than in the private worship. A system in which the social -spirit is uniformly preponderant, is peculiarly adapted to render -homage for the social services of the sympathetic sex. When the knights -of the Middle Ages met together, they might give vent to their personal -feelings, and express to one another the reverence which each felt for -his own mistress; but farther than this they could not go. And such -personal feelings will never cease to be necessary. Still the principal -object of public celebration is to express gratitude on the part of -the people for the social blessings conferred by Woman, as the organ -of that element in our nature on which its unity depends, and as the -original source of moral power. In the Middle Ages such considerations -were impossible, for want of a rational theory embracing the whole -circle of social relations. Indeed the received faith was incompatible -with any such conception, since God in that faith occupied the place -really due to Humanity. - - [Exceptional women. Joan of - Arc] - -There are women whose career has been altogether exceptional; and -these, like the rest, meet with their due tribute of praise in the -Positive system. The chief motive, doubtless, for public and private -veneration is the mission of sympathy, which is Woman’s peculiar -vocation. But there have been remarkable instances of women whose -life has been one of speculation, or even, what is in most cases -still more foreign to their nature, of political activity. They have -rendered real service to Humanity, and they should receive the honour -that is due to them. Theology, from its absolute character, could not -make such concessions; they would have weakened the efficiency of its -most important social rules. Consequently, Catholicism was compelled, -though at first with sincere regret, to leave some of the noblest -women without commemoration. A signal instance is the Maid of Orleans, -whose heroism saved France in the fifteenth century. Our great king -Louis XI applied very properly to the Pope for her canonization, and -no objection was made to his request. Yet, practically, it was never -carried into effect. It was gradually forgotten; and the clergy soon -came to feel a sort of dislike to her memory, which reminded them -of nothing but their own social weakness. It is easy to account for -this result; nor is any one really to blame for it. It was feared, -not without reason, that to consider Joan of Arc as a saint might -have the effect of spreading false and dangerous ideas of feminine -duty. The difficulty was insuperable for any absolute system, in -which to sanction the exception is to compromise the rule. But in a -relative system the case is different. It is even more inconsistent -with Positive principles than it is with Catholic, for women to lead -a military life, a life which of all others is the least compatible -with their proper functions. And yet Positivists will be the first to -do justice to this extraordinary heroine, whom theologians have been -afraid to recognize, and whom metaphysicians, even in France, have had -the hardihood to insult. The anniversary of her glorious martyrdom will -be a solemn festival, not only for France, but for Western Europe. -For her work was not merely of national importance: the enslavement -of France would have involved the loss of all the influence which -France has exercised as the centre of the advanced nations of Europe. -Moreover, as none of them are altogether clear from the disgrace of -detracting, as Voltaire has done, from her character, all should aid -in the reparation of it which Positivism proposes to institute. So far -from her apotheosis having an injurious effect on female character, -it will afford an opportunity of pointing out the anomalous nature of -her career, and the rarity of the conditions which alone could justify -it. It is a fresh proof of the advantages accruing to Morality from -the relative character of Positivism, which enables it to appreciate -exceptional cases without weakening the rules. - -The subject of the worship of Woman by Man raises a question of much -delicacy; how to satisfy the analogous feelings of devotion in the -other sex. We have seen its necessity for men as an intermediate step -towards the worship of Humanity; and women, stronger though their -sympathies are, stand, it may be, in need of similar preparation. -Yet certainly the direction taken should be somewhat different. What -is wanted is that each sex should strengthen the moral qualities in -which it is naturally deficient. Energy is a characteristic feature of -Humanity as well as Sympathy; as is well shown by the double meaning -of the word _Heart_. In Man Sympathy is the weaker element, and it -requires constant exercise. This he gains by expression of his feelings -of reverence for Woman. In Woman, on the other hand, the defective -quality is Energy; so that, should any special preparation for the -worship of Humanity be needed, it should be such as to strengthen -courage rather than sympathy. But my sex renders me incompetent to -enter farther into the secret wants of Woman’s heart. Theory indicates -a blank hitherto unnoticed, but does not enable me to fill it. It is a -problem for women themselves to solve; and I had reserved it for my -noble colleague, for whose premature death I would fain hope that my -own grief may one day be shared by all. - -Throughout this chapter I have been keenly sensible of the philosophic -loss resulting from our objective separation. True, I have been able -to show that Positivism is a matter of the deepest concern to women, -since it incorporates them in the progressive movement of modern -times. I have proved that the part allotted to them in this movement -is one which satisfies their highest aspirations for the Family or -for Society. And yet I can hardly hope for much support from them -until some woman shall come forward to interpret what I have said into -language more adapted to their nature and habits of thought. Till -then it will always be taken for granted that they are incapable even -of understanding the new philosophy, notwithstanding all the natural -affinities for it which I have shown that they possess. - -All these difficulties had been entirely removed by the noble and -loving friend to whom I dedicate the treatise to which this work is -introductory. The dedication is unusual in form, and some may think it -overstrained. But my own fear is rather, now that five years have past, -that my words were too weak for the deep gratitude which I now feel for -her elevating influence. Without it the moral aspects of Positivism -would have lain very long latent. - -Clotilde de Vaux was gifted equally in mind and heart: and she had -already begun to feel the power of the new philosophy to raise feminine -influence from the decline into which it had fallen, under the -revolutionary influences of modern times. Misunderstood everywhere, -even by her own family, her nature was far too noble for bitterness. -Her sorrows were as exceptional as they were undeserved; but her -purity was even more rare than her sorrow; and it preserved her -unscathed from all sophistical attacks on marriage, even before the -true theory of marriage had come before her. In the only writing -which she published[10], there is a beautiful remark, which to those -who know the history of her life is deeply affecting: ‘Great natures -should always be above bringing their sorrows upon others’. In this -charming story, written before she knew anything of Positivism, she -expressed herself most characteristically on the subject of Woman’s -vocation: ‘Surely the true sphere of Woman is to provide Man with the -comforts and delights of home, receiving in exchange from him the means -of subsistence earned by his labours. I would rather see the mother -of a poor family washing her children’s linen, than see her earning a -livelihood by her talents away from home. Of course I do not speak of -women of extraordinary powers whose genius leads them out of the sphere -of domestic duty. Such natures should have free scope given to them: -for great minds are kindled by the exhibition of their powers’. These -words coming from a young lady distinguished no less for beauty than -for worth, showed her antipathy to the subversive ideas so prevalent in -the present day. But in a large work which she did not live to finish, -she had intended to refute the attacks upon marriage, contained in -the works of George Sand, to whom she was intellectually no less than -morally superior. Her nature was of rare endowment, moved by noble -impulse, and yet allowing its due influence to reason. When she was -beginning to study Positivism she wrote to me: ‘No one knows better -than myself how weak our nature is unless it has some lofty aim beyond -the reach of passion’. A short time afterwards, writing with all the -graceful freedom of friendship, she let fall a phrase of deep meaning, -almost unawares: ‘Our race is one which must have duties, in order to -form its feelings’. - -With such a nature my Saint Clotilde was, as may be supposed, fully -conscious of the moral value of Positivism, though she had only one -year to give to its study. A few months before her death, she wrote -to me: ‘If I were a man, I should be your enthusiastic disciple; as a -woman, I can but offer you my cordial admiration’. In the same letter -she explains the part which she proposed to take in diffusing the -principles of the new philosophy: ‘It is always well for a woman to -follow modestly behind the army of renovators, even at the risk of -losing a little of her own originality’. She describes our intellectual -anarchy in this charming simile: ‘We are all standing as yet with one -foot in the air over the threshold of truth’. - - [It is for women to - introduce Positivism into - the Southern nations] - -With such a colleague, combining as she did qualities hitherto shared -amongst the noblest types of womanhood, it would have been easy to -induce her sex to co-operate in the regeneration of society. For she -gave a perfect example of that normal reaction of Feeling upon Reason -which has been here set forward as the highest aim of Woman’s efforts. -When she had finished the important work on which she was engaged, I -had marked out for her a definite yet spacious field of co-operation -in the Positivist cause: a field which her intellect and character -were fully competent to occupy. I mention it here, to illustrate the -mode in which women may help to spread Positivism through the West; -giving thus the first example of the social influence which they will -afterwards exert permanently. What I say has special reference to Italy -and to Spain. In other countries it only applies to individuals who, -though living in an atmosphere of free thought, have not themselves -ventured to think freely. Success in this latter case is so frequent, -as to make me confident that the agencies of which I am about to speak -may be applied collectively with the same favourable result. - -The intellectual freedom of the West began in England and Germany; -and it had all the dangers of original efforts for which at that time -no systematic basis could be found. With the legal establishment of -Protestantism, the metaphysical movement stopped. Protestantism, by -consolidating it, seriously impeded subsequent progress, and is still, -in the countries where it prevails, the chief obstacle to all efficient -renovation. Happily France, the normal centre of Western Europe, was -spared this so-called Reformation. She made up for the delay, by -passing at one stride, under the impulse given by Voltaire, to a state -of entire freedom of thought; and thus resumed her natural place as -leader of the common movement of social regeneration. But the French -while escaping the inconsistencies and oscillations of Protestantism, -have been exposed to all the dangers resulting from unqualified -acceptance of revolutionary metaphysics. Principles of systematic -negation have now held their ground with us too long. Useful as they -once were in preparing the way for social reconstruction, they are -now a hindrance to it. It may be hoped that when the movement of free -thought extends, as it assuredly will, to the two Southern nations, -where Catholicism has been more successful in resisting Protestantism -and Deism, it will be attended with less injurious consequences. -If France was spared the Calvinistic stage, there seems no reason -why Italy and even Spain should not be spared Voltairianism. As a -compensation for this apparent stagnation, they might pass at once from -Catholicism to Positivism, without halting for any length of time at -the negative stage. These countries could not have originated the new -philosophy, owing to their insufficient preparation; but as soon as it -has taken root in France, they will probably accept it with extreme -rapidity. Direct attacks upon Catholicism will not be necessary. The -new religion will simply put itself into competition with the old by -performing in a better way the same functions that Catholicism fulfils -now, or has fulfilled in past times. - -All evidence, especially the evidence of the poets, goes to prove -that before Luther’s time, there was less belief in the South of -Europe, certainly less in Italy, than in the North. And Catholicism, -with all its resistance to the progress of thought, has never been -able really to revive the belief in Christianity. We speak of Italy -and Spain as less advanced; but the truth is that they only cling to -Catholicism because it satisfies their moral and social wants better -than any system with which they are acquainted. Morally they have more -affinity to Positivism than other nations; because their feelings of -fraternity have not been weakened by the industrial development which -has done so much harm in Protestant countries. Intellectually, too, -they are less hostile to the primary principle of Positive Polity; the -separation of spiritual and temporal power. And therefore they will -welcome Positivism as soon as they see that in all essential features -it equals and surpasses the mediaeval church. Now as this question is -almost entirely a moral one, their convictions in this respect will -depend far more upon Feeling than upon argument. Consequently, the work -of converting them to Positivism is one for which women are peculiarly -adapted. Positivism has been communicated to England by men. Holland, -too, which has been the vanguard of Germany ever since the Middle Ages -has been initiated in the same way still more efficiently. But its -introduction in Italy and Spain will depend upon the women of those -countries; and the appeal to them must come, not from a Frenchman, but -from a Frenchwoman; for heart must speak to heart. Would that these few -words might enable others to appreciate the inestimable worth of the -colleague whom I had intended to write such an appeal; and that they -might stimulate some one worthy to take her place! - -Already, then, there is ground for encouragement. Already we have one -striking instance of a woman ready to co-operate in the philosophical -movement, which assigns to her sex a mission of the highest social -consequence as the prelude to the function for which in the normal -state they are destined. Such an instance, though it may seem now -exceptional, does but anticipate what will one day be universal. -Highly gifted natures pass through the same phases as others; only -they undergo them earlier, and so become guides for the rest. The -sacred friend of whom I speak had nothing that specially disposed her -to accept Positivism, except the beauty of her mind and character, -prematurely ripened by sorrow. Had she been an untaught working woman, -it would perhaps have been still easier for her to grasp the general -spirit of the new philosophy and its social purpose. - -The result of this chapter is to show the affinity of the systematic -element of the modifying power, as represented by philosophers, with -women who form its sympathetic element; an affinity not less close -than that with the people, who constitute its synergic element. The -organization of moral force is based on the alliance of philosophers -with the people; but the adhesion of women is necessary to its -completion. With the union of all three, the regeneration of society -begins, and the revolution is brought to a close. But more than this: -their union is at once an inauguration of the final order of society. -Each of these three elements will be acting as it will be called -upon to act in the normal state, and will be occupying its permanent -position relatively to the temporal power. The philosophic class whose -work it is to combine the action of the other two classes, will find -valuable assistance from women in every family, as well as powerful -co-operation from the people in every city. - -The result will be a union of all who are precluded from political -administration, instituted for the purpose of judging all practical -measures by the fixed rules of universal morality. Exceptional cases -will arise when moral influence is insufficient: in these it will be -necessary for the people to interfere actively. But philosophers and -women are dispensed from such interference. Direct action would be most -injurious to their powers of sympathy or of thought. They can only -preserve these powers by keeping clear of all positions of political -authority. - -But while the moral force resulting from the combined action of women -and of the people, will be more efficient than that of the Middle Ages, -the systematic organs of that force will find their work one of great -difficulty. High powers of intellect are required and a heart worthy of -such intellect. To secure the support of women, and the co-operation -of the people, they must have the sympathy and purity of the first, -the energy and disinterestedness of the second. Such natures are rare; -yet without them the new spiritual power cannot obtain that ascendancy -over society to which Positivism aspires. And with all the agencies, -physical or moral, which can be brought to bear, we shall have to -acknowledge that the exceeding imperfections of human nature form -an eternal obstacle to the object for which Positivism strives, the -victory of social sympathy over self-love. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE RELATION OF POSITIVISM TO ART - - - [Positivism when complete - is as favourable to - imagination, as, when - incomplete, it was - unfavourable to it] - -The essential principles and the social purpose of the only philosophy -by which the revolution can be brought to a close, are now before us. -We have seen too that energetic support from the People and cordial -sympathy from Women are necessary to bring this philosophic movement to -a practical result. One further condition yet remains. The view here -taken of human life as regenerated by this combination of efforts, -would be incomplete if it did not include an additional element, -with which Positivism, as I have now to show, is no less competent -to deal. We have spoken already of the place which Reason occupies -in our nature; its function being to subordinate itself to Feeling -for the better guidance of the Active powers. But in the normal state -of our nature it has also another function; that of regulating and -stimulating Imagination, without yielding passive obedience to it. -The esthetic faculties are far too important to be disregarded in the -normal state of Humanity; therefore they must not be omitted from -the system which aims to introduce that state. There is a strong but -groundless prejudice that in this respect at least Positivism will be -found wanting. Yet it furnishes, as may readily be shown, the only -true foundation of modern Art, which, since the Middle Ages, has been -cultivated without fixed principles or lofty purpose. - -The reproach that Positivism is incompatible with Art arises simply -from the fact that almost every one is in the habit of confounding the -philosophy itself with the scientific studies on which it is based. The -charge only applies to the positive spirit in its preliminary phase of -disconnected specialities, a phase which scientific men of the present -day are making such mischievous efforts to prolong. Nothing can be -more fatal to the fine arts than the narrow views, the overstraining -of analysis, the abuse of the reasoning faculty, which characterize -the scientific investigation of the present day; to say nothing of -their injurious effects upon moral progress, the first condition of -esthetic development. But all these defects necessarily disappear when -the Positive spirit becomes more comprehensive and systematic; which is -the case as soon as it embraces the higher subjects in the encyclopædic -scale of sciences. When it reaches the study of Society, which is -its true and ultimate sphere, it has to deal with the conceptions of -Poetry, as well as with the operations of Feeling: since its object -must then be to give a faithful and complete representation of human -nature under its individual, and still more under its social, aspects. -Hitherto Positive science has avoided these two subjects: but their -charm is such that, when the study of them has been once begun, it -cannot fail to be prosecuted with ardour; and their proper place in the -constitution of Man and of Society will then be recognized. Reason has -been divorced for a long time from Feeling and Imagination. But, with -the more complete and systematic culture here proposed, they will be -re-united. - -To those who have studied the foregoing chapters with attention, -the view that the new philosophy is unfavourable to Art, will be -obviously unjust. Supposing even that there were no important functions -specially assigned to the fine arts in the Positive system, yet -indirectly, the leading principles of the system, its social purpose, -and the influences by which it is propagated, are all most conducive -to the interests of Art. To demonstrate, as Positivism alone of all -philosophies has done, the subordination of the intellect to the heart, -and the dependence of the unity of human nature upon Feeling, is to -stimulate the esthetic faculties, because Feeling is their true source. -To propound a social doctrine by which the Revolution is brought to a -close, is to remove the principal obstacle to the growth of Art, and -to open a wide field and a firm foundation for it, by establishing -fixed principles and modes of life; in the absence of which Poetry can -have nothing noble to narrate or to inspire. To exhort the working -classes to seek happiness in calling their moral and mental powers -into constant exercise, and to give them an education, the principal -basis of which is esthetic, is to place Art under the protection of its -natural patrons. - -But one consideration is of itself sufficient for our purpose. We have -but to look at the influence of Positivism upon Women, at its tendency -to elevate the social dignity of their sex, while at the same time -strengthening all family ties. Now of all the elements of which society -is constituted, Woman certainly is the most esthetic, alike from her -nature and her position; and both her position and her nature are -raised and strengthened by Positivism. We receive from women, not only -our first ideas of Goodness, but our first sense of Beauty; for their -own sensibility to it is equalled by their power of imparting it to -others. We see in them every kind of beauty combined; beauty of mind -and character as well as of person. All their actions, even those which -are unconscious, exhibit a spontaneous striving for ideal perfection. -And their life at home, when free from the necessity of labouring for -a livelihood, favours this tendency. Living as they do for affection, -they cannot fail to feel aspirations for all that is highest, in the -world around them first, and then also in the world of imagination. -A doctrine, then, which regards women as the originators of moral -influence in society, and which places the groundwork of education -under their charge, cannot be suspected of being unfavourable to Art. - -Leaving these prejudices, we may now examine the mode in which the -incorporation of Art into the modern social system will be promoted by -Positivism. In the first place systematic principles of Art will be -laid down, and its proper function clearly defined. The result of this -will be to call out new and powerful means of expression, and also new -organs. I may observe that the position which Art will occupy in the -present movement of social regeneration is already an inauguration of -its final function; as we saw in the analogous cases of the position of -women and of the working classes. - - [Esthetic talent is for the - adornment of life, not for - its government] - -But before touching on this question it will be well to rectify a -prevalent misconception on the subject, one of the many consequences -of our mental and moral anarchy. I refer to the exaggeration of the -influence of Art; an error which, if uncorrected, would vitiate all our -views with regard to it. - -All poets of real genius, from Homer to Corneille, have always -considered their work to be that of beautifying human life, and so far, -of elevating it. Government of human life they had never supposed to -fall within their province. Indeed no sane man would lay it down as a -proposition that Imagination should control the other mental faculties. -It would imply that the normal condition of the intellect was insanity; -insanity being definable as that state of mind in which subjective -inspirations are stronger than objective judgments. It is a static law -of our nature, which has never been permanently suspended, that the -faculties of Representation and Expression should be subordinate to -those of Conception and Co-ordination. Even in cerebral disturbances -the law holds good. The relation with the external world is perverted, -but the original correlation of the internal mental functions remains -unaffected. - -The foolish vanity of the later poets of antiquity led some of them -into errors much resembling those which now prevail on this point. -Still in Polytheistic society artists were at no time looked upon -as the leading class, notwithstanding the esthetic character of -Greek and Roman religion. If proofs were necessary, Homer’s poems, -especially the Odyssey, would show how secondary the influence of -the fine arts was upon society, even when the priesthood had ceased -to control them. Plato’s Utopia, written when Polytheism was in its -decline, represented a state in which the interference of poets was -systematically prevented. Mediaeval Monotheism was still less disposed -to overrate the importance of Art, though its true value was recognized -more generally than it had ever been before. But with the decline -of Catholicism, germs of errors showed themselves, from which even -the extraordinary genius of Dante was not free. The revolutionary -influences of the last five centuries have developed these errors into -the delirium of self-conceit exhibited by the poets and literary men -of our time. Theology having arrived at its extreme limits before -any true conception of the Positive state could arise, the negative -condition of the Western Republic became aggravated to an unheard-of -extent. Rules and institutions, which had formerly controlled the -most headstrong ambition, fell rapidly into discredit. And as the -principles of social order disappeared, artists and especially poets, -the leading class among them, stimulated by the applause which they -received from their uninstructed audience, fell into the error of -seeking political influence. Incompatible as all mere criticism must -be with true poetry, modern Art since the fourteenth century has -participated more and more actively in the destruction of the old -system. Until, however, Negativism had received its distinct shape -and character from the revolutions of the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries, the influence of Art for destructive purposes was secondary -to that exercised by metaphysicians and legists. But in the eighteenth -century, when negativism began to be propagated boldly in a systematic -form, the case was changed, and literary ambition asserted itself more -strongly. The speculative thinkers who had hitherto formed the vanguard -of the destructive movement, were replaced by mere litterateurs, men -whose talents were of a poetical rather than philosophical kind, but -who had, intellectually speaking, no real vocation. When the crisis -of the Revolution came, this heterogeneous class took the lead in the -movement, and naturally stepped into all political offices; a state of -things which will continue until there is a more direct and general -movement of reorganization. - - [The political influence of - literary men a deplorable - sign and source of anarchy] - -This is the historical explanation, and at the same time the -refutation, of the subversive schemes so prevalent in our time, of -which the object is to establish a sort of aristocracy of literary -pedants. Such day-dreams of unbridled self-conceit find favour only -with the metaphysical minds who cannot sanction exceptional cases -without making them into an absolute rule. If philosophers are to be -excluded from political authority, there is still greater reason for -excluding poets. The mental and moral versatility which makes them -so apt in reflecting the thoughts and feelings of those around them, -utterly unfits them for being our guides. Their natural defects are -such as nothing but rigorous and systematic education can correct; they -are, therefore, certain to be peculiarly prominent in times like these -when deep convictions of any kind are so rare. Their real vocation is -to assist the spiritual power as accessory members; and this involves -their renouncing all ideas of government, even more strictly than -philosophers themselves. Philosophers, though not themselves engaging -in politics, are called upon to lay down the principles of political -action; but the poet has very little to do with either. His special -function is to idealize and to stimulate; and to do this well, he must -concentrate his energies exclusively upon it. It is a large and noble -field, amply sufficient to absorb men who have a real vocation for it. -Accordingly, in the great artist of former times we see comparatively -few traces of this extravagant ambition. It comes before us in a -time when, owing to the absence of regular habits of life and fixed -convictions, art of the highest order is impossible. The poets of our -time either have not realized or have mistaken their vocation. When -Society is again brought under the influence of a universal doctrine, -real poetry will again become possible; and such men as those we have -been speaking of will turn their energies in a different direction. -Till then they will continue to waste their efforts or to ruin their -character in worthless political agitation, a state of things in which -mediocrity shines and real genius is left in the background. - -In the normal state of human nature, Imagination is subordinate to -Reason as Reason is to Feeling. Any prolonged inversion of this natural -order is both morally and intellectually dangerous. The reign of -Imagination would be still more disastrous than the reign of Reason; -only that it is even more incompatible with the practical conditions -of human life. But chimerical as it is, the mere pursuit of it may do -much individual harm by substituting artificial excitement, and in too -many cases affectation of feeling, in the place of deep and spontaneous -emotion. Viewed politically, nothing can be worse than this undue -preponderance of esthetic considerations caused by the uncontrolled -ambition of artists and litterateurs. The true object of Art, which is -to charm and elevate human life, is gradually lost sight of. By being -held out as the aim and object of existence, it degrades the artist -and the public equally, and is therefore certain to degenerate. It -loses all its higher tendencies, and is reduced either to a sensuous -pleasure, or to a mere display of technical skill. Admiration for -the arts, which, when kept in its proper place, has done so much for -modern life, may become a deeply corrupting influence, if it becomes -the paramount consideration. It is notorious what an atrocious custom -prevailed in Italy for several centuries, simply for the sake of -improving men’s voices. Art, the true purpose of which is to strengthen -our sympathies, leads when thus degraded to a most abject form of -selfishness; in which enjoyment of sounds or forms is held out as -the highest happiness, and utter apathy prevails as to all questions -of social interest. So dangerous is it intellectually, and still more -so morally, for individuals, and above all, for societies to allow -esthetic considerations to become unduly preponderant; even when they -spring from a genuine impulse. But the invariable consequence to which -this violation of the first principles of social order leads, is the -success of mediocrities who acquire technical skill by long practice. - -Thus it is that we have gradually fallen under the discreditable -influence of men who were evidently not competent for any but -subordinate positions, and whose preponderance has proved as injurious -to Art as it has been to Philosophy and Morality. A fatal facility of -giving expression to what is neither believed nor felt, gives temporary -reputation to men who are as incapable of originality in Art as they -are of grasping any new principle in science. It is the most remarkable -of all the political anomalies caused by our revolutionary position; -and the moral results are most deplorable, unless when, as rarely -happens, the possessor of these undeserved honours has a nature too -noble to be injured by them. Poets are more exposed to these dangers -than other artists, because their sphere is more general and gives -wider scope for ambition. But in the special arts we find the same evil -in a still more degrading form; that of avarice, a vice by which so -much of our highest talent is now tainted. Another signal proof of the -childish vanity and uncontrolled ambition of the class is, that those -who are merely interpreters of other men’s productions claim the same -title as those who have produced original works. - -Such are the results of the extravagant pretensions which artists and -literary men have gradually developed during the last five centuries. -I have dwelt upon them because they constitute at present serious -impediments to all sound views of the nature and purposes of Art. My -strictures will not be thought too severe by really esthetic natures, -who know from personal experience how fatal the present system is to -all talent of a high order. Whatever the outcry of those personally -interested, it is certain that in the true interest of Art the -suppression of mediocrity is at least