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| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-06 19:08:24 -0800 |
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| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-06 19:08:24 -0800 |
| commit | 84841969696208b18521e6d8b7534bc7e8daa8c4 (patch) | |
| tree | 31c9304c76c783efec0319351bfbd6a59c78395f /old/53767-h | |
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diff --git a/old/53767-h/53767-h.htm b/old/53767-h/53767-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 880d5f6..0000000 --- a/old/53767-h/53767-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,28769 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> - -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9) by Thomas Jefferson. - </title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} -h1 { - text-align: center; - clear: both; - font-size: 2em; - font-weight: normal; - margin-top: 6em; - line-height: 1.6; -} -h1 .small { - font-size: .5em; -} -h1 .xsmall { - font-size: .3em; -} - -h2 {text-align: center; - clear: both; - margin-top: 4em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - font-size: 1.2em; -} - -h3 {text-align: center; - clear: both; - margin-top: 4em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - font-size: 1.0em; -} - -.fntitle {margin-top: 1em; - font-size: .9em;} - -p { - margin-top: .75em; - text-align: left; - margin-bottom: .75em; -} - -.pagenum { - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; -} -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - margin-left: 33%; - margin-right: auto; - clear: both; -} - -hr.l15 { width: 15%; - margin-left: 42%; } - -hr.l30 { width: 30%; - margin-left: 35%; } - -.center { text-align: center; } - -.smcap { font-variant: small-caps; } - -ul.idx { list-style-type:none; - margin-left: 2em; - text-indent: -2em;} -ul.sub-idx { list-style-type:none; - margin-left: 2em; - text-indent: -2em; } - -li.padded { - margin-top: .5em; -} -.poetry-container { text-align: center; } - -.poem { - display: inline-block; - font-size: 95%; - margin-bottom: 1em; - text-align: left; } -.poem p { - margin: 0; - padding-left: 3em; - text-indent: -3em; } - -.footnote { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; - font-size: 0.9em; -} - -.footnotes { border: dashed 1px; - margin-top: 6em; } -.footnote .label { - position: absolute; - right: 84%; - text-align: right; -} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} -.letter_head { - padding-right: 2em; - text-align: right; - font-size: .9em; - } - -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} -.p6 {margin-top: 6em;} - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - empty-cells: show; - border-collapse: collapse; -} - -thead td, tfoot td {text-align: center; - font-weight: bold; -} - -td {padding-left: 1em; - padding-right: 1em; - vertical-align: top; -} - -.padtop {padding-top: 1em;} -.tdalpha {padding-top: 1em; - text-indent: -1em;} -.tdr { text-align: right; } -.tdu { border-bottom: 1px solid;} -.tdc {text-align: center;} - -.tdh { text-indent: -1em; - margin-left: 1em;} - -.tnbox { - margin-left: 5%; - margin-right: 5%; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-top: 4em; - border: 1px solid; - padding: 1em; - color: black; - background-color: #f6f2f2; - -} - -.tp {text-align: center;} -.sm {font-size: .5em;} -.medsm {font-size: .7em} -.spaced {line-height: 1.5em; } -.spaced_above {margin-top:2em;} - -@media print, handheld -{ - h1 {page-break-before: always;} - - p { - margin-top: .5em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .25em; - } - - table {width: 100%; max-width: 100%;} - -} - -@media handheld -{ - body {margin: 0;} - - hr { - margin-top: .1em; - margin-bottom: .1em; - visibility: hidden; - color: white; - width: .01em; - display: none; - } - .poem { - display: block; - margin-left: 5%; - margin-right: 10%; - } - - ul {margin-left: 1em; padding-left: 0;} - li {list-style-type: none; padding-left: 1em; text-indent: -1.5em;} - - .tnbox { - page-break-inside: avoid; - margin-left: 2%; - margin-right: 2%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - padding: .5em; - } -} - - </style> - - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson Vol 5 (of -9), by Thomas Jefferson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: The Writings of Thomas Jefferson Vol 5 (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private - -Author: Thomas Jefferson - -Editor: H. A. Washington - -Release Date: December 19, 2016 [EBook #53767] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="tnbox"> -<p class="center"><b>Transcriber's Note:</b></p> - - <p>Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.</p> - - <p>Inconsistent or incorrect accents and spelling in passages in French, - Latin and Italian have been left unchanged.</p> - - <p>The following possible inconsistencies/printer errors/archaic - spellings/different names for different entities were pointed - out by the proofers, and left as printed:</p> - - <ul> - <li>Crownenshield, Crowningshield,</li> - - <li>Pontchartrain, Ponchartrain,</li> - - <li>Blennerhasset and Blannerhassett,</li> - - <li>Miller and Millar,</li> - - <li>ascendancy and ascendency.</li></ul> - - <ul> - - <li>Page 129: Turfot's works should possibly be Turgot's works.</li> - - <li>Page 208: "Whom shall we appoint in the room of Kilgore." is possibly - missing a question mark.</li> - - <li>Page 234: seafencibles should possibly be sea fencibles.</li> - - <li>Page 277: "if we become dissatisfied" should possibly be "if we become satisfied".</li> - - <li>Page 278: Uberville should possibly be Iberville.</li> - - <li>Page 556: teazing should possibly be teasing.</li> - - <li>Page 468: arbonverous is a possible typo.</li> - - <li>Page 581: chetif is a possible typo.</li> - - <li>Table of Contents: - - <ul> - <li>Colonel Humphreys was misspelled as Umphreys, and therefore out of order.</li> - - <li>Latrobe was mispelled and therefore out of order.</li> - - <li>LEVETT HARRIS omitted.</li> -</ul></li></ul> - -</div> - -<h1> -<span class="small">THE</span> -<br /> -WRITINGS -<br /> -<span class="xsmall">OF</span> -<br /> -THOMAS JEFFERSON: -</h1> -<p class="tp spaced_above"><span class="sm"> -BEING HIS</span></p> -<p class="tp spaced_above">AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES, -ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL<br /> -AND PRIVATE. -</p> -<p class="tp spaced spaced_above"> -<span class="sm">PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON THE LIBRARY,</span> -<br /> -FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, -<br /> -<span class="sm">DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE.</span> -</p> - -<p class="tp spaced_above"><span class="medsm">WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX</span><br /> -TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE, -<br /> -<span class="sm">BY THE EDITOR</span> -<br /> -H. A. WASHINGTON. -</p> - -<p class="tp spaced_above">VOL. V.</p> - -<p class="tp spaced_above"> - -NEW YORK: -<br /> -H. W. DERBY, 625 BROADWAY. -<br /> -1861. -</p> - -<hr class="l30 p6" /> -<p class="center">Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by<br /> -TAYLOR & MAURY,<br /> -In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Columbia. -</p> - -<h2> -CONTENTS TO VOL. V. -</h2> - -<hr class="l15" /> - -<p class="center"> -BOOK II. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Part III.—Continued.—Letters written after his return to the United -States down to the time of his death.—(1790-1826,)—<a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</span> -</p> - -<table summary="Table of Contents"> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Adams, citizens of county of, letter written to, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Albemarle county, inhabitants of, letter written to, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Armstrong, General, letters written to, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Astor, John Jacob, letter written to, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Attorney General, letter written to, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Baldwin, M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Barlow, Joel, letters written to, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Barnum, Hon. Joseph, letter written to, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Barton, Dr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Beatty, Captain, letter written to, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Bettay, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Bibb, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Bidwell, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Blake, George, letters written to, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Bloodgood & Hammond, Messrs., letter written to, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Botta, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Bowdoin, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Boyd, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Brent, Robert, letters written to, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Brent, Colonel D. C., letter written to, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Bringhurst, Joseph, letter written to, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Brown, Jacob, letters written to, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Brown, Dr. James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Burwell, W. A., letters written to, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Cabell, Governor, letters written to, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Campbell, John W., letter written to, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdh"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_iv'>[iv]</a></span> -Campbell, Judge David, letter written to, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Capede, M. de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Chapman, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Chase, Thornwick, letter written to, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Christian, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Claiborne, Governor, letters written to, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Clarke, Daniel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Clarke, General Wm., letters written to, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Clarke, General George Rogers, letter written to, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Clay, Charles, letter written to, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Clinton, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Colles, Christopher, letter written to, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Colvin, J. B., letter written to, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Cooper, Judge, letter written to, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Cooper, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Cooper, Hon. Thomas, letters written to, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Coste, M. de la, letter written to, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Coxe, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Crawford, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Croix, M. de la, letter written to, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Dashkoff, M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Dearborne, General, letters written to, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Dickinson, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Digges, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Diodati, M. de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Dorsey, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Duane, Wm., letters written to, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_551">551</a>, <a href="#Page_574">574</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>, <a href="#Page_602">602</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Eccleston, Daniel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Eppes, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Eustis, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Evans, Oliver, letter written to, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Fishback, James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Foronda, Don Valentine, letter written to, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Franklin, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Fulton, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Gaines, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_v'>[v]</a></span> -Gallatin, Albert, letters written to, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a>, <a href="#Page_588">588</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Gamble, James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">General, Attorney, letter written to, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Giles, Wm. B., letter written to, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Gilliam, Shelton, letter written to, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Governors of States, letter written to, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Granger, Gideon, letters written to, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Gregg & Leib, Messrs., letter written to, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Gregoire, M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Griffith, Elijah, letter written to, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Grove, Captain, letter written to, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Guest, Henry, letter written to, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Hay, George, letters written to, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Hamilton, Hon. Paul, letter written to, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Harris, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Hawkins, Samuel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Henry, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Hewson, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Hillard, Captain Isaac, letter written to, <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Holland, King of, letter written to, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Hollins, John, letters written to, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Howell, David, letter written to, <a href="#Page_554">554</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Humboldt, Baron de, letters written to, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_580">580</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Irving, George W., letter written to, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">James, Thomas C., letter written to, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Jay, Governor James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Jefferson, S. Garland, letter written to, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Johnson, Richard M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Jones, Skelton, letter written to, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Jones, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Kentucky, Ohio, &c., Governors, letter written to, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Kerr, &c., Messrs., letter written to, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_vi'>[vi]</a></span> -Kercheval, Samuel, letters written to, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Knox, Robert M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Kosciusko, General, letters written to, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_585">585</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">La Fayette, Marquis, letter written to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lambert, W., letter written to, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lambert, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Langdon, Governor, letter written to, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Latrobe, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lasteyrie, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Law, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_555">555</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Leib, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Leiper, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Letue, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lewis, Governor, letters written to, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lincoln, Levi, letters written to, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lincoln, Lieut. Governor, letter written to, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Livingston, Robert R., letters written to, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Logan, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lyman, Wm., letter written to, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Lynch, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_563">563</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Madison, James, letters written to, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Maese, &c., Messrs., letter written to, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Maese, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Main, James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Mason, Captain Armistead, letter written to, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Mason, General John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Masters of Norfolk vessels, &c., letter written to, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Masters of Charleston vessels, letter written to, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Matthews, General, letter written to, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Maury, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>,</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">McAndless, Wm., letter written to, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">McIntosh, Wm., letter written to, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">McGregor, Captain, letter written to, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Melish, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_573">573</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Miller, Robert, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Minor, Colonel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Monroe, Colonel James, letters written to, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_597">597</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Monroe, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdh"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_vii'>[vii]</a></span> -Moore, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Morgan, Benjamin, letter written to, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Morgan, G., letter written to, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Navy, Secretary of, letters written to, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Nemours, Dupont de, letters written to, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Nicholas, Wilson C., letters written to, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Nicholas, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Niemcewicz, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Nicholson, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Norvell, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Ogilvie, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Onis, Chevalier de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Orleans, New, Governor of, letter written to, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Page, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Paganel, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Paine, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Paine, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Patterson, Robert, letter written to, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Pemberton, James, letters written to, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Pahlen, Count, letter written to, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Philosophical Society, letter written to, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Pinckney, Governor, letters written to, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Pinckney, Charles, letter written to, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Potocki, Count, letter written to, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">President, The, letters written to, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Price, Chandler, letter written to, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Randolph, Thomas Mann, letters written to, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Randolph, E., letter written to, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Randolph, T. Jefferson, letter written to, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Representatives, Speaker of House of, letters written to, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Rodney, Cæsar A., letter written to, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Rodney, Wm., letter written to, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Ronaldson, James, letter written to, <a href="#Page_533">533</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Ruelle, M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Rush, Dr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_558">558</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_viii'>[viii]</a></span> -Russia, Emperor of, letter written to, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Salimankis, Abbe, letter written to, <a href="#Page_515">515</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Salmon, Daniel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Saunders, Captain J., letter written to, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Sevier, Governor, letter written to, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Seymour, Thomas, letter written to, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Shee, General, letter written to, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Short, Wm., letters written to, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Silvester, M., letter written to, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Simms, Colonel Charles, letter written to, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Smith, General, letters written to, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Smith, Mr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Smith, Hon. John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Smith, General Benjamin, letter written to, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Smith, Colonel Larkin, letter written to, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Smith, Robert, letter written to, <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Smith, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Spafford, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Stael, Madame de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">State, Secretary of, letters written to, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Stewart, Judge, letter written to, <a href="#Page_606">606</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Stoddart, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Sullivan, Governor, letters written to, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Sylvestre, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Tatham, Colonel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Taylor, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Taylor, Colonel John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Theus, Simeon, letter written to, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Thompson, Charles, letter written to, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Tiffin, Governor H. D., letters written to, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Tompkins, Governor, letters written to, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Tracy, Destutt, letter written to, <a href="#Page_556">556</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Treasury, Secretary of, letters written to, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Turpin, Dr. Horatio, letter written to, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Tyler, Governor, letters written to, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha"><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_ix'>[ix]</a></span> -Humphreys, Colonel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Vater, John Severin, letter written to, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Vavasseur, M. de, letter written to, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Vice-President, letter written to, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Voolif, G., &c., letter written to, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">War, Secretary of, letters written to, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Washington, Colonel, letter written to, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Waterhouse, Dr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Weaver, Mr., letter written to, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Willis, Charles F., letter written to, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">White, Hugh L., &c., letter written to, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wilkinson, General, letters written to, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_572">572</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Williams, J. & Peale C. W., letter written to, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Williams, Governor, letter written to, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wirt William, letters written to, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wistar, Dr., letters written to, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Woodward, Judge, letter written to, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Worthington, W. D. G., letter written to, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdh">Wyche, John, letter written to, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>.</td></tr> - -<tr><td class="tdalpha">Addressee lost, letters written to, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</td></tr> -</table> - -<h2> -PART III.—<span class='smcap'>Continued.</span> -<br /> -<br /> -LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE -U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH. -<br /> -<br /> -1790-1826. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_3'></a></span> -</h2> - -<hr class="l15" /> - -<h3> -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.—(<i>Confidential.</i>) -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 24,1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—A last effort at friendly settlement with Spain is -proposed to be made at Paris, and under the auspices of France. -For this purpose, General Armstrong and Mr. Bowdoin (both now -at Paris) have been appointed joint commissioners; but such a -cloud of dissatisfaction rests on General Armstrong in the minds -of many persons, on account of a late occurrence stated in all the -public papers, that we have in contemplation to add a third commissioner, -in order to give the necessary measure of public confidence -to the commission. Of these two gentlemen, one being -of Massachusetts and one of New York, it is thought the third -should be a southern man; and the rather, as the interests to be -negotiated are almost entirely southern and western. This addition -is not yet ultimately decided on; but I am inclined to believe -it will be adopted. Under this expectation, and my wish -that you may be willing to undertake it, I give you the earliest -possible intimation of it, that you may be preparing both your -mind and your measures for the mission. The departure would -be required to be very prompt; though the absence I think will -not be long, Bonaparte not being in the practice of procrastination. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_4'>[4]</a></span> -This particular consideration will, I hope, reconcile the -voyage to your affairs and your feelings. The allowance to an -extra mission, is salary from the day of leaving home, and expenses -to the place of destination, or in lieu of the latter, and to -avoid settlements, a competent fixed sum may be given. For -the return, a continuance of the salary for three months after -fulfilment of the commission. Be so good as to make up your -mind as quickly as possible, and to answer me as early as possible. -Consider the measure as proposed provisionally only, and not to -be communicated to any mortal until we see it proper. -</p> - -<p> -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, April 13, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The situation of your affairs certainly furnishes -good cause for your not acceding to my proposition of a special -mission to Europe. My only hope had been, that they could -have gone on one summer without you. An unjust hostility -against General Armstrong will, I am afraid, show itself whenever -any treaty made by him shall be offered for ratification. I -wished, therefore, to provide against this, by joining a person -who would have united the confidence of the whole Senate. -General Smith was so prominent in the opposition to Armstrong, -that it would be impossible for them to act together. We conclude, -therefore, to leave the matter with Armstrong and Bowdoin. -Indeed, my dear Sir, I wish sincerely you were back in -the Senate; and that you would take the necessary measures to -get yourself there. Perhaps, as a preliminary, you should go to -our Legislature. Giles' absence has been a most serious misfortune. -A majority of the Senate means well. But Tracy and -Bayard are too dexterous for them, and have very much influenced -their proceedings. Tracy has been of nearly every -committee during the session, and for the most part the chairman, -and of course drawer of the reports. Seven federalists voting -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_5'>[5]</a></span>always in phalanx, and joined by some discontented republicans, -some oblique ones, some capricious, have so often made a majority, -as to produce very serious embarrassment to the public operations; -and very much do I dread the submitting to them, at -the next session, any treaty which can be made with either England -or Spain, when I consider that five joining the federalists, -can defeat a friendly settlement of our affairs. The House of -Representatives is as well disposed as I ever saw one. The defection -of so prominent a leader, threw them into dismay and -confusion for a moment; but they soon rallied to their own principles, -and let them go off with five or six followers only. One -half of these are from Virginia. His late declaration of perpetual -opposition to this administration, drew off a few others who at -first had joined him, supposing his opposition occasional only, -and not systematic. The alarm the House has had from this -schism, has produced a rallying together and a harmony, which -carelessness and security had begun to endanger. On the whole, -this little trial of the firmness of our representatives in their principles, -and that of the people also, which is declaring itself in -support of their public functionaries, has added much to my confidence -in the stability of our government; and to my conviction, -that, should things go wrong at any time, the people will set -them to rights by the peaceable exercise of their elective rights. -To explain to you the character of this schism, its objects and -combinations, can only be done in conversation; and must be -deferred till I see you at Monticello, where I shall probably be -about the 10th or 12th of May, to pass the rest of the month -there. Congress has agreed to rise on Monday, the 21st. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. HARRIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, April 18, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—It is now some time since I received from you, through -the house of Smith and Buchanan at Baltimore, a bust of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_6'>[6]</a></span>Emperor Alexander, for which I have to return you my thanks. -These are the more cordial, because of the value the bust derives -from the great estimation in which its original is held by the -world, and by none more than by myself. It will constitute one -of the most valued ornaments of the retreat I am preparing for -myself at my native home. Accept, at the same time, my acknowledgments -for the elegant work of Atkinson and Walker on -the customs of the Russians. I had laid it down as a law for -my conduct while in office, and hitherto scrupulously observed, -to accept of no present beyond a book, a pamphlet, or other curiosity -of minor value; as well to avoid imputation on my motives -of action, as to shut out a practice susceptible of such abuse. -But my particular esteem for the character of the Emperor, -places his image in my mind above the scope of law. I receive -it, therefore, and shall cherish it with affection. It nourishes the -contemplation of all the good placed in his power, and of his disposition -to do it. -</p> - -<p> -A little before Dr. Priestley's death, he informed me that he -had received intimations, through a channel he confided in, that -the Emperor entertained a wish to know something of our Constitution. -I have therefore selected the two best works we have -on that subject, for which I pray you to ask a place in his library. -They are too much in detail to occupy his time; but they -will furnish materials for an abstract, to be made by others, on -such a scale as may bring the matter within the compass of the -time which his higher callings can yield to such an object. -</p> - -<p> -At a very early period of my life, contemplating the history of -the aboriginal inhabitants of America, I was led to believe that -if there had ever been a relation between them and the men of -color in Asia, traces of it would be found in their several languages. -I have therefore availed myself of every opportunity -which has offered, to obtain vocabularies of such tribes as have -been within my reach, corresponding to a list then formed of -about two hundred and fifty words. In this I have made such -progress, that within a year or two more I think to give to the -public what I then shall have acquired. I have lately seen a report -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_7'>[7]</a></span>of Mr. Volney's to the Celtic academy, on a work of Mr. -Pallas, entitled <span lang="fr_FR">"Vocabulaires compares des langues de toute la -terre;"</span> with a list of one hundred and thirty words, to which the -vocabulary is limited. I find that seventy-three of these words -are common to that and to my vocabulary, and therefore will enable -us, by a comparison of language, to make the inquiry so -long desired, as to the probability of a common origin between the -people of color of the two continents. I have to ask the favor -of you to procure me a copy of the above work of Pallas, to inform -me of the cost, and permit me to pay it here to your use; -for I presume you have some mercantile correspondent here, to -whom a payment can be made for you. A want of knowledge -what the book may cost, as well as of the means of making so -small a remittance, obliges me to make this proposition, and to -restrain it to the sole condition that I be permitted to reimburse -it here. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you a letter for the Emperor, which be pleased to -deliver or have delivered; it has some relation to a subject which -the Secretary of State will explain to you. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my salutations, and assurances of esteem and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, April 19, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -I owe an acknowledgment to your Imperial Majesty for the -great satisfaction I have received from your letter of August the -20th, 1805, and embrace the opportunity it affords of giving expression -to the sincere respect and veneration I entertain for your -character. It will be among the latest and most soothing comforts -of my life, to have seen advanced to the government of so -extensive a portion of the earth, and at so early a period of his life, -a sovereign whose ruling passion is the advancement of the happiness -and prosperity of his people; and not of his own people -only, but who can extend his eye and his good will to a distant and -infant nation, unoffending in its course, unambitious in its views. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_8'>[8]</a></span>The events of Europe come to us so late, and so suspiciously, -that observations on them would certainly be stale, and possibly -wide of their actual state. From their general aspect, however, -I collect that your Majesty's interposition in them has been disinterested -and generous, and having in view only the general -good of the great European family. When you shall proceed to -the pacification which is to re-establish peace and commerce, the -same dispositions of mind will lead you to think of the general -intercourse of nations, and to make that provision for its future -maintenance which, in times past, it has so much needed. The -northern nations of Europe, at the head of which your Majesty -is distinguished, are habitually peaceable. The United States of -America, like them, are attached to peace. We have then with -them a common interest in the neutral rights. Every nation indeed, -on the continent of Europe, belligerent as well as neutral, -is interested in maintaining these rights, in liberalizing them progressively -with the progress of science and refinement of morality, -and in relieving them from restrictions which the extension -of the arts has long since rendered unreasonable and vexatious. -</p> - -<p> -Two personages in Europe, of which your Majesty is one, have -it in their power, at the approaching pacification, to render eminent -service to nations in general, by incorporating into the act -of pacification, a correct definition of the rights of neutrals on the -high seas. Such a definition, declared by all the powers lately -or still belligerent, would give to those rights a precision and -notoriety, and cover them with an authority, which would protect -them in an important degree against future violation; and -should any further sanction be necessary, that of an exclusion of -the violating nation from commercial intercourse with all the -others, would be preferred to war, as more analogous to the -offence, more easy and likely to be executed with good faith. -The essential articles of these rights, too, are so few and simple -as easily to be defined. -</p> - -<p> -Having taken no part in the past or existing troubles of Europe, -we have no part to act in its pacification. But as principles may -then be settled in which we have a deep interest, it is a great -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_9'>[9]</a></span>happiness for us that they are placed under the protection of an -umpire, who, looking beyond the narrow bounds of an individual -nation, will take under the cover of his equity the rights of the -absent and unrepresented. It is only by a happy concurrence of -good characters and good occasions, that a step can now and then -be taken to advance the well-being of nations. If the present -occasion be good, I am sure your Majesty's character will not be -wanting to avail the world of it. By monuments of such good -offices, may your life become an epoch in the history of the condition -of man; and may He who called it into being, for the -good of the human family, give it length of days and success, -and have it always in His holy keeping. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 4, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I wrote you on the 16th of March by a common -vessel, and then expected to have had, on the rising of Congress, -an opportunity of peculiar confidence to you. Mr. Beckley then -supposed he should take a flying trip to London, on private business. -But I believe he does not find it convenient. He could -have let you into the <span lang="la"><i>arcana rerum</i></span>, which you have interests in -knowing. Mr. Pinckney's pursuits having been confined to his -peculiar line, he has only that general knowledge of what has -passed here which the public possess. He has a just view of -things so far as known to him. Our old friend, Mercer, broke -off from us some time ago; at first professing to disdain joining -the federalists, yet, from the habit of voting together, becoming -soon identified with them. Without carrying over with him one -single person, he is now in a state of as perfect obscurity as if his -name had never been known. Mr. J. Randolph is in the same -track, and will end in the same way. His course has excited -considerable alarm. Timid men consider it as a proof of the -weakness of our government, and that it is to be rent into pieces -by demagogues, and to end in anarchy. I survey the scene with -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_10'>[10]</a></span>a different eye, and draw a different augury from it. In a House -of Representatives of a great mass of good sense, Mr. Randolph's -popular eloquence gave him such advantages as to place him unrivalled -as the leader of the House; and, although not conciliatory -to those whom he led, principles of duty and patriotism induced -many of them to swallow humiliations he subjected them to, and -to vote as was right, as long as he kept the path of right himself. -The sudden defection of such a man could not but produce a -momentary astonishment, and even dismay; but for a moment -only. The good sense of the House rallied around its principles, -and without any leader pursued steadily the business of the -session, did it well, and by a strength of vote which has never -before been seen. Upon all trying questions, exclusive of the -federalists, the minority of republicans voting with him has been -from four to six or eight, against from ninety to one hundred; -and although he yet treats the federalists with ineffable contempt, -yet, having declared eternal opposition to this administration, and -consequently associated with them in his votes, he will, like -Mercer, end with them. The augury I draw from this is, that -there is a steady, good sense in the Legislature, and in the body -of the nation, joined with good intentions, which will lead them -to discern and to pursue the public good under all circumstances -which can arise, and that no <span lang="la"><i>ignis fatuus</i></span> will be able to lead -them long astray. In the present case, the public sentiment, as -far as declarations of it have yet come in, is, without a single -exception, in firm adherence to the administration. One popular -paper is endeavoring to maintain equivocal ground; approving -the administration in all its proceedings, and Mr. Randolph in all -those which have heretofore merited approbation, carefully avoiding -to mention his late aberration. The ultimate view of this -paper is friendly to you; and the editor, with more judgment -than him who assumes to be at the head of your friends, sees -that the ground of opposition to the administration is not that on -which it would be advantageous to you to be planted. The -great body of your friends are among the firmest adherents to the -administration; and in their support of you, will suffer Mr. Randolph -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_11'>[11]</a></span>to have no communications with them. My former letter -told you the line which both duty and inclination would lead me -sacredly to pursue. But it is unfortunate for you to be embarrassed -with such a <span lang="fr_FR"><i>soi-disant</i></span> friend. You must not commit -yourself to him. These views may assist you to understand such -details as Mr. Pinckney will give you. If you are here at any -time before the fall, it will be in time for any object you may -have, and by that time the public sentiment will be more decisively -declared. I wish you were here at present, to take your -choice of the two governments of Orleans and Louisiana, in -either of which I could now place you; and I verily believe it -would be to your advantage to be just that much withdrawn from -the focus of the ensuing contest, until its event should be known. -The one has a salary of five thousand dollars, the other of two -thousand dollars; both with excellent hotels for the Governor. -The latter at St. Louis, where there is good society, both French -and American; a healthy climate, and the finest field in the -United States for acquiring property. The former not unhealthy, -if you begin a residence there in the month of November. The -Mrs. Trists and their connections are established there. As I -think you can within four months inform me what you say to -this, I will keep things in their present state till the last day of -August, for your answer. -</p> - -<p> -The late change in the ministry I consider as insuring us a -just settlement of our differences, and we ask no more. In Mr. -Fox, personally, I have more confidence than in any man in -England, and it is founded in what, through unquestionable -channels, I have had opportunities of knowing of his honesty -and his good sense. While he shall be in the administration, my -reliance on that government will be solid. We had committed -ourselves in a line of proceedings adapted to meet Mr. Pitt's -policy and hostility, before we heard of his death, which self-respect -did not permit us to abandon afterwards; and the late -unparalleled outrage on us at New York excited such sentiments -in the public at large, as did not permit us to do less than has -been done. It ought not to be viewed by the ministry as looking -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_12'>[12]</a></span>towards them at all, but merely as the consequences of the -measures of their predecessors, which their nation has called on -them to correct. I hope, therefore, they will come to just arrangements. -No two countries upon earth have so many points -of common interest and friendship; and their rulers must be -great bunglers indeed, if, with such dispositions, they break them -asunder. The only rivalry that can arise is on the ocean. England -may, by petty larceny thwartings, check us on that element -a little, but nothing she can do will retard us there one year's -growth. We shall be supported there by other nations, and -thrown into their scale to make a part of the great counterpoise -to her navy. If, on the other hand, she is just to us, conciliatory, -and encourages the sentiment of family feelings and conduct, it -cannot fail to befriend the security of both. We have the seamen -and materials for fifty ships of the line, and half that number -of frigates; and were France to give us the money, and England -the dispositions to equip them, they would give to England serious -proofs of the stock from which they are sprung, and the -school in which they have been taught; and added to the efforts -of the immensity of sea coast lately united under one power, -would leave the state of the ocean no longer problematical. -Were, on the other hand, England to give the money, and France -the dispositions to place us on the sea in all our force, the whole -world, out of the continent of Europe, might be our joint monopoly. -We wish for neither of these scenes. We ask for peace -and justice from all nations; and we will remain uprightly neutral -in fact, though leaning in belief to the opinion that an English -ascendancy on the ocean is safer for us than that of France. We -begin to broach the idea that we consider the whole Gulf Stream -as of our waters, in which hostilities and cruising are to be -frowned on for the present, and prohibited so soon as either consent -or force will permit us. We shall never permit another -privateer to cruise within it, and shall forbid our harbors to -national cruisers. This is essential for our tranquillity and commerce. -Be so good as to have the enclosed letters delivered, to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_13'>[13]</a></span>present me to your family, and be assured yourself of my unalterable -friendship. -</p> - -<p> -For fear of accidents, I shall not make the unnecessary addition -of my name. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 4, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received your favor covering some papers from -General Wilkinson. I have repented but of one appointment -there, that of Lucas, whose temper I see overrules every good -quality and every qualification he has. Not a single fact has appeared, -which occasions me to doubt that I could have made a -fitter appointment than General Wilkinson. One qualm of principle -I acknowledge I do feel, I mean the union of the civil and -military authority. You remember that when I came into office, -while we were lodging together at Conrad's, he was pressed on -me to be made Governor of the Mississippi territory; and that I -refused it on that very principle. When, therefore, the House -of Representatives took that ground, I was not insensible to its -having some weight. But in the appointment to Louisiana, I did -not think myself departing from my own principle, because I -consider it not as a civil government, but merely a military station. -The Legislature had sanctioned that idea by the establishment -of the office of Commandant, in which were completely -blended the civil and military powers. It seemed, therefore, -that the Governor should be in suit with them. I observed, too, -that the House of Representatives, on the very day they passed -the stricture on this union of authorities, passed a bill making the -Governor of Michigan commander of the regular troops which -should at any time be within his government. However, on the -subject of General Wilkinson nothing is in contemplation at this -time. We shall see what turn things take at home and abroad -in the course of the summer. Monroe has had a second conversation -with Mr. Fox, which gives me hopes that we shall -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_14'>[14]</a></span>have an amicable arrangement with that government. Accept -my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. DIGGES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -July 1, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson salutes Mr. Digges with friendship and respect, -and sends him the newspapers received last night. He is -sorry that only the latter part of the particular publication which -Mr. Digges wished to see, is in them. He will be happy to see -Mr. Digges and his friends on the fourth of July, and to join in -congratulations on the return of the day which divorced us from -the follies and crimes of Europe, from a dollar in the pound at -least of six hundred millions sterling, and from all the ruin of -Mr. Pitt's administration. We, too, shall encounter follies; but -if great, they will be short, if long, they will be light; and the -vigor of our country will get the better of them. Mr. Pitt's -follies have been great, long, and inflicted on a body emaciated -with age, and exhausted by excesses beyond its power to bear. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BIDWELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 5, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of June the 21st has been duly received. -We have not as yet heard from General Skinner on the subject -of his office. Three persons are proposed on the most respectable -recommendations, and under circumstances of such equality -as renders it difficult to decide between them. But it shall be -done impartially. I sincerely congratulate you on the triumph -of republicanism in Massachusetts. The Hydra of federalism -has now lost all its heads but two. Connecticut I think will -soon follow Massachusetts. Delaware will probably remain what -it ever has been, a mere county of England, conquered indeed, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_15'>[15]</a></span>and held under by force, but always disposed to counter-revolution. -I speak of its majority only. -</p> - -<p> -Our information from London continues to give us hopes of an -accommodation there on both the points of "accustomed commerce -and impressment." In this there must probably be some -mutual concession, because we cannot expect to obtain everything -and yield nothing. But I hope it will be such an one as -may be accepted. The arrival of the Hornet in France is so -recently known, that it will yet be some time before we learn -our prospects there. Notwithstanding the efforts made here, and -made professedly to assassinate that negotiation in embryo, if the -good sense of Bonaparte should prevail over his temper, the -present state of things in Europe may induce him to require of -Spain that she should do us justice at least. That he should require -her to sell us East Florida, we have no right to insist; yet -there are not wanting considerations which may induce him to -wish a permanent foundation for peace laid between us. In this -treaty, whatever it shall be, our old enemies the federalists, and -their new friends, will find enough to carp at. This is a thing -of course, and I should suspect error where they found no fault. -The buzzard feeds on carrion only. Their rallying point is -"war with France and Spain, and alliance with Great Britain:" -and everything is wrong with them which checks their new -ardor to be fighting for the liberties of mankind; on the sea -always excepted. There one nation is to monopolize all the liberties -of the others. -</p> - -<p> -I read, with extreme regret, the expressions of an inclination -on your part to retire from Congress. I will not say that this -time, more than all others, calls for the service of every man; -but I will say, there never was a time when the services of those -who possess talents, integrity, firmness, and sound judgment, -were more wanted in Congress. Some one of that description is -particularly wanted to take the lead in the House of Representatives, -to consider the business of the nation as his own business, -to take it up as if he were singly charged with it, and carry it -through. I do not mean that any gentleman, relinquishing his -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_16'>[16]</a></span>own judgment, should implicitly support all the measures of the -administration; but that, where he does not disapprove of them, -he should not suffer them to go off in sleep, but bring them to -the attention of the House, and give them a fair chance. Where -he disapproves, he will of course leave them to be brought forward -by those who concur in the sentiment. Shall I explain my -idea by an example? The classification of the militia was communicated -to General Varnum and yourself merely as a proposition, -which, if you approved, it was trusted you would support. -I knew, indeed, that General Varnum was opposed to anything -which might break up the present organization of the militia: -but when so modified as to avoid this, I thought he might, perhaps, -be reconciled to it. As soon as I found it did not coincide -with your sentiments, I could not wish you to support it; but using -the same freedom of opinion, I procured it to be brought forward -elsewhere. It failed there, also, and for a time, perhaps, may -not prevail; but a militia can never be used for distant service on -any other plan; and Bonaparte will conquer the world, if they -do not learn his secret of composing armies of young men only, -whose enthusiasm and health enable them to surmount all obstacles. -When a gentleman, through zeal for the public service, -undertakes to do the public business, we know that we shall -hear the cant of backstairs' councillors. But we never heard this -while the declaimer was himself a backstairs' man, as he calls -it, but in the confidence and views of the administration, as may -more properly and respectfully be said. But if the members are -to know nothing but what is important enough to be put into a -public message, and indifferent enough to be made known to all -the world; if the Executive is to keep all other information to -himself, and the House to plunge on in the dark, it becomes a -government of chance and not of design. The imputation was -one of those artifices used to despoil an adversary of his most -effectual arms; and men of mind will place themselves above a -gabble of this order. The last session of Congress was indeed -an uneasy one for a time; but as soon as the members penetrated -into the views of those who were taking a new course, they -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_17'>[17]</a></span>rallied in as solid a phalanx as I have ever seen act together. -Indeed I have never seen a House of better dispositions. * * * * * -Perhaps I am not entitled to speak with so -much frankness; but it proceeds from no motive which has not -a right to your forgiveness. Opportunities of candid explanation -are so seldom afforded me, that I must not lose them when they -occur. -</p> - -<p> -The information I receive from your quarter agrees with that -from the south; that the late schism has made not the smallest -impression on the public, and that the seceders are obliged to -give to it other grounds than those which we know to be the -true ones. All we have to wish is, that at the ensuing session, -every one may take the part openly which he secretly befriends. -I recollect nothing new and true, worthy communicating to you. -As for what is not true, you will always find abundance in the -newspapers. Among other things, are those perpetual alarms as -to the Indians, for no one of which has there ever been the -slightest ground. They are the suggestions of hostile traders, -always wishing to embroil us with the Indians, to perpetuate -their own extortionate commerce. I salute you with esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BOWDOIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 10, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I believe that when you left America the invention -of the polygraph had not yet reached Boston. It is for copying -with one pen while you write with the other, and without the -least additional embarrassment or exertion to the writer. I think -it the finest invention of the present age, and so much superior -to the copying machine, that the latter will never be continued a -day by any one who tries the polygraph. It was invented by a -Mr. Hawkins, of Frankford, near Philadelphia, who is now in -England, turning it to good account. Knowing that you are in -the habit of writing much, I have flattered myself that I could -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_18'>[18]</a></span>add acceptably to your daily convenience by presenting you with -one of these delightful machines. I have accordingly had one -made, and to be certain of its perfection I have used it myself -some weeks, and have the satisfaction to find it the best one I -have ever tried; and in the course of two years' daily use of -them, I have had opportunities of trying several. As a secretary, -which copies for us what we write without the power of revealing -it, I find it a most precious possession to a man in public -business. I enclose directions for unpacking and using the machine -when you receive it; but the machine itself must await a -special and sure conveyance under the care of some person going -to Paris. It is ready packed, and shall go by the first proper -conveyance. -</p> - -<p> -As we heard two or three weeks ago of the safe arrival of the -Hornet at L'Orient, we were anxiously waiting to learn from -you the first impressions on her mission. If you can succeed in -procuring us Florida, and a good western boundary, it will fill -the American mind with joy. It will secure to our fellow citizens -one of the most ardent wishes, a long peace with Spain -and France. For be assured, the object of war with them and -alliance with England, which, at the last session of Congress, -drew off from the republican band about half a dozen of its members, -is universally reprobated by our <i>native</i> citizens from north -to south. I have never seen the nation stand more firm to its -principles, or rally so firmly to its constituted authorities, and in -reprobation of the opposition to them. With England, I think -we shall cut off the resource of impressing our seamen to fight -her battles, and establish the inviolability of our flag in its commerce -with her enemies. We shall thus become what we sincerely -wish to be, honestly neutral, and truly useful to both belligerents. -To the one, by keeping open market for the consumption -of her manufactures, while they are excluded from all -the other countries under the power of her enemy; to the other, -by securing for her a safe carriage of all her productions, metropolitan -or colonial, while her own means are restrained by her -enemy, and may, therefore, be employed in other useful pursuits. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_19'>[19]</a></span>We are certainly more useful friends to France and Spain as -neutrals, than as allies. I hope they will be sensible of it, and -by a wise removal of all grounds of future misunderstanding to -another age, enable you to present us such an arrangement, as -will insure to our fellow-citizens long and permanent peace and -friendship with them. With respect to our western boundary, -your instructions will be your guide. I will only add, as a comment -to them, that we are attached to the retaining of the Bay -of St. Bernard, because it was the first establishment of the unfortunate -La Sale, was the cradle of Louisiana, and more incontestibly -covered and conveyed to us by France, under that name, -than any other spot in the country. This will be secured to us -by taking for our western boundary the Guadaloupe, and from -its head around the sources of all waters eastward of it, to the -highlands embracing the waters running into the Mississippi. -However, all these things I presume will be settled before you -receive this; and I hope so settled as to give peace and satisfaction -to us all. -</p> - -<p> -Our crops of wheat are greater than have ever been known, -and are now nearly secured. A caterpillar gave for awhile -great alarm, but did little injury. Of tobacco, not half a crop -has been planted for want of rain; and even this half, with cotton -and Indian corn, has yet many chances to run. -</p> - -<p> -This summer will place our harbors in a situation to maintain -peace and order with them. The next, or certainly the one following -that, will so provide them with gun-boats and common -batteries, as to be <i>hors d'insulte</i>. Although our prospect is -peace, our policy and purpose is to provide for defence by all -those means to which our resources are competent. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with friendship, and assure you of my high respect -and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO W. A. BURWELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 17, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_20'>[20]</a></span><span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of August the 7th, from Liberty, never got to -my hands till the 9th instant. About the same time I received the -Enquirer, in which Decius was so judiciously answered. The -writer of that paper observed, that the matter of Decius consisted, -first of facts; secondly, of inferences from these facts: that he -was not well enough informed to affirm or deny his facts, and -he therefore examines his inferences, and in a very masterly -manner shows that even were his facts true, the reasonable inferences -from them are very different from those drawn by Decius. -But his facts are far from truth, and should be corrected. -It happened that Mr. Madison and General Dearborne were here -when I received your letter. I therefore, with them, took up -Decius and read him deliberately; and our memories aided one -another in correcting his bold and unauthorized assertions. I -shall note the most material of them in the order of the paper. -</p> - -<p> -1. It is grossly false that our ministers, as is said in a note, had -proposed to surrender our claims to compensation for Spanish -spoliations, or even for French. Their instructions were to make -no treaty in which Spanish spoliations were not provided for; -and although they were permitted to be silent as to French spoliations -carried into Spanish ports, they were not expressly to -abandon even them. 2. It is not true that our ministers, in -agreeing to establish the Colorado as our western boundary, had -been obliged to exceed the authority of their instructions. Although -we considered our title good as far as the Rio Bravo, yet -in proportion to what they could obtain east of the Mississippi, -they were to relinquish to the westward, and successive sacrifices -were marked out, of which even the Colorado was not the last. -3. It is not true that the Louisiana treaty was antedated, lest -Great Britain should consider our supplying her enemies with -money as a breach of neutrality. After the very words of the -treaty were finally agreed to, it took some time, perhaps some -days, to make out all the copies in the very splendid manner of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_21'>[21]</a></span>Bonaparte's treaties. Whether the 30th of April, 1803, the date -expressed, was the day of the actual compact, or that on which -it was signed, our memories do not enable us to say. If the former, -then it is strictly conformable to the day of the compact; -if the latter, then it was postdated, instead of being antedated. -The motive assigned too, is as incorrect as the fact. It was so -far from being thought, by any party, a breach of neutrality, that -the British minister congratulated Mr. King on the acquisition, -and declared that the King had learned it with great pleasure; -and when Baring, the British banker, asked leave of the minister -to purchase the debt and furnish the money to France, the minister -declared to him, that so far from throwing obstacles in the -way, if there were any difficulty in the payment of the money, -it was the interest of Great Britain to aid it. 4. He speaks of a -double set of opinions and principles; the one ostensible, to go -on the journals and before the public, the other efficient, and the -real motives to action. But where are these double opinions and -principles? The executive informed the legislature of the -wrongs of Spain, and that preparation should be made to repel -them, by force, if necessary. But as it might still be possible to -negotiate a settlement, they asked such means as might enable -them to meet the negotiation, whatever form it might take. The -first part of this system was communicated publicly, the second -privately; but both were equally official, equally involved the -responsibility of the executive, and were equally to go on the -journals. 5. That the purchase of the Floridas was in direct -opposition to the views of the executive, as expressed in the -President's <i>official</i> communication. It was not in opposition -even to the public part of the communication, which did not recommend -war, but only to be prepared for it. It perfectly harmonized -with the private part, which asked the means of negotiation -in such terms as covered the purchase of Florida as evidently -as it was proper to speak it out. He speaks of secret communications -between the executive and members, of backstairs' -influence, &c. But he never spoke of this while he and Mr. -Nicholson enjoyed it most solely. But when he differed from -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_22'>[22]</a></span>the executive in a leading measure, and the executive, not submitting -to him, expressed their sentiments to others, the very sentiments -(to wit, the purchase of Florida) which he acknowledges -they expressed to him, then he roars out upon backstairs' -influence. 6. The committee, he says, forbore to recommend -offensive measures. Is this true? Did not they recommend -the raising —— regiments? Besides, if it was proper for -the committee to forbear recommending offensive measures, was it -not proper for the executive and Legislature to exercise the same -forbearance? 7. He says Monroe's letter had a most important -bearing on our Spanish relations. Monroe's letter related, almost -entirely, to our British relations. Of those with Spain he -knew nothing particular since he left that country. Accordingly, -in his letter he simply expressed an opinion on our affairs with -Spain, of which he knew we had better information than he -could possess. His opinion was no more than that of any -other sensible man; and his letter was proper to be communicated -with the English papers, and with them only. That the -executive did not hold it up on account of any bearing on Spanish -affairs, is evident from the fact that it was communicated -when the Senate had not yet entered on the Spanish affairs, and -had not yet received the papers relating to them from the other -House. The moment the Representatives were ready to enter -on the British affairs, Monroe's letter, which peculiarly related to -them, and was <i>official</i> solely as to them, was communicated to -both Houses, the Senate being then about entering on Spanish -affairs. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -These, my dear Sir, are the principal facts worth correction. -Make any use of them you think best, without letting your source -of information be known. Can you send me some cones or seeds -of the cucumber tree? Accept affectionate salutations, and assurances -of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ALBERT GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 12, 1806. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_23'>[23]</a></span><span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—You witnessed in the earlier part of the administration, -the malignant and long-continued efforts which the federalists -exerted in their newspapers, to produce misunderstanding -between Mr. Madison and myself. These failed completely. A -like attempt was afterwards made, through other channels, to effect -a similar purpose between General Dearborne and myself, -but with no more success. The machinations of the last session -to put you at cross questions with us all, were so obvious as to -be seen at the first glance of every eye. In order to destroy one -member of the administration, the whole were to be set to loggerheads -to destroy one another. I observe in the papers lately, -new attempts to revive this stale artifice, and that they squint -more directly towards you and myself. I cannot, therefore, be -satisfied, till I declare to you explicitly, that my affections and -confidence in you are nothing impaired, and that they cannot be -impaired by means so unworthy the notice of candid and honorable -minds. I make the declaration, that no doubts or jealousies, -which often beget the facts they fear, may find a moment's harbor -in either of our minds. I have so much reliance on the superior -good sense and candor of all those associated with me, as -to be satisfied they will not suffer either friend or foe to sow -tares among us. Our administration now drawing towards a -close, I have a sublime pleasure in believing it will be distinguished -as much by having placed itself above all the passions -which could disturb its harmony, as by the great operations by -which it will have advanced the well-being of the nation. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant -and unalterable respect and attachment. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 3, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_24'>[24]</a></span><span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I had intended yesterday to recommend to General -Dearborne the writing to you weekly by post, to convey information -of our western affairs, so long as they are interesting, because -it is possible, though not probable, you might sometimes -get the information quicker this way than down the river, but -the General received yesterday information of the death of his -son in the East Indies, and of course cannot now attend to business. -I therefore write you a hasty line for the present week, -and send it in duplicates by the Athens and the Nashville routes. -</p> - -<p> -The information in the enclosed paper, as to proceedings in -the State of Ohio, is correct. Blennerhasset's flotilla of fifteen -boats and two hundred barrels of provisions, is seized, and there -can be no doubt that Tyler's flotilla is also taken, because, on -the 17th of December, we know there was a sufficient force assembled -at Cincinnati to intercept it there, and another party was -in pursuit of it on the river above. We are assured that these two -flotillas composed the whole of the boats, provided Blennerhasset -and Tyler had fled down the river. I do not believe that the -number of persons engaged for Burr has ever amounted to five -hundred, though some have carried them to one thousand or fifteen -hundred. A part of these were engaged as settlers of Bastrop's -land, but the greater part of these were engaged under the express -assurance that the projected enterprise was against Mexico, -and secretly authorized by this government. Many were expressly -enlisted in the name of the United States. The proclamation -which reached Pittsburg, December 2d, and the other parts of the -river successively, undeceived both these classes, and of course -drew them off, and I have never seen any proof of their having -assembled more than forty men in two boats from Beaver, fifty -in Tyler's flotilla, and the boatmen of Blennerhasset's. I believe -therefore, that the enterprise may be considered as crushed, but -we are not to relax in our attentions until we hear what has -passed at Louisville. If everything from that place upwards be -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_25'>[25]</a></span>successfully arrested, there is nothing from below that is to be -feared. Be assured that Tennessee, and particularly General -Jackson, are faithful. The orders lodged at Massac and the -Chickasaw bluffs, will probably secure the interception of such -fugitives from justice as may escape from Louisville, so that -I think you will never see one of them. Still I would not -wish, till we hear from Louisville, that you should relax your -preparations in the least, except so far as to dispense with the -militia of Mississippi and Orleans leaving their homes under -our order of November 25th. Only let them consider themselves -under requisition, and be in a state of readiness should any force, -too great for your regulars, escape down the river. You will -have been sensible that those orders were given while we supposed -you were on the Sabine, and the supposed crisis did not -admit the formality of their being passed through you. We had -considered Fort Adams as the place to make a stand, because it -covered the mouth of the Red river. You have preferred New -Orleans on the apprehension of a fleet from the West Indies. Be -assured there is not any foundation for such an expectation, but -the lying exaggerations of those traitors to impose on others and -swell their pretended means. The very man whom they represented -to you as gone to Jamaica, and to bring the fleet, has never -been from home, and has regularly communicated to me everything -which had passed between Burr and him. No such proposition -was ever hazarded to him. France or Spain would not -send a fleet to take Vera Cruz; and though one of the expeditions -now near arriving from England, is probably for Vera Cruz, -and perhaps already there, yet the state of things between us -renders it impossible they should countenance an enterprise unauthorized -by us. Still I repeat that these grounds of security -must not stop our proceedings or preparations until they are further -confirmed. Go on, therefore, with your works for the defence -of New Orleans, because they will always be useful, only -looking to what should be permanent rather than means merely -temporary. You may expect further information as we receive -it, and though I expect it will be such as will place us at our -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_26'>[26]</a></span>ease, yet we must not place ourselves so until it be certain, but -act on the possibility that the resources of our enemy may be -greater and deeper than we are yet informed. -</p> - -<p> -Your two confidential messengers delivered their charges safely. -One arrived yesterday only with your letter of November -12th. The oral communications he made me are truly important. -I beseech you to take the most special care of the two letters -which he mentioned to me, the one in cypher, the other -from another of the conspirators of high standing, and to send -them to me by the first conveyance you can trust. It is necessary -that all important testimony should be brought to one centre, -in order that the guilty may be convicted, and the innocent left -untroubled. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of -great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 4, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -There is a vessel fitting out at New York, formerly called the -Emperor, now the James, or the Brutus (accounts differ), to -carry 22 guns and 150 men, and to be commanded by Blakely, -who went out Lieutenant of the Leander. She is confidently -believed to be destined for Burr at New Orleans. The collector -should be put on his guard; he can get much information from -the Mayor of New York on the subject. If Blakely went out -really with Miranda as Lieutenant, he should be immediately -arrested and put on his trial. Will you be so good as to take -the necessary measures on this subject? -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 6, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Clarke left with me the papers I now send you, presenting -the claim of the Corporation of New Orleans to all the lands -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_27'>[27]</a></span>between the city and the Bayou St. Jean, as a common. What -is to be done? The subject is broader than these papers present. -I presume this claim would be proper for an investigation -and report by the commissioners. I believe it to be a plot -against Lafayette. That there should be left a reasonable common -for them we had directed; but they might as well claim to -the ocean as to the Bayou St. Jean. I am certain there is in -some of Claiborne's letters information that they never had a -right to a common, but under a kind of lease or permission for a -term of years expired long since. -</p> - -<p> -But I think we should go further, and direct the governor to -report to us in detail all the lots and buildings owned by the -public in New Orleans, stating the use they were applied to under -the former government, and that for which they would be -proper now; to be laid before Congress at their next session, for -their determination. Indeed I am not certain but that Claiborne -has made such a report to the Secretary at War. Affectionate -salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. CHARLES CLAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 11, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of December 19th has been duly received, -and I thank you for your friendly attention to the offer of lands -adjoining me for sale. It is true that I have always wished to -purchase a part of what was Murray's tract, which would straiten -the lines of the Poplar Forest, but I really am not able to -make a purchase. I had hoped to keep the expenses of my office -within the limits of its salary, so as to apply my private income -entirely to the improvement and enlargement of my estate; but -I have not been able to do it. -</p> - -<p> -Our affairs with Spain, after which you inquire, do not promise -the result we wish. Not that war will take place immediately, -but they may go off without a settlement, and leave -us in constant bickering about indemnification for spoliations, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_28'>[28]</a></span>the navigation of the Mobile and the limits of Louisiana. Burr's -enterprise is the most extraordinary since the days of Don Quixotte. -It is so extravagant that those who know his understanding, -would not believe it if the proofs admitted doubt. He has -meant to place himself on the throne of Montezuma, and extend -his empire to the Alleghany, seizing on New Orleans as the instrument -of compulsion for our western States. I think his undertaking -effectually crippled by the activity of Ohio. Whether -Kentucky will give him the <i>coup de grace</i> is doubtful; but if he -is able to descend the river with any means, we are sufficiently -prepared at New Orleans. I hope, however, Kentucky will do -its duty, and finish the matter for the honor of popular government, -and the discouragement of all arguments for standing -armies. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of -great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS AND C. W. PEALE, JUDGES OF ELECTION -FOR THE A. P. SOCIETY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 12, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Gentlemen</span>,—I am again to return the tribute of my thanks -for the continued proofs of favor from the American Philosophical -Society; and I ever do it with sincere gratitude, sensible -it is the effect of their good will, and not of any services I have -it in my power to render them. I pray you to convey to them -these expressions of my dutiful acknowledgments, and to accept -yourselves thanks for the favorable terms in which your letter -of the 2d instant announces the suffrage of the Society. -</p> - -<p> -I am happy at the same time to greet them on the safe return -of a valuable member of our fraternity, from a journey of uncommon -length and peril. He will ere long be with them, and -present them with the additions he brings to our knowledge of -the geography and natural history of our country, from the -Mississippi to the Pacific. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_29'>[29]</a></span>Tendering them my humble respects, permit me to add for -yourselves my friendly salutations, and assurances of high consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 12, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I return you the letter of Mr. Gelston respecting the Brutus. -From what I learn, she cannot be destined for the Mississippi, -because she draws too much water to enter it. However, considering -the difficulty Congress finds in enlarging the limits of -our preventive powers, I think we should be cautious how we -step across those limits ourselves. She is probably bound to St. -Domingo. Could not Congress, while continuing that law, -amend it so as to prevent the abuse actually practised. Affectionate -salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN DICKINSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 13, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My dear and ancient Friend</span>,—I have duly received your -favor of the 1st instant, and am ever thankful for communications -which may guide me in the duties which I wish to perform as -well as I am able. It is but too true that great discontents exist -in the territory of Orleans. Those of the French inhabitants -have for their sources, 1, the prohibition of importing slaves. -This may be partly removed by Congress permitting them to -receive slaves from the other States, which, by dividing that -evil, would lessen its danger; 2, the administration of justice in -our forms, principles, and language, with all of which they are -unacquainted, and are the more abhorrent, because of the enormous -expense, greatly exaggerated by the corruption of bankrupt -and greedy lawyers, who have gone there from the United States -and engrossed the practice; 3, the call on them by the land -commissioners to produce the titles of their lands. The object -of this is really to record and secure their rights. But as many -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_30'>[30]</a></span>of them hold on rights so ancient that the title papers are lost; -they expect the land is to be taken from them whenever they -cannot produce a regular deduction of title in writing. In this -they will be undeceived by the final result, which will evince to -them a liberal disposition of the government towards them. -Among the American inhabitants it is the old division of federalists -and republicans. The former are as hostile there as they -are everywhere, and are the most numerous and wealthy. They -have been long endeavoring to batter down the Governor, who -has always been a firm republican. There were characters superior -to him whom I wished to appoint, but they refused the -office: I know no better man who would accept of it, and it -would not be right to turn him out for one not better. But it is -the second cause, above mentioned, which is deep-seated and -permanent. The French members of the Legislature, being the -majority in both Houses, lately passed an act declaring that the -civil, or French laws, should be the laws of their land, and enumerated -about fifty folio volumes, in Latin, as the depositories of -these laws. The Governor negatived the act. One of the -Houses thereupon passed a vote for self-dissolution of the Legislature -as a useless body, which failed in the other House by a -single vote only. They separated, however, and have disseminated -all the discontent they could. I propose to the members -of Congress in conversation, the enlisting thirty thousand volunteers, -Americans by birth, to be carried at the public expense, and -settled immediately on a bounty of one hundred and sixty acres -of land each, on the west side of the Mississippi, on the condition -of giving two years of military service, if that country should be -attacked within seven years. The defence of the country would -thus be placed on the spot, and the additional number would entitle -the territory to become a State, would make the majority -American, and make it an American instead of a French State. -This would not sweeten the pill to the French; but in making -that acquisition we had some view to our own good as well as -theirs, and I believe the greatest good of both will be promoted -by whatever will amalgamate us together. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_31'>[31]</a></span>I have tired you, my friend, with a long letter. But your tedium -will end in a few lines more. Mine has yet two years to -endure. I am tired of an office where I can do no more good -than many others, who would be glad to be employed in it. To -myself, personally, it brings nothing but unceasing drudgery and -daily loss of friends. Every office becoming vacant, every appointment -made, <span lang="fr_FR"><i>me donne un ingrat, et cent ennemis</i></span>. My only -consolation is in the belief that my fellow citizens at large give -me credit for good intentions. I will certainly endeavor to merit -the continuance of that good-will which follows well-intended -actions, and their approbation will be the dearest reward I can -carry into retirement. -</p> - -<p> -God bless you, my excellent friend, and give you yet many -healthy and happy years. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. HENING. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 14, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of December 26th, was received in due -time. The only object I had in making my collection of the -laws of Virginia, was to save all those for the public which were -not then already lost, in the hope that at some future day they -might be republished. Whether this be by public or private enterprise, -my end will be equally answered. The book divides -itself into two very distinct parts; to wit, the printed and the unprinted -laws. The former begin in 1682, (Pervis' collection.) -My collection of these is in strong volumes, well bound, and -therefore may safely be transported anywhere. Any of these -volumes which you do not possess, are at your service for the -purpose of republication, but the unprinted laws are dispersed -through many MS. volumes, several of them so decayed that -the leaf can never be opened but once without falling into powder. -These can never bear removal further than from their -shelf to a table. They are, as well as I recollect, from 1622 -downwards. I formerly made such a digest of their order, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_32'>[32]</a></span>the volumes where they are to be found, that, under my own -superintendence, they could be copied with once handling. More -they would not bear. Hence the impracticability of their being -copied but at Monticello. But independent of them, the printed -laws, beginning in 1682, with all our former printed collections, -will be a most valuable publication, and sufficiently distinct. I -shall have no doubt of the exactness of your part of the work, -but I hope you will take measures for having the typography -and paper worthy of the work. I am lead to this caution by -the scandalous volume of our laws printed by Pleasants in 1803, -and those by Davis in 1796 were little better; both unworthy -the history of Tom Thumb. You can have them better and -cheaper printed anywhere north of Richmond. Accept my salutations -and assurances of respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DANIEL CLARKE, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 14, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have examined the papers you left with me on the -claim to the common of New Orleans, and finding the subject to -be within the cognizance of the Board of Commissioners for that -territory, they will be immediately instructed to make full inquiry -into the foundation of the claim, and to report it for the decision -of Congress. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the lots and buildings in the city of New Orleans, -held by the public, the Governor will be immediately -instructed to report an exact list of them, stating the uses to which -they were applied under the former government, and those for -which he thinks them proper at present, which shall be laid before -Congress at their next session, the Legislature alone being -competent to their final disposition. -</p> - -<p> -I have lodged in the Treasury Office the papers you left with -me; but if you wish their return, they will there be delivered to -you. Accept my salutations and assurances of respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_33'>[33]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL SHEE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 14, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 16th ult. was duly received, conveying -a tender of the Philadelphia republican militia legion, of -their voluntary services, against either foreign or domestic foes. -The pressure of business, usual at this season, has prevented its -earlier acknowledgment, and the return of my thanks, on the -public behalf, for this example of patriotic spirit. Always a friend -to peace, and believing it to promote eminently the happiness and -prosperity of nations, I am ever unwilling that it should be disturbed, -until greater and more important interests call for an appeal -to force. Whenever that shall take place, I feel a perfect -confidence that the energy and enterprise displayed by my fellow -citizens in the pursuits of peace, will be equally eminent in those -of war. The Legislature have now under consideration, in what -manner, and to what extent, the executive may be permitted -to accept the service of volunteers, should the public peace be -disturbed, either from without or within. In whatever way they -shall give that authority, the legion may be assured that no unreasonable -use shall be made of the proffer which their laudable -zeal has prompted them to make. With my just acknowledgments -to them, I pray you to accept personally the assurance of -my high consideration and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CAPTAIN CHRISTIAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 14, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your letter of December 24th, -conveying a tender, by the officers, non-commissioned officers, -and privates of the Saratoga Rangers, of their voluntary services -to support the Constitution, laws, and integrity of our -country, when the constitutional authorities shall declare it necessary, -and I now, on the public behalf, return them thanks for -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_34'>[34]</a></span>this example of patriotic spirit. Always a friend to peace, and -believing it to promote eminently the happiness and prosperity -of mankind, I am ever unwilling that it should be disturbed until -greater and more imperious interests call for an appeal to force. -Whenever that shall take place, I feel a perfect confidence that -the energy and enterprise displayed by my fellow citizens in the -pursuits of peace, will be equally eminent in those of war. The -Legislature have now under consideration, in what manner, and -to what extent, the executive may be permitted to accept the -service of volunteers, should the public peace be disturbed either -from without or within. In whatever way they shall give that -authority, the Saratoga Rangers may be assured that no unreasonable -use shall be made of the proffer which their laudable zeal -has prompted them to make. With my acknowledgments to -them, I pray you to accept personally the assurance of my high -consideration and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR PINCKNEY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received two days ago a letter from General -Wilkinson, dated at New Orleans, December 14th, in which he -enclosed me an affidavit, of which I now transmit you a copy. -You will perceive that it authenticates the copy of a letter from -Colonel Burr to the General, affirming that Mr. Alston, his son-in-law, -is engaged in the unlawful enterprises he is carrying on, -and is to be an actor in them. I am to add, also, that I have received -information from another source, that Mr. Alston, while -returning from Kentucky last autumn through the upper part of -your State, proposed to a Mr. Butler of that part of the country, -to join in Colonel Burr's enterprise, which he represented as of -a nature to make his fortune, and is understood to have been explained -as against Mexico, as well as for separating the Union of -these States. That Butler communicated this to a person, of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_35'>[35]</a></span>same part of the country, called Span, who communicated it to -a Mr. Horan, the clerk of a court in that quarter; that Butler and -Span agreed to join in the enterprise, but Horan refused. -</p> - -<p> -Nobody is a better judge than yourself whether any and what -measures can be taken on this information. As to General Wilkinson's -affidavit, it will be laid before the Legislature in a few -days, and, of course, will be public; but as to the other part, if -no use can be made of it, your own discretion and candor would -lead you to keep it secret. It is further well known here that -Mr. Alston is an endorser to a considerable amount, of the bills -which have enabled Colonel Burr to prepare his treasons. A -message which I shall send into the Legislature two days hence, -will give a development of them. I avail myself with pleasure -of this opportunity of recalling myself to your recollection, and -of assuring you of my constant esteem and high consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 24, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Several French vessels of war, disabled from keeping the sea, -by the storms which some time since took place on our coast, -put into the harbors of the United States to avoid the danger of -shipwreck. The Minister of their nation states that their crews -are without resources for subsistence, and other necessaries, for -the reimbursement of which he offers bills on his government, -the faith of which he pledges for their punctual payment. -</p> - -<p> -The laws of humanity make it a duty for nations, as well as -individuals, to succor those whom accident and distress have -thrown upon them. By doing this in the present case, to the -extent of mere <i>subsistence and necessaries</i>, and so as to aid no -military equipment, we shall keep within the duties of rigorous -neutrality, which never can be in opposition to those of -humanity. We furnished, on a former occasion, to a distressed -crew of the other belligerent party, similar accommodations, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_36'>[36]</a></span>we have ourselves received, from both those powers, friendly and -free supplies to the necessities of our vessels of war in their -Mediterranean ports. In fact, the governments of civilized -nations generally are in the practice of exercising these offices -of humanity towards each other. Our government having as -yet made no regular provision for the exchange of these offices -of courtesy and humanity between nations, the honor, the interest, -and the duty of our country requires that we should adopt -any other mode by which it may legally be done on the present -occasion. It is expected that we shall want a large sum of -money in Europe, for the purposes of the present negotiation -with Spain, and besides this we want annually large sums there, -for the discharge of our instalments of debt. Under these circumstances, -supported by the unanimous opinion of the heads of -departments, given on the 15th of December, and again about -the 10th inst., and firmly trusting that the government of France -will feel itself peculiarly interested in the punctual discharge of -the bills drawn by their Minister, for the sole subsistence of their -people, I approve of the Secretary of the Treasury's taking the -bills of the Minister of France, to an amount not exceeding sixty -thousand dollars, which according to his own, as well as our estimate, -will subsist his people until he will have had time to be -furnished with funds from his own government. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 31st, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Satisfied that New Orleans must fall a prey to any power which -shall attack it, in spite of any means we now possess, I see no -security for it but in planting on the spot the force which is to -defend it. I therefore suggest to some members of the Senate -to add to the volunteer bill now before them, as an amendment, -some such section as that enclosed, which is on the principles of -what we agreed on last year, except the omission of the two -years' service. If, by giving one hundred miles square of that -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_37'>[37]</a></span>country, we can secure the rest, and at the same time create an -American majority before Orleans becomes a State, it will be the -best bargain ever made. As you are intimate with the details -of the Land Office, I will thank you to make any amendments to -the enclosed in that part, or in any other which you may think -needs it. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -Sunday, February 1st, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -The more I consider the letter of our minister in London, the -more seriously it impresses me. I believe the <span lang="la"><i>sine quâ non</i></span> we -made is that of the nation, and that they would rather go on -without a treaty than with one which does not settle this article. -Under this dilemma, and at this stage of the business, had we -not better take the advice of the Senate? I ask a meeting at -eleven o'clock to-morrow, to consult on this question. -</p> - -<h3> -TO H. D. GOVERNOR TIFFIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 2d, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The pressure of business during a session of the Legislature -has rendered me more tardy in addressing you than it was -my wish to have been. That our fellow citizens of the West -would need only to be informed of criminal machinations against -the public safety to crush them at once, I never entertained a -doubt. I have seen with the greatest satisfaction that among -those who have distinguished themselves by their fidelity to their -country, on the occasion of the enterprise of Mr. Burr, yourself -and the Legislature of Ohio have been the most eminent. The -promptitude and energy displayed by your State has been as -honorable to itself as salutary to its sister States; and in declaring -that you have deserved well of your country, I do but express -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_38'>[38]</a></span>the grateful sentiment of every faithful citizen in it. The hand -of the people has given the mortal blow to a conspiracy which, -in other countries, would have called for an appeal to armies, and -has proved that government to be the strongest of which every -man feels himself a part. It is a happy illustration, too, of the -importance of preserving to the State authorities all that vigor -which the Constitution foresaw would be necessary, not only for -their own safety, but for that of the whole. In making these -acknowledgments of the merit of having set this illustrious example -of exertion for the common safety, I pray that they may -be considered as addressed to yourself and the Legislature particularly, -and generally to every citizen who has availed himself -of the opportunity given of proving his devotion to his country. -Accept my salutations and assurances of great consideration and -esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 3d, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—A returning express gives me an opportunity of acknowledging -the receipt of your letters of November 12th, December -9th, 10th, 14th, 18th, 25th, 26th, and January 2d. I wrote to you -January 3d, and through Mr. Briggs, January 10th. The former -being written while the Secretary at War was unable to attend -to business, gave you the state of the information we then possessed -as to Burr's conspiracy. I now enclose you a message, -containing a complete history of it from the commencement -down to the eve of his departure from Nashville; and two subsequent -messages showed that he began his descent of the -Mississippi January 1st, with ten boats, from eighty to one hundred -men of his party, navigated by sixty oarsmen not at all of -his party. This, I think, is fully the force with which he will -be able to meet your gun-boats; and as I think he was uninformed -of your proceedings, and could not get the information -till he would reach Natchez, I am in hopes that before this date -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_39'>[39]</a></span>he is in your possession. Although we at no time believed he -could carry any formidable force out of the Ohio, yet we thought -it safest that you should be prepared to receive him with all the -force which could be assembled, and with that view our orders -were given; and we were pleased to see that without waiting -for them, you adopted nearly the same plan yourself, and acted -on it with promptitude; the difference between yours and ours -proceeding from your expecting an attack by sea, which we -knew was impossible, either by England or by a fleet under -Truxton, who was at home; or by our own navy, which was -under our own eye. Your belief that Burr would really descend -with six or seven thousand men, was no doubt founded on what -you knew of the numbers which could be raised in the Western -country for an expedition to Mexico, <i>under the authority of the -government</i>; but you probably did not calculate that the want -of that authority would take from him every honest man, and -leave him only the desperadoes of his party, which in no part of -the United States can ever be a numerous body. In approving, -therefore, as we do approve, of the defensive operations for New -Orleans, we are obliged to estimate them, not according to our -own view of the danger, but to place ourselves in your situation, -and only with your information. Your sending here Swartwout -and Bollman, and adding to them Burr, Blannerhassett, and -Tyler, should they fall into your hands, will be supported by the -public opinion. As to Alexander, who is arrived, and Ogden, -expected, the evidence yet received will not be sufficient to -commit them. I hope, however, you will not extend this deportation -to persons against whom there is only suspicion, or -shades of offence not strongly marked. In that case, I fear the -public sentiment would desert you; because, seeing no danger -here, violations of law are felt with strength. I have thought it -just to give you these views of the sentiments and sensations -here, as they may enlighten your path. I am thoroughly sensible -of the painful difficulties of your situation, expecting an attack -from an overwhelming force, unversed in law, surrounded by -suspected persons, and in a nation tender as to everything infringing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_40'>[40]</a></span>liberty, and especially from the military. You have -doubtless seen a good deal of malicious insinuation in the papers -against you. This, of course, begot suspicion and distrust in -those acquainted with the line of your conduct. We, who knew -it, have not failed to strengthen the public confidence in you; -and I can assure you that your conduct, as now known, has -placed you on ground extremely favorable with the public. -Burr and his emissaries found it convenient to sow a distrust in -your mind of our dispositions towards you; but be assured that -you will be cordially supported in the line of your duties. I -pray you to send me D.'s original letter, communicated through -Briggs, by the first entirely safe conveyance. Accept my friendly -salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 3, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I pray you to read the enclosed letter, to seal and -deliver it. It explains itself so fully, that I need say nothing. I -am sincerely concerned for Mr. Reibelt, who is a man of excellent -understanding and extensive science. If you had any academical -berth, he would be much better fitted for that than for the -bustling business of life. I enclose to General Wilkinson my -message of January 22d. I presume, however, you will have -seen it in the papers. It gives the history of Burr's conspiracy, -all but the last chapter, which will, I hope, be that of his capture -before this time, at Natchez. Your situations have been difficult, -and we judge of the merit of our agents there by the magnitude -of the danger as it appeared to them, not as it was known to us. -On great occasions every good officer must be ready to risk himself -in going beyond the strict line of law, when the public preservation -requires it; his motives will be a justification as far as -there is any discretion in his ultra-legal proceedings, and no indulgence -of private feelings. On the whole, this squall, by -showing with what ease our government suppresses movements -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_41'>[41]</a></span>which in other countries requires armies, has greatly increased -its strength by increasing the public confidence in it. It has -been a wholesome lesson too to our citizens, of the necessary obedience -to their government. The Feds, and the little band of -Quids, in opposition, will try to make something of the infringement -of liberty by the military arrest and deportation of citizens, -but if it does not go beyond such offenders as Swartwout, Bollman, -Burr, Blennerhasset, Tyler, &c., they will be supported by -the public approbation. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances -of esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 6, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -A resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, asks -from me information as to the efficacy of the gun-boat defence, -what particular ports we propose to place them in, and how many -in each. I will enumerate the particular ports, but instead of saying -literally how many to each, on which there would be a thousand -opinions, I will throw them into groups as below, and say how -many to each group. Will you be so good as to state how many -you would think necessary for each of the ports below mentioned, -to give then such a degree of protection as you think would -be sufficiently effectual in time of war? Also to strike out any -of the ports here named, and insert others as you shall think best: -</p> - -<table summary="Ports to be defended"> -<tr> -<td>Mississippi river,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Lake Ponchartrain,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Savannah,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Beaufort,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Charleston,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Cape Fear,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Ocracock,</td> -<td>} -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Chesapeake Bay and water, -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Delaware Bay, -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>New York,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>New London,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Newport,</td> -<td>} -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Boston,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Newburyport,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Portsmouth,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Portland,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Kennebeck,</td> -<td>}</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Penobscot,</td> -<td>} -</td></tr> -<tr> -<td>Passamaquoddy.</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_42'>[42]</a></span>Send me also, if you please, copies of the opinions of certain -officers on the effect of gun-boats, which I believe, were formerly -laid before a committee. -</p> - -<p> -A similar note in substance was sent to General Dearborne. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you for the case in the Siman Sea, which escaped my -recollection. It was indeed a very favorable one. I have adopted -your other amendments, except as to the not building <i>now</i>; -my own opinion being very strongly against this for these reasons: -1st. The 127 gun-boats cannot be built in one, two, or -even six months. Commodore Preble told me he could build -those he undertook, in two months. They were but four, and -though he was preparing during the winter, was engaged in -April, and pressed to expedite them, they were not ready for -sea till November. 2d. After war commences they cannot be -built in New York, Boston, Norfolk, or any seaport, because they -would be destroyed by the enemy, on the stocks. They could -then be built only in interior places, inaccessible to ships and -defended by the body of the country, where the building would -be slow. 3d. The first operation of war by an enterprising enemy -would be to sweep all our seaports, of their vessels at least. -4th. The expense of their preservation would be all but nothing, -because I have had the opinion of, I believe, every captain of the -navy, that the largest of our gun-boats can be drawn up, out of -the water, and placed under a shed with great ease, by preparing -ways and capstans proper for it, and always ready to let her down -again. Such of them as are built in suitable places may remain -on the stocks unlaunched. 5th. Full the half of the whole number -would be small, and not costing more than three-fifths of the -large ones. Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_43'>[43]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS SEYMOUR, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 11, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The mass of business which occurs during a session of -the Legislature, renders me necessarily unpunctual in acknowledging -the receipt of letters, and in answering those which will -admit of delay. This must be my apology for being so late in -noticing the receipt of the letter of December 20th, addressed to -me by yourself, and several other republican characters of your -State of high respectability. I have seen with deep concern the -afflicting oppression under which the republican citizens of Connecticut -suffer from an unjust majority. The truths expressed -in your letter have been long exposed to the nation through the -channel of the public papers, and are the more readily believed -because most of the States during the momentary ascendancy of -kindred majorities, in them have seen the same spirit of opposition -prevail. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the countervailing prosecutions now instituted -in the Court of the United States in Connecticut, I had heard -but little, and certainly, I believe, never expressed a sentiment -on them. That a spirit of indignation and retaliation should -arise when an opportunity should present itself, was too much -within the human constitution to excite either surprise or censure, -and confined to an appeal to truth only, it cannot lessen the -useful freedom of the press. -</p> - -<p> -As to myself, conscious that there was not a <i>truth</i> on earth -which I feared should be known, I have lent myself willingly as -the subject of a great experiment, which was to prove that an -administration, conducting itself with integrity and common understanding, -cannot be battered down, even by the falsehoods of -a licentious press, and consequently still less by the press, as restrained -within the legal and wholesome limits of truth. This -experiment was wanting for the world to demonstrate the falsehood -of the pretext that freedom of the press is incompatible -with orderly government. I have never therefore even contradicted -the thousands of calumnies so industriously propagated against -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_44'>[44]</a></span>myself. But the fact being once established, that the press is -impotent when it abandons itself to falsehood, I leave to others -to restore it to its strength, by recalling it within the pale of -truth. Within that it is a noble institution, equally the friend -of science and of civil liberty. If this can once be effected in -your State, I trust we shall soon see its citizens rally to the republican -principles of our Constitution, which unite their sister-States -into one family. It would seem impossible that an -intelligent people, with the faculty of reading and right of thinking, -should continue much longer to slumber under the pupilage -of an interested aristocracy of priests and lawyers, persuading -them to distrust themselves, and to let them think for them. I -sincerely wish that your efforts may awaken them from this voluntary -degradation of mind, restore them to a due estimate of -themselves and their fellow-citizens, and a just abhorrence of the -falsehoods and artifices which have seduced them. Experience -of the use made by federalism of whatever comes from me, -obliges me to suggest the caution of considering my letter as -private. I pray you to present me respectfully to the other gentlemen -who joined in the letter to me, and to whom this is -equally addressed, and to accept yourself my salutations, and assurances -of great esteem and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 14, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson salutes General Dearborne with friendship, -and communicates the following information from Captain Lewis, -which may be useful to Colonel Freeman, and our future explorers; -and indeed may enable us understandingly to do acceptable -things to our Louisiana neighbors when we wish to gratify -them. -</p> - -<p> -He says the following are the articles in highest value with -them: -</p> - -<p> -1. <i>Blue</i> beads. This is a coarse cheap bead imported from -China, and costing in England 13d. the pound, in strands. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_45'>[45]</a></span>It is far more valued by the Indians than the <i>white</i> beads of the -same manufacture, and answers all the purposes of money, being -counted by the fathom. He says that were his journey to be -performed again, one-half or two-thirds of his stores <i>in value</i> -should be of these. -</p> - -<p> -2. Common brass buttons, more valued than anything except -beads. -</p> - -<p> -3. Knives. -</p> - -<p> -4. Battleaxes and tomahawks. -</p> - -<p> -5. Sadlers' seat awls, which answer for moccasin awls. -</p> - -<p> -6. Some glovers' needles. -</p> - -<p> -7. Some iron combs. -</p> - -<p> -8. Some nests of camp kettles; brass is much preferred to -iron, though both are very useful to the Indians. -</p> - -<p> -Arrow-points should have been added. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. NICHOLSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I did not receive your letter of the 18th till this -morning. I am as yet in possession of no evidence against -Adair, which could convict him. General Wilkinson writes me -that he would send the evidence against him and Ogden by the -officer bringing them, and that officer informed General Dearborne -(from Baltimore) that he was in possession of a large -packet from General Wilkinson to me, which he was ordered to -deliver into my hands only; and, on that, he was ordered to -come on with his prisoners, that they and the evidence against -them might be delivered up to the court here. If the evidence, -however, be found conclusive, they can be arrested again, if it -shall be worth while. Their crimes are defeated, and whether -they shall be punished or not belongs to another department, and -is not the subject of even a wish on my part. Accept my -friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_46'>[46]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO DR. WISTAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 25, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you a letter from Dr. Goforth on the -subject of the bones of the mammoth. Immediately on the receipt -of this, as I found it was in my power to accomplish the -wishes of the society for the completion of this skeleton with -more certainty than through the channel proposed in the letter, -I set the thing into motion, so that it will be effected without -any expense to the society, or other trouble than to indicate the -particular bones wanting. Being acquainted with Mr. Ross, -proprietor of the big bone lick, I wrote to him for permission to -search for such particular bones as the society might desire, and -I expect to receive it in a few days. Captain Clarke (companion -of Captain Lewis) who is now here, agrees, as he passes -through that country, to stop at the Lick, employ laborers, and -superintend the search at my expense, not that of the society, -and to send me the specific bones wanted, without further trespassing -on the deposit, about which Mr. Ross would be tender, -and particularly where he apprehended that the person employed -would wish to collect for himself. If therefore you will be -so good as to send me a list of the bones wanting (the one you -formerly sent me having been forwarded to Dr. Brown), the -business shall be effected without encroaching at all on the -funds of the society, and it will be particularly gratifying to me -to have the opportunity of being of some use to them. But send -me the list if you please without any delay, as Captain Clarke -returns in a few days, and we should lose the opportunity. I -send you a paper from Dr. Thornton for the society. Accept -my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. CHANDLER PRICE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 28, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 24th was received this morning. -The greatest favor which can be done me is the communication -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_47'>[47]</a></span>of the opinions of judicious men, of men who do not suffer their -judgments to be biassed by either interests or passions. Of this -character, I know Mr. Morgan to be. I return you the original -of the letter of January 15th, having copied it to a mark in the -4th page, which you will see. I retain, as I understand, with -your permission, the copies of those of January 22d and 27th, -because they are copies; and the original of December 31st, because -it relates wholly to public matters. They shall be sacredly -reserved to myself, and for my own information only. The -fortification of New Orleans will be taken up on a sufficient -footing; but the other part of Mr. Morgan's wish, an additional -regular force, will not prevail. The spirit of this country is -totally adverse to a large military force. I have tried for two -sessions to prevail on the Legislature to let me plant thirty thousand -well chosen volunteers on donation lands on the west side -of the Mississippi, as a militia always at hand for the defence -of New Orleans; but I have not yet succeeded. The opinion -grows, and will perhaps ripen by the next session. A great security -for that country is, that there is a moral certainty that -neither France nor England would meddle with that country, -while the present state of Europe continues, and Spain we fear -not. Accept my salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE KING OF HOLLAND. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 28, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Great and good Friend</span>,—Having received your letter of -September last, which notifies your accession to the throne of -Holland, I tender you in behalf of the United States my congratulations -on this event. Connected with that nation by the -earliest ties of friendship, and maintaining with them uninterrupted -relations of peace and commerce, no event which interests -their welfare can be indifferent to us. It is therefore with great -pleasure I receive the assurances of your majesty that you will -continue to cherish these ancient relations; and we shall, on our -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_48'>[48]</a></span>part, endeavor to strengthen your good will by a faithful observance -of justice, and by all the good offices which occasion shall -permit. Distant as we are from the powers of Europe, and devoted -to pursuits which separate us from their affairs, we still -look with brotherly concern on whatever affects those nations, -and offer constant prayers for their welfare. With a friendly solicitude -for your Majesty's person, I pray God, that he may always -have you, great and good friend, in His holy keeping. -Done, &c. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 28, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of January the 20th was received in -due time. But such has been the constant pressure of business, -that it has been out of my power to answer it. Indeed, the subjects -of it would be almost beyond the extent of a letter, and as -I hope to see you ere long at Monticello, it can then be more -effectually done verbally. Let me observe, however, generally, -that it is impossible for my friends ever to render me so acceptable -a favor, as by communicating to me, without reserve, facts -and opinions. I have none of that sort of self-love which winces -at it; indeed, both self-love and the desire to do what is best, -strongly invite unreserved communication. There is one subject -which will not admit a delay till I see you. Mr. T. M. Randolph -is, I believe, determined to retire from Congress, and it is -strongly his wish, and that of all here, that you should take his -place. Never did the calls of patriotism more loudly assail you -than at this moment. After excepting the federalists, who will -be twenty-seven, and the little band of schismatics, who will be -three or four (all tongue), the residue of the House of Representatives -is as well disposed a body of men as I ever saw collected. -But there is no one whose talents and standing, taken together, -have weight enough to give him the lead. The consequence is, -that there is no one who will undertake to do the public business, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_49'>[49]</a></span>and it remains undone. Were you here, the whole would -rally round you in an instant, and willingly co-operate in whatever -is for the public good. Nor would it require you to undertake -drudgery in the House. There are enough, able and willing -to do that. A rallying point is all that is wanting. Let me -beseech you then to offer yourself. You never will have it so -much in your power again to render such eminent service. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my affectionate salutations and high esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -In the case of Mr. Bloodworth, our first duty is to save the -public from loss; the second, to aid the securities in saving themselves. -They have not asked a dismission, which would probably -do them injury, but an examination. I should think it -equally safe for the public, and better for the securities, to send -them a dismission of the collector, to be used or not at their discretion. -With this in their hand, they could compel him to convey -his property as a security to them, and to receive deputies of -their appointment, who should apply all the future emoluments -of the collector, or a given part of them, towards making up the -deficit. But in such case, faithful reports should be made to you -from time to time, that you may see that this operation is honestly -going on, and no new danger arising to the public. These -ideas are submitted merely for your consideration, as I am ready -to sign a dismission as above proposed, or make a new appointment -at once, whichever you think best. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ROBERT BRENT, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 10, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have received your letter of yesterday, asking the -application of a part of a late appropriation of Congress, to certain -avenues and roads in this place. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_50'>[50]</a></span>The only appropriation ever before made by Congress to an -object of this nature, was "to the public buildings and the highways -<i>between</i> them." This ground was deliberately taken, and -I accordingly restrained the application of the money to the -avenue between the Capitol and the Executive buildings, and -the roads round the two squares. -</p> - -<p> -The last appropriation was in terms much more lax, to wit, -"for avenues and roads in the District of Columbia." This, indeed, -would take in a large field, but besides that we cannot -suppose Congress intended to tax the people of the United States -at large, for all the avenues in Washington and roads in Columbia; -we know the fact to have been that the expression was -strongly objected to, and was saved merely from a want of time -to discuss, (the last day of the session,) and the fear of losing the -whole bill. But the sum appropriated (three thousand dollars) -shows they did not mean it for so large a field; for by the time -the Pennsylvania avenue, between the two houses, is widened, -newly gravelled, planted, brick tunnels instead of wood, the -roads round the squares put in order, and that in the south front -of the war office dug down to its proper level, there will -be no more of the three thousand dollars left than will be wanting -for constant repairs. With this view of the just and probable -intention of the Legislature, I shall not think myself -authorized to take advantage of a lax expression, forced on by -circumstances, to carry the execution of the law into a region of -expense which would merit great consideration before they -should embark in it. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances -of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I think with you it is better to leave the leasing the Salt -Springs to Governor Harrison, who will do it according to general -rules; and I am averse to giving contracts of any kind to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_51'>[51]</a></span>members of the Legislature. On the subject of Latimer's letter, -I gave him a general answer, that all indulgence permitted by -the spirit of the law would be used. I am unable to give any -particular opinion, because the law not having been printed yet, -I cannot turn to it; but I am ready to approve any proposition -you think best. Indeed, I have but a little moment in the morning -in which I can either read, write, or think; being obliged to -be shut up in a dark room from early in the forenoon till night, -with a periodical head-ache. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE GOVERNOR OF KENTUCKY, TENNESSEE, OHIO, AND MISSISSIPPI. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Although the present state of things on the western side -of the Mississippi does not threaten any immediate collision with -our neighbors in that quarter, and it is our wish they should remain -undisturbed until an amicable adjustment may take place; -yet as this does not depend on ourselves alone, it has been thought -prudent to be prepared to meet any movements which may occur. -The law of a former session of Congress, for keeping a body of -100,000 militia in readiness for service at a moment's warning, -is still in force. But by an act of the last session, a copy of -which I now enclose, the Executive is authorized to accept the -services of such volunteers as shall offer themselves on the conditions -of the act, which may render a resort to the former act -unnecessary. It is for the execution of this act that I am now -to solicit your zealous endeavors. The persons who shall engage -will not be called from their homes until some aggression, committed -or intended, shall render it necessary. When called into -action, it will not be for a lounging, but for an active, and perhaps -distant, service. I know the effect of this consideration in -kindling that ardor which prevails for this service, and I count -on it for filling up the numbers requisite without delay. To -yourself, I am sure, it must be as desirable as it is to me, to transfer -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_52'>[52]</a></span>this service from the great mass of our militia to that portion -of them, to whose habits and enterprise active and distant service -is most congenial. In using, therefore, your best exertions towards -accomplishing the object of this act, you will render to -your constituents, as well as to the nation, a most acceptable -service. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the organizing and officering those who shall -be engaged within your State, the act itself will be your guide; -and as it is desirable that we should be kept informed of the progress -in this business, I must pray you to report the same from -time to time to the Secretary at War, who will correspond with -you on all the details arising out of it. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great consideration and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JAMES MONROE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—A copy of the treaty with Great Britain came to -Mr. Erskine's hands on the last day of the session of Congress, -which he immediately communicated to us; and since that Mr. -Purviance has arrived with an original. On the subject of it you -will receive a letter from the Secretary of State, of about this -date, and one more in detail hereafter. I should not have written, -but that I perceive uncommon efforts, and with uncommon -wickedness, are making by the federal papers to produce mischief -between myself, personally, and our negotiators; and also -to irritate the British government, by putting a thousand speeches -into my mouth, not one word of which I ever uttered. I have, -therefore, thought it safe to guard you, by stating the view -which we have given out on the subject of the treaty, in conversation -and otherwise; for ours, as you know, is a government -which will not tolerate the being kept entirely in the dark, and -especially on a subject so interesting as this treaty. We immediately -stated in conversation, to the members of the Legislature -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_53'>[53]</a></span>and others, that having, by a letter received in January, perceived -that our ministers might sign a treaty not providing satisfactorily -against the impressment of our seamen, we had, on the 3d of -February, informed you, that should such an one have been forwarded, -it could not be ratified, and recommending, therefore -that you should resume negotiations for inserting an article to -that effect; that we should hold the treaty in suspense until we -could learn from you the result of our instructions, which probably -would not be till summer, and then decide on the question -of calling the Senate. We observed, too, that a written declaration -of the British commissioners, given in at the time of signature, -would of itself, unless withdrawn, prevent the acceptance -of any treaty, because its effect was to leave us bound by the -treaty, and themselves totally unbound. This is the statement -we have given out, and nothing more of the contents of the -treaty has ever been made known. But depend on it, my dear -Sir, that it will be considered as a hard treaty when it is known. -The British commissioners appear to have screwed every article -as far as it would bear, to have taken everything, and yielded -nothing. Take out the eleventh article, and the evil of all the -others so much overweighs the good, that we should be glad to -expunge the whole. And even the eleventh article admits only -that we may enjoy our right to the indirect colonial trade, <i>during -the present hostilities</i>. If peace is made this year, and war resumed -the next, the benefit of this stipulation is gone, and yet -we are bound for ten years, to pass no non-importation or non-intercourse -laws, nor take any other measures to restrain -the unjust pretensions and practices of the British. But on -this you will hear from the Secretary of State. If the treaty -can not be put into acceptable form, then the next best thing is -to back out of the negotiation as well as we can, letting that die -away insensibly; but, in the meantime, agreeing informally, that -both parties shall act on the principles of the treaty, so as to preserve -that friendly understanding which we sincerely desire, until -the one or the other may be deposed to yield the points which -divide us. This will leave you to follow your desire of coming -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_54'>[54]</a></span>home, as soon as you see that the amendment of the treaty is -desperate. The power of continuing the negotiations will pass -over to Mr. Pinckney, who, by procrastinations, can let it die -away, and give us time, the most precious of all things to us. -The government of New Orleans is still without such a head as I -wish. The salary of five thousand dollars is too small; but I am -assured the Orleans legislature would make it adequate, would -you accept it. It is the second office in the United States in importance, -and I am still in hopes you will accept it. It is impossible -to let you stay at home while the public has so much need -of talents. I am writing under a severe indisposition of periodical -headache, without scarcely command enough of my mind to -know what I write. As a part of this letter concerns Mr. Pinckney -as well as yourself, be so good as to communicate so much -of it to him; and with my best respects to him, to Mrs. Monroe -and your daughter, be assured yourself, in all cases, of my constant -and affectionate friendship and attachment. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 24th, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The two receipts of Poncin's have come safely to -hand. The account had been settled without difficulty. The -federal papers appear desirous of making mischief between us and -England, by putting speeches into my mouth which I never -uttered. Perceiving, by a letter received in January, that our -commissioners were making up their mind to sign a treaty which -contained no provision against impressment, we immediately instructed -them not to do so; and if done, to consider the treaty -as not accepted, and to resume their negociations to supply an -article against impressment. We therefore hold the treaty in -suspense, until we hear what is done in consequence of our last -instructions. Probably we shall not hear till midsummer, and -we reserve till that time the question of calling the Senate. In -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_55'>[55]</a></span>the meantime, to show the continuance of a friendly spirit, we -continue the suspension of the non-importation act by proclamation. -Another cause for not accepting the treaty was a written -declaration by the British commissioner, at the time of signing, -reserving a right, if we did not oppose the French decree to their -satisfaction, to retaliate in their own way, however it might -affect the treaty; so that, in fact, we were to be bound, and they -left free. I think, upon the whole, the emperor cannot be dissatisfied -at the present state of things between us and England, -and that he must rather be satisfied at our unhesitating rejection -of a proposition to make common cause against him, for such in -amount it was. Burr has indeed made a most inglorious exhibition -of his much over-rated talents. He is now on his way to -Richmond for trial. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances -of constant esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ——. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 25th, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,— * * * * * -Burr is on his way to Richmond for trial. No man's history -proves better the value of honesty. With that, what might he -not have been! I expect you are at a loss to understand the -situation of the British treaty, on which the newspapers make so -many speeches for me which I never made. It is exactly this. -By a letter received from our negotiators in January, we found -they were making up their minds to sign a treaty containing no -provision against the impressment of our seamen. We instantly -(February 3d) instructed them not to do so; and that if such a -treaty had been forwarded, it could not be ratified; that therefore -they must immediately resume the negociations to supply -that defect, as a <span lang="la"><i>sine quâ non</i></span>. Such a treaty having come to -hand, we of course suspend it, until we know the result of the -instructions of February 3d, which probably will not be till midsummer. -We reserve ourselves till then to decide the question -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_56'>[56]</a></span>of calling the Senate. In the meantime, I have, by proclamation -continued the suspension of the non-importation law, as a proof -of the continuance of friendly dispositions. There was another -circumstance which would have prevented the acceptance of the -treaty. The British commissioners, at the time of signing, gave -in a written declaration, that until they knew what we meant to -do in the subject of the French decree, the king reserved to -himself the right of not ratifying, and of taking any measures -retaliating on France which he should deem proper, notwithstanding -the treaty. This made the treaty binding on us; while -he was loose to regard it or not, and clearly squinted at the expectation -that we should join in resistance to France, or they -would not regard the treaty. We rejected this idea unhesitatingly. -</p> - -<p> -I expected to have paid a short visit to Monticello before this, -but have been detained by the illness of my son-in-law, Mr. -Randolph, and now by an attack of periodical headache on -myself. This leaves me but an hour and a half each morning -capable of any business at all. A part of this I have devoted to -write you this letter, and to assure you of my constant friendship -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL G. MORGAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 26th, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favors of January 19th and 20th came to hand in -due time, but it was not in my power to acknowledge their -receipt during the session of Congress. General Gage's paper I -have filed with that on Pensacola, in the War Office, and Mr. -Hutchins' map, in the Navy Office, where they will be useful. I -tender you my thanks for this contribution to the public service. -The bed of the Mississippi and the shoals on the coast change so -frequently, as to require frequent renewals of the surveys. Congress -have authorized a new survey of our whole coast, by an act -of the last session. Burr is on his way to Richmond for trial; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_57'>[57]</a></span>and if the judges do not discharge him before it is possible to -collect the testimony from Maine to New Orleans, there can be -no doubt where his history will end. To what degree punishments -of his adherents shall be extended, will be decided when -we shall have collected all the evidence, and seen who were -cordially guilty. The federalists appear to make Burr's cause -their own, and to spare no efforts to screen his adherents. Their -great mortification is at the failure of his plans. Had a little -success dawned on him, their openly joining him might have -produced some danger. As it is, I believe the undertaking will -not be without some good effects, as a wholesome lesson to those -who have more ardor than principle. I believe there is reason -to expect that Blennerhasset will also be sent by the judges of -Mississippi to Virginia. Yours was the very first intimation I -had of this plot, for which it is but justice to say you have deserved -well of your country. Accept my friendly salutations, -and assurances of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. COXE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 27, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received on the 24th of January a communication, -which from an endorsement in your hand, I knew to have come -from you. Others had been received at different periods before, -which candor obliges me frankly to say, had not been answered -because some of the earliest of them had been of a -character with which I thought it my duty to be dissatisfied. -Observing, however, that you have continued to turn your attention -assiduously to the public interests, and to communicate -to the government your ideas, which have often been useful, I -expunge from my mind the umbrage which had been taken, and -wish it no more to be recollected or explained on either side. -</p> - -<p> -Your idea of providing as many arms as we have fighting -men, is undoubtedly a sound one. Its execution, however, depends -on the Legislature. Composed, indeed, of gentlemen of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_58'>[58]</a></span>the best intentions, but like all others collected in mass, requiring -considerable time to receive impressions, however useful, if new. -Time and reflection will not fail in the end to bring them to -whatever is right. The session before the last I proposed to -them the classification of the militia, so that those in the prime -of life only, and unburthened with families, should ever be called -into distant service; and that every man should receive a stand -of arms the first year he entered the militia. This would have -required 40,000 stands a year, and in a few years would have -armed the whole, besides the stock in the public arsenals, which -is a good one. Converts to the measure are daily coming over, -and it will prevail in time. The same thing will happen as to -the employing the surplus of our revenues to roads, rivers, canals, -education. The proposition for building lock-docks for the preservation -of our navy, has local rivalries to contend against. Till -these can be overruled or compromised, the measure can never -be adopted. Yet there ought never to be another ship built -until we can provide some method of preserving them through -the long intervals of peace which I hope are to be the lot of our -country. I understand that, employing private as well as the -public manufactories, we can make about 40,000 stand of arms -a year. But they come so much dearer than the imported of -equal quality, that we shall import also. From the beginning -of my administration, I have discouraged the laying in stores of -powder, but have recommended great stores of sulphur and salt-petre. -I confess, however, I do not apprehend that the dislike -which I know the European governments have to our form, will -combine them in any serious attempts against it. They have -too many jealousies of one another, to engage in distant wars for -a matter of opinion only. I verily believe that it will ever be in -our power to keep so even a stand between England and France, -as to inspire a wish in neither to throw us into the scale of his -adversary. But if we can do this for a dozen years only, we -shall have little to fear from them. Accept my salutations, and -assurances of esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_59'>[59]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO LEVETT HARRIS, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 28, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letters of August 10th and September 18th have -been duly received, and I have to thank you for the safe transmission -of the four volumes of the <span lang="fr_FR">"Vocabulaires Comparés de -Pallas,"</span> for which I am indebted, through you, to the Minister -of Commerce, Count Romanzoff. I must pray you, in a particular -manner, to express to his Excellency my sensibility for this mark -of his obliging attention, rendered the more impressive from a -high esteem for his personal character, and from the hope that -an interchange of personal esteem may contribute to strengthen -the friendship of the two nations, bound together by many -similar interests. To this I must add by anticipation my thanks -for his work on the Commerce of Russia, as well as to Count -Potoski, for the two works from him, which you mention to have -been sent by Mr. A. Smith, and which, I doubt not, will come -safely to hand. Accept for yourself my salutations and assurances -of esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 29, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -A doubt is entertained whether the Acts of Congress respecting -claims to lands in Orleans and Louisiana, and authorizing the -commissioners "to decide according to the laws and established -usages and customs of the French and Spanish governments, -<i>upon all claims to lands within their respective districts</i>," &c., -meant to give that power as to <i>all claims</i>, or to restrict it to -those claims only which had been previously recognized by -Congress. -</p> - -<p> -Were it necessary for us to decide that question, I should be -of opinion that it meant <i>all claims</i>, because the words are general. -"<i>All claims to lands within their respective districts</i>," and -there are no other words restricting them to those claims only, -previously recognized by Congress; and because the intention -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_60'>[60]</a></span>of the Act was to quiet and satisfy all the minor claimants, and -reserve only the great and fraudulent speculations for rigorous -examination. -</p> - -<p> -But the Board of Commissioners, being a judiciary tribunal, I -should think it proper to leave them to the law itself, as their instructions, -on the meaning of which they are competent to decide, -and, being on the spot, are better informed of the nature of those -claims than we are. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 29, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Many officers of the army being involved in the offence of intending -a military enterprise against a nation at peace with the -United States, to remove the whole without trial, by the paramount -authority of the executive, would be a proceeding of unusual -severity. Some line must therefore be drawn to separate -the more from the less guilty. The only sound one which occurs -to me is between those who believed the enterprise was with -the approbation of the government, open or secret, and those who -meant to proceed in defiance of the government. Concealment -would be no line at all, because all concealed it. Applying the -line of <i>defiance</i> to the case of Lieutenant Meade, it does not -appear by any testimony I have seen, that he meant to proceed -in defiance of the government, but, on the contrary, that he was -made to believe the government approved of the expedition. If -it be objected that he concealed a part of what had taken place -in his communications to the Secretary at War, yet if a concealment -of the whole would not furnish a proper line of distinction, -still less would the concealment of a part. This too would be -a removal for <i>prevarication</i>, not for <i>unauthorized enterprise</i>, -and could not be a proper ground for exercising the extraordinary -power of removal by the President. On the whole, I think -Lieutenant Meade's is not a case for its exercise. Affectionate -salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_61'>[61]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. ROBERT PATTERSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 29, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have duly received your letter of the 25th, proposing -the appointment of an assistant-engraver to the Mint, at a -salary of $600, and that Mr. Reich should be the assistant. You -are so exclusively competent to decide on the want of such an -officer, that I approve the proposition in the faith of your opinion. -With respect to the person to be appointed, my knowledge of -the superior talents of Mr. Reich concurs with your recommendation -in the propriety of appointing him. -</p> - -<p> -I should approve of your employing the Mint on small silver -coins, rather than on dollars and gold coins, as far as the consent -of those who employ it can be obtained. It would be much -more valuable to the public to be supplied with abundance of -dimes and half dimes, which would stay among us, than with -dollars and eagles which leave us immediately. Indeed I wish -the law authorized the making two cent and three cent pieces -of silver, and golden dollars, which would all be large enough to -handle, and would be a great convenience to our own citizens. -Accept my affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. LE COMTE DIODATI. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 29, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear and Ancient Friend</span>,—Your letter of August the -29th reached me on the 18th of February. It enclosed a duplicate -of that written from Brunswick five years before, but which -I never received, or had notice of, but by this duplicate. Be -assured, my friend, that I was incapable of such negligence towards -you, as a failure to answer it would have implied. It -would illy have accorded with those sentiments of friendship I -entertained for you at Paris, and which neither time nor distance -has lessened. I often pass in review the many happy hours I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_62'>[62]</a></span>spent with Madame Diodati and yourself on the banks of the -Seine, as well as at Paris, and I count them among the most -pleasing I enjoyed in France. Those were indeed days of tranquillity -and happiness. They had begun to cloud a little before -I left you; but I had no apprehension that the tempest, of which -I saw the beginning, was to spread over such an extent of space -and time. I have often thought of you with anxiety, and -wished to know how you weathered the storm, and into what -port you had retired. The letters now received give me the first -information, and I sincerely felicitate you on your safe and quiet -retreat. Were I in Europe, <span lang="la"><i>pax et panis</i></span> would certainly be my -motto. Wars and contentions, indeed, fill the pages of history -with more matter. But more blest is that nation whose silent -course of happiness furnishes nothing for history to say. This is -what I ambition for my own country, and what it has fortunately -enjoyed for now upwards of twenty years, while Europe has been -in constant volcanic eruption, I again, my friend, repeat my joy -that you have escaped the overwhelming torrent of its lava. -</p> - -<p> -At the end of my present term, of which two years are yet to -come, I propose to retire from public life, and to close my days -on my patrimony of Monticello, in the bosom of my family. I -have hitherto enjoyed uniform health; but the weight of public -business begins to be too heavy for me, and I long for the enjoyments -of rural life, among my books, my farms and my family. -Having performed my <span lang="la"><i>quadragena stipendia</i></span>, I am entitled to -my discharge, and should be sorry, indeed, that others should -be sooner sensible than myself when I ought to ask it. I have, -therefore, requested my fellow citizens to think of a successor -for me, to whom I shall deliver the public concerns with greater -joy than I received them. I have the consolation too of having -added nothing to my private fortune, during my public service, -and of retiring with hands as clean as they are empty. Pardon -me these egotisms, which, if ever excusable, are so when writing -to a friend to whom our concerns are not uninteresting. I shall -always be glad to hear of your health and happiness, and having -been out of the way of hearing of any of our cotemporaries of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_63'>[63]</a></span>the <span lang="fr_FR"><i>corps diplomatique</i></span> at Paris, any details of their subsequent -history which you will favor me with, will be thankfully received. -I pray you to make my friendly respects acceptable to -Madame la Comtesse Diodati, to assure M. Tronchin of my continued -esteem, and to accept yourself my affectionate salutations, -and assurances of constant attachment and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BOWDOIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, April 2, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I wrote you on the 10th of July last; but neither -your letter of October the 20th, nor that of November the 15th -mentioning the receipt of it, I fear it has miscarried. I therefore -now enclose a duplicate. As that was to go under cover -of the Secretary of State's despatches by any vessel going from -our distant ports, I retained the polygraph therein mentioned for -a safer conveyance. None such has occurred till now, that the -United States armed brig the Wasp, on her way to the Mediterranean -is to touch at Falmouth, with despatches for our ministers -at London and at Brest, with others for yourself and General -Armstrong. -</p> - -<p> -You heard in due time from London of the signature of a -treaty there between Great Britain and the United States. By -a letter we received in January from our ministers at London, -we found they were making up their minds to sign a treaty, in -which no provision was made against the impressment of our -seamen, contenting themselves with a note received in the course -of their correspondence, from the British negotiators, assuring -them of the discretion with which impressments should be conducted, -which could be construed into a covenant only by inferences, -against which its omission in the treaty was a strong -inference; and in its terms totally unsatisfactory. By a letter of -February the 3d, they were immediately informed that no treaty, -not containing a satisfactory article on that head, would be ratified, -and desiring them to resume the negotiations on that point. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_64'>[64]</a></span>The treaty having come to us actually in the inadmissible -shape apprehended, we, of course, hold it up until we know the -result of the instructions of February the 3d. I have but little -expectation that the British government will retire from their -habitual wrongs in the impressment of our seamen, and am certain, -that without that, we will never tie up our hands by treaty, -from the right of passing a non-importation or non-intercourse -act, to make it her interest to become just. This may bring on -a war of commercial restrictions. To show, however, the sincerity -of our desire for conciliation, I have suspended the non-importation -act. This state of things should be understood at -Paris, and every effort used on your part to accommodate our -differences with Spain, under the auspices of France, with whom -it is all important that we should stand in terms of the strictest -cordiality. In fact, we are to depend on her and Russia for the -establishment of neutral rights by the treaty of peace, among -which should be that of taking no persons by a belligerent out -of a neutral ship, unless they be the <i>soldiers</i> of an enemy. -Never did a nation act towards another with more perfidy and -injustice than Spain has constantly practised against us: and if -we have kept our hands off of her till now, it has been purely -out of respect to France, and from the value we set on the -friendship of France. We expect, therefore, from the friendship -of the Emperor, that he will either compel Spain to do us justice, -or abandon her to us. We ask but one month to be in -possession of the city of Mexico. -</p> - -<p> -No better proof of the good faith of the United States could -have been given, than the vigor with which we have acted, -and the expense incurred, in suppressing the enterprise meditated -lately by Burr against Mexico. Although at first, he proposed -a separation of the western country, and on that ground received -encouragement and aid from Yrujo, according to the usual spirit -of his government towards us, yet he very early saw that the fidelity -of the western country was not to be shaken, and turned -himself wholly towards Mexico. And so popular is an enterprise -on that country in this, that we had only to lie still, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_65'>[65]</a></span>he would have had followers enough to have been in the city of -Mexico in six weeks. You have doubtless seen my several -messages to Congress, which give a faithful narrative of that -conspiracy. Burr himself, after being disarmed by our endeavors -of all his followers, escaped from the custody of the court of -Mississippi, but was taken near Fort Stoddart, making his way -to Mobile, by some country people, who brought him on as a -prisoner to Richmond, where he is now under a course for trial. -Hitherto we have believed our law to be, that suspicion on probable -grounds was sufficient cause to commit a person for trial, -allowing time to collect witnesses till the trial. But the judges -here have decided, that conclusive evidence of guilt must be -ready in the moment of arrest, or they will discharge the malefactor. -If this is still insisted on, Burr will be discharged; because -his crimes having been sown from Maine, through the -whole line of the western waters, to New Orleans, we cannot -bring the witnesses here under four months. The fact is, that -the federalists make Burr's cause their own, and exert their whole -influence to shield him from punishment, as they did the adherents -of Miranda. And it is unfortunate that federalism is -still predominant in our judiciary department, which is consequently -in opposition to the legislative and executive branches, -and is able to baffle their measures often. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILLIAM B. GILES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 6th instant, on the subject of -Burr's offences, was received only four days ago. That there -should be anxiety and doubt in the public mind, in the present -defective state of the proof, is not wonderful; and this has been -sedulously encouraged by the tricks of the judges to force trials -before it is possible to collect the evidence, dispersed through -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_66'>[66]</a></span>a line of two thousand miles from Maine to Orleans. The federalists, -too, give all their aid, making Burr's cause their own, -mortified only that he did not separate the Union or overturn -the government, and proving, that had he had a little dawn of -success, they would have joined him to introduce his object, -their favorite monarchy, as they would any other enemy, foreign -or domestic, who could rid them of this hateful republic for any -other government in exchange. -</p> - -<p> -The first ground of complaint was the supine inattention of -the administration to a treason stalking through the land in open -day. The present one, that they have crushed it before it was -ripe for execution, so that no overt acts can be produced. This -last may be true; though I believe it is not. Our information -having been chiefly by way of letter, we do not know of a certainty -yet what will be proved. We have set on foot an inquiry -through the whole of the country which has been the scene of -these transactions, to be able to prove to the courts, if they will -give time, or to the public by way of communication to Congress, -what the real facts have been. For obtaining this, we -are obliged to appeal to the patriotism of particular persons in -different places, of whom we have requested to make the inquiry -in their neighborhood, and on such information as shall -be voluntarily offered. Aided by no process or facilities from -the <i>federal</i> courts, but frowned on by their new born zeal for -the liberty of those whom we would not permit to overthrow -the liberties of their country, we can expect no revealments from -the accomplices of the chief offender. Of treasonable intentions, -the judges have been obliged to confess there is probable appearance. -What loophole they will find in the case, when it comes -to trial, we cannot foresee. Eaton, Stoddart, Wilkinson, and -two others whom I must not name, will satisfy the world, if not -the judges, of Burr's guilt. And I do suppose the following -overt acts will be proved. 1. The enlistment of men, in a regular -way. 2. The regular mounting of guard round Blennerhasset's -island when they expected Governor Tiffin's men to -be on them, <span lang="la"><i>modo guerrino arraiati</i></span>. 3. The rendezvous of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_67'>[67]</a></span>Burr with his men at the mouth of Cumberland. 4. His letter -to the acting Governor of Mississippi, holding up the prospect of -civil war. 5. His capitulation regularly signed with the aids -of the Governor, as between two independent and hostile commanders. -</p> - -<p> -But a moment's calculation will show that this evidence cannot -be collected under four months, probably five, from the moment -of deciding when and where the trial shall be. I desired Mr. -Rodney expressly to inform the Chief Justice of this, inofficially. -But Mr. Marshall says, "More than five weeks have elapsed since -the opinion of the Supreme Court has declared the necessity of -proving the overt acts, if they exist. Why are they not proved?" -In what terms of decency can we speak of this? As if an express -could go to Natchez, or the mouth of Cumberland, and -return in five weeks, to do which has never taken less than -twelve. Again, "If, in November or December last, a body of -troops had been assembled on the Ohio, it is impossible to suppose -the affidavits establishing the fact could not have been -obtained by the last of March." But I ask the judge where they -should have been lodged? At Frankfort? at Cincinnati? at -Nashville? St. Louis? Natchez? New Orleans? These were the -probable places of apprehension and examination. It was not -known at <i>Washington</i> till the 26th of March that Burr would -escape from the Western tribunals, be retaken and brought to an -Eastern one; and in five days after, (neither five months nor five -weeks, as the judge calculated,) he says, it is "impossible to -suppose the affidavits could not have been obtained." Where? -At Richmond he certainly meant, or meant only to throw dust in -the eyes of his audience. But all the principles of law are to be -perverted which would bear on the favorite offenders who -endeavor to overturn this odious Republic. "I understand," -says the judge, "<i>probable</i> cause of guilt to be a case made out by -<i>proof</i> furnishing good reason to believe," &c. Speaking as a -lawyer, he must mean legal proof, i. e., proof on oath, at least. -But this is confounding <i>probability</i> and <i>proof</i>. We had always -before understood that where there was reasonable ground to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_68'>[68]</a></span>believe guilt, the offender must be put on his trial. That guilty -intentions were probable, the judge believed. And as to the -overt acts, were not the bundle of letters of information in Mr. -Rodney's hands, the letters and facts published in the local -newspapers, Burr's flight, and the universal belief or rumor of his -guilt, probable ground for presuming the facts of enlistment, -military guard, rendezvous, threat of civil war, or capitulation, so -as to put him on trial? Is there a candid man in the United -States who does not believe some one, if not all, of these overt -acts to have taken place? -</p> - -<p> -If there ever had been an instance in this or the preceding -administrations, of federal judges so applying principles of law -as to condemn a federal or acquit a republican offender, I should -have judged them in the present case with more charity. All -this, however, will work well. The nation will judge both the -offender and judges for themselves. If a member of the executive -or legislature does wrong, the day is never far distant when -the people will remove him. They will see then and amend the -error in our Constitution, which makes any branch independent -of the nation. They will see that one of the great co-ordinate -branches of the government, setting itself in opposition to the -other two, and to the common sense of the nation, proclaims impunity -to that class of offenders which endeavors to overturn the -Constitution, and are themselves protected in it by the Constitution -itself; for impeachment is a farce which will not be tried -again. If their protection of Burr produces this amendment, it -will do more good than his condemnation would have done. -Against Burr, personally, I never had one hostile sentiment. I -never indeed thought him an honest, frank-dealing man, but -considered him as a crooked gun, or other perverted machine, -whose aim or shot you could never be sure of. Still, while he -possessed the confidence of the nation, I thought it my duty to -respect in him their confidence, and to treat him as if he deserved -it; and if his punishment can be commuted now for an useful -amendment of the Constitution, I shall rejoice in it. My sheet -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_69'>[69]</a></span>being full, I perceive it is high time to offer you my friendly -salutations, and assure you of my constant and affectionate esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 21st, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 13th came to hand only yesterday, -and I now return you the letters of Turreau and Woodward, and -Mr. Gallatin's paper on foreign seamen. I retain Monroe and -Pinckney's letters, to give them a more deliberate perusal than I -can now before the departure of the post. By the next they shall -be returned. I should think it best to answer Turreau at once, -as he will ascribe delay to a supposed difficulty, and will be sure -to force an answer at last. I take the true principle to be, that -"for violations of jurisdiction, with the consent of the sovereign, -or his voluntary sufferance, indemnification is due; but that for -others he is bound only to use all <i>reasonable</i> means to obtain -indemnification from the aggressor, which must be calculated on -his circumstances, and these endeavors <span lang="la"><i>bonâ fide</i></span> made; and -failing, he is no further responsible." It would be extraordinary -indeed if we were to be answerable for the conduct of belligerents -through our whole coast, whether inhabited or not. -</p> - -<p> -Will you be so good as to send a passport to Julian Y. Niemcewicz, -an American citizen, of New Jersey, going to Europe on -his private affairs? I have known him intimately for twenty -years, the last twelve of which he has resided in the United -States, of which he has a certificate of citizenship. He was the -companion of Kosciusko. Be so good as to direct it to him at -Elizabethtown, and without delay, as he is on his departure. -Mr. Gallatin's estimate of the number of foreign seamen in our -employ renders it prudent, I think, to suspend all propositions -respecting our non-employment of them. As, on a consultation -when we were all together, we had made up our minds on every -article of the British treaty, and this of not employing their seamen -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_70'>[70]</a></span>was only mentioned for further inquiry and consideration, -we had better let the negociations go on, on the ground then -agreed on, and take time to consider this supplementary proposition. -Such an addition as this to a treaty already so bad would -fill up the measure of public condemnation. It would indeed be -making bad worse. I am more and more convinced that our -best course is, to let the negotiation take a friendly nap, and -endeavor in the meantime to practice on such of its principles as -are mutually acceptable. Perhaps we may hereafter barter the -stipulation not to employ their seamen for some equivalent to our -flag, by way of convention; or perhaps the general treaty of -peace may do better for us, if we shall not, in the meantime, -have done worse for ourselves. At any rate, it will not be the -worse for lying three weeks longer. I salute you with sincere -affection. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Will you be so good as to have me furnished with a copy -of Mr. Gallatin's estimate of the number of foreign seamen? I -think he overrates the number of officers greatly. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Some very unusual delay has happened to the post, as I received -yesterday only my letter from Philadelphia, as far back as -April 9th, and Washington, April 11th. Of course yours of the -13th and 16th were then only received, and being overwhelmed -with such an accumulated mail, I must be short, as the post goes -out in a few hours. I return you Huston's, Findlay's, and Governor -Harrison's letters. J. Smith's is retained because it is full of -nominations. I had received, a week ago, from a member of -the Pennsylvania legislature, a copy of their act for the Western -road. I immediately wrote to Mr. Moore that we should consider -the question whether the road should pass through Uniontown, -as now decided affirmatively, and I referred to the commissioner -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_71'>[71]</a></span>to reconsider the question whether it should also -pass through Brownsville, and to decide it according to their own -judgment. I desired him to undertake the superintendence of -the execution, to begin the work in time to lay out the whole -appropriation this summer, and to employ it in making effectually -good the most difficult parts. I approve of Governor Harrison's -lease to Taylor, and of the conveying the salt water by pipes -to the fuel and navigation, rather than the fuel and navigation to -the Saline. I think it our indispensable duty to remove immediately -all intruders from the lands, the timber of which will be -wanting for the Salines, and will sign any order you will be so -good as to prepare for that purpose. You are hereby authorized -to announce to the collector of Savannah, his removal, if you -judge it for the public good. I recollect nothing of Bullock, the -attorney, and not having my papers here, I am not able to refresh -my memory concerning him. I expect to leave this, on my -return to Washington, about three weeks hence. Your estimate -of the number of foreign seamen in our employ, renders it prudent, -in my opinion, to drop the idea of any proposition not to -employ them. As we had made up our minds on every article -of the British treaty, when consulting together, and this idea -was only an after thought referred for enquiry and consideration, -we had better take more time for it. Time strengthens my -belief that no equal treaty will be obtained from such a higher as -Lord Auckland, or from the present ministry, Fox being no longer -with them, and that we shall be better without any treaty than -an unequal one. Perhaps we may engage them to act on certain -articles, including their note on impressment, by a mutual -understanding, under the pretext of further time to arrange a general -treaty. Perhaps, too, the general peace will, in the meantime, -establish for us better principles than we can obtain ourselves. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose a letter from Gideon Fitz. Affectionate salutes. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_72'>[72]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. NIEMCEWICZ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 22, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received on the 20th your favor of the 10th instant, -and yesterday I wrote to desire the Secretary of State to -forward your passport to Elizabethtown. In the visit you propose -to make to your native country, I sincerely wish you may -find its situation, and your own interests in it, satisfactory. On -what it has been, is, or shall be, however, I shall say nothing. -I consider Europe, at present, as a world apart from us, about -which it is improper for us even to form opinions, or to indulge -any wishes but the general one, that whatever is to take place in -it, may be for its happiness. For yourself, however, personally, -I may express with safety as well as truth, my great esteem and -the interest I feel for your welfare. From the same principles -of caution, I do not write to my friend Kosciusko. I know he is -always doing what he thinks is right, and he knows my prayers -for his success in whatever he does. Assure him, if you please, -of my constant affection, and accept yourself my wishes for a -safe and pleasant voyage, with my friendly salutations and assurances -of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 25, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 20th came to hand on the 23d, and -I now return all the papers it covered, to wit, Harris's, Maunce's, -and General Smith's letters, as also some papers respecting Burr's -case, for circulation. Under another cover is a letter from Governor -Williams, confidential, and for yourself alone, as yet. I -expect we shall have to remove Meade. Under still a different -cover you will receive Monroe's and Pinckney's letters, detained -at the last post. I wrote you then on the subject of the British -treaty, which the more it is developed the worse it appears. -Mr. Rodney being supposed absent, I enclose you a letter from -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_73'>[73]</a></span>Mr. Reed, advising the summoning Rufus Easton as a witness; -but if he is at St. Louis, he cannot be here by the 22d of May. -You will observe that Governor Williams asks immediate instructions -what he shall do with Blennerhasset, Tyler, Floyd, and -Ralston. I do not know that we can do anything but direct -General Wilkinson to receive and send them to any place where -the judge shall decide they ought to be tried. I suppose -Blennerhasset should come to Richmond. On consulting with -the other gentlemen, be so good as to write to Williams immediately, -as a letter will barely get there by the 4th Monday of -May. I enclose you a warrant for five thousand dollars for Mr. -Rodney, in the form advised by Mr. Gallatin. -</p> - -<p> -We have had three great rains within the last thirteen days. -It is just now clearing off after thirty-six hours of rain, with little -intermission. Yet it is thought not too much. I salute you -with sincere affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. THOMAS MOORE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 1,1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—On the 14th of April I wrote to you, on the presumption -that a law respecting the western road had passed the Legislature -of Pennsylvania, in the form enclosed by Mr. Dorsey, and which -I enclosed to you. I have now received from the Governor an -authentic copy of the law, which agrees with that I forwarded -to you. You will therefore be pleased to consider the contents -of that letter as founded in the certainty of the fact that the law -did pass in that form, although not certainly known at that time, -and proceed on it accordingly. I shall be in Washington on the -16th and 17th inst., should you have occasion for further communication -with me. I salute you with esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_74'>[74]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 1, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you Monroe's, Armstrong's, Harris's, and -Anderson's letters, and add a letter and act from Gov. McKean, -to be filed in your office. The proposition for separating the -western country, mentioned by Armstrong to have been made at -Paris, is important. But what is the declaration he speaks of? -for none accompanies his letter, unless he means Harry Grant's -proposition. I wish our Ministers at Paris, London, and Madrid, -could find out Burr's propositions and agents there. I know few -of the characters of the new British administration. The few I -know are true Pittites, and anti-American. From them we have -nothing to hope, but that they will readily let us back out. -Whether they can hold their places will depend on the question -whether the Irish propositions be popular or unpopular in England. -Dr. Sibley, in a letter to Gen. Dearborne, corrects an error -of fact in my message to Congress of December. He says the -Spaniards never had a single soldier at Bayou Pierre till after 1805. -Consequently it was not a keeping, but a taking of a military -possession of that post. I think Gen. Dearborne would do well -to desire Sibley to send us affidavits of that fact. -</p> - -<p> -Our weather continues extremely seasonable, and favorable for -vegetation. I salute you with sincere affection. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. The pamphlet and papers shall be returned by next -post. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. OLIVER EVANS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 2, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 18th came to hand two days ago. -That the ingenuity of an advocate, seeking for something to defend -his client, should have hazarded as an objection that it did -not appear on the face of the patent itself, that you had complied -with the requisitions of the act authorizing a patent for your invention, -is not wonderful; but I do not expect that such an objection -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_75'>[75]</a></span>can seriously embarrass the good sense of a judge. The -law requires, indeed, that certain acts shall be performed by the -inventor to authorize a monopoly of his invention, and, to secure -their being done, it has called in, and relied on, the agency of -the Secretary of State, the Attorney General, and President. -When they are satisfied the acts have been done, they are to -execute a patent, granting to the inventor the monopoly. But -the law does not require that the patent itself should bear the -evidence that they should have been performed, any more than -it requires that in a judgment should be stated all the evidence -on which it is founded. The evidence of the acts on which the -patent is founded, rests with those whose duty it is to see that -they are performed; in fact, it is in the Secretary of State's office, -where the interloper or inventor may have recourse to it if wanting. -If these high officers have really failed to see that the acts -were performed, or to preserve evidence of it, they have broken -their trust to the public, and are responsible to the public; but -their negligence cannot invalidate the inventor's right, who has -been guilty of no fault. On the contrary, the patent, which is a -record, has conveyed a right to him from the public, and that it -was issued rightfully ought to be believed on the signature of -these high officers affixed to the patent,—this being a solemn -pledge on their part that the acts had been performed. Would -their assertion of the fact, in the patent itself, pledge them more -to the public? I do not think, then, that the disinterested judgment -of a court can find difficulty in this objection. At any -rate your right will be presumed valid, until they decide that it -is not. Their final decision alone can authorize your resort to -any remedial authority,—that is to say, to the Legislature, who -alone can provide a remedy. Certainly an inventor ought to be -allowed a right to the benefit of his invention for some certain -time. It is equally certain it ought not to be perpetual; for to -embarrass society with monopolies for every utensil existing, and -in all the details of life, would be more injurious to them than -had the supposed inventors never existed; because the natural -understanding of its members would have suggested the same -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_76'>[76]</a></span>things or others as good. How long the term should be is the -difficult question. Our Legislators have copied the English estimate -of the term, perhaps without sufficiently considering how -much longer, in a country so much more sparsely settled, it takes -for an invention to become known, and used to an extent profitable -to the inventor. Nobody wishes more than I do that -ingenuity should receive a liberal encouragement: nobody estimates -higher the utility which society has derived from that displayed -by yourself; and I assure you with truth, that I shall -always be ready to manifest it by every service I can render you. -To this assurance I add that of my great respect and esteem, and -my friendly salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO J. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 5, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I return you the pamphlet of the author of War in Disguise. -Of its first half, the topics and the treatment of them are very -commonplace; but from page 118 to 130 it is most interesting -to all nations, and especially to us. Convinced that a militia of -all ages promiscuously are entirely useless for distant service, and -that we never shall be safe until we have a selected corps for a -year's distant service at least, the classification of our militia is -now the most essential thing the United States have to do. -Whether, on Bonaparte's plan of making a class for every year -between certain periods, or that recommended in my message, I -do not know, but I rather incline to his. The idea is not new, -as, you may remember, we adopted it once in Virginia during the -revolution, but abandoned it too soon. It is the real secret of -Bonaparte's success. Could H. Smith put better matter into his -paper than the twelve pages above mentioned, and will you suggest -it to him? No effort should be spared to bring the public -mind to this great point. I salute you with sincere affection. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_77'>[77]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE HONORABLE JOHN SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your two letters of March 27th and April 6th -have been received. Writing from this place, where I have not -my papers to turn to, I cannot even say whether I have received -such as you ask copies of. But I am sorry to answer any request -of yours by saying that a compliance would be a breach of -trust. It is essential for the public interest that I should receive -all the information possible respecting either matters or persons -connected with the public. To induce people to give this information, -they must feel assured that when deposited with me -it is secret and sacred. Honest men might justifiably withhold -information, if they expected the communication would be made -public, and commit them to war with their neighbors and friends. -This imposes the duty on me of considering such information as -mere suggestions for inquiry, and to put me on my guard; and -to injure no man by forming any opinion until the suggestion be -verified. Long experience in this school has by no means -strengthened the disposition to believe too easily. On the contrary, -it has begotten an incredulity which leaves no one's -character in danger from any hasty conclusion. I hope these -considerations will satisfy you, both as they respect you and -myself, and that you will be assured I shall always be better -pleased with those cases which admit that compliance with your -wishes which is always pleasing to me. Accept my salutations, -and assurances of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I return you Monroe's letter of March 5th. As the explosion -in the British ministry took place about the 15th, I hope we -shall be spared the additional embarrassment of his convention. -I enclose you a letter of Michael Jones for circulation, and to rest -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_78'>[78]</a></span>with the Attorney General. It contains new instances of Burr's -enlistments. I received this from Mr. Gallatin, so you can hand -it to General Dearborne direct. -</p> - -<p> -I expect to leave this on the 13th, but there is a possible occurrence -which may prevent it till the 19th, which however is -not probable. Accept affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Dr. Bollman, on his arrival here in custody in January, -voluntarily offered to make communications to me, which -he accordingly did, Mr. Madison also being present. I previously -and subsequently assured him, (without, however, his having requested -it,) that they should never be used <i>against himself</i>. Mr. -Madison on the same evening committed to writing, by memory, -what he had said; and I moreover asked of Bollman to do it -himself, which he did, and I now enclose it to you. The object -is, as he is to be a witness, that you may know how to examine -him, and draw everything from him. I wish the paper to be -seen and known only to yourself and the gentlemen who aid -you, and to be returned to me. If he should prevaricate, I should -be willing you should go so far as to ask him whether he did -not say so and so to Mr. Madison and myself. In order to let -him see that his prevarications will be marked, Mr. Madison will -forward you a pardon for him, which we mean should be delivered -previously. It is suspected by some he does not intend -to appear. If he does not, I hope you will take effectual measures -to have him immediately taken into custody. Some other blank -pardons are sent on to be filled up at your discretion, if you -should find a defect of evidence, and believe that this would -supply it, by avoiding to give them to the gross offenders, unless -it be visible that the principal will otherwise escape. I send you -an affidavit of importance received last night. If General Wilkinson -gets on in time, I expect he will bring Dunbaugh on -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_79'>[79]</a></span>with him. At any rate it may be a ground for an arrest and -commitment for treason. Accept my friendly salutations, and -assurances of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. DE LA COSTE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 24, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received, in due time, your favor of April 10th, enclosing -a scheme and subscription for the establishment of a museum -of natural history, at Williamsburgh, by private contributions. -Nobody can desire more ardently than myself, to concur in whatever -may promote useful science, and I view no science with -more partiality than natural history. But I have ever believed -that in this, as in most other cases, abortive attempts retard rather -than promote this object. To be really useful we must keep -pace with the state of society, and not dishearten it by attempts -at what its population, means, or occupations will fail in attempting. -In the particular enterprises for museums, we have seen -the populous and wealthy cities of Boston and New York unable -to found or maintain such an institution. The feeble condition -of that in each of these places sufficiently proves this. In Philadelphia -alone, has this attempt succeeded to a good degree? It -has been owing there to a measure of zeal and perseverance in -an individual rarely equalled; to a population, crowded, wealthy, -and more than usually addicted to the pursuit of knowledge. -And, with all this, the institution does not maintain itself. The -proprietor has been obliged to return to the practice of his original -profession to help it on. I know, indeed, that there are many -individuals in Williamsburg, and its vicinity, who have already -attained a high degree of science, and many zealously pursuing -it. But after viewing all circumstances there as favorably as -the most sanguine of us could wish, I cannot find in them a rational -ground for expecting success in an undertaking to which -the other positions have been found unequal. I sincerely wish I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_80'>[80]</a></span>may be mistaken, and that the success which your zeal I am -sure will merit, may be equal to your wishes, as well as ours. -But, for the present, I would rather reserve myself till its prospects -can be more favorably estimated; because the aid we -would be disposed to give to a promising enterprise, would be -very different to one we might offer to a desperate one. Although -less sanguine on this particular subject, I do entire justice -to the zeal for the promotion of science, which has excited your -effort, and shall see it with uncommon pleasure surmounting the -present difficulties, or engaged in other pursuits which may reward -it with better success. Be assured that no one is more sincere -in wishing it, and accept my salutations and assurances of -great respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. CLINTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 24, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Th: Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Clinton, and his -thanks for the pamphlet sent him. He recollects the having -read it at the time with a due sense of his obligation to the author, -whose name was surmised, though not absolutely known, -and a conviction that he had made the most of his matter. The -ground of defence might have been solidly aided by the assurance -(which is the absolute fact) that the whole story fathered -on Mazzei, was an unfounded falsehood. Dr. Linn, as aware of -that, takes care to quote it from a dead man, who is made to -quote from one residing in the remotest part of Europe. Equally -false was Dr. Linn's other story about Bishop Madison's lawn -sleeves, as the Bishop can testify, for certainly Th: J. never -saw him in lawn sleeves. Had the Doctor ventured to name -time, place, and person, for his third lie, (the government without -religion) it is probable he might have been convicted on that -also. But these are slander and slanderers, whom Th: Jefferson -has thought it best to leave to the scourge of public opinion. He -salutes Mr. Clinton with esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_81'>[81]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 26, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—We are this moment informed by a person who -left Richmond since the 22d, that the prosecution of Burr had -begun under very inauspicious symptoms by the challenging and -rejecting two members of the Grand Jury, as far above all exception -as any two persons in the United States. I suppose our informant -is inaccurate in his terms, and has mistaken an objection -by the criminal and voluntary retirement of the gentlemen with -the permission of the court, for a challenge and rejection, which, -in the case of a Grand Jury, is impossible. Be this as it may, -and the result before the formal tribunal, fair or false, it becomes -our duty to provide that full testimony shall be laid before the -Legislature, and through them the public. For this purpose, it -is necessary that we be furnished with the testimony of every -person who shall be with you as a witness. If the Grand Jury -find a bill, the evidence given in court, taken as verbatim as possible, -will be what we desire. If there be no bill, and consequently -no examination before court, then I must beseech you to -have every man privately examined by way of affidavit, and to -furnish me with the whole testimony. In the former case, the -person taking down the testimony as orally delivered in court, -should make oath that he believes it to be substantially correct. -In the latter case, the certificate of the magistrate administering -the oath, and signature of the party, will be proper; and this -should be done before they receive their compensation, that they -may not evade examination. Go into any expense necessary -for this purpose, and meet it from the funds provided by the Attorney -General for the other expenses. He is not here, or this -request would have gone from him directly. I salute you with -friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_82'>[82]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 28, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have this moment received your letter of the -25th, and hasten to answer it. If the grand jury do not find a -bill against Burr, as there will be no examination before a petty -jury, Bollman's pardon need not in that case to be delivered; -but if a bill be found, and a trial had, his evidence is deemed -entirely essential, and in that case his pardon is to be produced -before he goes to the book. In my letter of the day before -yesterday, I enclosed you Bollman's written communication to -me, and observed you might go so far, if he prevaricated, as to -ask him whether he did not say so and so to Mr. Madison and -myself. On further reflection I think you may go farther, if he -prevaricates grossly, and show the paper to him, and ask if it is -not his handwriting, and confront him by its contents. I enclose -you some other letters of Bollman to me on former occasions, to -prove by similitude of hand that the paper I enclosed on the 26th -was of his handwriting. I salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 29, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have not written to you by Mr. Purviance, -because he can give you <span lang="la"><i>vivâ voce</i></span> all the details of our affairs -here, with a minuteness beyond the bounds of a letter, and because, -indeed, I am not certain this letter will find you in England. -The sole object in writing it, is to add another little -commission to the one I had formerly troubled you with. It is -to procure for me "a machine for ascertaining the resistance of -ploughs or carriages, invented and sold by Winlaw, in Margaret -street, Cavendish Square." It will cost, I believe, four or five -guineas, which shall be replaced here instanter on your arrival. I -had intended to have written you to counteract the wicked efforts -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_83'>[83]</a></span>which the federal papers are making to sow tares between you -and me, as if I were lending a hand to measures unfriendly to -any views which our country might entertain respecting you. -But I have not done it, because I have before assured you that a -sense of duty, as well as of delicacy, would prevent me from -ever expressing a sentiment on the subject, and that I think you -know me well enough to be assured I shall conscientiously observe -the line of conduct I profess. I shall receive you on your -return with the warm affection I have ever entertained for you, -and be gratified if I can in any way avail the public of your services. -God bless you and yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. SILVESTRE, <span lang="fr_FR">SECRETAIRE DE LA SOCIETE D'AGRICULTURE -DE PARIS</span>. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 29, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have received, through the care of Gen. Armstrong, -the medal of gold by which the society of agriculture at Paris -have been pleased to mark their approbation of the form of a -mould-board which I had proposed; also the four first volumes -of their memoirs, and the information that they had honored me -with the title of foreign associate to their society. I receive with -great thankfulness these testimonies of their favor, and should be -happy to merit them by greater services. Attached to agriculture -by inclination, as well as by a conviction that it is the most -useful of the occupations of man, my course of life has not permitted -me to add to its theories the lessons of practice. I fear, -therefore, I shall be to them but an unprofitable member, and -shall have little to offer of myself worthy their acceptance. -Should the labors of others, however, on this side the water, produce -anything which may advance the objects of their institution, -I shall with great pleasure become the instrument of its -communication, and shall moreover execute with zeal any orders -of the society in this portion of the globe. I pray you to express -to them my sensibility for the distinctions they have been pleased -to confer on me, and to accept yourself the assurances of my -high consideration and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_84'>[84]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 2, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—While Burr's case is depending before the court, I -will trouble you, from time to time, with what occurs to me. I -observe that the case of Marbury v. Madison has been cited, and -I think it material to stop at the threshold the citing that case as -authority, and to have it denied to be law. 1. Because the -judges, in the outset, disclaimed all cognizance of the case, -although they then went on to say what would have been their -opinion, had they had cognizance of it. This, then, was confessedly -an extrajudicial opinion, and, as such, of no authority. -2. Because, had it been judicially pronounced, it would have -been against law; for to a commission, a deed, a bond, <i>delivery</i> -is essential to give validity. Until, therefore, the commission is -delivered out of the hands of the executive and his agents, it is -not his deed. He may withhold or cancel it at pleasure, as he -might his private deed in the same situation. The Constitution -intended that the three great branches of the government should -be co-ordinate, and independent of each other. As to acts, therefore, -which are to be done by either, it has given no control to -another branch. A judge, I presume, cannot sit on a bench -without a commission, or a record of a commission; and the -Constitution having given to the judiciary branch no means of -compelling the executive either to <i>deliver</i> a commission, or to -make a record of it, shows it did not intend to give the judiciary -that control over the executive, but that it should remain in the -power of the latter to do it or not. Where different branches -have to act in their respective lines, finally and without appeal, -under any law, they may give to it different and opposite constructions. -Thus, in the case of William Smith, the House of -Representatives determined he was a citizen; and in the case of -William Duane, (precisely the same in every material circumstance,) -the judges determined he was no citizen. In the cases -of Callendar and others, the judges determined the sedition act -was valid under the Constitution, and exercised their regular -powers of sentencing them to fine and imprisonment. But the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_85'>[85]</a></span>executive determined that the sedition act was a nullity under -the Constitution, and exercised his regular power of prohibiting -the execution of the sentence, or rather of executing the real law, -which protected the acts of the defendants. From these different -constructions of the same act by different branches, less mischief -arises than from giving to any one of them a control over the -others. The executive and Senate act on the construction, that -until delivery from the executive department, a commission is in -their possession, and within their rightful power; and in cases -of commissions not revocable at will, where, after the Senate's -approbation and the President's signing and sealing, new information -of the unfitness of the person has come to hand before -the <i>delivery</i> of the commission, new nominations have been made -and approved, and new commissions have issued. -</p> - -<p> -On this construction I have hitherto acted; on this I shall ever -act, and maintain it with the powers of the government, against -any control which may be attempted by the judges, in subversion -of the independence of the executive and Senate within their -peculiar department. I presume, therefore, that in a case where -our decision is by the Constitution the supreme one, and that -which can be carried into effect, it is the constitutionally authoritative -one, and that that by the judges was <span lang="la"><i>coram non judice</i></span>, -and unauthoritative, because it cannot be carried into effect. I -have long wished for a proper occasion to have the gratuitous -opinion in Marbury <i>v.</i> Madison brought before the public, and -denounced as not law; and I think the present a fortunate one, -because it occupies such a place in the public attention. I should -be glad, therefore, if, in noticing that case, you could take occasion -to express the determination of the executive, that the -doctrines of that case were given extrajudicially and against law, -and that their reverse will be the rule of action with the executive. -If this opinion should not be your own, I would wish it to -be expressed merely as that of the executive. If it is your own -also, you would of course give to the arguments such a development -as a case, incidental only, might render proper. I salute -you with friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_86'>[86]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO ALBERT GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -June 3, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I gave you, some time ago, a project of a more equal tariff on -wines than that which now exists. But in that I yielded considerably -to the faulty classification of them in our law. I have -now formed one with attention, and according to the best information -I possess, classing them more rigorously. I am persuaded -that were the duty on cheap wines put on the same ratio with -the dear, it would wonderfully enlarge the field of those who use -wine, to the expulsion of whiskey. The introduction of a very -cheap wine (St. George) into my neighborhood, within two years -past, has quadrupled in that time the number of those who keep -wine, and will ere long increase them tenfold. This would be a -great gain to the treasury, and to the sobriety of our country. I -will here add my tariff, (<i>see opposite page</i>,) wherein you will be -able to choose any rate of duty you please, and to decide whether -it will not, on a fit occasion, be proper for legislative attention. -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<table summary="Wine Tariffs"> -<col style="width: 25%" /> -<col style="width: 5%" /> -<col style="width: 5%" /> -<col style="width: 5%" /> -<col style="width: 5%" /> -<col style="width: 5%" /> -<col style="width: 5%" /> -<col style="width: 25%" /> -<col style="width: 20%" /> - -<tr> -<td>Cost per gallon.</td> -<td>15 per cent.</td> -<td>20 per cent.</td> -<td>25 per cent., being the<br /> -average of<br /> -present duties.</td> -<td>30 per cent.</td> -<td>35 per cent.</td> -<td>present duty.</td> -<td>per cent.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td rowspan="3">Tokay, Cape,<br /> -Malmesey,<br /> -Hock</td> -<td>4 00</td> -<td>60</td> -<td>80</td> -<td>1 00</td> -<td>1 20</td> -<td>1 40</td> -<td>Tokay, 45 cents,</td> -<td>which is 11¼</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>Malmesey, 58 cents,</td> -<td>which is 14½</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>Hock, 35 cents,</td> -<td>which is 25</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td rowspan="4">Champagne,<br /> -Burgundy,<br /> -Claret,<a name='FA_1' id='FA_1' href='#FN_1' class='fnanchor'>[1]</a><br /> -Hermitage</td> -<td>2 75</td> -<td>41¼</td> -<td>55</td> -<td>68¾</td> -<td>82½</td> -<td>96¼</td> -<td>Champagne, 45 cents</td> -<td>which is 16½</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>Burgundy, 45 cents</td> -<td>which is 16½</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>Claret, 35 cents</td> -<td>which is 12½</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>Hermitage, 35 cents</td> -<td>which is 12½</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td>London particular Madeira</td> -<td>2 20</td> -<td>33</td> -<td>44</td> -<td>55</td> -<td>66</td> -<td>77</td> -<td>58 cents</td> -<td>which is 26½</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td>All other Madeira</td> -<td>1 80</td> -<td>27</td> -<td>36</td> -<td>45</td> -<td>54</td> -<td>63</td> -<td>50 cents</td> -<td>which is 27½</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td rowspan="2">Pacharetti, Sherry</td> -<td>1 50</td> -<td>22½</td> -<td>30</td> -<td>37½</td> -<td>45</td> -<td>52½</td> -<td>Pacharetti, 23 cents</td> -<td>which is 15</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>Sherry, 40 cents</td> -<td>which is 26½</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td><a name='FA_2' id='FA_2' href='#FN_2' class='fnanchor'>[2]</a>The wines of Medoc<br /> -and Grave not before<br /> -mentioned,<br /> -those of<br /> -Palus, Coterotie,<br /> -Condrieu, Moselle</td> -<td>1 25</td> -<td>18¾</td> -<td>25</td> -<td>31¼</td> -<td>37½</td> -<td>43¾</td> -<td>35 cents</td> -<td>which is 28</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td rowspan="2">St. Lucar and<br /> -all of Portugal</td> -<td>80</td> -<td>12</td> -<td>16</td> -<td>20</td> -<td>24</td> -<td>28</td> -<td>St. Lucar, 40 cents</td> -<td>which is 50</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>Other Spanish, 23 cents</td> -<td>which is 28¾</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td rowspan="2">Sicily,<br /> -Teneriffe,<br /> -Fayal, Malaga,<br /> -St. George, and<br /> -other western islands</td> -<td>67</td> -<td>10</td> -<td>13</td> -<td>16¾</td> -<td>20</td> -<td>23</td> -<td>Sicily, 23 cents</td> -<td>which is 34</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>Teneriffe, &c.,28 cents</td> -<td>which is 41</td> -</tr> -<tr><td class="padtop"></td></tr> -<tr> -<td>All other wines</td> -<td colspan="6"> </td> -<td>in bottles, 35</td> -<td rowspan="2">often 400 per ct.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="7"> </td> -<td>in casks, 23</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 5, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 31st instant has been received, -and I think it will be fortunate if any circumstance should produce -a discharge of the present scanty grand jury, and a future -summons of a fuller; though the same views of protecting the -offender may again reduce the number to sixteen, in order to -lessen the chance of getting twelve to concur. It is understood, -that wherever Burr met with subjects who did not choose to -embark in his projects, unless approved by their government, he -asserted that he had that approbation. Most of them took his -word for it, but it is said that with those who would not, the -following stratagem was practised. A forged letter, purporting to -be from General Dearborne, was made to express his approbation, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_87'></a></span> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_88'>[88]</a></span>and to say that I was absent at Monticello, but that there was no -doubt that, on my return, my approbation of his enterprises would -be given. This letter was spread open on his table, so as to -invite the eye of whoever entered his room, and he contrived -occasions of sending up into his room those whom he wished to -become witnesses of his acting under sanction. By this means -he avoided committing himself to any liability to prosecution for -forgery, and gave another proof of being a great man in little -things, while he is really small in great ones. I must add General -Dearborne's declaration, that he never wrote a letter to Burr -in his life, except that when here, once in a winter, he usually -wrote him a billet of invitation to dine. The only object of -sending you the enclosed letters is to possess you of the fact, that -you may know how to pursue it, if any of your witnesses should -know anything of it. My intention in writing to you several -times, has been to convey facts or observations occurring in the -absence of the Attorney General, and not to make to the dreadful -drudgery you are going through the unnecessary addition of -writing me letters in answer, which I beg you to relieve yourself -from, except when some necessity calls for it. I salute you with -friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. WEAVER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 30th never reached my hands till -May 16th. The friendly views it expresses of my conduct in -general give me great satisfaction. For these testimonies of the -approbation of my fellow citizens, I know that I am indebted -more to their indulgent dispositions than to any peculiar claims -of my own. For it can give no great claims to any one to manage -honestly and disinterestedly the concerns of others trusted to -him. Abundant examples of this are always under our eye. -That I should lay down my charge at a proper season, is as much -a duty as to have borne it faithfully. Being very sensible of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_89'>[89]</a></span>bodily decays from advancing years, I ought not to doubt their -effect on the mental faculties. To do so would evince either -great self-love or little observation of what passes under our eyes; -and I shall be fortunate if I am the first to perceive and to obey -this admonition of nature. That there are in our country a -great number of characters entirely equal to the management of -its affairs, cannot be doubted. Many of them, indeed, have not -had opportunities of making themselves known to their fellow -citizens; but many have had, and the only difficulty will be to -choose among them. These changes are necessary, too, for the -security of republican government. If some period be not fixed, -either by the Constitution or by practice, to the services of the -First Magistrate, his office, though nominally elective, will, in -fact, be for life; and that will soon degenerate into an inheritance. -Among the felicities which have attended my administration, I -am most thankful for having been able to procure coadjutors so -able, so disinterested, and so harmonious. Scarcely ever has a -difference of opinion appeared among us which has not, by candid -consultation, been amalgamated into something which all approved; -and never one which in the slightest degree affected our -personal attachments. The proof we have lately seen of the innate -strength of our government, is one of the most remarkable -which history has recorded, and shows that we are a people -capable of self-government, and worthy of it. The moment that -a proclamation apprised our citizens that there were traitors -among them, and what was their object, they rose upon them -wherever they lurked, and crushed by their own strength what -would have produced the march of armies and civil war in any -other country. The government which can wield the arm of -the people must be the strongest possible. I thank you for the -interest you are so kind as to express in my health and welfare, -and return you the same good wishes with my salutations, and -assurance of respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_90'>[90]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR HORATIO TURPIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 10, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of June the 1st has been received. -To a mind like yours, capable in any question of abstracting it -from its relation to yourself, I may safely hazard explanations, -which I have generally avoided to others on questions of appointment. -Bringing into office no desires of making it subservient -to the advancement of my own private interests, it has been no -sacrifice, by postponing them, to strengthen the confidence of -my fellow citizens. But I have not felt equal indifference towards -excluding merit from office, merely because it was related -to me. However, I have thought it my duty so to do, that my -constituents may be satisfied, that, in selecting persons for the -management of their affairs, I am influenced by neither personal -nor family interests, and especially, that the field of public office -will not be perverted by me into a family property. On this -subject, I had the benefit of useful lessons from my predecessors, -had I needed them, marking what was to be imitated and what -avoided. But in truth, the nature of our government is lesson -enough. Its energy depending mainly on the confidence of the -people in the chief magistrate, makes it his duty to spare nothing -which can strengthen him with that confidence. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Accept assurances of my constant friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN NORVELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 11, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of May the 9th has been duly received. -The subject it proposes would require time and space for even -moderate development. My occupations limit me to a very short -notice of them. I think there does not exist a good elementary -work on the organization of society into civil government: I -mean a work which presents in one full and comprehensive view -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_91'>[91]</a></span>the system of principles on which such an organization should be -founded, according to the rights of nature. For want of a single -work of that character, I should recommend Locke on Government, -Sidney, Priestley's Essay on the first Principles of Government, -Chipman's Principles of Government, and the Federalist. -Adding, perhaps, Beccaria on crimes and punishments, because -of the demonstrative manner in which he has treated that branch -of the subject. If your views of political inquiry go further, to -the subjects of money and commerce, Smith's Wealth of Nations -is the best book to be read, unless Say's Political Economy can -be had, which treats the same subjects on the same principles, -but in a shorter compass and more lucid manner. But I believe -this work has not been translated into our language. -</p> - -<p> -History, in general, only informs us what bad government is. -But as we have employed some of the best materials of the British -constitution in the construction of our own government, a -knowledge of British history becomes useful to the American -politician. There is, however, no general history of that country -which can be recommended. The elegant one of Hume seems -intended to disguise and discredit the good principles of the government, -and is so plausible and pleasing in its style and manner, -as to instil its errors and heresies insensibly into the minds of unwary -readers. Baxter has performed a good operation on it. -He has taken the text of Hume as his ground work, abridging it -by the omission of some details of little interest, and wherever he -has found him endeavoring to mislead, by either the suppression -of a truth or by giving it a false coloring, he has changed the -text to what it should be, so that we may properly call it Hume's -history republicanised. He has moreover continued the history -(but indifferently) from where Hume left it, to the year 1800. -The work is not popular in England, because it is republican; -and but a few copies have ever reached America. It is a single -quarto volume. Adding to this Ludlow's Memoirs, Mrs. M'Cauley's -and Belknap's histories, a sufficient view will be presented -of the free principles of the English constitution. -</p> - -<p> -To your request of my opinion of the manner in which a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_92'>[92]</a></span>newspaper should be conducted, so as to be most useful, I should -answer, "by restraining it to true facts and sound principles -only." Yet I fear such a paper would find few subscribers. It -is a melancholy truth, that a suppression of the press could not -more completely deprive the nation of its benefits, than is done -by its abandoned prostitution to falsehood. Nothing can now be -believed which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself becomes -suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle. The real extent -of this state of misinformation is known only to those who -are in situations to confront facts within their knowledge with -the lies of the day. I really look with commiseration over the -great body of my fellow citizens, who, reading newspapers, live -and die in the belief, that they have known something of what -has been passing in the world in their time; whereas the accounts -they have read in newspapers are just as true a history of any -other period of the world as of the present, except that the real -names of the day are affixed to their fables. General facts may -indeed be collected from them, such as that Europe is now at -war, that Bonaparte has been a successful warrior, that he has -subjected a great portion of Europe to his will, &c., &c.; but no -details can be relied on. I will add, that the man who never -looks into a newspaper is better informed than he who reads -them; inasmuch as he who knows nothing is nearer to truth -than he whose mind is filled with falsehoods and errors. He -who reads nothing will still learn the great facts, and the details -are all false. -</p> - -<p> -Perhaps an editor might begin a reformation in some such way -as this. Divide his paper into four chapters, heading the 1st, -Truths. 2d, Probabilities. 3d, Possibilities. 4th, Lies. The -first chapter would be very short, as it would contain little more -than authentic papers, and information from such sources, as the -editor would be willing to risk his own reputation for their truth. -The second would contain what, from a mature consideration of -all circumstances, his judgment should conclude to be probably -true. This, however, should rather contain too little than too -much. The third and fourth should be professedly for those -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_93'>[93]</a></span>readers who would rather have lies for their money than the -blank paper they would occupy. -</p> - -<p> -Such an editor too, would have to set his face against the demoralizing -practice of feeding the public mind habitually on -slander, and the depravity of taste which this nauseous aliment -induces. Defamation is becoming a necessary of life; insomuch, -that a dish of tea in the morning or evening cannot be digested -without this stimulant. Even those who do not believe these -abominations, still read them with complaisance to their auditors, -and instead of the abhorrence and indignation which should fill -a virtuous mind, betray a secret pleasure in the possibility that -some may believe them, though they do not themselves. It -seems to escape them, that it is not he who prints, but he who -pays for printing a slander, who is its real author. -</p> - -<p> -These thoughts on the subjects of your letter are hazarded at -your request. Repeated instances of the publication of what has -not been intended for the public eye, and the malignity with -which political enemies torture every sentence from me into -meanings imagined by their own wickedness only, justify my -expressing a solicitude, that this hasty communication may in -nowise be permitted to find its way into the public papers. Not -fearing these political bull-dogs, I yet avoid putting myself in the -way of being baited by them, and do not wish to volunteer away -that portion of tranquillity, which a firm execution of my duties -will permit me to enjoy. -</p> - -<p> -I tender you my salutations, and best wishes, for your success. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILLIAM SHORT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 12, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>, * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -The proposition in your letter of May the 16th, of adding an -umpire to our discordant negotiators at Paris, struck me favorably -on reading it, and reflection afterwards strengthened my -first impressions. I made it therefore a subject of consultation -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_94'>[94]</a></span>with my coadjutors, as is our usage. For our government, although -in theory subject to be directed by the unadvised will of -the President, is, and from its origin has been, a very different -thing in practice. The minor business in each department is -done by the Head of the department, on consultation with the -President alone. But all matters of importance or difficulty are -submitted to all the Heads of departments composing the cabinet; -sometimes by the President's consulting them separately and successively, -as they happen to call on him; but in the greatest cases, -by calling them together, discussing the subject maturely, and -finally taking the vote, in which the President counts himself -but as one. So that in all important cases the executive is, -in fact, a directory, which certainly the President might control; -but of this there was never an example, either in the first or the -present administration. I have heard, indeed, that my predecessor -sometimes decided things against his council. * * * * * -I adopted in the present case the mode of separate consultation. -The opinion of each member, taken separately, was that the addition -of a third negotiator was not at this time advisable. For -the present therefore, the question must rest. Mr. Bowdoin, we -know, is anxious to come home, and is detained only by the delicacy -of not deserting his post. In the existing temper between -him and his colleague, it would certainly be better that one of -them should make an opening for re-composing the commission -more harmoniously. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 12, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 9th is this moment received. -Reserving the necessary right of the President of the United -States to decide, independently of all other authority, what -papers, coming to him as President, the public interests permit -to be communicated, and to whom, I assure you of my readiness -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_95'>[95]</a></span>under that restriction, voluntarily to furnish on all occasions, -whatever the purposes of justice may require. But the letter of -General Wilkinson, of October the 21st, requested for the defence -of Colonel Burr, with every other paper relating to the charges -against him, which were in my possession when the Attorney -General went on to Richmond in March, I then delivered to him; -and I have always taken for granted he left the whole with you. -If he did, and the bundle retains the order in which I had -arranged it, you will readily find the letter desired, under the -date of its receipt, which was November the 25th; but lest the -Attorney General should not have left those papers with you, I -this day write to him to forward this one by post. An uncertainty -whether he is at Philadelphia, Wilmington, or New Castle, -may produce delay in his receiving my letter, of which it is -proper you should be apprized. But, as I do not recollect the -whole contents of that letter, I must beg leave to devolve on you -the exercise of that discretion which it would be my right and -duty to exercise, by withholding the communication of any parts -of the letter, which are not directly material for the purposes of -justice. -</p> - -<p> -With this application, which is specific, a prompt compliance -is practicable. But when the request goes to "copies of the orders -issued in relation to Colonel Burr, to the officers at Orleans, -Natchez, &c. by the Secretaries of the War and Navy departments," -it seems to cover a correspondence of many months, -with such a variety of officers, civil and military, all over the -United States, as would amount to the laying open the whole -executive books. I have desired the Secretary at War to examine -his official communications; and on a view of these, we may be -able to judge what can and ought to be done, towards a compliance -with the request. If the defendant alleges that there -was any particular order, which, as a cause, produced any particular -act on his part, then he must know what this order was, -can specify it, and a prompt answer can be given. If the <i>object</i> -had been specified, we might then have some guide for our conjectures, -as to what part of the executive records might be useful -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_96'>[96]</a></span>to him; but, with a perfect willingness to do what is right, we -are without the indications which may enable us to do it. If -the researches of the Secretary at War should produce anything -proper for communication, and pertinent to any point we can -conceive in the defence before the court, it shall be forwarded to -you. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 17, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—In answering your letter of the 9th, which desired a -communication of one to me from General Wilkinson, specified -by its date, I informed you in mine of the 12th that I had delivered -it, with all other papers respecting the charges against -Aaron Burr, to the Attorney General, when he went to Richmond; -that I had supposed he had left them in your possession, -but would immediately write to him, if he had not, to forward -that particular letter without delay. I wrote to him accordingly -on the same day, but having no answer, I know not whether he -has forwarded the letter. I stated in the same letter, that I had -desired the Secretary at War to examine his office, in order to -comply with your further request, to furnish copies of the orders -which had been given respecting Aaron Burr and his property; -and in a subsequent letter of the same day, I forwarded to you -copies of two letters from the Secretary at War, which appeared -to be within the description expressed in your letter. The order -from the Secretary of the Navy, you said, you were in possession -of. The receipt of these papers had, I presume, so far anticipated, -and others this day forwarded will have substantially fulfilled -the object of a subpœna from the District Court of -Richmond, requiring that those officers and myself should attend -the Court in Richmond, with the letter of General Wilkinson, -the answer to that letter, and the orders of the departments of -War and the Navy, therein generally described. No answer to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_97'>[97]</a></span>General Wilkinson's letter, other than a mere acknowledgment -of its receipt, in a letter written for a different purpose, was ever -written by myself or any other. To these communications of -papers, I will add, that if the defendant supposes there are any -facts within the knowledge of the Heads of departments, or of -myself, which can be useful for his defence, from a desire of -doing anything our situation will permit in furtherance of justice, -we shall be ready to give him the benefit of it, by way of deposition, -through any persons whom the Court shall authorize to -take our testimony at this place. I know, indeed, that this cannot -be done but by consent of parties; and I therefore authorize -you to give consent on the part of the United States. Mr. Burr's -consent will be given of course, if he supposes the testimony -useful. -</p> - -<p> -As to our personal attendance at Richmond, I am persuaded -the Court is sensible, that paramount duties to the nation at large -control the obligation of compliance with their summons in this -case; as they would, should we receive a similar one, to attend -the trials of Blannerhassett and others, in the Mississippi territory, -those instituted at St. Louis and other places on the western -waters, or at any place, other than the seat of government. To -comply with such calls would leave the nation without an executive -branch, whose agency, nevertheless, is understood to be so -constantly necessary, that it is the sole branch which the constitution -requires to be always in function. It could not then mean -that it should be withdrawn from its station by any co-ordinate -authority. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to papers, there is certainly a public and a private -side to our offices. To the former belong grants of land, patents -for inventions, certain commissions, proclamations, and other papers -patent in their nature. To the other belong mere executive -proceedings. All nations have found it necessary, that for the -advantageous conduct of their affairs, some of these proceedings, -at least, should remain known to their executive functionary -only. He, of course, from the nature of the case, must be the -sole judge of which of them the public interests will permit publication. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_98'>[98]</a></span>Hence, under our Constitution, in requests of papers -from the legislative to the executive branch, an exception is carefully -expressed, as to those which he may deem the public welfare -may require not to be disclosed; as you will see in the enclosed -resolution of the House of Representatives, which produced -the message of January 22d, respecting this case. The -respect mutually due between the constituted authorities, in their -official intercourse, as well as sincere dispositions to do for every -one what is just, will always insure from the executive, in exercising -the duty of discrimination confided to him, the same candor -and integrity to which the nation has in like manner trusted -in the disposal of its judiciary authorities. Considering you as the -organ for communicating these sentiments to the Court, I address -them to you for that purpose, and salute you with esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 17th was received last night. Three -blank pardons had been (as I expect) made up and forwarded by -the mail of yesterday, and I have desired three others to go by -that of this evening. You ask what is to be done if Bollman -finally rejects his pardon, and the Judge decides it to have no -effect? Move to commit him immediately for treason or misdemeanor, -as you think the evidence will support; let the Court -decide where he shall be sent for trial; and on application, I will -have the marshall aided in his transportation, with the executive -means. And we think it proper, further, that when Burr shall -have been convicted of either treason or misdemeanor, you should -immediately have committed all those persons against whom you -should find evidence sufficient, whose agency has been so prominent -as to mark them as proper objects of punishment, and especially -where their boldness has betrayed an inveteracy of criminal -disposition. As to obscure offenders and repenting ones, let -them lie for consideration. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_99'>[99]</a></span></p> - -<p> -I enclose you the copy of a letter received last night, and giving -singular information. I have inquired into the character of -Graybell. He was an old revolutionary captain, is now a flour -merchant in Baltimore, of the most respectable character, and -whose word would be taken as implicitly as any man's for whatever -he affirms. The letter writer, also, is a man of entire respectability. -I am well informed, that for more than a twelvemonth -it has been believed in Baltimore, generally, that Burr was -engaged in some criminal enterprise, and that Luther Martin -knew all about it. We think you should immediately despatch -a subpœna for Graybell; and while that is on the road, you will -have time to consider in what form you will use his testimony; -<i>e. g.</i> shall Luther Martin be summoned as a witness against Burr, -and Graybell held ready to confront him? It may be doubted -whether we could examine a witness to discredit our own witness. -Besides, the lawyers say that they are privileged from being forced -to breaches of confidence, and that no others are. Shall we -move to commit Luther Martin, as <span lang="la"><i>particeps criminis</i></span> with Burr? -Graybell will fix upon him misprison of treason at least. And -at any rate, his evidence will put down this unprincipled and -impudent federal bull-dog, and add another proof that the most -clamorous defenders of Burr are all his accomplices. It will explain -why Luther Martin flew so hastily to the "aid of his honorable -friend," abandoning his clients and their property during a -session of a principal court in Maryland, now filled, as I am -told, with the clamors and ruin of his clients. I believe we shall -send on Latrobe as a witness. He will prove that Aaron Burr -endeavored to get him to engage several thousand men, chiefly -Irish emigrants, whom he had been in the habit of employing in -the works he directs, under pretence of a canal opposite Louisville, -or of the Washita, in which, had he succeeded, he could -with that force alone have carried everything before him, and -would not have been where he now is. He knows, too, of certain -meetings of Burr, Bollman, Yrujo, and one other whom we -have never named yet, but have him not the less in our view. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_100'>[100]</a></span>P. S. Will you send us half a dozen blank subpœnas? -</p> - -<p> -Since writing the within I have had a conversation with Latrobe. -He says it was five hundred men he was desired to engage. -The pretexts were, to work on the Ohio canal, and be -paid in Washita lands. Your witnesses will some of them prove -that Burr had no interest in the Ohio canal, and that consequently -this was a mere pretext to cover the real object from the men -themselves, and all others. Latrobe will set out in the stage of -to-morrow evening, and be with you Monday evening. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In acknowledging the receipt of your favor of -the 3d instant, I avail myself of the occasion it offers of tendering -to yourself, to Mr. Lincoln and to your State, my sincere -congratulations on the late happy event of the election of a republican -executive to preside over its councils. The harmony it -has introduced between the legislative and executive branches, -between the people and both of them, and between all and the -General Government, are so many steps towards securing that -union of action and effort in all its parts, without which no nation -can be happy or safe. The just respect with which all the -States have ever looked to Massachusetts, could leave none of -them without anxiety, while she was in a state of alienation from -her family and friends. Your opinion of the propriety and advantage -of a more intimate correspondence between the executives -of the several States, and that of the Union, as a central -point, is precisely that which I have ever entertained; and on -coming into office I felt the advantages which would result from -that harmony. I had it even in contemplation, after the annual -recommendation to Congress of those measures called for by the -times, which the Constitution had placed under their power, to -make communications in like manner to the executives of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_101'>[101]</a></span>States, as to any parts of them to which the legislatures might be -alone competent. For many are the exercises of power reserved -to the States, wherein an uniformity of proceeding would be advantageous -to all. Such are quarantines, health laws, regulations -of the press, banking institutions, training militia, &c., &c. But -you know what was the state of the several governments when -I came into office. That a great proportion of them were federal, -and would have been delighted with such opportunities of -proclaiming their contempt, and of opposing republican men and -measures. Opportunities so furnished and used by some of the -State Governments, would have produced an ill effect, and would -have insured the failure of the object of uniform proceeding. -If it could be ventured even now (Connecticut and Delaware -being still hostile) it must be on some greater occasion than is -likely to arise within my time. I look to it, therefore, as a -course which will probably be to be left to the consideration of -my successor. -</p> - -<p> -I consider, with you, the federalists as completely vanquished, -and never more to take the field under their own banners. They -will now reserve themselves to profit by the schisms among republicans, -and to earn favors from minorities, whom they will -enable to triumph over their more numerous antagonists. So -long as republican minorities barely accept their votes, no great -harm will be done; because it will only place in power one -shade of republicanism, instead of another. But when they purchase -the votes of the federalists, by giving them a participation -of office, trust and power, it is a proof that anti-monarchism is -not their strongest passion. I do not think that the republican -minority in Pennsylvania has fallen into this heresy, nor that -there are in your State materials of which a minority can be -made who will fall into it. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the tour my friends to the north have proposed -that I should make in that quarter, I have not made up a final -opinion. The course of life which General Washington had -run, civil and military, the services he had rendered, and the -space he therefore occupied in the affections of his fellow citizens, -take from his examples the weight of precedents for others, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_102'>[102]</a></span>because no others can arrogate to themselves the claims which -he had on the public homage. To myself, therefore, it comes -as a new question, to be viewed under all the phases it may present. -I confess that I am not reconciled to the idea of a chief -magistrate parading himself through the several States, as an object -of public gaze, and in quest of an applause which, to be -valuable, should be purely voluntary. I had rather acquire silent -good will by a faithful discharge of my duties, than owe -expressions of it to my putting myself in the way of receiving -them. Were I to make such a tour to Portsmouth or Portland, -I must do it to Savannah, perhaps to Orleans and Frankfort. -As I have never yet seen the time when the public business -would have permitted me to be so long in a situation in which -I could not carry it on, so I have no reason to expect that such -a time will come while I remain in office. A journey to Boston -or Portsmouth, after I shall be a private citizen, would much better -harmonize with my feelings, as well as duties; and, founded -in curiosity, would give no claims to an extension of it. I -should see my friends too more at our mutual ease, and be left -more exclusively to their society. However, I end as I began, -by declaring I have made up no opinion on the subject, and that -I reserve it as a question for future consideration and advice. -</p> - -<p> -In the meantime, and at all times, I salute you with great respect -and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Mr. Latrobe now comes on as a witness against -Burr. His presence here is with great inconvenience dispensed -with, as one hundred and fifty workmen require his constant -directions on various public works of pressing importance. I -hope you will permit him to come away as soon as possible. -How far his testimony will be important as to the prisoner, I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_103'>[103]</a></span>know not; but I am desirous that those meetings of Yrujo with -Burr and his principal accomplices, should come fully out, and -judicially, as they will establish the just complaints we have -against his nation. -</p> - -<p> -I did not see till last night the opinion of the Judge on the -<span lang="la"><i>subpœna duces tecum</i></span> against the President. Considering the -question there as <span lang="la"><i>coram non judice</i></span>, I did not read his argument -with much attention. Yet I saw readily enough, that, as is -usual where an opinion is to be supported, right or wrong, he -dwells much on smaller objections, and passes over those which -are solid. Laying down the position generally, that all persons -owe obedience to subpœnas, he admits no exception unless it -can be produced in his law books. But if the Constitution enjoins -on a particular officer to be always engaged in a particular -set of duties imposed on him, does not this supersede the general -law, subjecting him to minor duties inconsistent with these? -The Constitution enjoins his constant agency in the concerns -of six millions of people. Is the law paramount to this, which -calls on him on behalf of a single one? Let us apply the -Judge's own doctrine to the case of himself and his brethren. -The sheriff of Henrico summons him from the bench, to quell -a riot somewhere in his county. The federal judge is, by the -general law, a part of the <i>posse</i> of the State sheriff. Would the -Judge abandon major duties to perform lesser ones? Again; the -court of Orleans or Maine commands, by subpœnas, the attendance -of all the judges of the Supreme Court. Would they -abandon their posts as judges, and the interests of millions committed -to them, to serve the purposes of a single individual? -The leading principle of our Constitution is the independence -of the Legislature, executive and judiciary of each other, and -none are more jealous of this than the judiciary. But would -the executive be independent of the judiciary, if he were subject -to the <i>commands</i> of the latter, and to imprisonment for disobedience; -if the several courts could bandy him from pillar to -post, keep him constantly trudging from north to south and east -to west, and withdraw him entirely from his constitutional -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_104'>[104]</a></span>duties? The intention of the Constitution, that each branch -should be independent of the others, is further manifested by -the means it has furnished to each, to protect itself from enterprises -of force attempted on them by the others, and to none has -it given more effectual or diversified means than to the executive. -Again; because ministers can go into a court in London -as witnesses, without interruption to their executive duties, it is -inferred that they would go to a court one thousand or one thousand -five hundred miles off, and that ours are to be dragged -from Maine to Orleans by every criminal who will swear that -their testimony "may be of use to him." The Judge says, "<i>it -is apparent</i> that the President's duties as chief magistrate do not -demand his whole time, and are not unremitting." If he alludes -to our annual retirement from the seat of government, during the -sickly season, he should be told that such arrangements are -made for carrying on the public business, at and between the -several stations we take, that it goes on as unremittingly there, -as if we were at the seat of government. I pass more hours in -public business at Monticello than I do here, every day; and it -is much more laborious, because all must be done in writing. -Our stations being known, all communications come to them -regularly, as to fixed points. It would be very different were -we always on the road, or placed in the noisy and crowded taverns -where courts are held. Mr. Rodney is expected here every -hour, having been kept away by a sick child. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR WISTAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have a grandson, the son of Mr. Randolph, now -about fifteen years of age, in whose education I take a lively -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_105'>[105]</a></span>interest. * * * * * I am not a friend to placing young men in populous -cities, because they acquire there habits and partialities which -do not contribute to the happiness of their after life. But there -are particular branches of science, which are not so advantageously -taught anywhere else in the United States as in Philadelphia. -The garden at the Woodlands for Botany, Mr. Peale's -Museum for Natural History, your Medical school for Anatomy, -and the able professors in all of them, give advantages not to be -found elsewhere. We propose, therefore, to send him to Philadelphia -to attend the schools of Botany, Natural History, Anatomy, -and perhaps Surgery; but not of Medicine. And why -not of Medicine, you will ask? Being led to the subject, I will -avail myself of the occasion to express my opinions on that -science, and the extent of my medical creed. But, to finish first -with respect to my grandson, I will state the favor I ask of you, -and which is the object of this letter. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -This subject dismissed, I may now take up that which it led -to, and further tax your patience with unlearned views of medicine; -which, as in most cases, are, perhaps, the more confident -in proportion as they are less enlightened. -</p> - -<p> -We know, from what we see and feel, that the animal body is -in its organs and functions subject to derangement, inducing pain, -and tending to its destruction. In this disordered state, we -observe nature providing for the re-establishment of order, by -exciting some salutary evacuation of the morbific matter, or by -some other operation which escapes our imperfect senses and researches. -She brings on a crisis, by stools, vomiting, sweat, -urine, expectoration, bleeding, &c., which, for the most part, ends -in the restoration of healthy action. Experience has taught us, -also, that there are certain substances, by which, applied to the -living body, internally or externally, we can at will produce these -same evacuations, and thus do, in a short time, what nature would -do but slowly, and do effectually, what perhaps she would not -have strength to accomplish. Where, then, we have seen a disease, -characterized by specific signs or phenomena, and relieved -by a certain natural evacuation or process, whenever that disease -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_106'>[107]</a></span>recurs under the same appearances, we may reasonably count on -producing a solution of it, by the use of such substances as we -have found produce the same evacuation or movement. Thus, -fulness of the stomach we can relieve by emetics; diseases of -the bowels, by purgatives; inflammatory cases, by bleeding; -intermittents, by the Peruvian bark; syphilis, by mercury; -watchfulness, by opium; &c. So far, I bow to the utility of -medicine. It goes to the well-defined forms of disease, and happily, -to those the most frequent. But the disorders of the animal -body, and the symptoms indicating them, are as various as -the elements of which the body is composed. The combinations, -too, of these symptoms are so infinitely diversified, that -many associations of them appear too rarely to establish a definite -disease; and to an unknown disease, there cannot be a -known remedy. Here then, the judicious, the moral, the humane -physician should stop. Having been so often a witness to -the salutary efforts which nature makes to re-establish the disordered -functions, he should rather trust to their action, than -hazard the interruption of that, and a greater derangement of the -system, by conjectural experiments on a machine so complicated -and so unknown as the human body, and a subject so sacred as -human life. Or, if the appearance of doing something be necessary -to keep alive the hope and spirits of the patient, it should -be of the most innocent character. One of the most successful -physicians I have ever known, has assured me, that he used -more bread pills, drops of colored water, and powders of hickory -ashes, than of all other medicines put together. It was certainly -a pious fraud. But the adventurous physician goes on, and substitutes -presumption for knowledge. From the scanty field of -what is known, he launches into the boundless region of what -is unknown. He establishes for his guide some fanciful theory -of corpuscular attraction, of chemical agency, of mechanical -powers, of stimuli, of irritability accumulated or exhausted, of -depletion by the lancet and repletion by mercury, or some other -ingenious dream, which lets him into all nature's secrets at short -hand. On the principle which he thus assumes, he forms his -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_107'>[107]</a></span>table of nosology, arrays his diseases into families, and extends -his curative treatment, by analogy, to all the cases he has thus -arbitrarily marshalled together. I have lived myself to see the -disciples of Hoffman, Boerhaave, Stahl, Cullen, Brown, succeed -one another like the shifting figures of a magic lantern, and -their fancies, like the dresses of the annual doll-babies from -Paris, becoming, from their novelty, the vogue of the day, and -yielding to the next novelty their ephemeral favor. The patient, -treated on the fashionable theory, sometimes gets well in -spite of the medicine. The medicine therefore restored him, -and the young doctor receives new courage to proceed in his -bold experiments on the lives of his fellow creatures. I believe -we may safely affirm, that the inexperienced and presumptuous -band of medical tyros let loose upon the world, destroys -more of human life in one year, than all the Robinhoods, Cartouches, -and Macheaths do in a century. It is in this part of -medicine that I wish to see a reform, an abandonment of hypothesis -for sober facts, the first degree of value set on clinical -observation, and the lowest on visionary theories. I would wish -the young practitioner, especially, to have deeply impressed on -his mind, the real limits of his art, and that when the state of -his patient gets beyond these, his office is to be a watchful, but -quiet spectator of the operations of nature, giving them fair play -by a well-regulated regimen, and by all the aid they can derive -from the excitement of good spirits and hope in the patient. I -have no doubt, that some diseases not yet understood may in -time be transferred to the table of those known. But, were I a -physician, I would rather leave the transfer to the slow hand of -accident, than hasten it by guilty experiments on those who put -their lives into my hands. The only sure foundations of medicine -are, an intimate knowledge of the human body, and observation -on the effects of medicinal substances on that. The anatomical -and clinical schools, therefore, are those in which the -young physician should be formed. If he enters with innocence -that of the theory of medicine, it is scarcely possible he should -come out untainted with error. His mind must be strong indeed, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_108'>[108]</a></span>if, rising above juvenile credulity, it can maintain a wise -infidelity against the authority of his instructors, and the bewitching -delusions of their theories. You see that I estimate -justly that portion of instruction which our medical students derive -from your labors; and, associating with it one of the chairs -which my old and able friend, Doctor Rush, so honorably fills, -I consider them as the two fundamental pillars of the edifice. -Indeed, I have such an opinion of the talents of the professors -in the other branches which constitute the school of medicine -with you, as to hope and believe, that it is from this side of the -Atlantic, that Europe, which has taught us so many other -things, will at length be led into sound principles in this branch -of science, the most important of all others, being that to which -we commit the care of health and life. -</p> - -<p> -I dare say, that by this time, you are sufficiently sensible that -old heads as well as young, may sometimes be charged with ignorance -and presumption. The natural course of the human -mind is certainly from credulity to scepticism; and this is perhaps -the most favorable apology I can make for venturing so far -out of my depth, and to one too, to whom the strong as well as -the weak points of this science are so familiar. But having -stumbled on the subject in my way, I wished to give a confession -of my faith to a friend; and the rather, as I had perhaps, at -times, to him as well as others, expressed my scepticism in medicine, -without defining its extent or foundation. At any rate, it -has permitted me, for a moment, to abstract myself from the dry -and dreary waste of politics, into which I have been impressed -by the times on which I happened, and to indulge in the rich -fields of nature, where alone I should have served as a volunteer, -if left to my natural inclinations and partialities. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you at all times with affection and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_109'>[109]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received last night yours of the 16th, and sincerely -congratulate you on your safe arrival at Richmond, against -the impudent surmises and hopes of the band of conspirators, -who, because they are as yet permitted to walk abroad, and even -to be in the character of witnesses until such a measure of evidence -shall be collected as will place them securely at the bar of -justice, attempt to cover their crimes under noise and insolence. -You have indeed had a fiery trial at New Orleans, but it was -soon apparent that the clamorous were only the criminal, endeavoring -to turn the public attention from themselves and their -leader upon any other object. -</p> - -<p> -Having delivered to the Attorney General all the papers I possessed, -respecting Burr and his accomplices, when he went to -Richmond, I could only write to him (without knowing whether -he was at Philadelphia, Wilmington, or Delaware) for your letter -of October 21st, desired by the court. If you have a copy of it, -and choose to give it in, it will, I think, have a good effect; for -it was my intention, if I should receive it from Mr. Rodney, not -to communicate it without your consent, after I learnt your arrival. -Mr. Rodney will certainly either bring or send it within -the course of a day or two, and it will be instantly forwarded to -Mr. Hay. For the same reason, I cannot send the letter of J. P. -D., as you propose, to Mr. Hay. I do not recollect what name -these initials indicate, but the paper, whatever it is, must be in -the hands of Mr. Rodney. Not so as to your letter to Dayton; -for as that could be of no use in the prosecution, and was reserved -to be forwarded or not, according to circumstances, I -retained it in my own hands, and now return it to you. If you -think Dayton's son should be summoned, it can only be done -from Richmond. We have no subpœnas here. Within about a -month we shall leave this to place ourselves in healthier stations. -Before that I trust you will be liberated from your present attendance. -It would have been of great importance to have had you -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_110'>[110]</a></span>here with the Secretary at War, because I am very anxious to -begin such works as will render Plaquemine impregnable, and -an insuperable barrier to the passage of any force up or down the -river. But the Secretary at War sets out on Wednesday, to meet -with some other persons at New York, and determine on the -works necessary to be undertaken to put that place <i>hors d'insulte</i>, -and thence he will have to proceed northwardly, I believe. I -must ask you, at your leisure, to state to me in writing what you -think will answer our views at Plaquemine, within the limits of -expense which we can contemplate, and of which you can form -a pretty good idea. -</p> - -<p> -Your enemies have filled the public ear with slanders, and -your mind with trouble on that account. The establishment of -their guilt will let the world see what they ought to think of -their clamors; it will dissipate the doubts of those who doubted -for want of knowledge, and will place you on higher ground in -the public estimate and public confidence. No one is more sensible -than myself of the injustice which has been aimed at you. -Accept, I pray you, my salutations, and assurances of respect and -esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -June 22, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I suggest to you the following, as some of the ideas which -might be expressed by General Wilkinson, in answering Governor -Saludo's letter. The introductory and concluding sentiments -will best flow from the General's own feelings of the personal -standing between him and Governor Saludo: -</p> - -<p> -"On the transfer of Louisiana by France to the United States, -according to its boundaries when possessed by France, the government -of the United States considered itself entitled as far west -as the Rio Norte; but understanding soon after that Spain, on -the contrary, claimed eastwardly to the river Sabine, it has carefully -abstained from doing any act in the intermediate country, -which might disturb the existing state of things, until these opposing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_111'>[111]</a></span>claims should be explained and accommodated amicably. -But that the Red river and all its waters belonged to France, that -she made several settlements on that river, and held them as a -part of Louisiana until she delivered that country to Spain, and -that Spain, on the contrary, had never made a single settlement -on the river, are circumstances so well known, and so susceptible -of proof, that it was not supposed that Spain would seriously -contest the facts, or the right established by them. Hence our -government took measures for exploring that river, as it did that -of the Missouri, by sending Mr. Freeman to proceed from the -mouth upwards, and Lieutenant Pike from the source downwards, -merely to acquire its geography, and so far enlarge the boundaries -of science. For the day must be very distant when it will -be either the interest or the wish of the United States to extend -settlements into the interior of that country. Lieutenant Pike's -orders were accordingly strictly confined to the waters of the -Red river, and, from his known observance of orders, I am persuaded -that it must have been, as he himself declares, by missing -his way that he got on the waters of the Rio Norte, instead of -those of the Red river. That your Excellency should excuse -this involuntary error, and indeed misfortune, was expected from -the liberality of your character; and the kindnesses you have -shown him are an honorable example of those offices of good -neighborhood on your part, which it will be so agreeable to us -to cultivate. Accept my thanks for them, and be assured they -shall on all occasions meet a like return. To the same liberal -sentiment Lieutenant Pike must appeal for the restoration of his -papers. You must have seen in them no trace of unfriendly -views towards your nation, no symptoms of any other design -than of extending geographical knowledge; and it is not in the -nineteenth century, nor through the agency of your Excellency, -that science expects to encounter obstacles. The field of knowledge -is the common property of all mankind, and any discoveries -we can make in it will be for the benefit of yours and of every -other nation, as well as our own." -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_112'>[112]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 23, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In mine of the 12th I informed you I would -write to the Attorney General to send on the letter of General -Wilkinson of October 21st, referred to in my message of January -22d. He accordingly sent me a letter of that date, but I immediately -saw that it was not the one desired, because it had no -relation to the facts stated under that reference. I immediately, -by letter, apprized him of this circumstance, and being since returned -to this place, he yesterday called on me with the whole -of the papers remaining in his possession, and he assured me he -had examined carefully the whole of them, and that the one referred -to in the message was not among them, nor did he know -where it would be found. These papers have been recurred to -so often, on so many occasions, and some of them delivered out -for particular purposes, that we find several missing, without -being able to recollect what has been done with them. Some -of them were delivered to the Attorney of this district, to be used -on the occasions which arose in the District Court, and a part of -them were filed, as is said, in their office. The Attorney General -will examine their office to day, and has written to the -District Attorney to know whether he retained any of them. No -researches shall be spared to recover this letter, and if recovered, -it shall immediately be sent on to you. Compiling the message -from a great mass of papers, and pressed in time, the date of a -particular paper may have been mistaken, but we all perfectly -remember the one referred to in the message, and that its substance -is there correctly stated. General Wilkinson probably -has copies of all the letters he wrote me, and having expressed a -willingness to furnish the one desired by the Court, the defendant -can still have the benefit of it. Or should he not have -the particular one on which that passage in the message is -founded, I trust that his memory would enable him to affirm -that it is substantially correct. I salute you with friendship and -respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_113'>[113]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE BLAKE, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 24, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I enclose you a petition of John Partridge, which I perceive -to have been in your hands before, by a certificate endorsed -on it. The petitioner says the term of labor to which he was -sentenced expired on the 14th instant; that he is unable to pay -the costs of prosecution, and therefore prays to be discharged. -But in such cases it is usual to substitute an additional term of -confinement equivalent to that portion of the sentence which -cannot be complied with. Pardons too for counterfeiting bank -paper are yielded with much less facility than others. However, -in all cases I have referred these petitions to the judges and prosecuting -attorney, who having heard all the circumstances of the -case, are the best judges whether any of them were of such a -nature as ought to obtain for the criminal a remission or abridgement -of the punishment. I now enclose the papers, and ask the -favor of you to take the opinion of the judges on that subject, -and to favor me with your own, which will govern me in what -I do, and be my voucher for it. I salute you with esteem and -respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_114'>[114]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 25, 1807. 