as important as the encouragement -of talent. True taste always implies distaste. The very fact that the -object is to foster in us the sense of perfection, implies that all -true connoisseurs will feel a thorough dislike for feeble work. Happily -there is this privilege in all masterpieces, that the admiration -aroused by them endures in its full strength for all time; so that -the plea which is often put forward of keeping up the public taste -by novelties which in reality injure it, falls to the ground. To -mention my own experience, I may say that for thirteen years I have -been induced alike from principle and from inclination, to restrict my -reading almost entirely to the great Occidental poets, without feeling -the smallest curiosity for the works of the day which are brought out -in such mischievous abundance. - - [Theory of Art] - -Guarding ourselves, then, against errors of this kind, we may now -proceed to consider the esthetic character of Positivism. In the first -place, it furnishes us with a satisfactory theory of Art; a subject -which has never been systematically explained; all previous attempts to -do so, whatever their value, having viewed the subject incompletely. -The theory here offered is based on the subjective principle of the new -philosophy, on its objective dogma, and on its social purpose; as set -forward in the two first chapters of this work. - - [Art is the idealized - representation of Fact] - -Art may be defined as an ideal representation of Fact; and its object -is to cultivate our sense of perfection. Its sphere therefore is -co-extensive with that of Science. Both deal in their own way with -the world of Fact; the one explains it, the other beautifies it. The -contemplations of the artist and of the man of science follow the same -encyclopædic law; they begin with the simple objects of the external -world; they gradually rise to the complicated facts of human nature. I -pointed out in the second chapter that the scientific scale, the scale, -that is, of the True, coincided with that of the Good: we now see that -it coincides with that of the Beautiful. Thus between these three great -creations of Humanity, Philosophy, Polity, and Poetry, there is the -most perfect harmony. The first elements of Beauty, that is to say, -Order and Magnitude, are visible in the inorganic world, especially in -the heavens; and they are there perceived with greater distinctness -than where the phenomena are more complex and less uniform. The higher -degrees of Beauty will hardly be recognized by those who are insensible -to this its simplest phase. But as in Philosophy we only study the -inorganic world as a preliminary to the study of Man; so, but to a -still greater extent, is it with Poetry. In Polity the tendency is -similar but less apparent. Here we begin with material progress; we -proceed to physical and subsequently to intellectual progress; but it -is long before we arrive at the ultimate goal, moral progress. Poetry -passes more rapidly over the three preliminary stages, and rises with -less difficulty to the contemplation of moral beauty. Feeling, then, -is essentially the sphere of Poetry. And it supplies not the end -only, but the means. Of all the phenomena which relate to man, human -affections are the most modifiable, and therefore the most susceptible -of idealization. Being more imperfect than any other, by virtue of -their higher complexity, they allow greater scope for improvement. -Now the act of expression, however imperfect, reacts powerfully upon -these functions, which from their nature are always seeking some -external vent. Every one recognizes the influence of language upon -thoughts: and surely it cannot be less upon feelings, since in them -the need of expression is greater. Consequently all esthetic study, -even if purely imitative, may become a useful moral exercise, by -calling sympathies and antipathies into healthy play. The effect is far -greater when the representation, passing the limits of strict accuracy, -is suitably idealized. This indeed is the characteristic mission of -Art. Its function is to construct types of the noblest kind, by the -contemplation of which our feelings and thoughts may be elevated. That -the portraiture should be exaggerated follows from the definition of -Art; it should surpass realities so as to stimulate us to amend them. -Great as the influence is of these poetic emotions on individuals, they -are far more efficacious when brought to bear upon public life: not -only from the greater importance of the subject matter, but because -each individual impression is rendered more intense by combination. - - [Poetry is intermediate - between Philosophy and - Polity] - -Thus Positivism explains and confirms the view ordinarily taken of -Poetry, by placing it midway between Philosophy and Polity; issuing -from the first, and preparing the way for the second. - -Even Feeling itself, the highest principle of our existence, accepts -the objective dogma of Philosophy, that Humanity is subject to the -order of the external world. And Imagination on still stronger grounds -must accept the same law. The ideal must always be subordinate to the -real; otherwise feebleness as well as extravagance is the consequence. -The statesman who endeavours to improve the existing order, must first -study it as it exists. And the poet, although his improvements are -but imagined, and are not supposed capable of realization, must do -likewise. True in his fictions he will transcend the limits of the -possible, while the statesman will keep within those limits; but both -have the same point of departure; both begin by studying the actual -facts with which they deal. In our artificial improvements we should -never aim at anything more than wise modification of the natural -order; we should never attempt to subvert it. And though Imagination -has a wider range for its pictures, they are yet subject to the same -fundamental law, imposed by Philosophy upon Polity and Poetry alike. -Even in the most poetic ages this law has always been recognized, only -the external world was interpreted then in a way very differently from -now. We see the same thing every day in the mental growth of the child. -As his notions of fact change, his fictions are modified in conformity -with these changes. - -But while Poetry depends upon Philosophy for the principles on which -its types are constructed, it influences Polity by the direction which -it gives to those types. In every operation that man undertakes, he -must imagine before he executes, as he must observe before he imagines. -He can never produce a result which he has not conceived first in -his own mind. In the simplest application of mechanics or geometry -he finds it necessary to form a mental type, which is always more -perfect than the reality which it precedes and prepares. Now none -but those who confound poetry with verse-making can fail to see that -this conception of a type is the same thing as esthetic imagination, -under its simplest and most general aspect. Its application to social -phenomena, which constitute the chief sphere both of Art and of -Science, is very imperfectly understood as yet, and can hardly be said -to have begun, owing to the want of any true theory of society. The -real object of so applying it is, that it should regulate the formation -of social Utopias; subordinating them to the laws of social development -as revealed by history. Utopias are to the Art of social life what -geometrical and mechanical types are to their respective arts. In these -their necessity is universally recognized; and surely the necessity -cannot be less in problems of such far greater intricacy. Accordingly -we see that, notwithstanding the empirical condition in which political -art has hitherto existed, every great change has been ushered in, one -or two centuries beforehand, by an Utopia bearing some analogy to it. -It was the product of the esthetic genius of Humanity working under an -imperfect sense of its conditions and requirements. Positivism, far -from laying an interdict on Utopias, tends rather to facilitate their -employment and their influence, as a normal element in society. Only, -as in the case of all other products of imagination, they must always -remain subordinated to the actual laws of social existence. And thus by -giving a systematic sanction to this the Poetry, as it may be called, -of Politics, most of the dangers which now surround it will disappear. -Its present extravagances arise simply from the absence of some -philosophical principle to control it, and therefore there is no reason -for regarding them with great severity. - -The whole of this theory may be summed up in the double meaning of -the word so admirably chosen to designate our esthetic functions. The -word _Art_ is a remarkable instance of the popular instinct from which -language proceeds, and which is far more enlightened than educated -persons are apt to suppose. It indicates, however vaguely, a sense of -the true position of Poetry, midway between Philosophy and Polity, -but with a closer relation to the latter. True, in the case of the -technical arts the improvements proposed are practically realized, -while those of the fine arts remain imaginary. Poetry, however, does -produce one result of an indirect but most essential kind; it does -actually modify our moral nature. If we include oratory, which is -only Poetry in a simpler phase, though often worthless enough, we -find its influence exerted in a most difficult and critical task, -that of arousing or calming our passions; and this not arbitrarily, -but in accordance with the fixed laws of their action. Here it has -always been recognized as a moral agency of great power. On every -ground, then, Poetry seems more closely related to practical than to -speculative life. For its practical results are of the most important -and comprehensive nature. Whatever the utility of other arts, material, -physical, or intellectual, they are only subsidiary or preparatory -to that which in Poetry is the direct aim, moral improvement. In the -Middle Ages it was common in all Western languages to speak of it as -a Science, the proper meaning of the word Science being then very -imperfectly understood. But as soon as both artistic and scientific -genius had become more fully developed, their distinctive features were -more clearly recognized, and finally the name of Art was appropriated -to the whole class of poetic functions. The fact is, at all events, an -argument in favour of the Positive theory of idealization, as standing -midway between theoretical inquiry and practical result. - - [Art calls each element of - our nature into harmonious - action] - -Evidently, then, it is in Art that the unity of human natures finds its -most complete and most natural representation. For Art is in direct -relation with the three orders of phenomena by which human nature -is characterized; Feelings, Thoughts, and Actions. It originates in -Feeling; the proof of this is even more obvious than in the case of -Philosophy and Polity. It has its basis in Thought, and its end is -Action. Hence its power of exerting an influence for good alike on -every phase of our existence, whether personal or social. Hence too its -peculiar attribute of giving equal pleasure to all ranks and ages. Art -invites the thinker to leave his abstractions for the study of real -life; it elevates the practical man into a region of thought where -self-love has no place. By its intermediate position it promotes the -mutual reaction of Affection and Reason. It stimulates feeling in those -who are too much engrossed with intellectual questions: it strengthens -the contemplative faculty in natures where sympathy predominates. It -has been said of Art that its province is to hold a mirror to nature. -The saying is usually applied to social life where its truth is most -apparent. But it is no less true of every aspect of our existence; for -under every aspect it may be a source of Art, and may be represented -and modified by it. Turning to Biology for the cause of this -sociological relation, we find it in the relation of the muscular and -nervous systems. Our motions, involuntary at first, and then voluntary, -indicate internal impressions, moral impressions more especially; and -as they proceed from them, so they react upon them. Here we find the -first germ of a true theory of Art. Throughout the animal kingdom -language is simply gesticulation of a more or less expressive kind. And -with man esthetic development begins in the same spontaneous way. - - [Three stages in the - esthetic process: Imitation, - Idealization, Expression] - -With this primary principle we may now complete our statical theory -of Art, by indicating in it three distinct degrees or phases. The -fine arts have been divided into imitative and inventive; but this -distinction has no real foundation. Art always imitates, and always -idealizes. True, as the real is in every case the source of the ideal, -Art begins at first with simple Imitation. In the childhood, whether of -men or of the race, as also with the lower animals, servile imitation, -and that of the most insignificant actions, is the only symptom of -esthetic capacity. No representation, however, has at present any claim -to the title of Art (although from motives of puerile vanity the name -is often given to it), except so far as it is made more beautiful, that -is to say, more perfect. The representation thus becomes in reality -more faithful, because the principal features are brought prominently -forward, instead of being obscured by a mass of unmeaning detail. -This it is which constitutes Idealization; and from the time of the -great masterpieces of antiquity, it has become more and more the -characteristic feature of esthetic productions. But in recognizing the -superiority of Idealization as the second stage of Art, we must not -forget the necessity of its first stage, Imitation. Without it neither -the origin nor the nature of Art could be correctly understood. - -In addition to the creative process, which is the chief characteristic -of Art, there is a third function which, though not absolutely -necessary in its imitative stage, becomes in its ideal stage. I mean -the function of Expression strictly so called, without which the -product of imagination could not be communicated to others. Language, -whether it be the Language of sound or form, is the last stage of the -esthetic operation, and it does not always bear a due proportion to the -inventive faculty. When it is too defective, the sublimest creations -may be ranked lower than they deserve, owing to the failure of the poet -to communicate his thought completely. Great powers of style may, on -the other hand, confer unmerited reputation, which however does not -endure. An instance of this is the preference that was given for so -long a time to Racine over Corneille. - -So long as Art is confined to Imitation, no special language is -required; imitation is itself the substitute for language. But as soon -as the representation has become idealized by heightening some features -and suppressing or altering others, it corresponds to something which -exists only in the mind of the composer; and its communication to the -world requires additional labour devoted exclusively to Expression. -In this final process so necessary to the complete success of his -work, the poet moulds his signs upon his inward type; just as he began -at first by adapting them to external facts. So far there is some -truth in Grétry’s principle that song is derived from speech by the -intermediate stage of declamation. The same principle has been applied -to all the special arts; it might also be applied to Poetry, oratory -being the link between verse and prose. These views, however, are -somewhat modified by the historical spirit of Positive Philosophy. We -must invert Grétry’s relation of cause and effect; at least when we are -considering those primitive times, when Art and Language first arose -together. - -The origin of all our faculties of expression is invariably esthetic; -for we do not express till after we have felt strongly. Feeling had, -in primitive times at all events, far more to do with these faculties -than Thought, being a far stronger stimulant to external demonstration. -Even in the most highly wrought languages, where, in consequence of -social requirements, reason has to a great extent encroached upon -emotion, we see evidence of this truth. There is a musical element -in the most ordinary conversation. Listening carefully to a lecture -on the most abstruse mathematical problem, we shall hear intonations -which proceed obviously from the heart rather than the head, and which -are indications of character even in the most unimpassioned speaker. -Biology at once explains this law, by teaching that the stimulus to -the muscles used in expression, whether vocal or gesticulatory, comes -principally from the affective region of the brain; the specu-region -being too inert to produce muscular contraction for which there is -no absolute necessity. Accordingly, Sociology regards every language -as containing in its primitive elements all that is spontaneous and -universal in the esthetic development of Humanity; enough, that is, -to satisfy the general need of communicating emotion. In this common -field the special arts commence, and they ultimately widen it. But the -operation is the same in its nature, whether carried on by popular -instinct or by individuals. The final result is always more dependent -on feeling than on reason, even in times like these, when the intellect -has risen in revolt against the heart. Song, therefore, comes before -Speech; Painting before Writing; because the first things we express -are those which move our feelings most. Subsequently the necessities -of social life oblige us to employ more frequently, and ultimately -to develop, those elements in painting or in song, which relate to -our practical wants and to our speculative faculties so far as they -are required for supplying them; these forming the topics of ordinary -communication. Thus the emotion from which the sign had originally -proceeded becomes gradually effaced; the practical object is alone -thought of, and expression becomes more rapid and less emphatic. The -process goes on until at last the sign is supposed to have originated -in arbitrary convention; though, if this were the case, its universal -and spontaneous adoption would be inexplicable. Such, then, is the -sociological theory of Language, on which I shall afterwards dwell -more fully. I connect it with the whole class of esthetic functions, -from which in the lower animals it is not distinguished. For no animal -idealizes its song or gesture so far as to rise to anything that can -properly be called Art. - - [Classification of the - arts on the principle of - decreasing generality, and - increasing intensity] - -To complete our examination of the philosophy of Art, statically -viewed, we have now only to speak of the order in which the various -arts should be classified. Placed as Art is, midway between Theory -and Practice, it is classified on the same principle, the principle, -that is of decreasing generality, which I have long ago shown to be -applicable to all Positive classifications of whatever kind. We have -already obtained from it a scale of the Beautiful, answering in most -points to that which was first laid down for the True, and which -we applied afterwards to the Good. By following it in the present -instance, we shall be enabled to range the arts in the order of their -conception and succession, as was done in my Treatise on Positive -Philosophy for the various branches of Science and Industry. - -The arts, then, should be classified by the decreasing generality and -the increasing intensity, which involves also increasing technicality, -of their modes of expression. In its highest term the esthetic scale -connects itself with the scientific scale; and in its lowest with the -industrial scale. This is in conformity with the position assigned -to Art intermediate between Philosophy and Practical life. Art never -becomes disconnected from human interests; but as it becomes less -general and more technical, its relation with our higher attributes -becomes less intimate, and it is more dependent on inorganic Nature, so -that at last the kind of beauty depicted by it is merely material. - - [Poetry] - -On these principles of classification we must give the first place -to Poetry properly so called, as being the most general and least -technical of the arts, and as being the basis on which all the rest -depend. The impressions which it produces are less intense than those -of the rest, but its sphere is evidently wider, since it embraces -every side of our existence, whether individual, domestic, or social. -Poetry, like the special arts, has a closer relation with actions -and impulses than with thoughts. Yet the most abstract conceptions -are not excluded from its sphere; for not merely can it improve the -language in which they are expressed, but it may add to their intrinsic -beauty. It is, on the whole, the most popular of all the arts, both -on account of its wider scope, and also because, its instruments of -expression being taken directly from ordinary language, it is more -generally intelligible than any other. True, in the highest kind of -poetry versification is necessary; but this cannot be called a special -art. The language of Poetry, although distinct in form, is in reality -nothing but the language of common men more perfectly expressed. The -only technical element in it, prosody, is easily acquired by a few -days’ practice. A proof of the identity of the language of Poetry with -that of common life, is the fact that no poet has ever been able to -write with effect in a foreign or a dead language. And not only is this -noblest of Arts more comprehensive, more spontaneous, more popular than -the rest, but it surpasses them in that which is the characteristic -feature of all art, Ideality. Poetry is the art which idealizes the -most, and imitates the least. For these reasons it has always held -the first place among the arts; a view which will be strengthened in -proportion as we attach greater importance to idealization and less -to mere expression. In expression it is inferior to the other arts, -which represent such subjects as fall within their compass with greater -intensity. But it is from Poetry that these subjects are usually -borrowed. - - [Music] - -The first term of the series being thus determined, the other arts -may at once be ranked according to the degree of their affinity -with Poetry. Let us begin by distinguishing the different senses to -which they appeal; and we shall find that our series proceeds on the -principle which biologists, since Gall’s time, have adopted for the -classification of the special senses, the principle of decreasing -sociability. There are only two senses which can be called esthetic; -namely, Sight and Hearing: the others having no power of raising us -to Idealization. The sense of smell can, it is true, enable us to -associate ideas; but in man it exists too feebly for artistic effects. -Hearing and Sight correspond to the two modes of natural language, -voice and gesture. From the first arises the art of Music; the second, -which however is less esthetic, includes the three arts of form. These -are more technical than Music; their field is not so wide, and moreover -they stand at a greater distance from poetry; whereas Music remained -for a long time identified with it. Another distinction is that the -sense to which music appeals performs its function involuntarily; and -this is one reason why the emotions which it calls forth are more -spontaneous and more deep, though less definite, than in the case -where it depends on the will whether we receive the impression or not. -Again, the difference between them answers to the distinction of Time -and Space. The art of sound represents succession; the arts of form, -co-existence. On all these grounds music should certainly be ranked -before the other special arts, as the second term of the esthetic -series. Its technical difficulties are exaggerated by pedants, whose -interest it is to do so; in reality, special training is less needed -for its appreciation, and even for its composition, than in the case of -either painting or sculpture. Hence it is in every respect more popular -and more social. - - [Painting - Sculpture - Architecture] - -Of the three arts which appeal to the voluntary sense of sight, and -which present simultaneous impressions, Painting, on the same principle -of arrangement, holds the first rank, and Architecture the last; -Sculpture being placed between them. Painting alone employs all the -methods of visual expression, combining the effects of colour with -those of form. Whether in public or private life, its sphere is wider -than that of the other two. More technical skill is required in it -than in music, and it is harder to obtain; but the difficulty is less -than in Sculpture or in Architecture. These latter idealize less, -and imitate more. Of the two, Architecture is the less esthetic. It -is far more dependent on technical processes; and indeed most of its -productions are rather works of industry than works of art. It seldom -rises above material beauty: moral beauty it can only represent by -artifices, of which the meaning is often ambiguous. But the impressions -conveyed by it are so powerful and so permanent, that it will always -retain its place among the fine arts, especially in the case of great -public buildings, which stand out as the most imposing record of -each successive phase of social development. Never has the power of -Architecture been displayed to greater effect than in our magnificent -cathedrals, in which the spirit of the Middle Ages has been idealized -and preserved for posterity. They exhibit in a most striking manner the -property which Architecture possesses of bringing all the arts together -into a common centre. - - [The conditions favourable - to Art have never yet been - combined] - -These brief remarks will illustrate the method adopted by the new -philosophy in investigating a systematic theory of Art under all its -statical aspects. We have now to speak of its action upon social life, -whether in the final state of Humanity, or in the transitional movement -through which that state is to be reached. - -The Positive theory of history shows us at once, in spite of strong -prejudices to the contrary, that up to the present time the progress -achieved by Art has been, like that of Science and Industry, only -preparatory; the conditions essential to its full development never -having yet been combined. - - [Neither in Polytheism] - -Too much has been made of the esthetic tendencies of the nations of -antiquity, owing to the free scope that was given to Imagination in -constructing their doctrines. In fact Polytheism, now that the belief -in its principles exists no longer, has been regarded as simply a work -of art. But the long duration of its principles would be sufficient -proof that they were not created by the poets, but that they emanated -from the philosophic genius of Humanity working spontaneously, as -explained in my theory of human development, in the only way that was -then possible. All that Art did for Polytheism was to perform its -proper function of clothing it in a more poetic form. It is quite -true that the peculiar character of Polytheistic philosophy gave -greater scope for the development of Art than has been afforded by any -subsequent system. It is to this portion of the theological period that -we must attribute the first steps of esthetic development, whether in -society or in the individual. Yet Art was never really incorporated -into the ancient order. Its free growth was impossible so long as it -remained under the control of Theocracy, which made use of it as an -instrument, but which, from the stationary character of its dogmas, -shackled its operations. Moreover, the social life of antiquity was -highly unfavourable to Art. The sphere of personal feelings and -domestic affections was hardly open to it. Public life in ancient times -had certainly more vigorous and more permanent features, and here -there was a wider field. Yet even in such a case as that of Homer, we -feel that he would hardly have spent his extraordinary powers upon -descriptions of military life, had there been nobler subjects for his -genius. The only grand aspect, viewed socially, that war could offer, -the system of incorporation instituted by Rome after a succession -of conquests, could not then be foreseen. When that period arrived, -ancient history was drawing to a close, and the only poetical tribute -to this nobler policy was contained in a few beautiful lines of -Virgil’s _Æneid_, ending with the remarkable expression, - - Pacisque imponere morem, - (Impose the law of peace.) - - [Nor under the Mediaeval - system] - -Mediaeval society, notwithstanding irrational prejudices to the -contrary, would have been far more favourable to the fine arts, could -it have continued longer. I do not speak, indeed, of its dogmas; -which were so incompatible with Art, as to lead to the strange -inconsistency of giving a factitious sanction to Paganism in the midst -of Christianity. By holding personal and chimerical objects before us -as the end of life, Monotheism discouraged all poetry, except so far as -it related to our individual existence. This, however, was idealized by -the mystics, whose beautiful compositions penetrated into our inmost -emotions, and wanted nothing but greater perfection of form. All that -Catholicism effected for Art in other respects was to secure a better -position for it, as soon as the priesthood became strong enough to -counteract the intellectual and moral defects of Christian doctrine. -But the social life of the Middle Ages was far more esthetic than that -of antiquity. War was still the prevailing occupation; but by assuming -a defensive character, it had become far more moral, and therefore -more poetic. Woman had acquired a due measure of freedom; and the free -development of home affections were thus no longer restricted. There -was a consciousness of personal dignity hitherto unknown, and yet -quite compatible with social devotion, which elevated individual life -in all its aspects. All these qualities were summed up in the noble -institution of Chivalry; which gave a strong stimulus to Art throughout -Western Europe, and diffused it more largely than in any former period. -This movement was in reality, though the fact is not recognized as it -should be, the source of modern Art. The reason for its short duration -is to be found in the essentially transient and provisional character -of mediaeval society under all its aspects. By the time that its -language and habits had become sufficiently stable for the esthetic -spirit to produce works of permanent value, Catholic Feudalism was -already undermined by the growing force of the negative movement. The -beliefs and modes of life offered for idealization were seen to be -declining: and neither the poet nor his readers could feel those deep -convictions which the highest purposes of Art require. - - [Much less in modern times] - -During the decline of Chivalry, Art received indirectly an additional -impulse from the movement of social decomposition which has been going -on rapidly for the last five centuries. In this movement all mental and -social influences gradually participated. Negativism, it is true, is -not the proper province of Art; but the dogmas of Christianity were so -oppressive to it, that its efforts to shake off the yoke were of great -service to the cause of general emancipation. Dante’s incomparable -work is a striking illustration of this anomalous combination of two -contradictory influences. It was a situation unfavourable for art, -because every aspect of life was rapidly changing and losing its -character before there was time to idealize it. Consequently the poet -had to create his own field artificially from ancient history, which -supplied him with those fixed and definite modes of life which he -could not find around him. Thus it was that for several centuries the -Classical system became the sole source of esthetic culture; the result -being that Art lost much of the originality and popularity which had -previously belonged to it. That great masterpieces should have been -produced at all under such unfavourable circumstances is the best proof -of the spontaneous character of our esthetic faculties. The value of -the Classical system has been for some time entirely exhausted; and now -that the negative movement has reached its extreme limits there only -remained one service (a service of great temporary importance) for Art -to render, the idealization of Doubt itself. Such a phase of course -admitted of but short duration. The best examples of it are the works -of Byron and Goethe, the principle value of which has been, that they -have initiated Protestant countries into the unrestricted freedom of -thought which emanated originally from French philosophy. - -Thus history shows that the esthetic development of Humanity has -been the result of spontaneous tendencies rather than of systematic -guidance. The mental conditions most favourable to it have never -been fulfilled simultaneously with its social conditions. At the -present time both are alike wanting. Yet there is no evidence that -our esthetic faculties are on the decline. Not only has the growth -of art proceeded in spite of every obstacle, but it has become more -thoroughly incorporated into the life of ordinary men. In ancient times -it was cultivated only by a small class. So little was it recognized -as a component part of social organization, that it did not even enter -into men’s imaginary visions of a future existence. But in the Middle -Ages the simplest minds were encouraged to cultivate the sense of -beauty as one of the purest delights of human life; and it was held -out as the principal occupation of the celestial state. From that time -all classes of European society have taken an increasing interest in -these elevating pleasures, beginning with poetry, and thence passing -to the special arts, especially music, the most social of all. The -influence of artists, even when they had no real claim to the title, -has been on the increase; until at last the anarchy of the present time -has introduced them to political power, for which they are utterly -unqualified. - - [Under Positivism the - conditions will all be - favourable. There will be - fixed principles, and a - nobler moral culture] - -All this would seem to show that the greatest epoch of Art has yet to -come. In this respect, as in every other, the Past has but supplied the -necessary materials for future reconstruction. What we have seen as yet -is but a spontaneous and immature prelude; but in the manhood of our -moral and mental powers, the culture of Art will proceed on principles -as systematic as the culture of Science and of Industry, both of which -at present are similarly devoid of organization. The regeneration of -society will be incomplete until Art has been fully incorporated into -the modern order. And to this result all our antecedents have been -tending. To renew the esthetic movement so admirably begun in the -Middle Ages, but interrupted by classical influences, will form a part -of the great work which Positivism has undertaken, the completion and -re-establishment of the Mediaeval structure upon a firmer intellectual -basis. And when Art is once restored to its proper place, its future -progress will be unchecked, because, as I shall now proceed to show, -all the influences of the final order, spontaneous or systematic, will -be in every respect favourable to it. If this can be made clear, the -poetic capabilities of Positive Philosophy will require no further -proof. - -As being the only rallying point now possible for fixed convictions, -without which life can have no definite or permanent character, -Positivism is on this ground alone indispensable to all further -development of modern Art. If the poet and his readers are alike -devoid of such convictions, no idealization of life, whether personal, -domestic, or social, is in any true sense possible. No emotions are -fit subjects for Art unless they are felt deeply, and unless they come -spontaneously to all. When society has no marked intellectual or moral -feature, Art, which is its mirror, can have none either. And although -the esthetic faculty is so innate in us that it never can remain -inactive, yet its culture becomes in this case vague and objectless. -The fact therefore that Positivism terminates the Revolution by -initiating the movement of organic growth is of itself enough to prove -its beneficial influence upon Art. - -Art, indeed, would profit by any method of reorganization, whatever its -nature. But the principle on which Positivism proposes to reconstruct -is peculiarly favourable to its growth. The opinions and the modes of -life to which that principle conducts are precisely those which are -most essential to esthetic development. - -A more esthetic system cannot be imagined than one which teaches -that Feeling is the basis on which the unity of human nature rests; -and which assigns as the grand object of man’s existence, progress -in every direction, but especially moral progress. It may seem at -first as if the tendency of the new philosophy was merely to make us -more systematic. And systematization is assuredly indispensable; but -the sole object of it is to increase our sympathy and our synergic -activity by supplying that fixity of principle which alone can lead -to energetic practice. By teaching that the highest happiness is to -aid in the happiness of others, Positivism invites the poet to his -noblest function, the culture of generous sympathies, a subject far -more poetic than the passions of hatred and oppression which hitherto -have been his ordinary theme. A system which regards such culture as -the highest object cannot fail to incorporate Poetry as one of its -essential elements, and to give to it a far higher position than it has -ever held before. Science, although it be the source from which the -Positive system emanates, will be restricted to its proper function -of supplying the objective basis for human prevision; thus giving to -Art and Industry, which must always be the principal objects of our -attention, the foundation they require. Positivism, substituting in -every subject the relative point of view for the absolute, regarding, -that is, every subject in its relation to Humanity, would not prosecute -the study of the True beyond what is required for the development of -the Good and the Beautiful. Beyond this point, scientific culture is -a useless expenditure of time, and a diversion from the great end for -which Man and Society exist. Subordinate as the ideal must ever be to -the real, Art will yet exercise a most salutary influence upon Science, -as soon as we cease to study Science in an absolute spirit. In the -very simplest phenomena, after reaching the degree of exactness which -our wants require, there is always a certain margin of liberty for the -imagination; and advantage may very well be taken of this to make our -conceptions more beautiful and so far more useful. Still more available -is this influence of the Beautiful on the True in the highest subjects, -those which directly concern Humanity. Minute accuracy being here more -difficult and at the same time less important, more room is left for -esthetic considerations. In representing the great historical types, -for instance, Art has its place as well as Science. A society which -devotes all its powers to making every aspect of life as perfect as -possible, will naturally give preference to that kind of intellectual -culture which is of all others the best calculated to heighten our -sense of perfection. - - [Predisposing influence of - Education] - -The tendency of Positivism to favour these the most energetic of our -intellectual faculties and the most closely related to our moral -nature, is apparent throughout its educational system. The reader -will have seen in the third chapter that in Positive education more -importance is attached to Art than to Science, as the true theory -of human development requires. Science intervenes only to put into -systematic shape what Art, operating under the direct influence of -affection, has spontaneously begun. As in the history of mankind -esthetic development preceded scientific development, so it will -be with the individual, whose education on the Positive method is -but a reproduction of the education of the race. The only rational -principle of our absurd classical system is its supposed tendency to -encourage poetical training. The futility, however, of this profession -is but too evident: the usual result of the system being to implant -erroneous notions of all the fine arts, if not utter distaste for -them. A striking illustration of its worthlessness is the idolatry -with which for a whole century our French pedants regarded Boileau; -a most skilful versifier, but of all our poets perhaps the least -gifted with true poetic feeling. Positivist education will effect what -classical education has attempted so imperfectly. It will familiarize -the humblest working man or woman from childhood with all the beauties -of the best poets; not those of his own nation merely, but of all the -West. To secure the genuineness and efficiency of esthetic development, -attention must first be given to the poets who depict our own modern -society. Afterwards, as I have said, the young Positivist will be -advised to complete his poetical course, by studying the poets who -have idealized antiquity. But his education will not be limited to -poetry, it will embrace the special arts of sound and form, by which -the principal effects of poetry are reproduced with greater intensity. -Thus the contemplation and meditation suggested by Art, besides their -own intrinsic charm, will prepare the way for the exercise of similar -faculties in Science. For with the individual, as with the species, -the combination of images will assist the combination of signs: signs -in their origin being images which have lost their vividness. As the -sphere of Art includes every subject of human interest, we shall -become familiarized, during the esthetic period of education, with -the principal conceptions that are afterwards to be brought before us -systematically in the scientific period. Especially will this be true -of historical studies. By the time that the pupil enters upon them, he -will be already familiar with poetic descriptions of the various social -phases, and of the men who played a leading part in them. - - [Relation of Art to Religion] - -And if Art is of such importance in the education of the young, it is -no less important in the afterwork of education; the work of recalling -men or classes of men to those high feelings and principles which, -in the daily business of life, are so apt to be forgotten. In the -solemnities, private or public, appointed for this purpose, Positivism -will rely far more on impressions such as poetry can inspire, than -on scientific explanations. Indeed the preponderance of Art over -Science will be still greater than in education properly so called. -The scientific basis of human conduct having been already laid down, -it will not be necessary to do more than refer to it. The philosophic -priesthood will in this case be less occupied with new conceptions, -than with the enforcement of truth already known, which demands -esthetic rather than scientific talent. - -A vague presentiment of the proper function of Art in regulating public -festivals was shown empirically by the Revolutionists. But all their -attempts in this direction proved notorious failures; a signal proof -that politicians should not usurp the office of spiritual guides. -The intention of a festival is to give public expression to deep and -genuine feeling; spontaneousness therefore is its first condition. -Hence it is a matter with which political rulers are incompetent to -deal; and even the spiritual power should only act as the systematic -organ of impulses which already exist. Since the decline of Catholicism -we have had no festivals worthy of the name; nor can we have them -until Positivism has become generally accepted. All that governments -could do at present is to exhibit unmeaning and undignified shows -before discordant crowds, who are themselves the only spectacles worth -beholding. Indeed the usurpation of this function by government is -in many cases as tyrannical as it is irrational; arbitrary formulas -are often imposed, which answer to no pre-existing feeling whatever. -Evidently the direction of festivals is a function which more than -any other belongs exclusively to the spiritual power, since it is the -spiritual power which regulates the tendencies of which these festivals -are the manifestation. Here its work is essentially esthetic. A -festival even in private, and still more in public life, is or should -be a work of art; its purpose being to express certain feelings by -voice or gesture, and to idealize them. It is the most esthetic of all -functions, since it involves usually a complete combination of the -four special arts, under the presidence of the primary art, Poetry. On -this ground governments have in most cases been willing to waive their -official authority in this matter, and to be largely guided by artistic -counsel, accepting even the advice of painters and sculptors in the -default of poets of real merit. - -The esthetic tendencies of Positivism, with regard to institutions of -this kind, are sufficiently evident in the worship of Woman, spoken -of in the preceding chapter, and in the worship of Humanity, of which -I shall speak more particularly afterwards. From these, indeed, most -Positivist festivals, private or public, will originate. But this -subject has been already broached, and will be discussed in the next -chapter with as much detail as the limits of this introductory work -allow. - -While the social value of Art is thus enhanced by the importance of the -work assigned to it, new and extensive fields for its operations are -opened out by Positivism. Chief amongst these is History, regarded as a -continuous whole; a domain at present almost untouched. - - [Idealization of historical - types] - -Modern poets, finding little to inspire them in their own times, and -driven back into ancient life by the classical system, have already -idealized some of the past phases of Humanity. Our great Corneille, for -instance, is principally remembered for the series of dramas in which -he has so admirably depicted various periods of Roman history. In our -own times where the historical spirit has become stronger, novelists, -like Scott and Manzoni, have made similar though less perfect attempts -to idealize later periods. Such examples, however, are but spontaneous -and imperfect indications of the new field which Positivism now offers -to the artist; a field which extends over the whole region of the Past -and even of the Future. Until this vast domain had been conceived of -as a whole by the philosopher, it would have been impossible to bring -it within the compass of poetry. Now theological and metaphysical -philosophers were prevented by the absolute spirit of their doctrines -from understanding history in all its phases, and were totally -incapable of idealizing them as they deserved. Positivism, on the -contrary, is always relative; and its principal feature is a theory of -history which enables us to appreciate and become familiar with every -mode in which human society has formed itself. No sincere Monotheist -can understand and represent with fairness the life of Polytheists or -Fetichists. But the Positivist poet, accustomed to look upon all past -historical stages in their proper filiation, will be able so thoroughly -to identify himself with all, as to awaken our sympathies for them, and -revive the traces which each individual may recognize of corresponding -phases in his own history. Thus we shall be able thoroughly to enter -into the esthetic beauty of the Pagan creeds of Greece and Rome, -without any of the scruples which Christians could not but feel when -engaged on the same subject. In the Art of the Future all phases of the -Past will be recalled to life with the same distinctness with which -some of them have been already idealized by Homer and Corneille. And -the value of this new source of inspiration is the greater that, at -the same time that it is being opened out to the artist, the public -is being prepared for its enjoyment. An almost exhaustless series of -beautiful creations in epic or dramatic art may be produced, which, by -rendering it more easy to comprehend and to glorify the Past in all -its phases, will form an essential element, on the one hand, of our -educational system, and on the other, of the worship of Humanity. - - [Art requires the highest - education; but little - special instruction] - -Lastly, not only will the field for Art become wider, but its organs -will be men of a higher stamp. The present system, in which the arts -are cultivated by special classes, must be abolished, as being wholly -alien to that synthetic spirit which always characterizes the highest -poetic genius. - -Real talent for Art cannot fail to be called out by the educational -system of Positivism, which, though intended for the working classes, -is equally applicable to all others. We can only idealize and portray -what has become familiar to us; consequently poetry has always rested -upon some system of belief, capable of giving a fixed direction to our -thoughts and feelings. The greatest poets, from Homer to Corneille, -have always participated largely in the best education of which their -times admitted. The artist must have clear conceptions before he can -exhibit true pictures. Even in these anarchic times, when the system -of specialities is being carried to such an irrational extent, the -so-called poets who imagine that they can themselves save the trouble -of philosophical training, have in reality to borrow a basis of belief -from some worn-out metaphysical or theological creed. Their special -education, if it can be called so, consists merely in cultivating the -talent for expression, and is equally injurious to their intellect -and their heart. Incompatible with deep conviction of any kind, while -giving mechanical skill in the technical department of Art, it impairs -the far more important faculty of idealization. Hence it is that we are -at present so deplorably over-stocked with verse-makers and literary -men, who are wholly devoid of real poetic feeling, and are fit for -nothing but to disturb society by their reckless ambition. As for -the four special arts, the training for them at present given, being -still more technical, is even more hurtful in every respect to the -student whose education does not extend beyond it. On every ground, -then, artists of whatever kind should begin their career with the same -education as the rest of society. The necessity for such an education -in the case of women has been already recognized; and it is certainly -not less desirable for artists and poets. - -Indeed, so esthetic is the spirit of Positive education, that no -special training for Art will be needed, except that which is given -spontaneously by practice. There is no other profession which requires -so little direct instruction; the tendency of it in Art being to -destroy originality, and to stifle the fire of genius with technical -erudition. Even for the special arts no professional education is -needed. These, like industrial arts, should be acquired by careful -practice under the guidance of good masters. The notorious failure of -public institutions established for the purpose of forming musicians -and painters, makes it unnecessary to dwell further upon this point. -Not to speak of their injurious effects upon character, they are a -positive impediment to true genius. Poets and artists, then, require -no education beyond that which is given to the public, whose thoughts -and emotions it is their office to represent. Its want of speciality -makes it all the more fit to develop and bring forward real talent. It -will strengthen the love of all the fine arts simultaneously; for the -connexion between them is so intimate that those who make it a boast -that their talent is for one of them exclusively will be strongly -suspected of having no real vocation for any. All the greatest masters, -modern no less than ancient, have shown this universality of taste. Its -absence in the present day is but a fresh proof that esthetic genius -does not and cannot exist in times like these, when Art has no social -purpose and rests on no philosophic principles. If even amateurs are -expected to enjoy Art in all its forms, is it likely that composers of -real genius will restrict their admiration to their own special mode of -idealization and expression? - - [Artists as a class will - disappear. Their function - will be appropriated by the - philosophic priesthood] - -Positivism, then, while infusing a profoundly esthetic spirit into -general education, would suppress all special schools of Art on the -ground that they impede its true growth, and simply promote the -success of mediocrities. When this principle is carried out to its -full length, we shall no longer have any special class of artists. The -culture of Art, especially of poetry, will be a spontaneous addition to -the functions of the three classes which constitute the moral power of -society. - -Under theocracy, the system by which the evolution of human society -was inaugurated, the speculative class absorbed all functions except -those relating to the common business of life. No distinction was made -between esthetic and scientific talent. Their separation took place -afterwards: and though it was indispensable to the full development of -both, yet it forms no part of the permanent order of society, in which -the only well-marked division is that between Theory and Practice. -Ultimately all theoretic faculties will be again combined even more -closely than in primitive times. So long as they are dispersed, their -full influence on practical life cannot be realized. Only it was -necessary that they should remain dispersed until each constituent -element had attained a sufficient degree of development. For this -preliminary growth the long period of time that has elapsed since -the decline of theocracy was necessary. Art detached itself from the -theoretical system before Science, because its progress was more -rapid, and from its nature it was more independent. The priesthood had -lost its hold of Art, as far back as the time of Homer: but it still -continued to be the depositary of science, until it was superseded at -first by philosophers strictly so called, afterwards by mathematicians -and astronomers. So it was that Art first, and subsequently Science, -yielded to the specializing system which, though normal for Industry, -is in their case abnormal. It stimulated the growth of our speculative -faculties at the time of their escape from the yoke of theocracy: but -now that the need for it no longer exists, it is the principal obstacle -to the final order, towards which all their partial developments have -been tending. To recombine these special elements on new principles is -at present the primary condition of social regeneration. - -Looking at the two essential functions of the spiritual power, -education and counsel, it is not difficult to see that what they -require is a combination of poetic feeling with scientific insight. We -look for a measure of both these qualities in the public; therefore -men who are devoid of either of them cannot be fit to be its spiritual -guides. That they take the name of philosophers in preference to that -of poets, is because their ordinary duties are more connected with -Science than with Art but they ought to be equally interested in -both. Science requires systematic teaching, whereas Art is cultivated -spontaneously, with the exception of the technical branches of the -special arts. It must be remembered that the highest esthetic functions -are not such as can be performed continuously. It is only works of -rare excellence which are in the highest sense useful: these, once -produced, supply an unfailing source of idealization and expression for -our emotions, whether in public or in private. It is enough, if the -interpreter of these works and his audience have been so educated as to -appreciate what is perfect, and reject mediocrity. Organs of unusual -power will arise occasionally, as in former times, from all sections of -society, whenever the need of representing new emotions may be felt. -But they will come more frequently from the philosophic class in whose -character, when it is fully developed, Sympathy will be as prominent a -feature as System. - - [Identity of esthetic and - scientific genius] - -There is, in truth, no organic distinction between scientific and -poetic genius. The difference lies merely in their combinations of -thought, which are concrete and ideal in the one case, abstract and -real in the other. Both employ analysis at starting; both alike aim -ultimately at synthesis. The erroneous belief in their incompatibility -proceeds merely from the absolute spirit of metaphysical philosophy, -which so often leads us to mistake a transitory phase for the permanent -order. If it is the fact, as appears, that they have never been -actually combined in the same person, it is merely because the two -functions cannot be called into action at the same moment. A state of -society that calls for great philosophical efforts cannot be favourable -to poetry, because it involves a new elaboration of first principles; -and it is essential to Art that these should have been already -fixed. This is the reason why in history we find periods of esthetic -growth succeeding periods of great philosophical change, but never -co-existing. If we look at instances of great minds who were never able -to find their proper sphere, we see at once that had they risen at some -other time, they might have cultivated either poetry or philosophy, -as the case might be, with equal success. Diderot would no doubt -have been a great poet in a time more favourable to art; and Goethe, -under different political influences, might have been an eminent -philosopher. All scientific discoverers in whom the inductive faculty -has been more active than the deductive, have given manifest proof of -poetic capacity. Whether the powers of invention take an abstract or -a concrete direction, whether they are employed in discovering truth -or in idealizing it, the cerebral function is always essentially the -same. The difference is merely in the objects aimed at; and as these -alternate according to the circumstances of the time, they cannot -both be pursued simultaneously. The remarkably synthetic character of -Buffon’s genius may be looked on historically as an instance of fusion -of the scientific and esthetic spirit. Bossuet is even a more striking -instance of a mind equally capable of the deepest philosophy and of the -sublimest poetry, had the circumstances of his life given him a more -definite impulse in either direction. - -It is then not unreasonable to expect, notwithstanding the opinion -usually maintained, that the philosophical class will furnish poets of -the highest rank when the time calls for them. To pass from scientific -thought to esthetic thought will not be difficult for minds of the -highest order; for in such minds there is always a natural inclination -towards the work which is most urgently required by their age. To -meet the technical conditions of the arts of sound and form, it will -be necessary to provide a few special masters, who, in consideration -of the importance of their services to general education, will be -looked upon as accessory members of the new spiritual power. But even -here the tendency to specialities will be materially restricted. This -exceptional position will only be given to men of sufficient esthetic -power to appreciate all the fine arts; and they should be capable of -practising at least the three arts of form simultaneously, as was done -by Italian painters in the sixteenth century. - -As an ordinary rule, it is only by their appreciation and power of -explaining ideal Art in all its forms that our philosophers will -exhibit their esthetic faculty. They will not be actively engaged in -esthetic functions, except in the arrangement of public festivals. -But when the circumstances of the time are such as to call for great -epic or dramatic works, which implies the absence of any philosophical -question of the first importance, the most powerful minds among them -will become poets in the common sense of the word. As the work of -Co-ordination and that of Idealization will for the future alternate -with greater rapidity, we might conceive them, were man’s life longer, -performed by the same organ. But the shortness of life, and the -necessity of youthful vigour for all great undertakings, excludes this -hypothesis. I only mention it to illustrate the radical identity of two -forms of mental activity which are often supposed incompatible. - - [Women’s poetry] - -An additional proof of the esthetic capacity of the moderating power -in works of less difficulty, but admitting of greater frequency, -will be furnished by its feminine element. In the special arts, or -at least in the arts of form, but little can be expected of them, -because these demand more technical knowledge than they can well -acquire, and, moreover, the slow process of training would spoil the -spontaneousness which is so admirable in them. But for all poetic -composition which does not require intense or prolonged effort, women -of genius are better qualified than men. This they should consider as -their proper department intellectually, since their nature is not well -adapted for the discovery of scientific truth. When women have become -more systematically associated with the general movement of society -under the influence of the new system of education, they will do much -to elevate that class of poetry which relates to personal feelings -and to domestic life. Women are already better judges of such poetry -than men; and there is no reason why they should not excel them in -composing it. For the power of appreciating and that of producing are -in reality identical; the difference is in degree only, and it depends -greatly upon culture. The only kind of composition which seems to me -to be beyond their power is epic or dramatic poetry in which public -life is depicted. But in all its other branches, poetry would seem -their natural field of study; and one which, regarded always as an -exceptional occupation, is quite in keeping with the social duties -assigned to them. The affections of our home life cannot be better -portrayed than by those in whom they are found in their purest form, -and who, without training, combine talent and expression with the -tendency to idealize. Under a more perfect organization, then, of the -esthetic world than prevails at present, the larger portion of poetical -and perhaps also of musical productions, will pass into the hands of -the more loving sex. The advantage of this will be that the poetry of -private life will then rise to that high standard of moral purity of -which it so peculiarly admits, but which our coarser sex can never -attain without struggles which injure its spontaneity. The simple grace -of Lafontaine and the delicate sweetness of Petrarch will then be found -united with deeper and purer sympathies, so as to raise lyrical poetry -to a degree of perfection that has never yet been attained. - - [People’s poetry] - -The popular element of the spiritual power has not so well marked an -aptitude for art, since the active nature of their occupations hardly -admits of the same degree of intellectual life. But there is a minor -class of poems, where energy of character and freedom from worldly -cares are the chief sources of inspiration, for which working men -are better adapted than women, and far more so than philosophers. -When Positivist education has extended sufficiently to the People of -the West, poets and musicians will spontaneously arise, as in many -cases they have already risen, to give expression to its own special -aspirations. But independently of what may be due to individual -efforts, the People as a whole has an indirect but most important -influence upon the Progress of Art, from the fact of being the -principal source of language. - -Such, then, is the position which Art will finally assume in the -Positive system. There will be no class at present, exclusively devoted -to it, with the exception of a few special masters. But there will be -a general education, enabling every class to appreciate all the modes -of idealization, and encouraging their culture among the three elements -which constitute the moral force of society and which are excluded -from political government. Among these there will be a division of -esthetic labour. Poetry descriptive of public life will emanate from -the philosophic class. The poetry of personal or domestic life will -be written by women or working men, according as affection or energy -may be the source of inspiration. Thus the form of mental activity -most appropriate to Humanity will be more specially developed among -those classes in which the various features of our nature are most -prominently exhibited. The only classes who cannot participate in -this pleasant task are those whose life is occupied by considerations -of power or wealth, and whose enjoyment of Art, though heightened by -the education which they in common with others will receive, must -remain essentially passive. Our idealizing powers will henceforth be -directly concentrated on a work of the highest social importance, the -purification of our moral nature. The speciality by which so much of -the natural charm of Art was lost will cease, and the moral dangers of -a life exclusively devoted to the faculty of expression, will exist no -longer. - - [Value of Art in the present - crisis] - -I have now shown the position which Art will occupy in the social -system as finally constituted. I have yet to speak of its influence in -the actual movement of regeneration which Positivism is inaugurating. -We have already seen that each of the three classes who participate -in this movement, assumes functions similar to those for which it is -ultimately destined; performing them in a more strenuous, though less -methodic way. This is obviously true of the philosophic class who -head the movement; nor is it less true of the proletariate, from whom -it derives its vigour, or of women, whose support gives it a moral -sanction. It is, therefore, at first sight probable that the same -will hold good of the esthetic conditions which are necessary to the -completeness of these three functions of the social organism. On closer -examination we shall find that this is the case. - - [Construction of normal - types on the basis furnished - by philosophy] - -The principal function of Art is to construct types on the basis -furnished by Science. Now this is precisely what is required for -inaugurating the new social system. However perfectly its first -principles may be elaborated by thinkers, they will still be not -sufficiently definite for the practical result. Systematic study of the -Past can only reveal the Future in general outline. Even in the simpler -sciences perfect distinctness is impossible without overstepping the -limits of actual proof. Still more, therefore, in Sociology will -the conclusions of Science fall always far short of that degree of -precision and clearness, without which no principle can be thoroughly -popularized. But at the point where Philosophy must always leave a -void, Poetry steps in and stimulates to practical action. In the early -periods of Polytheism, Poetry repaired the defects of the system -viewed dogmatically. Its value will be even greater in idealizing a -system founded, not upon imagination, but upon observation of fact. -In the next chapter I shall dwell at greater length on the service -which Poetry will render in representing the central conception of -Positivism. It will be easy to apply the same principle to other cases. - - [Pictures of the Future of - Man] - -In his efforts to accomplish this object, the Positivist poet will -naturally be led to form prophetic pictures of the regeneration of Man, -viewed in every aspect that admits of being ideally represented. And -this is the second service which Art will render to the cause of social -renovation; or rather it is an extension of the first. Systematic -formation of Utopias will in fact become habitual; on the distinct -understanding that, as in every other branch of art, the ideal shall -be kept in subordination to the real. The unlimited license which is -apparently given to Utopias by the unsettled character of the time -is in reality a bar to their practical influence, since even the -wildest dreamers shrink from extravagance that oversteps the ordinary -conditions of mental sanity. But when it is once understood that the -sphere of Imagination is simply that of explaining and giving life -to the conclusions of Reason, the severest thinkers will welcome its -influence; because so far from obscuring truth, it will give greater -distinctness to it than could be given by Science unassisted. Utopias -have, then, their legitimate purpose, and Positivism will strongly -encourage their formation. They form a class of poetry which, under -sound sociological principles, will prove of material service in -leading the people of the West towards the normal state. Each of the -five modes of Art may participate in this salutary influence; each in -its own way may give a foretaste of the beauty and greatness of the -new life that is now offered to the individual, to the family, and to -society. - - [Contrasts with the past] - -From this second mode in which Art assists the great work of -reconstruction we pass naturally to a third, which at the present -time is of equal importance. To remove the spell under which the -Western nations are still blinded to the Future by the decayed -ruins of the Past, all that is necessary is to bring these ruins -into comparison with the prophetic pictures of which we have been -speaking. Since the decline of Catholicism in the fourteenth century, -Art has exhibited a critical spirit alien to its true nature, which -is essentially synthetic. Henceforth it is to be constructive rather -than critical; yet this is not incompatible with the secondary object -of contending against opinions, and still more against modes of life, -which ought to have died out with the Catholic system, or with the -revolutionary period which followed it. But resistance to some of the -most deeply-rooted errors of the Past will not interfere with the -larger purpose of Positivist Art. No direct criticism will be needed. -Whether against theological or against metaphysical dogmas, argument -is henceforth needless, even in a philosophical treatise, much more so -in poetry. All that is needed is simple contrast, which in most cases -would be implied rather than expressed, of the procedure of Positivism -and Catholicism in reference to similar social and moral problems. -The scientific basis of such a contrast, is already furnished; it is -for Art to do the rest, since the appeal should be to Feeling rather -than to Reason. At the close of the last chapter I mentioned the -principal case in which this comparison would have been of service, the -introduction, namely, of Positivism to the two Southern nations. It was -the task that I had marked out for my saintly fellow-worker, for it is -one in which the esthetic powers of women would be peculiarly available. - -In this, the third of its temporary functions, Positivist Art -approximates to its normal character. We have spoken of its -idealization of the Future, but here it will idealize the Past also. -Positivism cannot be accepted until it has rendered the fullest -and most scrupulous justice to Catholicism. Our poets, so far from -detracting from the moral and political worth of the mediaeval system, -will begin by doing all the honour to it that is consistent with -philosophical truth, as a prelude to the still higher beauty of the -system which supersedes it. It will be the inauguration of their -permanent office of restoring the Past to life. For it is equally in -the interest of systematic thought and of social sympathy that the -relation of the Past to the Future should be deeply impressed upon all. - -But these three steps towards the incorporation of Art into the -final order, though not far distant, cannot be taken immediately. -They presuppose a degree of intellectual preparation which is not -yet reached either by the public or by its esthetic teachers. The -present generation under which, in France, the great revolution is -now peacefully entering upon its second phase, may diffuse Positivism -largely, not merely amongst qualified thinkers, but among the people -of Paris, who are entrusted with the destinies of Western Europe, and -among women of nobler nature. The next generation, growing up in the -midst of this movement, may, before the expiration of a century from -the date of the Convention, complete spontaneously the moral and mental -inauguration of the new system, by exhibiting the new esthetic features -which Humanity in her regenerate condition will assume. - -Let us now sum up the conclusions of this chapter. We have found -Positive Philosophy peculiarly favourable to the continuous development -of all the fine arts. A doctrine which encourages Humanity to strive -for perfection of every kind, cannot but foster and assimilate that -form of mental activity by which our sense of perfection is so highly -stimulated. It controls the Ideal, indeed, by systematic study of the -Real; but only in order to furnish it with an objective basis, and so -to secure its coherence and its moral value. Placed on this footing, -our esthetic faculties are better adapted than the scientific, both to -the nature and range of our understanding, and also to that which is -the object of all intellectual effort, the organization of human unity. -For they are more immediately connected with Feeling, on which the -unity of our nature must rest. Next to direct culture of the heart, it -is in ideal Art that we shall find the best assistance in our efforts -to become more loving and more noble. - -Logically, Art should have a salutary influence upon our intellectual -faculties, because it familiarizes us from childhood with the features -by which all constructive efforts of man should be characterized. -Science has for a long time preferred the analytic method, whereas Art, -even in these times of anarchy, always aims at Synthesis, which is the -final goal of all intellectual activity. Even when Art, contrary to its -nature, undertakes to destroy, it cannot do its work, whatever it be, -without constructing. Thus, by implanting a taste and faculty for ideal -construction, Art enables us to build with greater effect than ever -upon the more stubborn soil of reality. - -On all these grounds Art, in the Positive system, is made the primary -basis of general education. In a subsequent stage education assumes -a more scientific character, with the object of supplying systematic -notions of the external world. But in after life Art resumes its -original position. There the ordinary functions of the spiritual power -will be esthetic rather than scientific. The three elements of which -the modifying power is composed will become spontaneously the organs -of idealization, a function which will henceforth never be dissociated -from the power of philosophic synthesis. - -Such a combination implies that the new philosophers shall have a true -feeling for all the fine arts. In ordinary times passive appreciation -of them will suffice; but there will occasionally be periods where -philosophic effort ceases to be necessary, and which call rather for -the vigour of the poet; and at these times the more powerful minds -among them should be capable of rising to the loftiest creative -efforts. Difficult as the condition may be, it is essential to the -full degree of moral influence of which their office admits and which -their work requires. The priest of Humanity will not have attained his -full measure of superiority over the priest of God, until, with the -intellect of the Philosopher, he combines the enthusiasm of the Poet, -as well as the tenderness of Woman, and the People’s energy. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -CONCLUSION. THE RELIGION OF HUMANITY - - - [Recapitulation of the - results obtained] - -Love, then, is our principle; Order our basis; and Progress our -end. Such, as the preceding chapters have shown, is the essential -character of the system of life which Positivism offers for the -definite acceptance of society; a system which regulates the whole -course of our private and public existence, by bringing Feeling, -Reason, and Activity into permanent harmony. In this final synthesis, -all essential conditions are far more perfectly fulfilled than in any -other. Each special element of our nature is more fully developed, and -at the same time the general working of the whole is more coherent. -Greater distinctness is given to the truth that the affective element -predominates in our nature. Life in all its actions and thoughts is -brought under the control and inspiring charm of Social Sympathy. - -By the supremacy of the Heart, the Intellect, so far from being -crushed, is elevated; for all its powers are consecrated to the -service of the social instincts, with the purpose of strengthening -their influence and directing their employment. By accepting its -subordination to Feeling, Reason adds to its own authority. To it we -look for the revelation of the laws of nature, of the established Order -which dictates the inevitable conditions of human life. The objective -basis thus discovered for human effort reacts most beneficially on our -moral nature. Forced as we are to accept it, it controls the fickleness -to which our affections are liable, and acts as a direct stimulus to -social sympathy. Concentrated on so high an office, the intellect will -be preserved from useless digression; and will yet find a boundless -field for its operations in the study of all the natural laws by which -human destinies are affected, and especially those which relate to the -constitution of man or of society. The fact that every subject is to be -regarded from the sociological point of view, so far from discouraging -even the most abstract order of speculations, adds to their logical -coherence as well as to their moral value, by introducing the central -principle round which alone they can be co-ordinated into a whole. - -And whilst Reason is admitted to its due share of influence on human -life, Imagination is also strengthened and called into constant -exercise. Henceforth it will assume its proper function, the -idealization of truth. For the objective basis of our conceptions -scientific investigation is necessary. But this basis once obtained, -the constitution of our mind is far better adapted to esthetic than to -scientific study, provided always that imagination never disregard the -truths of science, and degenerate into extravagance. Subject to this -condition, Positivism gives every encouragement to esthetic studies, -being, as they are, so closely related to its guiding principle and -to its practical aim, to Love namely, and to Progress. Art will enter -largely into the social life of the Future, and will be regarded as the -most pleasurable and most salutary exercise of our intellectual powers, -because it leads them in the most direct manner to the culture and -improvement of our moral nature. - -Originating in the first instance from practical life, Positivism -will return thither with increased force, now that its long period -of scientific preparation is accomplished, and that it has occupied -the field of moral truth, which henceforth will be its principal -domain. Its principle of sympathy, so far from relaxing our efforts, -will stimulate all our faculties to universal activity by urging them -onwards towards perfection of every kind. Scientific study of the -natural Order is inculcated solely with the view of directing all the -forces of Man and of Society to its improvement by artificial effort. -Hitherto this aim has hardly been recognized, even with regard to the -material world, and but a very small proportion of our energies has -been spent upon it. Yet the aim is high, provided always that the view -taken of human progress extend beyond its lower and more material -stages. Our theoretical powers once concentrated on the moral problems -which form their principal field, our practical energies will not fail -to take the same direction, devoting themselves to that portion of the -natural Order which is most imperfect, and at the time most modifiable. -With these larger and more systematic views of human life, its best -efforts will be given to the improvement of the mind, and still more to -the improvement of the character and to the increase of affection and -courage. Public and private life are now brought into close relation -by the identity of their principal aim, which, being kept constantly -in sight, ennobles every action in both. Practical questions must -ever continue to preponderate, as before, over questions of theory; -but this condition, so far from being adverse to speculative power, -concentrates it upon the most difficult of all problems, the discovery -of moral and social laws, our knowledge of which will never be fully -adequate to our practical requirements. Mental and practical activity -of this kind can never result in hardness of feeling. On the contrary, -it impresses us more strongly with the conviction that Sympathy is not -merely our highest happiness, but the most effectual of all our means -of improvement; and that without it, all other means can be of little -avail. - -Thus it is that in the Positive system, the Heart, the Intellect, and -the Character mutually strengthen and develop one another, because -each is systematically directed to the mode of action for which it is -by nature adapted. Public and private life are brought into a far more -harmonious relation than in any former time, because the purpose to -which both are consecrated is identical; the difference being merely -in the range of their activities. The aim in both is to secure, to the -utmost possible extent, the victory of Social feeling over Self-love; -and to this aim all our powers, whether of affection, thought, or -action, are in both unceasingly directed. - -This, then, is the shape in which the great human problem comes -definitely before us. Its solution demands all the appliances of -Social Art. The primary principle on which the solution rests, is -the separation of the two elementary powers of society; the moral -power of counsel, and the political powers of command. The necessary -preponderance of the latter, which rests upon material force, -corresponds to the fact that in our imperfect nature, where the coarser -wants are the most pressing and the most continuously felt, the selfish -instincts are naturally stronger than the unselfish. In the absence -of all compulsory authority, our action even as individuals would be -feeble and purposeless, and social life still more certainly would lose -its character and its energy. Moral force, therefore, by which is meant -the force of conviction and persuasion, is to be regarded simply as a -modifying influence, not as a means of authoritative direction. - -Moral force originates in Feeling and in Reason. It represents the -social side of our nature, and to this its direct influence is limited. -Indeed by the very fact that it is the expression of our highest -attributes, it is precluded from that practical ascendancy which is -possessed by faculties of a lower but more energetic kind. Inferior to -material force in power, though superior to it in dignity, it contrasts -and opposes its own classification of men according to the standard -of moral and intellectual worth, to the classification by wealth and -worldly position which actually prevails. True, the higher standard -will never be adopted practically, but the effort to uphold it will -react beneficially on the natural order of society. It will inspire -those larger views, and reanimate that sense of duty, which are so apt -to become obliterated in the ordinary current of life. - -The means of effecting this important result, the need of which is -so generally felt, will not be wanting, when the moderating power -enters upon its characteristic function of preparing us for practical -life by a rational system of education, throughout which, even in its -intellectual department, moral considerations will predominate. This -power will therefore concentrate itself upon theoretical and moral -questions; and it can only maintain its position as the recognized -organ of social sympathy, by invariable abstinence from political -action. It will be its first duty to contend against the ambitious -instincts of its own members. True, such instincts, in spite of the -impurity of their source, may be of use in those natures who are -really destined for the indispensable business of government. But for -a spiritual power formal renunciation of wealth and rank is at the -very root of its influence; it is the first of the conditions which -justify it in resisting the encroachments to which political power is -always tempted. Hence the classes to whose natural sympathies it looks -for support are those who, like itself, are excluded from political -administration. - -Women, from their strongly sympathetic nature, are the original source -of all moral influence; and they are peculiarly qualified by the -passive character of their life to assist the action of the spiritual -power in the family. In its essential function of education, their -co-operation is of the highest importance. The education of young -children is entrusted to their sole charge; and the education of more -advanced years simply consists in giving a more systematic shape to -what the mother has already inculcated in childhood. As a wife, too, -Woman assumes still more distinctly the spiritual function of counsel; -she softens by persuasion where the philosopher can only influence by -conviction. In social meetings, again, the only mode of public life in -which women can participate, they assist the spiritual power in the -formation of Public Opinion, of which it is the systematic organ, by -applying the principles which it inculcates to the case of particular -actions or persons. In all these matters their influence will be far -more effectual, when men have done their duty to women by setting them -free from the necessity of gaining their own livelihood; and when women -on their side have renounced both power and wealth, as we see, so often -exemplified among the working classes. - -The affinity of the People with the philosophic power is less direct -and less pure; but it will prove a vigorous ally in meeting the -obstacles which the temporal power will inevitably oppose. The working -classes, having but little spare time and small individual influence, -cannot, except on rare occasions, participate in the practical -administration of government, since all efficient government involves -concentration of power. Moral force, on the contrary, created as it is -by free convergence of opinion, admits of, and indeed requires, the -widest ramification. Working men, owing to their freedom from practical -responsibilities and their unconcern for personal aggrandisement, are -better disposed than their employers to broad views and to generous -sympathies, and will therefore naturally associate themselves with -the spiritual power. It is they who will furnish the basis of a true -public opinion, so soon as they are enabled by Positive education, -which is specially framed with a view to their case, to give greater -definiteness to their aspirations. Their wants and their sympathies -will alike induce them to support the philosophic priesthood as the -systematic guardian of their interests against the governing classes. -In return for such protection they will bring the whole weight of their -influence to assist the priesthood in its great social mission, the -subordination of Politics to Morals. In those exceptional cases where -it becomes necessary for the moderating power to assume political -functions, the popular element will of itself suffice for the -emergency, thus exempting the philosophic element from participating -in an anomaly from which its character could hardly fail to suffer, -as would be the case also in a still higher degree with the feminine -character. - -The direct influence of Reason over our imperfect nature is so feeble -that the new priesthood could not of itself ensure such respect for -its theories as would bring them to any practical result. But the -sympathies of women and of the people operating as they will in every -town and in every family, will be sufficient to ensure its efficacy -in organizing that legitimate degree of moral pressure which the poor -may bring to bear upon the rich. Moreover, we may look, as one of -the results of our common system of education, for additional aid -in the ranks of the governing classes themselves; for some of their -noblest members will volunteer their assistance to the spiritual -power, forming, so to speak, a new order of chivalry. And yet, with -all this, comprehensive as our organization of moral force may be, so -great is the innate strength of the selfish instincts, that our success -in solving the great human problem will always fall short of what we -might legitimately desire. To this conclusion we must come, in whatever -way we regard the destiny of Man; but it should only encourage us to -combine our efforts still more strongly in order to ameliorate the -order of Nature in its most important, that is, in its moral aspects, -these being at once the most modifiable and the most imperfect. - -The highest progress of man and of society consists in gradual increase -of our mastery over all our defects, especially the defects of our -moral nature. Among the nations of antiquity the progress in this -direction was but small; all that they could do was to prepare the -way for it by certain necessary phases of intellectual and social -development. The whole tendency of Greek and Roman society was such -as made it impossible to form a distinct conception of the great -problem of our moral nature. In fact, Morals were with them invariably -subordinate to Politics. Nevertheless, it is moral progress which alone -can satisfy our nature; and in the Middle Ages it was recognized as the -highest aim of human effort, notwithstanding that its intellectual and -social conditions were as yet very imperfectly realized. The creeds -of the Middle Ages were too unreal and imperfect, the character of -society was too military and aristocratic, to allow Morals and Politics -to assume permanently their right relation. The attempt was made, -however; and, inadequate as it was, it was enough to allow the people -of the West to appreciate the fundamental principle involved in it, a -principle destined to survive the opinions and the habits of life from -which it arose. Its full weight could never be felt until the Positive -spirit had extended beyond the elementary subjects to which it had been -so long subjected, to the sphere of social truth; and had thus reached -the position at which a complete synthesis became possible. Equally -essential was it that in those countries which had been incorporated -into the Western Empire, and had passed from it into Catholic -Feudalism, war should be definitely superseded by industrial activity. -In the long period of transition which has elapsed since the Middle -Ages, both these conditions have been fulfilled, while at the same time -the old system has been gradually decomposed. Finally the great crisis -of the Revolution has stimulated all advanced minds to reconsider, -with better intellectual and social principles, the same problem that -Christianity and Chivalry had attempted. The radical solution of it was -then begun, and it is now completed, and enunciated in a systematic -form by Positivism. - - [Humanity is the centre - to which every aspect of - Positivism converges] - -All essential phases in the evolution of society answer to -corresponding phases in the growth of the individual, whether it has -proceeded spontaneously or under systematic guidance, supposing always -that his development be complete. But it is not enough to prove the -close connexion which exists between all modes and degrees of human -regeneration. We have yet to find a central point round which all will -naturally meet. In this point consists the unity of Positivism as a -system of life. Unless it can be thus condensed, round one single -principle, it will never wholly supersede the synthesis of Theology, -notwithstanding its superiority in the reality and stability of its -component parts, and in their homogeneity and coherence as a whole. -There should be a central point in the system towards which Feeling, -Reason, and Activity alike converge. The proof that Positivism -possesses such a central point will remove the last obstacles to its -complete acceptance, as the guide of private or of public life. - -Such a centre we find in the great conception of Humanity, towards -which every aspect of Positivism naturally converges. By it the -conception of God will be entirely superseded, and a synthesis be -formed, more complete and permanent than that provisionally established -by the old religions. Through it the new doctrine becomes at once -accessible to men’s hearts in its full extent and application. From -their heart it will penetrate their minds, and thus the immediate -necessity of beginning with a long and difficult course of study is -avoided, though this must of course be always indispensable to its -systematic teachers. - -This central point of Positivism is even more moral than intellectual -in character: it represents the principle of Love upon which the whole -system rests. It is the peculiar characteristic of the Great Being -who is here set forth, to be compounded of separable elements. Its -existence depends therefore entirely upon mutual Love knitting together -its various parts. The calculations of self-interest can never be -substituted as a combining influence for the sympathetic instincts. - -Yet the belief in Humanity, while stimulating Sympathy, at the same -time enlarges the scope and vigour of the Intellect. For it requires -high powers of generalization to conceive clearly of this vast -organism, as the result of spontaneous co-operation, abstraction made -of all partial antagonisms. Reason, then, has its part in this central -dogma as well as Love. It enlarges and completes our conception of the -Supreme Being, by revealing to us the external and internal conditions -of its existence. - -Lastly, our active powers are stimulated by it no less than our -feelings and our reason. For since Humanity is so far more complex than -any other organism, it will react more strongly and more continuously -on its environment, submitting to its influence and so modifying it. -Hence results Progress which is simply the development of Order, under -the influence of Love. - -Thus, in the conception of Humanity, the three essential aspects of -Positivism, its subjective principle, its objective dogma, and its -practical object, are united. Towards Humanity, who is for us the only -true Great Being, we, the conscious elements of whom she is composed, -shall henceforth direct every aspect of our life, individual or -collective. Our thoughts will be devoted to the knowledge of Humanity, -our affections to her love, our actions to her service. - -Positivists then may, more truly than theological believers of whatever -creed, regard life as a continuous and earnest act of worship; worship -which will elevate and purify our feelings, enlarge and enlighten our -thoughts, ennoble and invigorate our actions. It supplies a direct -solution, so far as a solution is possible, of the great problem of the -Middle Ages, the subordination of Politics to Morals. For this follows -at once from the consecration now given to the principle that social -sympathy should preponderate over self-love. - -Thus Positivism becomes, in the true sense of the word, a Religion; the -only religion which is real and complete; destined therefore to replace -all imperfect and provisional systems resting on the primitive basis of -theology. - -For even the synthesis established by the old theocracies of Egypt and -India was insufficient, because, being based on purely subjective -principles it could never embrace practical life, which must always -be subordinated to the objective realities of the external world. -Theocracy was thus limited at the outset to the sphere of thought -and of feeling; and part even of this field was soon lost when Art -became emancipated from theocratical control, showing a spontaneous -tendency to its natural vocation of idealizing real life. Of science -and of morality the priests were still left sole arbiters; but here, -too, their influence materially diminished so soon as the discovery -of the simpler abstract truths of Positive science gave birth to -Greek Philosophy. Philosophy, though as yet necessarily restricted -to the metaphysical stage, yet already stood forward as the rival of -the sacerdotal system. Its attempts to construct were in themselves -fruitless; but they overthrew Polytheism, and ultimately transformed it -into Monotheism. In this the last phase of theology, the intellectual -authority of the priests was undermined no less deeply than the -principle of their doctrine. They lost their hold upon Science, as -long ago they had lost their hold upon Art. All that remained to them -was the moral guidance of society; and even this was soon compromised -by the progress of free thought; progress really due to the Positive -spirit, although its systematic exponents still belong to the -metaphysical school. - - [With the discovery of - sociological laws, a - synthesis on the basis - of Science becomes - possible, science being now - concentrated on the study of - Humanity] - -When Science had expanded sufficiently to exist apart from Philosophy, -it showed a rapid tendency towards a synthesis of its own, alike -incompatible with metaphysics and with theology. It was late in -appearing, because it required a long series of preliminary efforts: -but as it approached completion, it gradually brought the Positive -spirit to bear upon the organization of practical life, from which that -spirit had originally emanated. But thoroughly to effect this result -was impossible until the science of Sociology had been formed; and -this was done by my discovery of the law of historical development. -Henceforth all true men of science will rise to the higher dignity -of philosophers, and by so doing will necessarily assume something -of the sacerdotal character, because the final result to which their -researches tend is the subordination of every subject of thought to the -moral principle; a result which leads us at once to the acceptance of a -complete and homogeneous synthesis. Thus the philosophers of the future -become priests of Humanity, and their moral and intellectual influence -will be far wider and more deeply rooted than that of any former -priesthood. The primary condition of their spiritual authority is -exclusion from political power, as a guarantee that theory and practice -shall be systematically kept apart. A system in which the organs of -counsel and those of command are never identical cannot possibly -degenerate into any of the evils of theocracy. - -By entirely renouncing wealth and worldly position, and that not as -individuals merely, but as a body, the priests of Humanity will occupy -a position of unparalleled dignity. For with their moral influence -they will combine what since the downfall of the old theocracies has -always been separated from it, the influence of superiority in art -and science. Reason, Imagination, and Feeling will be brought into -unison: and so united will react strongly on the imperious conditions -of practical life; bringing it into closer accordance with the laws -of universal morality, from which it is so prone to deviate. And the -influence of this new modifying power will be the greater that the -synthesis on which it rests will have preceded and prepared the way for -the social system of the future; whereas theology could not arrive at -its central principle, until the time of its decline was approaching. -All functions, then, that co-operate in the elevation of man will be -regenerated by the Positive priesthood. Science, Poetry, Morality, will -be devoted to the study, the praise, and the love of Humanity, in order -that under their combined influence, our political action may be more -unremittingly given to her service. - -With such a mission, Science acquires a position of unparalleled -importance, as the sole means through which we come to know the nature -and conditions of this Great Being, the worship of whom should be -the distinctive feature of our whole life. For this all-important -knowledge, the study of Sociology would seem to suffice: but Sociology -itself depends upon preliminary study, first of the outer world, in -which the actions of Humanity take place; and secondly, of Man, the -individual agent. - -The object of Positivist worship is not like that of theological -believers an absolute, isolated, incomprehensible Being, whose -existence admits of no demonstration, or comparison with anything real. -The evidence of the Being here set forward is spontaneous, and is -shrouded in no mystery. Before we can praise, love, and serve Humanity -as we ought, we must know something of the laws which govern her -existence, an existence more complicated than any other of which we are -cognizant. - - [Statical Aspects of - Humanity] - -And by virtue of this complexity, Humanity possesses the attributes of -vitality in a higher degree than any other organization; that is to -say, there is at once more intimate harmony of the component elements, -and more complete subordination to the external world. Immense as is -the magnitude of this organism measured both in Time and Space, yet -each of its parts carefully examined will show the general consensus of -the whole. At the same time it is more dependent than any other upon -the conditions of the outer world; in other words, upon the sum of the -laws that regulate inferior phenomena. Like other vital organisms, -it submits to mathematical, astronomical, physical, chemical, and -biological conditions; and, in addition to these, is subject to special -laws of Sociology with which lower organisms are not concerned. But as -a further result of its higher complexity it reacts upon the world more -powerfully; and is indeed in a true sense its chief. Scientifically -defined, then, it is truly the Supreme Being: the Being who manifests -to the fullest extent all the highest attributes of life. - -But there is yet another feature peculiar to Humanity, and one of -primary importance. That feature is, that the elements of which she is -composed must always have an independent existence. In other organisms -the parts have no existence when severed from the whole; but this, -the greatest of all organisms, is made up of lives which can really -be separated. There is, as we have seen, harmony of parts as well as -independence, but the last of these conditions is as indispensable as -the first. Humanity would cease to be superior to other beings were it -possible for her elements to become inseparable. The two conditions are -equally necessary: but the difficulty of reconciling them is so great -as to account at once for the slowness with which this highest of all -organisms has been developed. It must not, however, be supposed that -the new Supreme Being is, like the old, merely a subjective result of -our powers of abstraction. Its existence is revealed to us, on the -contrary, by close investigation of objective fact. Man indeed, as an -individual, cannot properly be said to exist, except in the exaggerated -abstractions of modern metaphysicians. Existence in the true sense can -only be predicated of Humanity; although the complexity of her nature -prevented men from forming a systematic conception of it, until the -necessary stages of scientific initiation had been passed. Bearing this -conclusion in mind, we shall be able now to distinguish in Humanity -two distinct orders of functions: those by which she acts upon the -world, and those which bind together her component parts. Humanity -cannot herself act otherwise than by her separable members; but the -efficiency of these members depends upon their working in co-operation, -whether instinctively or with design. We find, then, external functions -relating principally to the material existence of this organism; and -internal functions by which its movable elements are combined. This -distinction is but an application of the great theory, due to Bichat’s -genius, of the distinction between the life of nutrition and the life -of relation which we find in the individual organism. Philosophically -it is the source from which we derive the great social principle -of separation of spiritual from temporal power. The temporal power -governs: it originates in the personal instincts, and it stimulates -activity. On it depends social Order. The spiritual power can only -moderate: it is the exponent of our social instincts, and it promotes -co-operation, which is the guarantee of Progress. Of these functions of -Humanity the first corresponds to the function of nutrition, the second -to that of innervation in the individual organism. - - [Dynamical aspects] - -Having now viewed our subject statically, we may come to its dynamical -aspect; reserving more detailed discussion for the third volume -of this treatise, which deals with my fundamental theory of human -development. The Great Being whom we worship is not immutable any -more than it is absolute. Its nature is relative; and, as such, is -eminently capable of growth. In a word it is the most vital of all -living beings known to us. It extends and becomes more complex by the -continuous successions of generations. But in its progressive changes -as well as in its permanent functions, it is subject to invariable -laws. And these laws considered, as we may now consider them, as a -whole, form a more sublime object of contemplation than the solemn -inaction of the old Supreme Being, whose existence was passive except -when interrupted by acts of arbitrary and unintelligible volition. Thus -it is only by Positive science that we can appreciate this highest -of all destinies to which all the fatalities of individual life are -subordinate. It is with this as with subjects of minor importance: -systematic study of the Past is necessary in order to determine the -Future, and so explain the tendencies of the Present. Let us then pass -from the conception of Humanity as fully developed, to the history of -its rise and progress; a history in which all other modes of progress -are included. In ancient times the conception was incompatible with the -theological spirit and also with the military character of society, -which involved the slavery of the productive classes. The feeling of -Patriotism, restricted as it was at first, was the only prelude then -possible to the recognition of Humanity. From this narrow nationality -there arose in the Middle Ages the feeling of universal brotherhood, -as soon as military life had entered on its defensive phase, and all -supernatural creeds had spontaneously merged into a monotheistic form -common to the whole West. The growth of Chivalry, and the attempt made -to effect a permanent separation of the two social powers, announced -already the subordination of Politics to Morals, and thus showed that -the conception of Humanity was in direct course of preparation. But the -unreal and anti-social nature of the mediaeval creed, and the military -and aristocratic character of feudal society, made it impossible to -go very far in this direction. The abolition of personal slavery was -the most essential result of this important period. Society could -now assume its industrial character; and feelings of fraternity were -encouraged by modes of life in which all classes alike participated. -Meanwhile, the growth of the Positive spirit was proceeding, and -preparing the way for the establishment of Social Science, by which -alone all other Positive studies should be systematized. This being -done, the conception of the Great Being became possible. It was with -reference to subjects of a speculative and scientific nature that the -conception first arose in a distinct shape. As early as two centuries -ago, Pascal spoke of the human race as one Man.[11] Amidst the -inevitable decline of the theological and military system, men became -conscious of the movement of society, which had now advanced through -so many phases; and the notion of Progress as a distinctive feature -of Humanity became admitted. Still the conception of Humanity as the -basis for a new synthesis was impossible until the crisis of the French -Revolution. That crisis on the one hand proved the urgent necessity -for social regeneration, and on the other gave birth to the only -philosophy capable of effecting it. Thus our consciousness of the new -Great Being has advanced co-extensively with its growth. Our present -conception of it is as much the measure of our social progress as it is -the summary of Positive knowledge. - - [Inorganic and organic - sciences elevated by their - connexion with the supreme - science of Humanity] - -In speaking of the dignity of Science when regenerated by this lofty -application of it, I do not refer solely to the special science of -Social phenomena, but also to the preliminary studies of Life and -of the Inorganic World, both of which form an essential portion -of Positive doctrine. A social mission of high importance will be -recognized in the most elementary sciences, whether it be for the -sake of their method or for the value of their scientific results. -True, the religion of Humanity will lead to the entire abolition of -scientific Academies, because their tendency, especially in France, is -equally hurtful to science and morality. They encourage mathematicians -to confine their attention exclusively to the first step in the -scientific scale; and biologists to pursue their studies without any -solid basis or definite purpose. Special studies carried on without -regard for the encyclopædic principles which determine the relative -value of knowledge, and its bearing on human life, will be condemned -by all men of right feeling and good sense. Such men will feel the -necessity of resisting the morbid narrowness of mind and heart to which -the anarchy of our times inevitably leads. But the abolition of the -Academic system will only ensure a larger measure of respect for all -scientific researches of real value, on whatever subject. The study -of Mathematics, the value of which is at present negatived by its -hardening tendency, will now manifest its latent moral efficacy, as -the only sure basis for firm conviction; a state of mind that can never -be perfectly attained in more complex subjects of thought, except by -those who have experienced it in the simpler subjects. When the close -connexion of all scientific knowledge becomes more generally admitted, -Humanity will reject political teachers who are ignorant of Geometry, -as well as geometricians who neglect Sociology. Biology meanwhile will -lose its dangerous materialism, and will receive all the respect due to -its close connexion with social science and its important bearing on -the essential doctrines of Positivism. To attempt to explain the life -of Humanity without first examining the lower forms of life, would be -as serious an error as to study Biology without regard to the social -purpose which Biology is intended to serve. Science has now become -indispensable to the establishment of moral truth, and at the same time -its subordination to the inspirations of the heart is fully recognized; -thus it takes its place henceforward among the most essential functions -of the priesthood of Humanity. The supremacy of true Feeling will -strengthen Reason, and will receive in turn from Reason a systematic -sanction. Natural philosophy, besides its evident value in regulating -the spontaneous action of Humanity, has a direct tendency to elevate -human nature; it draws from the outer world that basis of fixed truth -which is so necessary to control our various desires. - -The study of Humanity therefore, directly or indirectly, is for the -future the permanent aim of Science; and Science is now in a true sense -consecrated, as the source from which the universal religion receives -its principles. It reveals to us not merely the nature and conditions -of the Great Being, but also its destiny and the successive phases of -its growth. The aim is high and arduous; it requires continuous and -combined exertion of all our faculties; but it ennobles the simplest -processes of scientific investigation by connecting them permanently -with subjects of the deepest interest. The scrupulous exactness -and rigorous caution of the Positive method, which when applied to -unimportant subjects seem almost puerile, will be valued and insisted -on when seen to be necessary for the efficacy of efforts relating to -our most essential wants. Rationalism, in the true sense of the word, -so far from being incompatible with right feeling, strengthens and -develops it, by placing all the facts of the case, in social questions -especially, in their true light. - - [The new religion is even - more favourable to Art than - to Science] - -But, however honourable the rank which Science when regenerated will -hold in the new religion, the sanction given to Poetry will be even -more direct and unqualified, because the function assigned to it is -one which is more practical and which touches us more nearly. Its -function will be the praise of Humanity. All previous efforts of Art -have been but the prelude to this, its natural mission; a prelude often -impatiently performed since Art threw off the yoke of theocracy at an -earlier period than Science. Polytheism was the only religion under -which it had free scope: there it could idealize all the passions -of our nature, no attempt being made to conceal the similarity of -the gods to the human type. The change from Polytheism to Monotheism -was unacceptable to Art, because it narrowed its field; but towards -the close of the Middle Ages it began to shake off the influence of -obscure and chimerical beliefs, and take possession of its proper -sphere. The field that now lies before it in the religion of Humanity -is inexhaustible. It is called upon to idealize the social life of -Man, which, in the time of the nations of antiquity, had not been -sufficiently developed to inspire the highest order of poetry. - - [Poetic portraiture of the - new Supreme Being, and - contrast with the old] - -In the first place it will be of the greatest service in enabling men -to realize the conception of Humanity, subject only to the condition -of not overstepping the fundamental truths of Science. Science -unassisted cannot define the nature and destinies of this Great Being -with sufficient clearness. In our religion the object of worship must -be conceived distinctly, in order to be ardently loved and zealously -served. Science, especially in subjects of this nature, is confined -within narrow limits; it leaves inevitable deficiencies which esthetic -genius must supply. And there are certain qualities in Art as opposed -to Science, which specially qualify it for the representation of -Humanity. For Humanity is distinguished from other forms of life by -the combination of independence with co-operation, attributes which -also are natural to Poetry. For while Poetry is more sympathetic than -Science, its productions have far more individuality; the genius of -their author is more strongly marked in them, and the debt to his -predecessors and contemporaries is less apparent. Thus the synthesis on -which the inauguration of the final religion depends, is one in which -Art will participate more than Science, Science furnishing merely the -necessary basis. Its influence will be even greater than in the times -of Polytheism; for powerful as Art appeared to be in those times, it -could in reality do nothing but embellish the fables to which the -confused ideas of theocracy had given rise. By its aid we shall for the -first time rise at last to a really human point of view, and be enabled -distinctly to understand the essential attributes of the Great Being of -whom we are members. The material power of Humanity and the successive -phases of her physical, her intellectual, and, above all, her moral -progress, will each in turn be depicted. Without the difficulties of -analytical study, we shall gain a clear knowledge of her nature and her -conditions, by the poet’s description of her future destiny, of her -constant struggle against painful fatalities, which have at last become -a source of happiness and greatness, of the slow growth of her infancy, -of her lofty hopes now so near fulfilment. The history of universal -Love, the soul by which this Great Being is animated; the history, that -is, of the marvellous advance of man, individually or socially, from -brutish appetite to pure unselfish sympathy, is of itself an endless -theme for the poetry of the future. - -Comparisons, too, may be instituted, in which the poet, without -specially attacking the old religion, will indicate the superiority -of the new. The attributes of the new Great Being may be forcibly -illustrated, especially during the time of transition, by contrast with -the inferiority of her various predecessors. All theological types are -absolute, indefinite, and immutable; consequently in none of them has -it been possible to combine to a satisfactory extent the attributes of -goodness, wisdom, and power. Nor can we conceive of their combination, -except in a Being whose existence is a matter of certainty, and who is -subject to invariable laws. The gods of Polytheism were endowed with -energy and sympathy, but possessed neither dignity nor morality. They -were superseded by the sublime deity of Monotheism, who was sometimes -represented as inert and passionless, sometimes as impenetrable and -inflexible. But the new Supreme Being, having a real existence, an -existence relative and modifiable, admits of being more distinctly -conceived than the old; and the influence of the conception will be -equally strong and far more elevating. Each one of us will recognize -in it a power superior to his own, a power on which the whole destiny -of his life depends, since the life of the individual is in every -respect subordinate to the evolution of the race. But the knowledge -of this power has not the crushing effect of the old conception of -omnipotence. For every great or good man will feel that his own life -is an indispensable element in the great organism. The supremacy of -Humanity is but the result of individual co-operation; her power is not -supreme, it is only superior to that of all beings whom we know. Our -love for her is tainted by no degrading fears, yet it is always coupled -with the most sincere reverence. Perfection is in no wise claimed for -her; we study her natural defects with care in order to remedy them as -far as possible. The love we bear to her is a feeling as noble as it -is strong; it calls for no degrading expressions of adulation, but it -inspires us with unremitting zeal for moral improvement. But these and -other advantages of the new religion, though they can be indicated by -the philosopher, need the poet to display them in their full light. -The moral grandeur of man when freed from the chimeras that oppress -him, was foreseen by Goethe, and still more clearly by Byron. But -the work of these men was one of destruction; and their types could -only embody the spirit of revolt. Poetry must rise above the negative -stage in which, owing to the circumstances of the time, their genius -was arrested, and must embrace in the Positive spirit the system of -sociological and other laws to which human development is subject, -before it can adequately portray the new Man in his relation to the new -God. - - [Organization of festivals, - representing statical - and dynamical aspects of - humanity] - -There is yet another way in which Art may serve the cause of religion; -that is, in organizing the festivals, whether private or public, of -which, to a great extent, the worship of Humanity will consist. For -this purpose esthetic talent is far more required than scientific, the -object in view being to reveal the nature of the great Organism more -clearly, by presenting all aspects of its existence, static or dynamic, -in idealized forms. - -These festivals, then, should be of two kinds, corresponding to the two -essential aspects of Humanity; the first illustrating her existence, -the second her action. Thus we shall stimulate both the elements -of true social feeling; the love of Order, namely, and the love of -Progress. In our static festivals social Order and the feeling of -Solidarity, will be illustrated; the dynamic festivals will explain -social Progress, and inspire the sense of historical Continuity. -Taken together, their periodic recurrence will form a continuation -of Positive education. They will develop and confirm the principles -instilled in youth. But there will be nothing didactic in their form; -since it is of the essence of Art not to instruct otherwise than by -giving pleasure. Of course the regular recurrence of these festivals -will not prevent any modifications which may be judged necessary to -adapt them to special incidents that may from time to time arise. - -The festivals representing Order will necessarily take more abstract -and austere forms than those of Progress. It will be their object to -represent the statical relations by which the great Organism preserves -its unity, and the various aspects of its animating principle, Love. -The most universal and the most solemn of these festivals will be -the feast of Humanity, which will be held throughout the West at the -beginning of the new year, thus consecrating the only custom which -still remains in general use to relieve the prosaic dullness of modern -life. In this feast, which celebrates the most comprehensiveness of -all unions, every branch of the human race will at some future time -participate. In the same month there might be three festivals of a -secondary order, representing the minor degrees of association, the -Nation, the Province, and the Town. Giving this first month to the -direct celebration of the social tie, we might devote the first days of -the four succeeding months to the four principal domestic relations, -Connubial, Parental, Filial, and Fraternal. In the sixth month, the -honourable position of domestic service would receive its due measure -of respect. - -These would be the static festivals; taken together they would form -a representation of the true theory of our individual and social -nature, together with the principles of moral duty to which that theory -gives rise. No direct mention is made of the personal instincts, -notwithstanding their preponderance, because it is the main object -of Positive worship to bring them under the control of the social -instincts. Personal virtues are by no means neglected in Positive -education; but to make them the objects of any special celebration, -would only stimulate egotistic feeling. Indirectly their value is -recognized in every part of our religious system, in the reaction which -they exercise upon our generous sympathies. Their omission, therefore, -implies no real deficiency in this ideal portraiture of human faculties -and duties. Again, no special announcement of the subordination of -Humanity to the laws of the External World is needed. The consciousness -of this external power pervades every part of the Positive system; it -controls our desires, directs our speculations, stimulates our actions. -The simple fact of the recurrence of our ceremonies at fixed periods, -determined by the Earth’s motion, is enough to remind us of our -inevitable subjection to the fatalities of the External World. - -As the static festivals represent Morality, so the dynamic festivals, -those of Progress, will represent History. In these the worship of -Humanity assumes a more concrete and animated form; as it will consist -principally in rendering honour to the noblest types of each phase of -human development. It is desirable, however, that each of the more -important phases should be represented in itself, independently of the -greatness of any individual belonging to it. Of the months unoccupied -by static festivals, three might be given to the principal phases of -the Past, Fetichism, Polytheism, and Monotheism; and a fourth to the -celebration of the Future, the normal state to which all these phases -have been tending. - -Forming thus the chain of historical succession, we may consecrate -each month to some one of the types who best represent the various -stages. I omit, however, some explanations of detail given in the -first edition of this General View, written at the time when I had -not made the distinction between the abstract and concrete worship -sufficiently clear. A few months after its publication, in 1848, -the circumstances of the time induced me to frame a complete system -of commemoration applicable to Western Europe, under the title of -_Positivist Calendar_[12]. Of this I shall speak more at length in the -fourth volume of the present treatise. Its success has fully justified -me in anticipating this part of my subject. To it I now refer the -reader, recommending him to familiarize himself with the provisional -arrangement of the new Western year then put forward and already -adopted by most Positivists. - - [Worship of the dead. - Commemoration of their - service] - -But the practice need not be restricted to names of European -importance. It is applicable in its degree to each separate province, -and even to private life. Catholicism offers two institutions in which -the religion of the family connects itself with public worship in -its most comprehensive sense. There is a day appointed in Catholic -countries in which all are in the habit of visiting the tombs of those -dear to them; finding consolation for their grief by sharing it with -others. To this custom Positivists devote the last day of the year. The -working classes of Paris give every year a noble proof that complete -freedom of thought is in no respect compatible with worship of the -dead, which in their case is unconnected with any system. Again there -is the institution of baptismal names, which though little thought -of at present, will be maintained and improved by Positivism. It is -an admirable mode of impressing on men the connexion of private with -public life, by furnishing every one with a type for his own personal -imitation. Here the superiority of the new religion is very apparent; -since the choice of a name will not be limited to any time or country. -In this, as in other cases, the absolute spirit of Catholicism proved -fatal to its prospects of becoming universal. - -These brief remarks will be enough to illustrate the two classes of -festivals instituted by Positivism. In every week of the year some new -aspect of Order or of Progress will be held up to public veneration; -and in each the link connecting public and private worship will be -found in the adoration of Woman. In this esthetic side of Positive -religion everything tends to strengthen its fundamental principle of -Love. All the resources of Poetry, and of the other arts of sound and -form, will be invoked to give full and regular expression to it. The -dominant feeling is always that of deep reverence proceeding from -sincere acknowledgment of benefits received. Our worship will be alike -free from mysticism and from affectation. While striving to surpass our -ancestors, we shall yet render due honour to all their services, and -look with respect upon their systems of life. Influenced no longer by -chimeras which though comforting to former times are now degrading, we -have now no obstacle to becoming as far as possible incorporate with -the Great Being whom we worship. By commemoration of past services we -strengthen the desire inherent in all of us to prolong our existence -in the only way which is really in our power. The fact that all human -affairs are subject to one fundamental law, as soon as it becomes -familiarly known, enables and encourages each one of us to live in -a true sense in the Past and even in the Future; as those cannot do -who attribute the events of life to the agency of an arbitrary and -impenetrable Will. The praise given to our predecessors will stimulate -a noble rivalry; inspiring all with the desire to become themselves -incorporate into this mighty Being whose life endures through all time, -and who is formed of the dead far more than the living. When the system -of commemoration is fully developed, no worthy co-operator will be -excluded, however humble his sphere; whether limited to his family or -town, or extending to his country or to the whole West. The education -of Positivists will soon convince them that such recompense for -honourable conduct is ample compensation for the imaginary hopes which -inspired their predecessors. - -To live in others is, in the truest sense of the word, life. Indeed the -best part of our own life is passed thus. As yet this truth has not -been grasped firmly, because the social point of view has never yet -been brought systematically before us. But the religion of Humanity, -by giving an esthetic form to the Positivist synthesis, will make it -intelligible to minds of every class: and will enable us to enjoy the -untold charm springing from the sympathies of union and of continuity -when allowed free play. To prolong our life indefinitely in the Past -and Future, so as to make it more perfect in the Present, is abundant -compensation for the illusions of our youth which have now passed away -for ever. Science which deprived us of these imaginary comforts, itself -in its maturity supplies the solid basis for consolation of a kind -unknown before; the hope of becoming incorporate into the Great Being -whose static and dynamic laws it has revealed. On this firm foundation -Poetry raises the structure of public and private worship; and thus -all are made active partakers of this universal life, which minds -still fettered by theology cannot understand. Thus imagination, while -accepting the guidance of reason, will exercise a far more efficient -and extensive influence than in the days of Polytheism. For the priests -of Humanity the sole purpose of Science is to prepare the field for -Art, whether esthetic or industrial. This object once attained, poetic -study or composition will form the chief occupation of our speculative -faculties. The poet is now called to his true mission, which is to give -beauty and grandeur to human life, by inspiring a deeper sense of our -relation to Humanity. Poetry will form the basis of the ceremonies in -which the new priesthood will solemnise more efficiently than the old, -the most important events of private life: especially Birth, Marriage, -and Death; so as to impress the family as well as the state with the -sense of this relation. Forced as we are henceforth to concentrate all -our hopes and efforts upon the real life around us, we shall feel more -strongly than ever that all the powers of Imagination as well as those -of Reason, Feeling, and Activity, are required in its service. - - [All the arts may co-operate - in the service of religion] - -Poetry once raised to its proper place, the arts of sound and form, -which render in a more vivid way the subjects which Poetry has -suggested, will soon follow. Their sphere, like that of Poetry, will be -the celebration of Humanity; an exhaustless field, leaving no cause to -regret the chimeras which, in the present empirical condition of these -arts, are still considered indispensable. Music in modern times has -been limited almost entirely to the expression of individual emotions. -Its full power has never been felt in public life, except in the -solitary instance of the _Marseillaise_, in which the whole spirit of -our great Revolution stands recorded. But in the worship of Humanity, -based as it is on Positive education, and animated by the spirit of -Poetry, Music, as the most social of the special arts, will aid in the -representation of the attributes and destinies of Humanity, and in the -glorification of great historical types. Painting and Sculpture will -have the same object; they will enable us to realize the conception of -Humanity with greater clearness and precision than would be possible -for Poetry, even with the aid of Music. The beautiful attempts of the -artists of the sixteenth century, men who had very little theological -belief, to embody the Christian ideal of Woman, may be regarded as -an unconscious prelude to the representation of Humanity, in the -form which of all others is most suitable. Under the impulse of -these feelings, the sculptor will overcome the technical difficulties -of representing figures in groups, and will adopt such subjects by -preference. Hitherto this has only been effected in bas-reliefs, -works which stand midway between painting and sculpture. There are, -however, some splendid exceptions from which we can imagine the scope -and grandeur of the latter art, when raised to its true position. -Statuesque groups, whether the figures are joined or, as is preferable, -separate, will enable the sculptor to undertake many great subjects -from which he has been hitherto debarred. - -In Architecture the influence of Positivism will be felt less rapidly; -but ultimately this art like the rest will be made available for the -new religion. The buildings erected for the service of God may for -a time suffice for the worship of Humanity, in the same way that -Christian worship was carried on at first in Pagan temples as they -were gradually vacated. But ultimately buildings will be required more -specially adapted to a religion in which all the functions connected -with education and worship are so entirely different. What these -buildings will be it would be useless at present to inquire. It is -less easy to foresee the Positivist ideal in Architecture than in any -other arts. And it must remain uncertain until the new principles -of education have been generally spread, and until the Positivist -religion, having received all the aid that Poetry, Music, and the arts -of Form can give, has become the accepted faith of Western Europe. -When the more advanced nations are heartily engaged in the cause, -the true temples of Humanity will soon arise. By that time mental -and moral regeneration will have advanced far enough to commence the -reconstruction of all political institutions. Until then the new -religion will avail itself of Christian churches as these gradually -become vacant. - - [Positivism is the successor - of Christianity, and - surpasses it] - -Art then, as well as Science, partakes in the regenerating influence -which Positivism derives from its synthetic principle of Love. Both -are called to their proper functions, the one to contemplate, the -other to glorify Humanity, in order that we may love and serve her -more perfectly. Yet while the intellect is thus made the servant of -the heart, far from being weakened by this subordinate position, it -finds in it an exhaustless field, in which the value of its labours -is amply recognized. Each of its faculties is called directly into -play, and is supplied with its appropriate employment. Poetry -institutes the forms of the worship of Humanity; Science supplies the -principles on which those forms are framed, by connecting them with -the laws of the external world. Imagination, while ceasing to usurp -the place of Reason, yet enhances rather than diminishes its original -influence, which the new philosophy shows to be as beneficial as it -is natural. And thus human life at last attains that state of perfect -harmony which has been so long sought for in vain, and which consists -in the direction of all our faculties to one common purpose under -the supremacy of Affection. At the same time all former efforts of -Imagination and Reason, even when they clashed with each other, are -fully appreciated; because we see that they developed our powers, -that they taught us the conditions of their equilibrium, and made it -manifest that nothing but that equilibrium was wanting to allow them to -work together for our welfare. Above all do we recognize the immense -value of the mediaeval attempt to form a complete synthesis, although, -notwithstanding all the results of Greek and Roman civilization, the -time was not yet ripe for it. To renew that attempt upon a sounder -basis, and with surer prospects of success, is the object of those -who found the religion of Humanity. Widely different as are their -circumstances and the means they employ, they desire to regard -themselves as the successors of the great men who conducted the -progressive movement of Catholicism. For those alone are worthy to be -called successors, who continue or carry into effect the undertakings -which former times have left unfinished; the title is utterly unmerited -by blind followers of obsolete dogmas, which have long ceased to bear -any relation to their original purpose, and which their very authors, -if now living, would disavow. - -But while bearing in mind our debt to Catholicism, we need not omit -to recognize how largely Positivism gains by comparison with it. Full -justice will be done to the aims of Catholicism, and to the excellence -of its results. But the whole effect of Positivist worship will be -to make men feel clearly how far superior in every respect is the -synthesis founded on the Love of Humanity to that founded on the Love -of God. - -Christianity satisfied no part of our nature fully, except the -affections. It rejected Imagination, it shrank from Reason; and -therefore its power was always contested, and could not last. Even -in its own sphere of affection, its principles never lent themselves -to that social direction which the Catholic priesthood, with such -remarkable persistency, endeavoured to give to them. The aim which it -set before men, being unreal and personal, was ill-suited to a life of -reality and of social sympathy. It is true that the universality of -this supreme affection was indirectly a bond of union; but only when -it was not at variance with true social feeling. And from the nature -of the system, opposition between these two principles was the rule, -and harmony the exception; since the Love of God, even as viewed by -the best Catholic types, required in almost all cases the abandonment -of every other passion. The moral value of such a synthesis consisted -solely in the discipline which it established; discipline of whatever -kind being preferable to anarchy, which would have given free scope -to all the lowest propensities. But notwithstanding all the tender -feeling of the best mystics, the affection which to them was supreme -admitted of no real reciprocity. Moreover, the stupendous nature of -the rewards and penalties by which every precept in this arbitrary -system was enforced, tended to weaken the character and to taint -our noblest impulses. The essential merit of the system was that it -was the first attempt to exercise systematic control over our moral -nature. The discipline of Polytheism was usually confined to actions: -sometimes it extended to habits; but it never touched the affections -from which both habits and actions spring. Christianity took the best -means of effecting its purpose that were then available; but it was -not successful, except so far as it gave indirect encouragement to -our higher feelings. And so vague and absolute were its principles, -that even this would have been impossible, but for the wisdom of the -priesthood, who for a long time saved society from the dangers incident -to so arbitrary a system. But at the close of the Middle Ages, when -the priesthood became retrograde, and lost at once their morality and -their freedom, the doctrine was left to its own impotence, and rapidly -degenerated till it became a chronic source of degradation and of -discord. - -But the synthesis based upon Love of Humanity has too deep a foundation -in Positive truth to be liable to similar decline; and its influence -cannot but increase so long as the progress of our race endures. -The Great Being, who is its object, tolerates the most searching -inquiry, and yet does not restrict the scope of Imagination. The -laws which regulate her existence are now known to us; and the more -deeply her nature is investigated, the stronger is our consciousness -of her reality and of the greatness of her benefits. The thought of -her stimulates all the powers of Imagination, and thus enables us to -participate in a measure in the universality of her life, throughout -the whole extent of Time and Space of which we have any real knowledge. -All our real intellectual results, whether in art or science, are -alike co-ordinated by the religion of Humanity; for it furnishes the -sole bond of connexion by which permanent harmony can be established -between our thoughts and our feelings. It is the only system which -without artifice and without arbitrary restriction, can establish the -preponderance of Affection over Thought and Action. It sets forth -social feeling as the first principle of morality; without ignoring -the natural superiority in strength of the personal instincts. To live -for others it holds to be the highest happiness. To become incorporate -with Humanity, to sympathize with all her former phases, to foresee -her destinies in the future, and to do what lies in us to forward -them; this is what it puts before us as the constant aim of life. -Self-love in the Positive system is regarded as the great infirmity of -our nature: an infirmity which unremitting discipline on the part of -each individual and of society may materially palliate, but will never -radically cure. The degree to which this mastery over our own nature is -attained is the truest standard of individual or social progress, since -it has the closest relation to the existence of the Great Being, and to -the happiness of the elements that compose it. - -Inspired as it is by sincere gratitude, which increases the more -carefully the grounds for it are examined, the worship of Humanity -raises Prayer for the first time above the degrading influence of -self-interest. We pray to the Supreme Being; but only to express our -deep thankfulness for her present and past benefits, which are an -earnest of still greater blessings in the future. Doubtless it is a -fact of human nature, that habitual expression of such feelings reacts -beneficially on our moral nature; and so far we, too, find in Prayer -a noble recompense. But it is one that can suggest to us no selfish -thoughts, since it cannot come at all unless it come spontaneously. -Our highest happiness consists in Love; and we know that more than any -other feeling love may be strengthened by exercise; that alone of all -feelings it admits of, and increases with, simultaneous expansion in -all. Humanity will become more familiar to us than the old gods were to -the Polytheists, yet without the loss of dignity which, in their case, -resulted from familiarity. Her nature has in it nothing arbitrary, -yet she co-operates with us in the worship that we render, since in -honouring her we receive back ‘grace for grace’. Homage accepted by -the Deity of former times laid him open to the charge of puerile -vanity. But the new Deity will accept praise only where it is deserved, -and will derive from it equal benefit with ourselves. This perfect -reciprocity of affection and of influence is peculiar to Positive -religion, because in it alone the object of worship is a Being whose -nature is relative, modifiable, and perfectible; a Being of whom her -own worshippers form a part, and the laws of whose existence, being -more clearly known than theirs, allow her desires and her tendencies to -be more distinctly foreseen. - - [Superiority of Positive - morality] - -The morality of Positive religion combines all the advantages of -spontaneousness with those of demonstration. It is so thoroughly -human in all its parts, as to preclude all the subterfuges by which -repentance for transgression is so often stifled or evaded. By pointing -out distinctly the way in which each individual action reacts upon -society, it forces us to judge our own conduct without lowering -our standard. Some might think it too gentle, and not sufficiently -vigorous; yet the love by which it is inspired is no passive feeling, -but a principle which strongly stimulates our energies to the full -extent compatible with the attainment of that highest good to which -it is ever tending. Accepting the truths of science, it teaches that -we must look to our own unremitting activity for the only providence -by which the rigour of our destiny can be alleviated. We know well -that the great Organism, superior though it be to all beings known -to us, is yet under the dominion of inscrutable laws, and is in no -respect either absolutely perfect or absolutely secure from danger. -Every condition of our existence, whether those of the external world -or those of our own nature, might at some time be compromised. Even -our moral and intellectual faculties, on which our highest interests -depend, are no exception to this truth. Such contingencies are always -possible, and yet they are not to prevent us from living nobly; they -must not lessen our love, our thought, or our efforts for Humanity; -they must not overwhelm us with anxiety, nor urge us to useless -complaint. But the very principles which demand this high standard of -courage and resignation, are themselves well calculated to maintain -it. For by making us fully conscious of the greatness of man, and by -setting us free from the degrading influences of fear, they inspire -us with keen interest in our efforts, inadequate though they be, -against the pressure of fatalities which are not always beyond our -power to modify. And thus the reaction of these fatalities upon our -character is turned at last to a most beneficial use. It prevents -alike overweening anxiety for our own interests and dull indifference -to them; whereas, in theological and metaphysical systems, even when -inculcating self-denial, there is always a dangerous tendency to -concentrate thought on personal considerations. Dignified reaction -where modification of them is possible; such is the moral standard -which Positivism puts forward for individuals and for society. - -Catholicism, notwithstanding the radical defects of its doctrine, has -unconsciously been influenced by the modern spirit; and at the close -of the Middle Ages was tending in a direction similar to that here -described, although its principles were inconsistent with any formal -recognition of it. It is only in the countries that have been preserved -from Protestantism that any traces are left of these faint efforts -of the priesthood to rise above their own theories. The Catholic God -would gradually change into a feeble and imperfect representation of -Humanity, were not the clergy so degraded socially as to be unable -to participate in the spontaneous feelings of the community. It is a -tendency too slightly marked to lead to any important result; yet it -is a striking proof of the new direction which men’s minds and hearts -are unconsciously taking in countries which are often supposed to be -altogether left behind in the march of modern thought. The clearest -indication of it is in their acceptance of the worship of Woman, -which is the first step towards the worship of Humanity. Since the -twelfth century, the influence of the Virgin, especially in Spain and -Italy, has been constantly on the increase. The priesthood have often -protested against it, but without effect; and sometimes they have -found it necessary to sanction it, for the sake of preserving their -authority. The special and privileged adoration which this beautiful -creation of Poetry has received, could not but produce a marked change -in the spirit of Catholicism. It may serve as a connecting link between -the religion of our ancestors and that of our descendants, the Virgin -becoming gradually regarded as a personification of Humanity. Little, -however, will be done in this direction by the established priesthood, -whether in Italy or Spain. We must look to the purer agency of women, -who will be the means of introducing Positivism among our Southern -brethren. - -All the points, then, in which the morality of Positive science excels -the morality of revealed religion are summed up in the substitution -of Love of Humanity for Love of God. It is a principle as adverse -to metaphysics as to theology, since it excludes all personal -considerations, and places happiness, whether for the individual or -for society, in constant exercise of kindly feeling. To love Humanity -may be truly said to constitute the whole duty of Man; provided it -be clearly understood what such love really implies, and what are -the conditions required for maintaining it. The victory of Social -Feeling over our innate Self-love is rendered possible only by a slow -and difficult training of the heart, in which the intellect must -co-operate. The most important part of this training consists in the -mutual love of Man and Woman, with all other family affections which -precede and follow it. But every aspect of morality, even the personal -virtues, are included in love of Humanity. It furnishes the best -measure of their relative importance, and the surest method for laying -down incontestable rules of conduct. And thus we find the principles -of systematic morality to be identical with those of spontaneous -morality, a result which renders Positive doctrine equally accessible -to all. - - [Rise of the new Spiritual - power] - -Science, therefore, Poetry, and Morality, will alike be regenerated -by the new religion, and will ultimately form one harmonious whole, -on which the destinies of Man will henceforth rest. With women, to -whom the first germs of spiritual power are due, this consecration -of the rational and imaginative faculties to the source of feeling -has always existed spontaneously. But to realize it in social life -it must be brought forward in a systematic form as part of a general -doctrine. This is what the mediaeval system attempted upon the basis of -Monotheism. A moral power arose composed of the two elements essential -to such a power, the sympathetic influence of women in the family, the -systematic influence of the priesthood on public life. As a preliminary -attempt the Catholic system was most beneficial; but it could not last, -because the synthesis on which it rested was imperfect and unstable. -The Catholic doctrine and worship addressed themselves exclusively -to our emotional nature, and even from the moral point of view their -principles were uncertain and arbitrary. The field of intellect, -whether in art or science, as well as that of practical life, would -have been left almost untouched but for the personal character of the -priests. But with the loss of their political independence, which had -been always in danger from the military tendencies of the time, the -priesthood rapidly degenerated. The system was in fact premature; -and even before the industrial era of modern times had set in, the -esthetic and metaphysical growth of the times had already gone too -far for its feeble power of control; and it then became as hostile -to progress as it had formerly been favourable to it. Moral qualities -without intellectual superiority are not enough for a true spiritual -power; they will not enable it to modify to any appreciable extent the -strong preponderance of material considerations. Consequently it is the -primary condition of social reorganization to put an end to the state -of utter revolt which the intellect maintains against the heart; a -state which has existed ever since the close of the Middle Ages and the -source of which may be traced as far back as the Greek Metaphysicians. -Positivism has at last overcome the immense difficulties of this task. -Its solution consists in the foundation of social science on the basis -of the preliminary sciences, so that at last there is unity of method -in our conceptions. Our active faculties have always been guided by -the Positive spirit: and by its extension to the sphere of Feeling, a -complete synthesis, alike spontaneous and systematic in its nature, -is constructed; and every part of our nature is brought under the -regenerating influence of the worship of Humanity. Thus a new spiritual -power will arise, complete and homogeneous in structure, coherent and -at the same time progressive; and better calculated than Catholicism -to engage the support of women which is so necessary to its efficient -action on society. - - [Temporal power will always - be necessary, but its action - will be modified by the - spiritual] - -Were it not for the material necessities of human life, nothing further -would be required for its guidance than a spiritual power such as is -here described. We should have in that case no need for any laborious -exertion; and universal benevolence would be looked upon as the -sovereign good, and would become the direct object of all our efforts. -All that would be necessary would be to call our reasoning powers, and -still more, our imagination into play, in order to keep this object -constantly in view. Purely fictitious as such an hypothesis may be, -it is yet an ideal limit, to which our actual life should be more and -more nearly approximated. As an Utopia, it is a fit subject for the -poet: and in his hands it will supply the new religion with resources -far superior to any that Christianity derived from vague and unreal -pictures of future bliss. In it we may carry out a more perfect social -classification, in which men may be ranked by moral and intellectual -merit, irrespectively of wealth or position. For the only standard by -which in such a state men could be tried would be their capacity to -love and to please Humanity. - -Such a standard will of course never be practically accepted, and -indeed the classification in question would be impossible to effect: -yet it should always be present to our minds; and should be contrasted -dispassionately with the actual arrangements of social rank, with -which power, even where accidentally acquired, has more to do than -worth. The priests of Humanity with the assistance of women will avail -themselves largely of this contrast in modifying the existing order. -Positivist education will fully explain its moral validity, and in -our religious services appeal will frequently be made to it. Although -an ideal abstraction, yet being based on reality, except so far as -the necessities of daily life are concerned, it will be far more -efficacious than the vague and uncertain classification founded on the -theological doctrine of a future state. When society learns to admit no -other Providence than its own, it will go so far in adopting this ideal -classification as to produce a strong effect on the classes who are the -best aware of its impracticability. But those who press this contrast -must be careful always to respect the natural laws which regulate -the distribution of wealth and rank. They have a definite social -function, and that function is not to be destroyed, but to be improved -and regulated. In order, therefore, to reconcile these conditions, we -must limit our ideal classification to individuals, leaving the actual -subordination of office and position unaffected. Well-marked personal -superiority is not very common; and society would be wasting its powers -in useless and interminable controversy if it undertook to give each -function to its best organ, thus dispossessing the former functionary -without taking into account the conditions of practical experience. -Even in the spiritual hierarchy, where it is easier to judge of -merit, such a course would be utterly subversive of discipline. But -there would be no political danger, and morally there would be great -advantage, in pointing out all remarkable cases which illustrate the -difference between the order of rank and the order of merit. Respect -may be shown to be noblest without compromising the authority of the -strongest. St Bernard was esteemed more highly than any of the Popes of -his time; yet he remained in the humble position of an abbot, and never -failed to show the most perfect deference for the higher functionaries -of the Church. A still more striking example was furnished by St Paul -in recognizing the official superiority of St Peter, of whose moral -and mental inferiority to himself he must have been well aware. All -organized corporations, civil or military, can show instances on a less -important scale where the abstract order of merit has been adopted -consistently with the concrete order of rank. Where this is the case -the two may be contrasted without any subversive consequences. The -contrast will be morally beneficial to all classes, at the same time -that it proves the imperfection to which so complicated an organism as -human society must be ever liable. - -Thus the religion of Humanity creates an intellectual and moral power, -which, could human life be freed from the pressure of material wants, -would suffice for its guidance. Imperfect as our nature assuredly -is, yet social sympathy has an intrinsic charm which would make it -paramount, but for the imperious necessities by which the instincts of -self-preservation are stimulated. So urgent are they, that the greater -part of life is necessarily occupied with actions of a self-regarding -kind, before which Reason, Imagination, and even Feeling, have to -give way. Consequently this moral power, which seems so well adapted -for the direction of society, must only attempt to act as a modifying -influence. Its sympathetic element, in other words, women, accept this -necessity without difficulty; for true affection always takes the -right course of action, as soon as it is clearly indicated. But the -intellect is far more unwilling to take a subordinate position. Its -rash ambition is far more unsettling to the world than the ambition of -rank and wealth, against which it so often inveighs. It is the hardest -of social problems to regulate the exercise of the intellectual powers, -while securing them their due measure of influence; the object being -that theoretical power should be able really to modify, and yet should -never be permitted to govern. For the nations of antiquity this problem -was insoluble; with them the intellect was always either a tyrant or -a slave. The solution was attempted in the Middle Ages; but without -success, owing to the military and theological character of the times. -Positivism relies for solving it on the reality which is one of its -principal features, and on the fact that Society has now entered on its -industrial phase. Based on accurate inquiry into the past and future -destinies of man, its aim is so to regenerate our political action, -as to transform it ultimately into a practical worship of Humanity; -Morality being the worship rendered by the affections, Science and -Poetry that rendered by the intellect. Such is the principal mission -of the Occidental priesthood, a mission in which women and the working -classes will actively co-operate. - - [Substitution of duties for - rights] - -The most important object of this regenerated polity will be the -substitution of Duties for Rights; thus subordinating personal -to social considerations. The word _Right_ should be excluded -from political language, as the word _Cause_ from the language of -philosophy. Both are theological and metaphysical conceptions; and -the former is as immoral and subversive as the latter is unmeaning -and sophistical. Both are alike incompatible with the final state; -and their value during the revolutionary period of modern history -has simply consisted in their solvent action upon previous systems. -Rights, in the strict sense of the word, are possible only so long -as power is considered as emanating from a superhuman will. Rights, -under all theological systems, were divine; but in their opposition to -theocracy, the metaphysicians of the last five centuries introduced -what they called the rights of Man; a conception, the value of which -consisted simply in its destructive effects. Whenever it has been taken -as the basis of a constructive policy, its anti-social character, and -its tendency to strengthen individualism have always been apparent. -In the Positive state, where no supernatural claims are admissible, -the idea of _Right_ will entirely disappear. Every one has duties, -duties towards all; but rights in the ordinary sense can be claimed by -none. Whatever security the individual may require is found in the -general acknowledgment of reciprocal obligations; and this gives a -moral equivalent for rights as hitherto claimed, without the serious -political dangers which they involved. In other words, no one has -in any case any Right but that of doing his Duty. The adoption of -this principle is the one way of realizing the grand ideal of the -Middle Ages, the subordination of Politics to Morals. In those times, -however, the vast bearings of the question were but very imperfectly -apprehended; its solution is incompatible with every form of theology, -and is only to be found in Positivism. - -The solution consists in regarding our political and social action as -the service of Humanity. Its object should be to assist by conscious -effort all functions, whether relating to Order or to Progress, which -Humanity has hitherto performed spontaneously. This is the ultimate -object of Positive religion. Without it all other aspects of that -religion would be inadequate, and would soon cease to have any value. -True affection does not stop short at desire for good; it strains every -effort to attain it. The elevation of soul arising from the act of -contemplating and adoring Humanity is not the sole object of religious -worship. Above and beyond this there is the motive of becoming better -able to serve Humanity; unceasing action on our part being necessary -for her preservation and development. This indeed is the most -distinctive feature of Positive religion. The Supreme Being of former -times had really little need of human services. The consequence was, -that with all theological believers, and with monotheists especially, -devotion always tended to degenerate into quietism. The danger could -only be obviated when the priesthood had sufficient wisdom to take -advantage of the vagueness of these theories, and to draw from them -motives for practical exertion. Nothing could be done in this direction -unless the priesthood retained their social independence. As soon as -this was taken from them by the usurpation of the temporal power, the -more sincere amongst Catholics lapsed into the quietistic spirit which -for a long time had been kept in check. In Positivism, on the contrary, -the doctrine itself, irrespective of the character of its teachers, is -a direct and continuous incentive to exertion of every kind. The reason -for this is to be found in the relative and dependent nature of our -Supreme Being, of whom her own worshippers form a part. - - [Consensus of the social - organism] - -In this, which is the essential service of Humanity, and which infuses -a religious spirit into every act of life, the feature most prominent -is co-operation of effort; co-operation on so vast a scale that less -complicated organisms have nothing to compare with it. The consensus -of the social organism extends to Time as well as Space. Hence the -two distinct aspects of social sympathy: the feeling of Solidarity, -or union with the Present; and of Continuity, or union with the Past. -Careful investigation of any social phenomenon, whether relating to -Order or to Progress, always proves convergence, direct or indirect, -of all contemporaries and of all former generations, within certain -geographical and chronological limits; and those limits recede as the -development of Humanity advances. In our thoughts and feelings such -convergence is unquestionable; and it should be still more evident -in our actions, the efficacy of which depends on co-operations to -a still greater degree. Here we feel how false as well as immoral -is the notion of _Right_, a word which, as commonly used, implies -absolute individuality. The only principle on which Politics can be -subordinated to Morals is, that individuals should be regarded, not as -so many distinct beings, but as organs of one Supreme Being. Indeed, -in all settled states of society, the individual has always been -considered as a public functionary, filling more or less efficiently a -definite post, whether formally appointed to it or not. So fundamental -a principle has ever been recognized instinctively up to the period -of revolutionary transition, which is now at length coming to an end; -a period in which the obstructive and corrupt character of organized -society roused a spirit of anarchy which, though at first favourable to -progress, has now become an obstacle to it. Positivism, however, will -place this principle beyond reach of attack, by giving a systematic -demonstration of it, based on the sum of our scientific knowledge. - - [Continuity of the past with - the present] - -And this demonstration will be the intellectual basis on which the -moral authority of the new priesthood will rest. What they have to do -is to show the dependence of each important question, as it arises, -upon social co-operation, and by this means to indicate the right -path of duty. For this purpose all their scientific knowledge and -esthetic power will be needed, otherwise social feeling could never be -developed sufficiently to produce any strong effect upon conduct. It -would never, that is, go further than the feelings of mere solidarity -with the Present, which is only its incipient and rudimentary form. -We see this unfortunate narrowness of view too often in the best -socialists, who, leaving the present without roots in the past, would -carry us headlong towards a future of which they have no definite -conception. In all social phenomena, and especially in those of modern -times, the participation of our predecessors is greater than that of -our contemporaries. This truth is especially apparent in industrial -undertakings, for which the combination of efforts required is so -vast. It is our filiation with the Past, even more than our connexion -with the Present, which teaches us that the only real life is the -collective life of the race; that individual life has no existence -except as an abstraction. Continuity is the feature which distinguishes -our race from all others. Many of the lower races are able to form -a union among their living members; but it was reserved for Man to -conceive and realize co-operation of successive generations, the source -to which the gradual growth of civilization is to be traced. Social -sympathy is a barren and imperfect feeling, and indeed it is a cause -of disturbance, so long as it extends no further than the present -time. It is a disregard for historical Continuity which induces that -mistaken antipathy to all forms of inheritance which is now so common. -Scientific study of history would soon convince those of our socialist -writers who are sincere of their radical error in this respect. If -they were more familiar with the collective inheritance of society, -the value of which no one can seriously dispute, they would feel less -objection to inheritance in its application to individuals or families. -Practical experience, moreover, bringing them into contact with the -facts of the case, will gradually show them that without the sense of -continuity with the Past they cannot really understand their solidarity -with the Present. For, in the first place, each individual in the -course of his growth passes spontaneously through phases corresponding -in a great measure to those of our historical development; and -therefore, without some knowledge of the history of society, he cannot -understand the history of his own life. Again, each of these successive -phases may be found amongst the less advanced nations who do not as -yet share in the general progress of Humanity; so that we cannot -properly sympathize with these nations, if we ignore the successive -stages of development in Western Europe. The nobler socialists and -communists, those especially who belong to the working classes, will -soon be alive to the error and danger of these inconsistencies, and -will supply this deficiency in their education, which at present -vitiates their efforts. With women, the purest and most spontaneous -element of the moderating power, the priests of Humanity will find it -less difficult to introduce the broad principles of historical science. -They are more inclined than any other class to recognize our continuity -with the Past, being themselves its original source. - - [Necessity of a spiritual - power to study and teach - these truths, and thus to - govern men by persuasion, - instead of by compulsion] - -Without a scientific basis, therefore, a basis which must itself -rest on the whole sum of Positive speculation, it is impossible for -our social sympathies to develop themselves fully, so as to extend -not to the Present only, but also and still more strongly to the -Past. And this is the first motive, a motive founded alike on moral -and on intellectual considerations, for the separation of temporal -from spiritual power in the final organization of society. The more -vigorously we concentrate our efforts upon social progress, the more -clearly shall we feel the impossibility of modifying social phenomena -without knowledge of the laws that regulate them. This involves the -existence of an intellectual class specially devoted to the study of -social phenomena. Such a class will be invested with the consultative -authority for which their knowledge qualifies them, and also with the -function of teaching necessary for the diffusion of their principles. -In the minor arts of life it is generally recognized that principles -should be investigated and taught by thinkers who are not concerned -in applying them. In the art of Social Life, so far more difficult -and important than any other, the separation of theory from practice -is of far greater moment. The wisdom of such a course is obvious, and -all opposition to it will be overcome, as soon as it becomes generally -recognized that social phenomena are subject to invariable laws; laws -of so complicated a character and so dependent upon other sciences as -to make it doubly necessary that minds of the highest order should be -specially devoted to their interpretation. - -But there is another aspect of the question of not less importance -in sound polity. Separation of temporal from spiritual power is as -necessary for free individual activity as for social co-operation. -Humanity is characterized by the independence as well as by the -convergence of the individuals or families of which she is composed. -The latter condition, convergence, is that which secures Order; but the -former is no less essential to Progress. Both are alike urgent: yet in -ancient times they were incompatible, for the reason that spiritual -and temporal power were always in the same hands; in the hands of -the priests in some cases, at other times in those of the military -chief. As long as the State held together, the independence of the -individual was habitually sacrificed to the convergence of the body -politic. This explains why the conception of Progress never arose, even -in the minds of the most visionary schemers. The two conditions were -irreconcilable until the Middle Ages, when a remarkable attempt was -made to separate the modifying power from the governing power, and so -to make Politics subordinate to Morals. Co-operation of efforts was -now placed on a different footing. It was the result of free assent -rendered by the heart and understanding to a religious system which -laid down general rules of conduct, in which nothing was arbitrary, and -which were applied to governors as strictly as to their subjects. The -consequence was that Catholicism, notwithstanding its extreme defects -intellectually and socially, produced moral and political results of -very great value. Chivalry arose, a type of life, in which the most -vigorous independence was combined with the most intense devotion to a -common cause. Every class in Western Society was elevated by this union -of personal dignity with universal brotherhood. So well is human nature -adapted for this combination, that it arose under the first religious -system of which the principles were not incompatible with it. With the -necessary decay of that religion, it became seriously impaired, but -yet was preserved instinctively, especially in countries untouched by -Protestantism. By it the mediaeval system prepared the way for the -conception of Humanity; since it put an end to the fatal opposition -in which the two characteristic attributes of Humanity, independence -and co-operation, had hitherto existed. Catholicism brought unity into -theological religion, and by doing so, led to its decline; but it paved -the way long beforehand for the more complete and more real principle -of unity on which human society will be finally organized. - -But meritorious and useful as this premature attempt was, it was no -real solution of the problem. The spirit and temper of the period -were not ripe for any definite solution. Theological belief and -military life were alike inconsistent with any permanent separation -of theoretical and practical powers. It was maintained only for a -few centuries precariously and inadequately, by a sort of natural -balance or rather oscillation between imperialism and theocracy. -But the positive spirit and the industrial character of modern times -tend naturally to this division of power; and when it is consciously -recognized as a principle, the difficulty of reconciling co-operation -with independence will exist no longer. For in the first place, the -rules to which human conduct will be subjected, will rest, as in -Catholic times, but to a still higher degree, upon persuasion and -conviction, instead of compulsion. Again, the fact of the new faith -being always susceptible of demonstration, renders the spiritual -system based on it more elevating as well as more durable. The rules -of Catholic morality were only saved from being arbitrary by the -introduction of a supernatural Will as a substitute for mere human -authority. The plan had undoubtedly many advantages; but liberty in the -true sense was not secured by it, since the rules remained as before -without explanation; it was only their source that was changed. Still -less successful was the subsequent attempt of metaphysicians to prove -that submission to government was the foundation of virtue. It was -only a return to the old system of arbitrary wills, stripped of the -theocratic sanction to which all its claims to respect and its freedom -from caprice had been due. The only way to reconcile independence with -social union, and thereby to reach true liberty, lies in obedience to -the objective laws of the world and of human nature; clearing these -as far as possible of all that is subjective, and thus rendering them -amenable to scientific demonstration. Of such immense consequence to -society will it be to extend the scientific method to the complex and -important phenomena of human nature. Man will no longer be the slave of -man; he yields only to external Law; and to this those who demonstrate -it to him are as submissive as himself. In such obedience there can be -no degradation even where the laws are inflexible. But, as Positivism -shows us, in most cases they are modifiable, and this especially in the -case of our mental and moral constitution. Consequently our obedience -is here no longer passive obedience: it implies the devotion of every -faculty of our nature to the improvement of a world of which we are -in a true sense masters. The natural laws to which we owe submission -furnish the basis for our intervention; they direct our efforts and -give stability to our purpose. The more perfectly they are known, the -more free will our conduct become from arbitrary command or servile -obedience. True, our knowledge of these laws will very seldom attain -such precision as to enable us to do altogether without compulsory -authority. When the intellect is inadequate, the heart must take its -place. There are certain rules of life for which it is difficult to -assign the exact ground, and where affection must assist reason in -supplying motives for obedience. Wholly to dispense with arbitrary -authority is impossible; nor will it degrade us to submit to it, -provided that it be always regarded as secondary to the uniform -supremacy of external Laws, and that every step in the development -of our mental and moral powers shall restrict its employment. Both -conditions are evidently satisfied in the Positive system of life. The -tendency of modern industry and science is to make us less dependent -on individual caprice, as well as more assimilable to the universal -Organism. Positivism therefore secures the liberty and dignity of -man by its demonstration that social phenomena, like all others, are -subject to natural laws, which, within certain limits, are modifiable -by wise action on the part of society. Totally contrary, on the other -hand, is the spirit of metaphysical schemes of polity, in which -society is supposed to have no spontaneous impulses, and is handed -over to the will of the legislator. In these degrading and oppressive -schemes, union is purchased, as in ancient times, at the cost of -independence. - -In these two ways, then, Positive religion influences the practical -life of Humanity, in accordance with the natural laws that regulate her -existence. First, the sense of Solidarity with the Present is perfected -by adding to it the sense of Continuity with the Past; secondly, the -co-operation of her individual agents is rendered compatible with -their independence. Not till this is done can Politics become really -subordinate to Morals, and the feeling of Duty be substituted for that -of Right. Our active powers will be modified by the combined influence -of feeling and reason, as expressed in indisputable rules which it will -be for the spiritual power to make known to us. Temporal government, -whoever its administrators may be, will always be modified by morality. -Whereas in all metaphysical systems of polity nothing is provided for -but the modes of access to government and the limits of its various -departments; no principles are given to direct its application or to -enable us to form a right judgment of it. - - [Nutritive functions of - Humanity, performed by - Capitalists, as the temporal - power] - -From this general view of the practical service of Humanity, we pass -now to the two leading divisions of the subject; with the view of -completing our conception of the fundamental principle of Positive -Polity, the separation of temporal from spiritual power. - -The action of Humanity relates either to her external circumstances, -or to the facts of her own nature. Each of these two great functions -involves both Order and Progress; but the first relates more specially -to the preservation of her existence, the second to her progressive -development. Humanity, like every other organism, has to act -unceasingly on the surrounding world in order to maintain and extend -her material existence. Thus the chief object of her practical life is -to satisfy the wants of our physical nature, wants which necessitate -continual reproduction of materials in sufficient quantities. This -production soon comes to depend more on the co-operation of successive -generations than on that of contemporaries. Even in these lower but -indispensable functions, we work principally for our successors, and -the results that we enjoy are in great part due to those that have -gone before us. Each generation produces more material wealth than is -required for its own wants; and the use of the surplus is to facilitate -the labour and prepare the maintenance of the generation following. The -agents in this transmission of wealth naturally take the lead in the -industrial movement; since the possession of provisions and instruments -of production gives an advantage which can only be lost by unusual -incapacity. And this will seldom happen, because capital naturally -tends to accumulate with those who make a cautious and skilful use of -it. - -Capitalists then will be the temporal chiefs of modern society. Their -office is consecrated in Positive religion as that of the nutritive -organs of Humanity; organs which collect and prepare the materials -necessary for life, and which also distribute them, subject always to -the influence of a modifying central organ. The direct and palpable -importance of their functions is a stimulus to pride; and in every -respect they are strongly influenced by personal instincts, which are -necessary to sustain the vigour of their energies. Consequently, if -left to themselves, they are apt to abuse their power, and to govern -by the ignoble method of compulsion, disregarding all appeals to reason -and to morality. Hence the need of a combination of moral forces to -exercise a constant check upon the hardness with which they are so apt -to use their authority. And this leads us to the second of the two -great functions of Humanity. - - [These are modified by - the cerebral functions, - performed by the spiritual - power] - -This function is analogous to that of Innervation in individuals. -Its object is the advancement of Humanity, whether in physical or -still more in intellectual and moral aspects. It might seem at first -sight restricted, as in lower organisms, to the secondary office of -assisting the nutritive function. Soon, however, it develops qualities -peculiar to itself, qualities on which our highest happiness depends. -And thus we might imagine that life was to be entirely given up to the -free play of reason, imagination, and feeling, were we not constantly -forced back by the necessities of our physical nature to less -delightful occupations. Therefore this intellectual and moral function, -notwithstanding its eminence, can never be supreme in our nature; yet -independently of its intrinsic charm, it forms our principal means, -whether used consciously or otherwise, in controlling the somewhat -blind action of the nutritive organs. It is in women, whose function is -analogous to that of the affective organs in the individual brain, that -we find this modifying influence in its purest and most spontaneous -form. But the full value of their influence is not realized until they -act in combination with the philosophic class; which, though its direct -energy is small, is as indispensable to the collective Organism as the -speculative functions of the brain are to the individual. Besides these -two essential elements of moral power, we find, when Humanity reaches -her maturity, a third element which completes the constitution of -this power and furnishes a basis for its political action. This third -element is the working class, whose influence may be regarded as the -active function in the innervation of the social Organism. - -It is indeed to the working class that we look for the only possible -solution of the great human problem, the victory of Social feeling over -Self-love. Their want of leisure, and their poverty, excludes them from -political power; and yet wealth, which is the basis of that power, -cannot be produced without them. They are allied to the spiritual -power by the similarity of their tastes and of their circumstances. -Moreover, they look to it for systematic education, of the importance -of which not merely to their happiness, but to their dignity and moral -culture, they are deeply conscious. The nature of their occupations, -though absorbing so large a portion of their time, yet leaves the mind -for the most part free. Finding little in the specialities of their -work to interest them, they are the more inclined to rise to general -principles, provided always that such principles combine utility with -reality. Being less occupied than other classes with considerations -of rank and wealth, they are the more disposed to give free play to -generous feelings, the value and the charm of which is more strongly -impressed on them by their experience of life. As their strength lies -in numbers, they have a greater tendency to union than capitalists, -who, having in their own hands a power which they are apt to suppose -resistless, have no such motive for association. They will give their -energetic support to the priesthood in its efforts to control the -abuse of the power of wealth, and in every respect they are prepared -to accept and enforce its moral influence. Being at once special -and general, practical and speculative, and at the same time always -animated by strong sympathies, they form an intermediate link between -the practical and theoretical powers; connected with the one by the -need of education and counsel, and with the other by the necessities -of labour and subsistence. The people represent the activity of the -Supreme Being, as women represent its sympathy, and philosophers its -intellect. - -But in the organized action of these three organs of innervation upon -the organs of social nutrition, it must be borne in mind that the -latter are not to be impeded in their functions. The control exercised -is to be of a kind that will ennoble them by setting their importance -in its true light. True, we are not to encourage the foolish and -immoral pride of modern capitalists, who look upon themselves as the -creators and sole arbiters of their material power, the foundations of -which are in reality due to the combined action of their predecessors -and contemporaries. They ought to be regarded simply as public -functionaries, responsible for the administration of capital and the -direction of industrial enterprise. But at the same time we must be -careful not to underrate the immense value of their function, or -in any way obstruct its performance. All this follows at once from -the policy of Separation of Powers. The responsibility under which -it is here proposed to place capitalists is purely moral, whereas -metaphysicians of the revolutionary school have always been in favour -of political coercion. In cases where the rich neglect their duty, the -Positive priesthood will resort in the first instance to every method -of conviction and persuasion that can be suggested by the education -which the rich have received in common with other classes. Should -this course fail, there remains the resource of pronouncing formal -condemnation of their conduct; and supposing this to be ratified by the -working men of every city, and the women of every family, its effect -would be difficult to withstand. In very heinous cases it might be -necessary to proceed to the extreme length of social excommunication, -the efficacy of which, in cases where it deserved and received general -assent, would be even greater than in the Middle Ages; the organization -of the spiritual power in those times being very imperfect. But even -in this case the means used for repression are of a purely moral kind. -The increasingly rare cases that call for political measures belong -exclusively to the province of the temporal power. - -Hereditary transmission of wealth has been strongly condemned -by metaphysical writers. But it is after all a natural mode of -transmission, and the moral discipline above described will be a -sufficient check upon its worst abuses. When the sense of Duty is -substituted for the sense of Right, it matters little who may be the -possessor of any given power, provided it be well used. Inheritance, as -Positivism shows, has great social advantages, especially when applied -to functions which require no extraordinary capacity, and which are -best learnt in the training of domestic life. Taking the moral point of -view, we find that men who have been always accustomed to wealth are -more disposed to be generous than those who have amassed it gradually, -however honourable the means used. Inheritance was originally the -mode in which all functions were transmitted; and in the case of -wealth there is no reason why it should not always continue, since -the mere preservation of wealth, without reference to its employment, -requires but little special ability. There is no guarantee that, if -other guardians of capital were appointed, the public would be better -served. Modern industry has long ago proved the administrative -superiority of private enterprise in commercial transactions; and all -social functions that admit of it will gradually pass into private -management, always excepting the great theoretic functions in which -combined action will ever be necessary. Declaim as the envious will -against hereditary wealth, its possessors, when they have a good -disposition moulded by a wise education and a healthy state of public -opinion, will in many cases rank amongst the most useful organs of -Humanity. It is not the class who constitute the moral force of -society, that will give vent to these idle complaints, or at least they -will be confined to those individuals among them who fail to understand -the dignity and value of their common mission of elevating man’s -affections, intellect, and energies. - - [Women and priests to have - their material subsistence - guaranteed] - -The only cases in which the spiritual power has to interfere specially -for the protection of material interests fall under two principles, -which are very plainly indicated by the natural order of society. The -first principle is, that Man should support Woman; the second, that -the Active class should support the Speculative class. The necessity -of both these conditions is evident; without them the effective and -speculative function of Humanity cannot be adequately performed. -Private and public welfare are so deeply involved in the influence -exercised by Feeling over the intellectual and active powers, that we -shall do well to secure that influence, even at the cost of removing -one half of the race from industrial occupations. Even in the lowest -tribes of savages we find the stronger sex recognizing some obligations -towards the weaker; and it is this which distinguishes human love, -even in its coarser forms, from animal appetite. With every step in -the progress of Humanity we find the obligation more distinctly -acknowledged, and more fully satisfied. In Positive religion it becomes -a fundamental duty, for which each individual, or even society, when it -may be necessary, will be held responsible. As to the second principle, -it is one which has been already admitted by former systems; and, -in spite of the anarchy in which we live, it has never been wholly -discarded, at least in countries which have been unaffected by the -individualist tendencies of Protestantism. Positivism, however, while -adopting the principle as indispensable to the theoretic functions of -Humanity, will employ it far more sparingly than Catholicism, the decay -of which was very much hastened by its excessive wealth. If temporal -and spiritual power are really to be separated, philosophers should -have as little to do with wealth as with government. Resembling women -in their exclusion from political power, their position as to wealth -should be like that of the working classes, proper regard being had to -the requirements of their office. By following this course, they may be -confident that the purity of their opinions and advice will never be -called in question. - -These two conditions then, Capitalists, as the normal administrators of -the common fund of wealth, will be expected to satisfy. They must, that -is, so regulate the distribution of wages, that women shall be released -from work; and they must see that proper remuneration is given for -intellectual labour. To exact the performance of these conditions seems -no easy task; yet until they are satisfied, the equilibrium of our -social economy will remain unstable. The institution of property can be -maintained no longer upon the untenable ground of personal right. Its -present possessors may probably decline to accept these principles. -In that case their functions will pass in one way or another to -new organs, until Humanity finds servants who will not shirk their -fundamental duties, but who will recognize them as the first condition -of their tenure of power. That power, subject to these limitations, -will then be regarded with the highest respect, for all will feel -that the existence of Humanity depends on it. Alike on intellectual -and on moral grounds, society will repudiate the envious passions -and subversive views which are aroused at present by the unfounded -claims of property, and by its repudiation, since the Middle Ages, of -every real moral obligation. Rich men will feel that principles like -these, leaving as they do so large a margin of voluntary action to -the individual, are the only method of escaping from the political -oppression with which they are now threatened. The free concentration -of capital will then be readily accepted as necessary to its social -usefulness; for great duties imply great powers. - - [Normal relation of priests, - people, and capitalists] - -This, then, is the way in which the priests of Humanity may hope to -regenerate the material power of wealth, and bring the nutritive -functions of society into harmony with the other parts of the body -politic. The contests for which as yet there are but too many motives -will then cease; the People without loss of dignity will give free -play to their natural instincts of respect, and will be as willing to -accept the authority of their political rulers as to place confidence -in their spiritual guides. They will feel that true happiness has no -necessary connexion with wealth; that it depends far more on free -play being given to their intellectual, moral, and social qualities; -and that in this respect they are more favourably situated than those -above them. They will cease to aspire to the enjoyments of wealth and -power, leaving them to those whose political activity requires that -strong stimulus. Each man’s ambition will be to do his work well; and -after it is over, to perform his more general function of assisting the -spiritual power, and of taking part in the formation of Public Opinion, -by giving his best judgment upon passing events. Of the limits to be -observed by the spiritual power the People will be well aware; and -they will accept none which does not subordinate the intellect to the -heart, and guarantee the purity of its doctrine by strict abstinence -from political power. By an appeal to the principles of Positive -Polity, they will at once check any foolish yielding on the part of -philosophers to political ambition, and will restore the temporal -power to its proper place. They will be aware that though the general -principles of practical life rest upon Science, it is not for Science -to direct their application. The incapacity of theorists to apply their -theories practically has long been recognized in minor matters, and it -will now be recognized as equally applicable to political questions. -The province of the philosopher is education; and as the result of -education, counsel: the province of the capitalist is action and -authoritative direction. This is the only right distribution of power; -and the people will insist on maintaining it in its integrity, seeing, -as they will, that without it the harmonious existence of Humanity is -impossible. - - [We are not yet ripe for - the normal state. But the - revolution of 1848 is a step - towards it] - -From this view of the practical side of the religion of Humanity -taken in connexion with its intellectual and moral side, we may -form a general conception of the final reorganization of political -institutions, by which alone the great Revolution can be brought to -a close. But the time for effecting this reconstruction has not yet -come. There must be a previous reconstruction of opinions and habits -of life upon the basis laid down by Positivism; and for this at least -one generation is required. In the interval all political measures must -retain their provisional character, although in framing them the final -state is always to be taken into account. As yet nothing can be said to -have been established, except the moral principle on which Positivism -rests, the subordination of Politics to Morals. For this is in fact -implicitly involved in the proclamation of a Republic in France; a step -which cannot now be recalled, and which implies that each citizen is to -devote all his faculties to the service of Humanity. But with regard to -the social organization, by which alone this principle can be carried -into effect, although its basis has been laid down by Positivism, it -has not yet received the sanction of the Public. It may be hoped, -however, that the motto which I have put forward as descriptive of the -new political philosophy, _Order and Progress_, will soon be adopted -spontaneously. - - [First revolutionary motto, - Liberty and Equality] - -In the first or negative phase of the Revolution, all that was done -was utterly to repudiate the old political system. No indication -whatever was given of the state of things which was to succeed -it. The motto of the time, _Liberty and Equality_, is an exact -representation of this state of things, the conditions expressed in -it being utterly contradictory, and incompatible with organization of -any kind. For obviously, Liberty gives free scope to superiority of -all kinds, and especially to moral and mental superiority; so that -if a uniform level of Equality is insisted on, freedom of growth is -checked. Yet inconsistent as the motto was, it was admirably adapted -to the destructive temper of the time; a time when hatred of the -Past compensated the lack of insight into the Future. It had, too, a -progressive tendency, which partly neutralized its subversive spirit. -It inspired the first attempt to derive true principles of polity from -general views of history; the memorable though unsuccessful essay of -my great predecessor Condorcet[13]. Thus the first intimation of the -future influence of the historical spirit was given at the very time -when the anti-historical spirit had reached its climax. - -The long period of reaction which succeeded the first crisis gave -rise to no political motto of any importance. It was a period for -which men of any vigour of thought and character could not but feel -secret repugnance. It produced, however, a universal conviction that -the metaphysical policy of the revolutionists was of no avail for -constructive purposes. And it gave rise to the historical works of the -Neo-Catholic school, which prepared the way for Positivism by giving -the first fair appreciation of the Middle Ages. - - [Second motto, Liberty and - Order] - -But the Counter-revolution, begun by Robespierre, carried to its full -length by Bonaparte, and continued by the Bourbons, came to an end in -the memorable outbreak of 1830. A neutral period of eighteen years -followed, and a new motto, _Liberty and Public Order_, was temporarily -adopted. This motto was very expressive of the political condition -of the time; and the more so that it arose spontaneously, without -ever receiving any formal sanction. It expressed the general feeling -of the public, who, feeling that the secret of the political future -was possessed by none of the existing parties, contented itself with -pointing out the two conditions essential as a preparation for it. -It was an improvement on the first motto, because it indicated more -clearly that the ultimate purpose of the revolution was construction. -It got rid of the anti-social notion of Equality. All the moral -advantages of Equality without its political danger existed already in -the feeling of Fraternity, which, since the Middle Ages, has become -sufficiently diffused in Western Europe to need no special formula. -Again, this motto introduced empirically the great conception of Order; -understanding it of course in the limited sense of material order at -home and abroad. No deeper meaning was likely to be attached to the -word in a time of such mental and moral anarchy. - - [Third motto, Order and - Progress] - -But with the adoption of the Republican principle in 1848[14], the -utility of this provisional motto ceased. For the Revolution now -entered upon its Positive phase; which indeed, for all philosophical -minds, had been already inaugurated by my discovery of the laws of -Social Science. But the fact of its having fallen into disuse is no -reason for going back to the old motto, Liberty and Equality, which, -since the crisis of 1789, has ceased to be appropriate. In the utter -absence of social convictions, it has obtained a sort of official -resuscitation; but this will not prevent men of good sense and right -feeling from adopting spontaneously the motto _Order and Progress_, as -the principle of all political action for the future. In the second -chapter I dwelt at some length upon this motto, and pointed out its -political and philosophical meaning. I have now only to show its -connexion with the other mottoes of which we have been speaking, and -the probability of its adoption. Each of them, like all combinations, -whether in the moral or physical world, is composed of two elements; -and the last has one of its elements in common with the second, as the -second has in common with the first. Moreover, Liberty, the element -common to the two first, is in reality contained in the third; since -all Progress implies Liberty. But Order is put foremost, because the -word is here intended to cover the whole field that properly belongs -to it. It includes things private as well as public, theoretical as -well as practical, moral as well as political. Progress is put next, as -the end for which Order exists, and as the mode in which it should be -manifested. This conception, for which the crisis of 1789 prepared the -way, will be our guiding principle throughout the constructive phase -of the Western Revolution. The reconciliation of Order and Progress, -which had hitherto been impossible, is now an accepted fact for all -advanced minds. For the public this is not yet the case; but since the -close of the Counter-revolution in 1830, all minds have been tending -unconsciously in this direction. The tendency becomes still more -striking by contrast with an opposite movement, the increasing identity -of principles between the reactionary and the anarchist schools. - - [Provisional policy for the - period of transition] - -But even if we suppose accomplished what is yet only in prospect, -even if the fundamental principle of our future polity were accepted -and publicly ratified by the adoption of this motto, yet permanent -reconstruction of political institutions would still be premature. -Before this can be attempted, the spiritual interregnum must be -terminated. For this object, in which all hearts and minds, especially -among the working classes and among women, must unite their efforts -with those of the philosophic priesthood, at least one generation -is required. During this period governmental policy should be -avowedly provisional; its one object should be to maintain what is so -essential to our state of transition, Order, at home and abroad. Here, -too, Positivism suffices for the task; by explaining on historical -principles the stage that we have left, and that at which we shall -ultimately arrive, it enables us to understand the character of the -intermediate stage. - - [Popular dictatorship with - freedom of speech] - -The solution of the problem consists in a new revolutionary government, -adapted to the Positive phase of the Revolution, as the admirable -institutions of the Convention were to its negative phase. The -principal features of such a government would be perfect freedom of -speech and discussion, and at the same time political preponderance -of the central authority with proper guarantees for its purity. To -secure perfect freedom of discussion, various measures would be taken. -All penalties and fines which at present hamper its action would be -abolished, the only check left being the obligation of signature. -Again, all difficulties in the way of criticizing the private character -of public men, due to the disgraceful legislation of the psychologists, -would be removed. Lastly, all official grants to theological and -metaphysical institutions would be discontinued; for while these -remain, freedom of instruction in the true sense cannot be said to -exist. With such substantial guarantees there will be little fear of -reactionary tendencies on the part of the executive; and consequently -no danger in allowing it to take that ascendency over the electoral -body which, in the present state of mental and moral anarchy, is -absolutely necessary for the maintenance of material order. On this -plan the French assembly would be reduced to about two hundred members; -and its duty only would be to vote the budget proposed by the finance -committee of government, and to audit the accounts of the past year. -All executive or legislative measures would come within the province -of the central power; the only condition being that they should first -be submitted to free discussion, whether by journals, public meetings, -or individual thinkers, though such discussion should not bind the -government legally. The progressive character of the government thus -guaranteed, we have next to see that the men who compose it shall be -such as are likely to carry out the provisional and purely practical -purpose with which it is instituted. On Positive principles, it is to -the working classes that we should look for the only statesmen worthy -of succeeding to the statesmen of the Convention. Three of such men -would be required for the central government. They would combine the -functions of a ministry with those of monarchy, one of them taking the -direction of Foreign affairs, another of Home affairs, the third of -Finance. They would convoke and dissolve the electoral power on their -own responsibility. Of this body the majority would in a short time, -without any law to that effect, consist of the larger capitalists; for -the office would be gratuitous, and the duties would be of a kind for -which their ordinary avocations fitted them. Changes would occasionally -be necessary in the central government; but since it would consist of -three persons, its continuity might be maintained, and the traditions -of the previous generation, as well as the tendencies of the future, -and the position actually existing, might all be represented. - -Such a government, though of course retaining some revolutionary -features, would come as near to the normal state as is at present -practicable. For its province would be entirely limited to material -questions, and the only anomaly of importance would be the fact of -choosing rulers from the working classes. Normally, this class is -excluded from political administration, which falls ultimately into the -hands of capitalists. But the anomaly is so obviously dependent simply -on the present condition of affairs, and will be so restricted in its -application, that the working classes are not likely to be seriously -demoralized by it. The primary object being to infuse morality into -practical life, it is clear that working men, whose minds and hearts -are peculiarly accessible to moral influence, are for the present best -qualified for political power. No check meantime is placed on the -action of the capitalists; and this provisional policy prepares the -way for their ultimate accession to power, by convincing them of the -urgent need of private and public regeneration, without which they -can never be worthy of it. By this course, too, it becomes easier to -bring the consultative influence of a spiritual power to bear upon -modern government. At first such influence can only be exercised -spontaneously; but it will become more and more systematic with every -new step in the great philosophical renovation on which the final -reorganization of society is based. - -The propriety of the provisional policy here recommended is further -illustrated by the wide scope of its application. Although suggested -by the difficulties peculiar to the position of France, it is equally -adapted to other nations who are sufficiently advanced to take part -in the great revolutionary crisis. Thus the second phase of the -Revolution is at once distinguished from the first, by having an -Occidental, as opposed to a purely National, character. And the fact -of the executive government being composed of working men, points -in the same direction; since of all classes working men are the most -free from local prejudices, and have the strongest tendencies, both -intellectually and morally, to universal union. Even should this form -of government be limited for some years to France, it would be enough -to remodel the old system of diplomacy throughout the West. - -Such are the advantages which the second revolutionary government -will derive from the possession of systematic principles; whereas the -government of the Convention was left to its empirical instincts, and -had nothing but its progressive instincts to guide it. - -A special report was published in 1848 by the Positivist Society[15], -in which the subject of provisional government will be found discussed -in greater detail. - - [Positive Committee for - Western Europe] - -Quiet at home and peace abroad being secured, we shall be able, -notwithstanding the continuance of mental and moral anarchy, to -proceed actively with the vast work of social regeneration, with the -certainty of full liberty of thought and expression. For this purpose -it will be desirable to institute the philosophical and political -association to which I alluded in the last volume of my _Positive -Philosophy_ (published in 1842), under the title of _Positive -Occidental Committee_[16]. Its sittings would usually be held in -Paris, and it would consist, in the first place, of eight Frenchmen, -seven Englishmen, six Germans, five Italians, and four Spaniards. This -would be enough to represent fairly the principal divisions of each -population. Germany, for instance, might send a Dutchman, a Prussian, -a Swede, a Dane, a Bavarian, and an Austrian. So, too, the Italian -members might come respectively from Piedmont, Lombardy, Tuscany, -the Roman States, and the two Sicilies. Again, Catalonia, Castille, -Andalusia, and Portugal would adequately represent the Spanish -Peninsula. - -Thus we should have a sort of permanent Council of the new Church. -Each of the three elements of the moderating power should be admitted -into it; and it might also contain such members of the governing -class as were sufficiently regenerated to be of use in forwarding -the general movement. There should be practical men in this council -as well as philosophers. Here, as elsewhere, it will be principally -from the working classes that such practical co-operation will come; -but no support, if given sincerely, will be rejected, even should it -emanate from the classes who are destined to extinction. It is also -most important for the purposes of this Council that the third element -of the moderating power, women, should be included in it, so as to -represent the fundamental principle of the preponderance of the heart -over the understanding. Six ladies should be chosen in addition to -the thirty members above mentioned: of these, two would be French, -and one from each of the other nations. Besides their ordinary sphere -of influence, it will be their special duty to disseminate Positivism -among our Southern brethren. It is an office that I had reserved for -my saintly colleague, who, but for her premature death, would have -rendered eminent service in such a Council. - -While material order is maintained by national governments, the -members of the Council, as pioneers of the final order of society, -will be carrying on the European movement, and gradually terminating -the spiritual interregnum which is now the sole obstacle to social -regeneration. They will forward the development and diffusion of -Positivism, and make practical application of its principles, in all -ways that are honourably open to them. Instruction of all kinds, oral -or written, popular or philosophic, will fall within their province; -but their chief aim will be to inaugurate the worship of Humanity so -far as that is possible. And already a beginning is possible, so far -at least as the system of commemoration is concerned. Politically they -may give a direct proof of the international character of the Positive -system, by bringing forward several measures, the utility of which has -long been recognized, but which have been neglected for want of some -central authority placed beyond the reach of national rivalry. - - [Occidental navy] - -One of the most important of such measures would be the establishment -of a Western naval force, with the twofold object of protecting the -seas, and of assisting geographical and scientific discovery. It should -be recruited and supported by all five branches of the Occidental -family, and would thus be a good substitute for the admirable -institution of maritime Chivalry which fell with Catholicism. On its -flag the Positivist motto would naturally be inscribed, and thus would -be for the first time publicly recognized. - - [International coinage] - -Another measure, conceived in the same spirit, would soon follow, -one which has long been desired, but which, owing to the anarchy -prevalent throughout the West since the decline of Catholicism, -has never yet been carried out. A common monetary standard will be -established, with the consent of the various governments, by which -industrial transactions will be greatly facilitated. Three spheres made -respectively of gold, silver, and platinum, and each weighing fifty -grammes, would differ sufficiently in value for the purpose. The sphere -should have a small flattened base, and on the great circle parallel to -it the Positivist motto would be inscribed. At the pole would be the -image of the immortal Charlemagne, the founder of the Western Republic, -and round the image his name would be engraved, in its Latin form, -Carolus; that name, respected as it is by all nations of Europe alike, -would be the common appellation of the universal monetary standard. - - [Occidental school] - -The adoption of such measures would soon bring the Positivist Committee -into favour. Many others might be suggested, relating directly to -its fundamental purpose, which need not be specially mentioned -here. I will only suggest the foundation, by voluntary effort, of -an Occidental School, to serve as the nucleus of a true philosophic -class. The students would ultimately enter the Positivist priesthood; -they would in most instances come from the working class, without, -however, excluding real talent from whatever quarter. By their agency -the septennial course of Positive teaching might be introduced in all -places disposed to receive it. They would besides supply voluntary -missionaries, who would preach the doctrine everywhere, even outside -the limits of Western Europe, according to the plan hereafter to be -explained. The travels of Positivist workmen in the ordinary duties of -their calling, would greatly facilitate this work. - -A more detailed view of this provisional system of instruction will be -found in the second edition of the _Report on the Subject of a Positive -School_, published by the Positivist Society in 1849[17]. - - [Flag for the Western - Republic] - -There is another step which might be taken, relating not merely to the -period of transition, but also to the normal state. A flag suitable to -the Western Republic might be adopted, which, with slight alterations, -would also be the flag for each nation. The want of such a symbol is -already instinctively felt. What is wanted is a substitute for the old -retrograde symbols, which yet shall avoid all subversive tendencies. It -would be a suitable inauguration of the period of transition which we -are now entering, if the colours and mottoes appropriate to the final -state were adopted at its outset. - -To speak first of the banner to be used in religious services. It -should be painted on canvas. On one side the ground would be white; on -it would be the symbol of Humanity, personified by a woman of thirty -years of age, bearing her son in her arms. The other side would bear -the religious formula of Positivists: _Love is our Principle, Order is -our Basis, Progress our End_, upon a ground of green, the colour of -hope, and therefore most suitable for emblems of the future. - -Green, too, would be the colour of the political flag, common to the -whole West. As it is intended to float freely, it does not admit of -painting; but the carved image of Humanity might be placed at the -banner-pole. The principal motto of Positivism will, in this case, be -divided into two, both alike significant. One side of the flag will -have the political and scientific motto, _Order and Progress_: the -other, the moral and esthetic motto, _Live for Others_. The first will -be preferred by men; the other is more especially adapted to women, -who are thus invited to participate in these public manifestations of -social feeling. - -This point settled, the question of the various national flags becomes -easy. In these the centre might be green, and the national colours -might be displayed on the border. Thus, in France, where the innovation -will be first introduced, the border would be tricolour, with the -present arrangement of colours, except that more space should be given -to the white, in honour of our old royal flag. In this way uniformity -would be combined with variety; and, moreover, it would be shown that -the new feeling of Occidentality is perfectly compatible with respect -for the smallest nationalities. Each would retain the old signs in -combination with the common symbol. The same principle would apply to -all emblems of minor importance. - -The question of these symbols, of which I have spoken during the -last two years in my weekly courses of lectures, illustrates the -most immediate of the functions to which the Positive Committee will -be called. I mention it here, as a type of its general action upon -European society. - -Without setting any limits to the gradual increase of the Association, -it is desirable that the central nucleus should always remain limited -to the original number of thirty-six, with two additions, which will -shortly be mentioned. Each member might institute a more numerous -association in his own country, and this again might be the parent of -others. Associations thus affiliated may be developed to an unlimited -extent; and thus we shall be able to maintain the unity and homogeneity -of the Positive Church, without impairing its coherence and vigour. As -soon as Positivism has gained in every country a sufficient number of -voluntary adherents to constitute the preponderating section of the -community, the regeneration of society is secured. - -The numbers assigned above for the different nations, only represent -the order in which the advanced minds in each will co-operate in the -movement. The order in which the great body of each nation will join -it, will be, as far as we can judge from their antecedents, somewhat -different. The difference is, that Italy here takes the second place, -and Spain the third, while England descends to the last. The grounds -for this important modification are indicated in the third edition of -my _Positive Calendar_. They will be discussed in detail in the fourth -volume of this Treatise[18]. - - [Colonial and foreign - Associates of the Committee, - the action of which will - ultimately extend to the - whole human race] - -From Europe the movement will spread ultimately to the whole race. But -the first step in its progress will naturally be to the inhabitants of -our colonies, who, though politically independent of Western Europe, -still retain their filiation with it. Twelve colonial members may be -added to the Council; four for each American Continent, two for India, -two for the Dutch and Spanish possessions in the Indian Ocean. - -This gives us forty-eight members. To these twelve foreign associates -will gradually be added, to represent the populations whose growth -has been retarded; and then the Council will have received its full -complement. For every nation of the world is destined for the same -ultimate conditions of social regeneration as ourselves, the only -difference being that Western Europe, under the leadership of France, -takes the initiative. It is of great importance not to attempt this -final extension too soon, an error which would impair the precision -and vigour of the renovating movement. At the same time it must never -be forgotten that the existence of the Great Being remains incomplete -until all its members are brought into harmonious co-operation. -In ancient times social sympathy was restricted to the idea of -Nationality; between this and the final conception of Humanity, the -Middle Ages introduced the intermediate conception of Christendom, -or Occidentality; the real bearing of which is at present but little -appreciated. It will be our first political duty to revive that -conception, and place it on a firmer basis, by terminating the anarchy -consequent on the extinction of Catholic Feudalism. While occupied in -this task, we shall become impressed with the conviction that the union -of Western Europe is but a preliminary step to the union of Humanity; -an instinctive presentiment of which has existed from the infancy -of our race, but which as long as theological belief and military -life were predominant, could never be carried out even in thought. -The primary laws of human development which form the philosophical -basis of the Positive system, apply necessarily to all climates and -races whatsoever, the only difference being in the rapidity with -which evolution takes place. The inferiority of other nations in this -respect is not inexplicable; and it will now be compensated by a growth -of greater regularity than ours, and less interrupted by shocks and -oscillations. Obviously in our case systematic guidance was impossible, -since it is only now that our growth is complete that we can learn -the general laws common to it and to other cases. Wise and generous -intervention of the West on behalf of our sister nations who are less -advanced, will form a noble field for Social Art, when based on sound -scientific principles. Relative without being arbitrary, zealous and -yet always temperate; such should be the spirit of this intervention; -and thus conducted, it will form a system of moral and political -action far nobler than the proselytism of theology or the extension -of military empire. The time will come when it will engross the whole -attention of the Positive Council; but for the present it must remain -secondary to other subjects of greater urgency. - -The first to join the Western movement will necessarily be the -remaining portion of the White race: which in all its branches is -superior to the other two races. There are two Monotheist nations, -and one Polytheist, which will be successively incorporated. Taken -together, the three represent the propagation of Positivism in the East. - -The vast population of the Russian empire was left outside the pale -of Catholic Feudalism. By virtue of its Christianity, however, -notwithstanding its entire confusion of temporal and spiritual power, -it holds the first place among the Monotheistic nations of the East. -Its initiation into the Western movement will be conducted by two -nations of intermediate position; Greece, connected with Russia by -the tie of religion; and Poland, united with her politically. Though -neither of these nations is homogeneous in structure with Russia, it -would cause serious delay in the propagation of Positivism should the -connexion be altogether terminated. - -The next step will be to Mohammedan Monotheism; first in Turkey, -afterwards in Persia. Here Positivism will find points of sympathy -of which Catholicism could not admit. Indeed these are already -perceptible. Arab civilization transmitted Greek science to us: and -this will always secure for it an honourable place among the essential -elements of the mediaeval system, regarded as a preparation for -Positivism. - -Lastly, we come to the Polytheists of India; and with them the -incorporation of the White race will be complete. Already we see some -spontaneous tendencies in this direction. Although from exceptional -causes Theocracy has been preserved in India, there exist real points -of contact with Positivism; and in this respect the assistance of -Persia will be of service. It is the peculiar privilege of the Positive -doctrine that, taking so complete a view of human development, it is -always able to appreciate the most ancient forms of social life at -their true worth. - -In these three stages of Positivist propagation, the Council will -have elected the first half of its foreign associates; admitting -successively a Greek, a Russian, an Egyptian, a Turk, a Persian and -finally, a Hindoo. - -The Yellow race has adhered firmly to Polytheism. But it has been -considerably modified in all its branches by Monotheism, either in the -Christian or Mohammedan form. To some extent, therefore, it is prepared -for further change; and a sufficient number of adherents may soon be -obtained for Tartary, China, Japan, and Malacca to be represented in -the Council. - -With one last edition the organization of the Council is complete. The -black race has yet to be included. It should send two representatives; -one from Hayti, which had the energy to shake off the iniquitous -yoke of slavery, and the other from central Africa, which has never -yet been subjected to European influence. European pride has looked -with contempt on these African tribes, and imagines them destined to -hopeless stagnation. But the very fact of their having been left to -themselves renders them better disposed to receive Positivism, the -first system in which their Fetichistic faith has been appreciated, as -the origin from which the historic evolution of society has proceeded. - -It is probable that the Council will have reached its limit of sixty -members, before the spiritual interregnum in the central region of -Humanity has been terminated. But even if political reconstruction were -to proceed so rapidly in Europe as to render all possible assistance -to this vast movement, it is hardly conceivable that the five stages -of which it consists can be thoroughly effected within a period of two -centuries. But however this may be, the action of the Council will -become increasingly valuable, not only for its direct influence on the -less advanced nations, but also and more especially, because the proofs -it will furnish of the universality of the new religion will strengthen -its adherents in the Western family. - - [Conclusion. Perfection of - the Positivist ideal] - -But the time when Positivism can be brought into direct contact with -these preliminary phases is far distant, and we need not wait for it. -The features of the system stand out already with sufficient clearness -to enable us to begin at once the work of mental and social renovation -for which our revolutionary predecessors so energetically prepared -the way. They however were blinded to the Future by their hatred of -the Past. With us, on the contrary, social sympathy rests upon the -historical spirit, and at the same time strengthens it. Solidarity with -our contemporaries is not enough for us, unless we combine it with the -sense of Continuity with former times; and while we press on toward -the Future, we lean upon the Past, every phase of which our religion -holds in honour. So far from the energy of our progressive movement -being hampered by such feelings, it is only by doing full justice to -the Past, as no system but ours can do consistently, that we can obtain -perfect emancipation of thought; because we are thus saved from the -necessity of making the slightest actual concession to systems which -we regard as obsolete. Understanding their nature and their purpose -better than the sectaries who still empirically adhere to them, we can -see that each was in its time necessary as a preparatory step towards -the final system, in which all their partial and imperfect services -will be combined. - -Comparing it especially with the last synthesis by which the Western -family of nations has been directed, it is clear even from the -indications given in this prefatory work, that the new synthesis is -more real, more comprehensive, and more stable. All that we find to -admire in the mediaeval system is developed and matured in Positivism. -It is the only system which can induce the intellect to accept its due -position of subordination to the heart. We recognize the piety and -chivalry of our ancestors, who made a noble application of the best -doctrine that was possible in their time. We believe that were they -living now, they would be found in our ranks. They would acknowledge -the decay of their provisional phase of thought, and would see that in -its present degenerate state it is only a symbol of reaction, and a -source of discord. - -And now that the doctrine has been shown to rest on a central -principle, a principle which appeals alike to instinct and to -reason, we may carry our comparison a step further, and convince all -clear-seeing and honest minds that it is as superior to former systems -in its influence over the emotions and the imagination, as it is from -the practical and intellectual aspect. Under it, Life, whether private -or public, becomes in a still higher sense than under Polytheism, a -continuous act of worship performed under the inspiration of universal -Love. All our thoughts, feelings, and actions flow spontaneously to a -common centre in Humanity, our Supreme Being; a Being who is real, -accessible, and sympathetic, because she is of the same nature as -her worshippers, though far superior to any one of them. The very -conception of Humanity is a condensation of the whole mental and social -history of man. For it implies the irrevocable extinction of theology -and of war; both of which are incompatible with uniformity of belief -and with co-operation of all the energies of the race. The spontaneous -morality of the emotions is restored to its due place; and Philosophy, -Poetry, and Polity are thereby regenerated. Each is placed in its due -relation to the others, and is consecrated to the study, the praise, -and the service of Humanity, the most relative and the most perfectible -of all beings. Science passes from the analytic to the synthetic -state, being entrusted with the high mission of founding an objective -basis for man’s action on the laws of the external world and of man’s -nature; a basis which is indispensable to control the oscillation of -our opinions, the versatility of our feelings, and the instability of -our purposes. Poetry assumes at last its true social function, and will -henceforth be preferred to all other studies. By idealizing Humanity -under every aspect, it enables us to give fit expression to the -gratitude we owe to her, both publicly and as individuals; and thus it -becomes a source of the highest spiritual benefit. - -But amidst the pleasures that spring from the study and the praise of -Humanity, it must be remembered that Positivism is characterized always -by reality and utility, and admits of no degeneration into asceticism -or quietism. The Love by which it is inspired is no passive principle; -while stimulating Reason and Imagination, it does so only to give a -higher direction to our practical activity. It was in practical life -that the Positive spirit first arose, extending thence to the sphere -of thought, and ultimately to the moral sphere. The grand object of -human existence is the constant improvement of the natural Order -that surrounds us: of our material condition first; subsequently of -our physical, intellectual, and moral nature. And the highest of -these objects is moral progress, whether in the individual, in the -family, or in society. It is on this that human happiness, whether -in private or public life, principally depends. Political art, then, -when subordinated to morality, becomes the most essential of all arts. -It consists in concentration of all human effort upon the service -of Humanity in accordance with the natural laws which regulate her -existence. - -The great merit of ancient systems of polity, of the Roman system -especially, was that precedence was always given to public interests. -Every citizen co-operated in the manner and degree suited to those -early times. But there were no means of providing proper regulation -for domestic life. In the Middle Ages, when Catholicism attempted to -form a complete system of morality, private life was made the principal -object. All our affections were subjected to a most beneficial course -of discipline, in which the inmost springs of vice and virtue were -reached. But owing to the inadequacy of the doctrines on which the -system rested, the solution of the problem was incoherent. The method -by which Catholicism controlled the selfish propensities was one which -turned men away from public life, and concentrated them on interests -which were at once chimerical and personal. The immediate value of this -great effort was, that it brought about for the first time a separation -between moral and political power, which in the systems of antiquity -had always been confounded. But the separation was due rather to the -force of circumstances than to any conscious efforts; and it could not -be fully carried out, because it was incompatible with the spirit of -the Catholic doctrine and with the military character of society. Woman -sympathized with Catholicism, but the people never supported it with -enthusiasm, and it soon sank under the encroachments of the temporal -power, and the degeneracy of the priesthood. - -Positivism is the only system which can renew this premature effort and -bring it to a satisfactory issue. Combining the spirit of antiquity -with that of Catholic Feudalism, it proposes to carry out the political -programme put forward by the Convention. - -Positive religion brings before us in a definite shape the noblest of -human problems, the permanent preponderance of Social feeling over -Self-love. As far as the exceeding imperfection of our nature enables -us to solve it, it would be solved by calling our home affections into -continuous action; affections which stand half-way between self-love -and universal sympathy. In order to consolidate and develop this -solution, Positivism lays down the philosophical and social principle -of separation of theoretical from practical power. Theoretical power is -consultative; it directs education, and supplies general principles. -Practical power directs action by special and imperative rules. All -the elements of society that are excluded from political government -become guarantees for the preservation of this arrangement. The -priests of Humanity, who are the systematic organs of the moderating -power, will always find themselves supported, in their attempts to -modify the governing power, by women and by the people. But to be so -supported, they must be men who, in addition to the intellectual power -necessary for their mission, have the moral qualities which are yet -more necessary; who combine, that is, the tenderness of women with the -energy of the people. The first guarantee for the possession of such -qualities is the sacrifice of political authority and even of wealth. -Then we may at least hope to see the new religion taking the place -of the old, because it will fulfil in a more perfect way the mental -and social purposes for which the old religion existed. Monotheism -will lapse like Polytheism and Fetichism, into the domain of history; -and will, like them, be incorporated into the system of universal -commemoration, in which Humanity will render due homage to all her -predecessors. - - [Corruption of Monotheism] - -It is not, then, merely on the ground of speculative truth that -Positivists would urge all those who are still halting between two -opinions, to choose between the absolute and the relative, between -the fruitless search for Causes and the solid study of Laws, between -submission to arbitrary Wills and submission to demonstrable -Necessities. It is for Feeling still more than for Reason to make the -decision; for upon it depends the establishment of a higher form of -social life. - -Monotheism in Western Europe is now as obsolete and as injurious as -Polytheism was fifteen centuries ago. The discipline in which its moral -value principally consisted has long since decayed; and consequently -the sole effect of its doctrine, which has been so extravagantly -praised, is to degrade the affections by unlimited desires, and to -weaken the character by servile terrors. It supplied no field for the -Imagination, and forced it back upon Polytheism and Fetichism, which, -under Theology, form the only possible foundation for poetry. The -pursuits of practical life were never sincerely promoted by it, and -they advanced only by evading or resisting its influence. The noblest -of all practical pursuits, that of social regeneration, is at the -present time in direct opposition to it. For by its vague notion of -Providence, it prevents men from forming a true conception of Law, a -conception necessary for true prevision, on which all wise intervention -must be based. - -Sincere believers in Christianity will soon cease to interfere with the -management of a world, where they profess themselves to be pilgrims and -strangers. The new Supreme Being is no less jealous than the old, and -will not accept the servants of two masters. But the truth is, that the -more zealous theological partisans, whether royalists, or aristocrats, -or democrats, have now for a long time been insincere. God to them -is but the nominal chief of a hypocritical conspiracy, a conspiracy -which is even more contemptible than it is odious. Their object is to -keep the people from all great social improvements by assuring them -that they will find compensation for their miseries in an imaginary -future life. The doctrine is already falling into discredit among the -working classes everywhere throughout the West, especially in Paris. -All theological tendencies, whether Catholic, Protestant, or Deist, -really serve to prolong and aggravate our moral anarchy, because they -hinder the diffusion of that social sympathy and breadth of view, -without which we can never attain fixity of principle and regularity -of life. Every subversive scheme now afloat has either originated in -Monotheism or has received its sanction. Even Catholicism has lost its -power of controlling revolutionary extravagance in some of its own most -distinguished members. - -It is for the sake of Order therefore, even more than of Progress, -that we call on all those who desire to rise above their present -disastrous state of oscillation in feeling and opinion, to make a -distinct choice between Positivism and Theology. For there are now but -two camps: the camp of reaction and anarchy, which acknowledges more -or less distinctly the direction of God: the camp of construction and -progress, which is wholly devoted to Humanity. - -The Being upon whom all our thoughts are concentrated is one whose -existence is undoubted. We recognize that existence not in the Present -only, but in the Past, and even in the Future: and we find it always -subject to one fundamental Law, by which we are enabled to conceive -of it as a whole. Placing our highest happiness in universal Love, we -live, as far as it is possible, for others; and this in public life -as well as in private; for the two are closely linked together in our -religion; a religion clothed in all the beauty of Art, and yet never -inconsistent with Science. After having thus exercised our powers to -the full, and having given a charm and sacredness to our temporary -life, we shall at last be for ever incorporated into the Supreme Being, -of whose life all noble natures are necessarily partakers. It is only -through the workers of Humanity that we can feel the inward reality and -inexpressible sweetness of this incorporation. It is unknown to those -who being still involved in theological belief, have not been able to -form a clear conception of the Future, and have never experienced the -feeling of pure self-sacrifice. - - - THE END - - - Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] The establishment of this great principle is the most important -result of my _System of Positive Philosophy_. This work was published -1830-1842, with the title of _Course of Positive Philosophy_, because -it was based upon a course of lectures delivered 1826-1829. But since -that time I have always given it the more appropriate name of System. -Should the work reach a second edition, the correction will be made -formally: meanwhile, this will, I hope, remove all misconception on the -subject. - -[2] [Comte afterwards added a seventh science, Ethics, (see vol. ii of -_System of Positive Polity_).] - -[3] [See Cabanis, _Rapports du physique et du moral de l’homme_, V^e -memoire, where he speaks of ‘_les restes de l’esprit de chevalerie, -fruit ridicule de l’odieuse féodalité_.’] - -[4] Philosophy--the _love_ of wisdom. - -[5] [Written in 1848.] - -[6] On reconsideration, Comte saw fit to withdraw this proposal. See -_Positive Polity_, vol. iv, ch. 5, p. 351. - -[7] [Clotilde de Vaux, see _Testament d’Auguste Comte_, p. 550]. - -[8] This law was introduced by Royer-Collard. It forbids discussion of -the private affairs of public men. - -[9] [_Testament d’Auguste Comte_, p. 556]. - -[10] [This story _Lucie_ is republished in Vol. i of _System of -Positive Polity_.] - -[11] Toute la suite des hommes, pendant le cours de tant de siècles, -doit être considérée comme un même homme qui subsiste toujours et qui -apprend continuellement.--Pascal, _Pensées_, Part I, Art. I. [The whole -succession of men during the course of so many centuries should be -considered as one Man ever living and constantly learning.] - -[12] [See _The Positivist Calendar_, edited by H. G. Jones (W. Reeves, -1905).] - -[13] [_Tableau Historique des progrès de l’Esprit Humain_, Paris, 1900.] - -[14] [The Republic of 1848.] - -[15] [This report was republished in _Revue Occidentale_, July 1889; -see also an article and a document published by M. Pierre Laffitte in -the same review in January, 1890.] - -[16] [This committee was formed in 1903.] - -[17] This report was republished in _Revue Occidentale_, September, -1885. - -[18] The relative position here assigned to England and Germany is -reversed in the fourth volume of the _Politique Positive_. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not -changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced -quotation marks retained. - -Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. - -Page 320: “the creative process” was misprinted as “the creature -process”; changed here. - -Page 399: “one of its principal features” was misprinted as -“principle”; changed here. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's A General View of Positivism, by Auguste Comte - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A GENERAL VIEW OF POSITIVISM *** - -***** This file should be named 53799-0.txt or 53799-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/7/9/53799/ - -Produced by Josep Cols Canals, Charlie Howard, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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