5.30 P. M. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I am sincerely sorry that I am obliged to ask -your attendance here without a moment's avoidable delay. The -capture of the Chesapeake by a British ship of war renders it necessary -to have all our Council together. I do not suppose it -will detain you long from rejoining Mrs. Dearborne. The mail -is closing. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 25, 1807. 5.30 P. M. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I am sorry to be obliged to hasten your return to -this place, and pray that it maybe without a moment's avoidable -delay. The capture of the Chesapeake by a British ship of war -renders it necessary to have all our Council together. The mail -is closing. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 29, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor by express was safely received on Saturday -night, and I am thankful to you for the attention of which it is -a proof. Considering the General and State governments as co-operators -in the same holy concerns, the interest and happiness of -our country, the interchange of mutual aid is among the most -pleasing of the exercises of our duty. Captain Gordon, the second -in command of the Chesapeake, has arrived here with the -details of that affair. Yet as the precaution you took of securing -us against the accident of wanting information, was entirely proper, -and the expense of the express justly a national one, I have -directed him to be paid here, so that he is enabled to refund any -money you may have advanced him. Mr. Gallatin and General -Dearborne happening to be absent, I have asked their immediate -attendance here, and I expect them this day. We shall then -determine on the course which the exigency and our constitutional -powers call for. Whether the outrage is a proper cause of -war, belonging exclusively to Congress, it is our duty not to -commit them by doing anything which would be to be retracted. -We may, however, exercise the powers entrusted to us for preventing -future insults within our harbors, and claim firmly satisfaction -for the past. This will leave Congress free to decide -whether war is the most efficacious mode of redress in our case, -or whether, having taught so many other useful lessons to Europe, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_115'>[115]</a></span>we may not add that of showing them that there are -peaceable means of repressing injustice, by making it the interest -of the aggressor to do what is just, and abstain from future -wrong. It is probable you will hear from us in the course of -the week. I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -July 4, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -If I understand the claim of the Creeks, it is that they shall -have a right of transit across our territories, but especially along -our rivers from the Spanish territories to their own, for goods <i>for -their own use</i>, without paying us a duty. I think they are in -the right. This is exactly what we are claiming of Spain, as -to this very river, the Mobile. Our doctrine is that different nations -inhabiting the same river have all a natural right to an innocent -passage along it, just as individuals of the same nation -have of a river wholly within the territory of that nation. I do -not know whether our revenue law, justly construed, opposes -this; but if it does not, we ought to take the case into consideration, -and do what is right. It is here that the manner in which -this right has been asserted by Captain Isaac, is not agreeable. -But can we blame it? and ought not those who are in the wrong -to put themselves in the right, without listening to false pride? -</p> - -<p> -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 6, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I congratulate you on your safe arrival with Miss -Clinton at New York, and especially on your escape from British -violence. This aggression is of a character so distinct from that -on the Chesapeake, and of so aggravated a nature, that I consider -it as a very material one to be presented with that to the British -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_116'>[116]</a></span>Government. I pray you, therefore, to write me a letter, stating -the transaction, and in such a form as that it may go to that -Government. At the same time, I must request you to instruct -Mr. Gelston, from me, to take the affidavits of the Captain of the -revenue cutter, and of such other persons as you shall direct, -stating the same affair, and to be forwarded, in like manner, to -our Minister in London. -</p> - -<p> -You will have seen by the proclamation, the measures adopted. -We act on these principles, 1. That the usage of nations requires -that we shall give the offender an opportunity of making reparation -and avoiding war. 2. That we should give time to our -merchants to get in their property and vessels and our seamen now -afloat. And 3. That the power of declaring war being with the -Legislature, the executive should do nothing, necessarily committing -them to decide for war in preference of non-intercourse, -which will be preferred by a great many. They will be called -in time to receive the answer from Great Britain, unless new occurrences -should render it necessary to call them sooner. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL TATHAM. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 6, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 1st instant has been received, and I -thank you for the communication. Considering the mass of -false reports in circulation, and the importance of being truly informed -of the proceedings of the British armed vessels in the -Chesapeake and its vicinities, I should be very glad, as you are -on the spot, provided with a proper vessel and men, if you could -continue watching their motions constantly, and giving me information -of them. In that case it would be necessary you -should journalize everything respecting them which should fall -within your observation, and enclose daily to me a copy of the -observations of the day, forwarding them to the post-office of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_117'>[117]</a></span>Norfolk, by every opportunity occurring. Your allowance should -be exactly on the same footing as when you were surveying the -coast, and for current expenses you may draw on Mr. Bedinger, -Navy Agent, at Norfolk, only accompanying each draught with -a letter explaining generally the purpose of it, which is a constant -and indispensable rule in all our departments. It will be -necessary for me to ask the continuance of this service from you -only until I can ascertain the course these officers mean to pursue. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you copies of two letters sent by express -from Captain Decatur. By these you will perceive that the -British commanders have their foot on the threshold of war. -They have begun the blockade of Norfolk; have sounded the -passage to the town, which appears practicable for three of their -vessels, and menace an attack on the Chesapeake and Cybele. -These, with four gun-boats, form the present defence, and there -are four more gun-boats in Norfolk nearly ready. The four -gun-boats at Hampton are hauled up, and in danger, four in Mopjack -bay are on the stocks. Blows may be hourly possible. In -this state of things I am sure your own feelings will anticipate the -public judgment, that your presence here cannot be dispensed -with. There is nobody here who can supply your knowledge -of the resources for land co-operation, and the means for bringing -them into activity. Still, I would wish you would stay long -enough at New York to settle with the V. P. and Colonel Williams, -the plan of defence for that place; and I am in hopes you -will also see Fulton's experiments tried, and see how far his -means may enter into your plan. But as soon as that is done, -should matters remain in their present critical state, I think the -public interest and safety would suffer by your absence from us. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_118'>[118]</a></span>Indeed, if the present state of things continues, I begin to fear we -shall not be justifiable in separating this autumn, and that even an -earlier meeting of Congress than we had contemplated, may be -requisite. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE MASTERS AND OTHER OFFICERS SAILING TO AND FROM THE -PORTS OF NORFOLK AND PORTSMOUTH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -The tender of your services for the erection and reparation of -Fort Norfolk and works on Craney Island, and for manning the -gun-boats and other vessels for the waters of Elizabeth and James -rivers, are received with great satisfaction. They are the more -important, in proportion as we have much to do in the least time -possible. Knowing their peculiar value for manning and managing -the gun-boats and other vessels, it is in that direction I am -in hopes they will have been applied, and that the necessary aid for -erecting or repairing works on the land will have been found in -the zeal of other citizens, less qualified to be useful in the employments -on the water. I return, for your country, the thanks -you so justly deserve. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—You will have received from the Secretary at War a -letter, requesting that the quota of the State of Virginia of -100,000 militia be immediately organized and put in readiness -for service at the shortest warning, but that they be not -actually called out until further requisition. The menacing attitudes -which the British ships of war have taken in Hampton -Road, the actual blockade of Norfolk, and their having sounded -the entrance, as if with a view to pass up to the city, render it -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_119'>[119]</a></span>necessary that we should be as well prepared there as circumstances -will permit. The Secretary at War being gone to New -York to arrange a plan of defence for that city, it devolves on -me to request that, according to the applications you may receive -from the officers charged with the protection of the place, and -the information which you are more at hand to obtain than we -are here, you will order such portions of the militia as you shall -think necessary and most convenient to enter immediately on duty, -for the defence of the place and protection of the country, at the -expense of the United States. We have, moreover, four gun-boats -hauled up at Hampton, and four others on the stocks in -Matthews county, under the care of Commodore Samuel Barron, -which we consider as in danger. I must request you also to order -such aids of militia, on the application of that officer, as you shall -think adequate to their safety. Any arms which it may be necessary -to furnish to the militia for the present objects, if not identically -restored to the State, shall be returned in kind or in value -by the United States. I have thought I could not more effectually -provide for the safety of the places menaced, than by committing -it to your hands, as you are nearer the scene of action, -have the necessary powers over the militia, can receive information, -and give aid so much more promptly than can be done from -this place. I will ask communications from time to time of your -proceedings under this charge. I salute you with great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CAPTAIN J. SAUNDERS, FORT NELSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The Secretary at War having proceeded to New York -to make arrangements for the defence of that place, your letter -to him of July 4th has been put into my hands. I see with -satisfaction the promptitude with which you have proceeded in -mounting the guns of your fort, and I will count on your continuing -your utmost exertions for putting yourself in the best -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_120'>[120]</a></span>condition of defence possible. With respect to the instructions -you ask for, you will consider the proclamation of July 2d as -your general instructions, but especially you are to contribute all -the means in your power towards the defence of the country, its -citizens, and property, against any aggressions which may be attempted -by the British armed vessels or any other armed force. -I salute you with respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL MATTHEWS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The Secretary at War having gone on to New York for -the purpose of having that place put into a state of defence, your -letter of July 4th to him has been put into my hands. I see -with satisfaction that in an emergency too sudden to have been -provided for by orders from hence, you have, under the guidance -of your own judgment and patriotism, taken the measures within -your power towards supporting the rights of your country. I -will pray you to consider the proclamation of July 2d as laying -down the rule of action for all our citizens, in their several -authorities and stations; but that it is further desired of you to -employ the means under your command, for defence of the country, -its citizens, and property, against all aggressions attempted -by the British armed vessels or other force. The Governor of -Virginia being in a situation to act with more promptitude on -any emergency which may arise, so far as respects the militia of -the State, I have authorized and requested him to order into service -such portions of the militia as he shall think necessary, on -application from any of the persons charged with the defence of -Norfolk or other places menaced. With him I recommend to you -to communicate as to the militia to be employed, approving most -myself whatever shall be most effectual for repelling aggression -on our peace, and maintaining the authority of the laws. Accept -my salutations, and assurances of great respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_121'>[121]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE HONORABLE THOMAS COOPER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of June 23d is received. I had not -before learned that a life of Dr. Priestley had been published, or -I should certainly have procured it; for no man living had a -more affectionate respect for him. In religion, in politics, in -physics, no man has rendered more service. -</p> - -<p> -I had always expected that when the republicans should have -put down all things under their feet, they would schismatize -among themselves. I always expected, too, that whatever names -the parties might bear, the real division would be into moderate -and ardent republicanism. In this division there is no great -evil,—not even if the minority obtain the ascendency by the accession -of federal votes to their candidate; because this gives us -one shade only, instead of another, of republicanism. It is to be -considered as apostasy only when they purchase the votes of -federalists, with a participation in honor and power. The gross -insult lately received from the English has forced the latter into -a momentary coalition with the mass of republicans; but the -moment we begin to act in the very line they have joined in approving, -all will be wrong, and every act the reverse of what it -should have been. Still, it is better to admit their coalescence, -and leave to themselves their short-lived existence. Both reason -and the usage of nations required we should give Great Britain -an opportunity of disavowing and repairing the insult of their -officers. It gives us at the same time an opportunity of getting -home our vessels, our property, and our seamen,—the only means -of carrying on the kind of war we should attempt. The only -difference, I believe, between your opinion and mine, as to the -protection of commerce, is the forcing the nation to take the best -road, and the letting them take the worse, if such is their will. -I salute you with great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_122'>[122]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Considering that gun-boats will enter very materially -into the system of defence for New York, I have thought -that Commodore Rogers, (who is proceeding to that place on -other business,) from his peculiar acquaintance with their operation -and effect, might be useful as an associate in your examinations -of the place, and the determinations to be formed. His -opinions on that part of the subject will add weight to whatever -shall be concluded. I have therefore desired him to take a part -with yourself, the Vice-President, and Colonel Williams, in the -examinations and consultations. -</p> - -<p> -I have just received a deputation from the Alexandrians, who -are under uneasiness for their own unprotected situation, and -asking the loan of a large number of muskets and cannon. I -have convinced them that a very small force at Digges' Point will -defend them more effectually than a very great one at their city, -and that on your return we will have the place examined, a battery -established, and have small arms in readiness to be given -out to them in the moment they shall be wanted to support the -battery. Indeed I think a position to be taken there is indispensable -for the safety of the Navy Yard and its contents: say a -battery and block-house. Who can we get to examine the place, -and give a proper plan? This we must determine on your return. -Nothing new from Norfolk. Mr. Erskine has written -pressingly to Commodore Douglass. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -July 10, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Something now occurs almost every day on which it is -desirable to have the opinions of the heads of departments, yet -to have a formal meeting every day would consume so much of -their time as to seriously obstruct their regular business. I have -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_123'>[123]</a></span>proposed to them, as most convenient for them, and wasting less -of their time, to call on me at any moment of the day which -suits their separate convenience, when, besides any other business -they may have to do, I can learn their opinions separately -on any matter which has occurred, also communicate the information -received daily. Perhaps you could find it more convenient, -sometimes, to make your call at the hour of dinner, instead -of going so much further to dine alone. You will always find -a plate and a sincere welcome. In this way, that is, successively, -I have to-day consulted the other gentlemen on the question -whether letters of Marque were to be considered as written within -our interdict. We are unanimously of opinion they are not. -We consider them as essentially <i>merchant vessels</i>; that commerce -is their main object, and arms merely incidental and defensive. -Affectionate salutations -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BOWDOIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 10, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I wrote you on the 10th of July, 1806, but supposing, -from your not acknowledging the receipt of the letter, -that it had miscarried, I sent a duplicate with my subsequent one -of April the 2d. These having gone by the Wasp, you will -doubtless have received them. Since that, yours of May the 1st -has come to hand. You will see by the despatches from the department -of State, earned by the armed vessel the Revenge, into -what a critical state our peace with Great Britain is suddenly -brought, by their armed vessels in our waters. Four vessels of -war (three of them two deckers) closely blockade Norfolk at this -instant. Of the authority under which this aggression is committed, -their minister here is unapprized. You will see by the -proclamation of July the 2d, that (while we are not omitting -such measures of force as are immediately necessary) we propose -to give Great Britain an opportunity of disavowal and reparation, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_124'>[124]</a></span>and to leave the question of war, non-intercourse, or other measures, -uncommitted, to the Legislature. This country has never -been in such a state of excitement since the battle of Lexington. -In this state of things, cordial friendship with France, and peace -at least with Spain, become more interesting. You know the -circumstances respecting this last power, which have rendered it -ineligible that you should have proceeded heretofore to your destination. -But this obstacle is now removed by their recall of -Yrujo, and appointment of another minister, and in the meantime, -of a chargé des affaires, who has been received. The way -now being open for taking your station at Madrid, it is certainly -our wish you should do so, and that this may be more agreeable -to you than your return home, as is solicited in yours of May the -1st. It is with real unwillingness we should relinquish the benefit -of your services. Nevertheless, if your mind is decidedly -bent on that, we shall regret, but not oppose your return. The -choice, therefore, remains with yourself. In the meantime, your -place in the joint commission being vacated by either event, we -shall take the measures rendered necessary by that. We have -seen, with real grief, the misunderstanding which has taken place -between yourself and General Armstrong. We are neither qualified -nor disposed to form an opinion between you. We regret -the pain which must have been felt by persons, both of whom -hold so high a place in our esteem, and we have not been without -fear that the public interest might suffer by it. It has seemed, -however, that the state of Europe has been such as to admit -little to be done, in matters so distant from them. -</p> - -<p> -The present alarm has had the effect of suspending our foreign -commerce. No merchant ventures to send out a single vessel; -and I think it probable this will continue very much the case till -we get an answer from England. Our crops are uncommonly -plentiful. That of small grain is now secured south of this, and -the harvest is advancing here. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my salutations, and assurances of affectionate esteem -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_125'>[125]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO CAPTAIN BEATTY, FOR HIMSELF, THE OTHER OFFICERS AND PRIVATES -OF THE LIGHT INFANTRY COMPANY OF GEORGETOWN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 11, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have received your letter of yesterday, mentioning -that you had, on the 4th of July, made a tender of the services -of the Light Infantry Company of Georgetown. The circumstances -of the day must apologize for its having escaped my -recollection. This tender of service in support of the rights of -our country merits and meets the highest praise; and whenever -the moment arrives in which these rights must appeal to the -public arm for support, the spirit from which your offer flows, -that which animates our nation, will be their sufficient safeguard. -</p> - -<p> -To the Legislature will be rendered a faithful account of the -events which have so justly excited the sensibilities of our country, -of the measures taken to obtain reparation, and of their -result; and to their wisdom will belong the course to be ultimately -pursued. -</p> - -<p> -In the meantime it is our duty to pursue that prescribed by -the existing laws, towards which, should your services be requisite, -this offer of them will be remembered. -</p> - -<p> -I tender for your country the thanks so justly due to yourself, -the other officers and privates of the company. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BIDWELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 11, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of June 27th has been duly received, and -although wishing your happiness always, I cannot be altogether -unpleased with a transfer of your services to a department more -pleasing to yourself, yet I cannot but lament your loss in Congress. -You know that talents cannot be more useful anywhere -than there; and the times seem to portend that we may have -occasion there for all we possess. You have long ago learnt -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_126'>[126]</a></span>the atrocious acts committed by the British armed vessels in the -Chesapeake and its neighborhood. They cannot be easily accommodated, -although it is believed that they cannot be justified -by orders from their government. We have acted on these principles; -1, to give that government an opportunity to disavow -and make reparation; 2, to give ourselves time to get in the -vessels, property and seamen, now spread over the ocean; 3, to do -no act which might compromit Congress in their choice between -war, non-intercourse, or any other measure. We shall probably -call them some time in October, having regard to the return of -the healthy season, and to the receipt of an answer from Great -Britain, before which they could only act in the dark. In the -meantime we shall make all the preparations which time will -permit, so as to be ready for any alternative. -</p> - -<p> -The officers of the British ships, in a conference with a gentleman -sent to them by the Mayor of Norfolk, have solemnly -protested they mean no further proceeding without further -orders. But the question is whether they will obey the proclamation? -If they do not, acts of force will probably ensue; still -these may lead to nothing further, if their government is just. -I salute you with great affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 13, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I wrote you on the 7th; since that we learn that -the Bellone and Leopard remaining in Hampton Road, the other -two vessels have returned to the Capes of Chesapeake, where -they have been reinforced by another frigate and a sloop of war, -we know not from whence. This induces us to suppose they -do not mean an immediate attack on Norfolk, but to retain their -present position till further orders from their Admiral. I am inclined -to think that the body of militia now in the field in Virginia -would need to be regulated according to these views. They -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_127'>[127]</a></span>are in great want of artillery, the State possessing none. Their -subsistence also, and other necessary expenses, require immediate -attention from us, the finances of the State not being at all in a -condition to meet these cases. We have some applications for -the loan of field-pieces. The transportation of heavy cannon to -Norfolk and Hampton, is rendered difficult by the blockade of -those ports. These things are of necessity reserved for your -direction on your return, as nobody here is qualified to act in -them. It gives me sincere concern that events should thus have -thwarted your wishes. Should the Bellone and Leopard retire, -and a disposition be shown by the British commanders to restore -things to a state of peace until they hear from their government, -we may go into summer quarters without injury to the public -safety, having previously made all necessary arrangements. -But if the present hostile conduct is pursued, I fear we shall be -obliged to keep together, or at least within consulting distance. -I salute you with sincere affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 14, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Sir</span>,—I received last night your letter of May 6th, -and a vessel being just now sailing from Baltimore, affords me -an opportunity of hastily acknowledging it. Your exhortation -to make a provision of arms is undoubtedly wise, and we have -not been inattentive to it. Our internal resources for cannon are -great, and those for small arms considerable, and in full employment. -We shall not suffer from that want, should we have -war; and of the possibility of that you will judge by the enclosed -proclamation, and by what you know of the character of -the English government. Never since the battle of Lexington -have I seen this country in such a state of exasperation as at -present, and even that did not produce such unanimity. The -federalists themselves coalesce with us as to the object, though -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_128'>[128]</a></span>they will return to their trade of censuring every measure taken -to obtain it. "Reparation for the past, and security for the future," -is our motto; but whether they will yield it freely, or -will require resort to non-intercourse, or to war, is yet to be seen. -We prepare for the last. We have actually 2,000 men in the -field, employed chiefly in covering the exposed coast, and cutting -off all supply to the British vessels. We think our gun-boats at -New York, (thirty-two,) with heavy batteries along shore, and -bombs, will put that city <span lang="fr_FR"><i>hors de insulte</i></span>. If you could procure, -and send me a good description and drawing of one of your -Prames, you would do me a most acceptable service. I suppose -them to be in fact a floating battery, rendered very manageable -by oars. -</p> - -<p> -Burr's conspiracy has been one of the most flagitious of which -history will ever furnish an example. He had combined the -objects of separating the western States from us, of adding -Mexico to them, and of placing himself at their head. But he -who could expect to effect such objects by the aid of American -citizens, must be perfectly ripe for Bedlam. Yet although there -is not a man in the United States who is not satisfied of the -depth of his guilt, such are the jealous provisions of our laws in -favor of the accused, and against the accuser, that I question if -he can be convicted. Out of the forty-eight jurors who are to -be summoned, he has a right to choose the twelve who are to try -him, and if any one of the twelve refuses to concur in finding -him guilty, he escapes. This affair has been a great confirmation -in my mind of the innate strength of the form of our government. -He had probably induced near a thousand men to engage with -him, by making them believe the government connived at it. A -proclamation alone, by undeceiving them, so completely disarmed -him, that he had not above thirty men left, ready to go all -lengths with him. The first enterprise was to have been the -seizure of New Orleans, which he supposed would powerfully -bridle the country above, and place him at the door of Mexico. -It has given me infinite satisfaction that not a single native -Creole of Louisiana, and but one American, settled there before -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_129'>[129]</a></span>the delivery of the country to us, were in his interest. His partisans -there were made up of fugitives from justice, or from their -debts, who had flocked there from other parts of the United -States, after the delivery of the country, and of adventurers and -speculators of all descriptions. I thank you for the volume of -Memoirs you have sent me, and I will immediately deliver that -for the Phil. Society. I feel a great interest in the publication -of Turfot's works, but quite as much in your return here. Your -Eleutherian son is very valuable to us, and will daily become -more so. I hope there will be a reaction of good offices on him. -We have heard of a great improvement in France of the furnace -for heating cannon-balls, but we can get no description of it. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with sincere affection, and add assurances of the -highest respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 14, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Friend</span>,—I received last night your letters of February -the 20th and April 29th, and a vessel just sailing from Baltimore -enables me hastily to acknowledge them; to assure you of -the welcome with which I receive whatever comes from you, and -the continuance of my affectionate esteem for yourself and family. -I learn with much concern, indeed, the state of Madame de -La Fayette's health. I hope I have the pleasure yet to come of -learning its entire re-establishment. She is too young not to -give great confidence to that hope. -</p> - -<p> -Measuring happiness by the American scale, and sincerely -wishing that of yourself and family, we had been anxious to see -them established this side of the great water. But I am not certain -that any equivalent can be found for the loss of that species -of society, to which our habits have been formed from infancy. -Certainly, had you been, as I wished, at the head of the government -of Orleans, Burr would never have given me one moment's -uneasiness. His conspiracy has been one of the most flagitious -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_130'>[130]</a></span>of which history will ever furnish an example. He meant to -separate the western States from us, to add Mexico to them, place -himself at their head, establish what he would deem an energetic -government, and thus provide an example and an instrument for -the subversion of our freedom. The man who could expect to -effect this, with American materials, must be a fit subject for -Bedlam. The seriousness of the crime, however, demands more -serious punishment. Yet, although there is not a man in the -United States who doubts his guilt, such are the jealous provisions -of our laws in favor of the accused against the accuser, that -I question if he is convicted. Out of forty-eight jurors to be -summoned, he is to select the twelve who are to try him, and if -there be any one who will not concur in finding him guilty, he -is discharged of course. I am sorry to tell you that Bollman was -Burr's right hand man in all his guilty schemes. On being -brought to prison here, he communicated to Mr. Madison and -myself the whole of the plans, always, however, apologetically -for Burr, as far as they would bear. But his subsequent tergiversations -have proved him conspicuously base. I gave him a -pardon, however, which covers him from everything but infamy. -I was the more astonished at his engaging in this business, from -the peculiar motives he should have felt for fidelity. When I -came into the government, I sought him out on account of the -services he had rendered you, cherished him, offered him two different -appointments of value, which, after keeping them long -under consideration, he declined for commercial views, and -would have given him anything for which he was fit. Be assured -he is unworthy of ever occupying again the care of any -honest man. Nothing has ever so strongly proved the innate -force of our form of government, as this conspiracy. Burr had -probably engaged one thousand men to follow his fortunes, without -letting them know his projects, otherwise than by assuring -them the government approved of them. The moment a proclamation -was issued, undeceiving them, he found himself left -with about thirty desperadoes only. The people rose in mass -wherever he was, or was suspected to be, and by their own energy -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_131'>[131]</a></span>the thing was crushed in one instant, without its having been -necessary to employ a man of the military but to take care of -their respective stations. His first enterprise was to have been -to seize New Orleans, which he supposed would powerfully bridle -the upper country, and place him at the door of Mexico. It is -with pleasure I inform you that not a single native Creole, and -but one American of those settled there before we received the -place, took any part with him. His partisans were the new -emigrants from the United States and elsewhere, fugitives from -justice or debt, and adventurers and speculators of all descriptions. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you a proclamation, which will show you the critical -footing on which we stand at present with England. Never, -since the battle of Lexington, have I seen this country in such a -state of exasperation as at present. And even that did not produce -such unanimity. The federalists themselves coalesce with -us as to the object, although they will return to their old trade of -condemning every step we take towards obtaining it. "Reparation -for the past, and security for the future," is our motto. -Whether these will be yielded freely, or will require resort to -non-intercourse, or to war, is yet to be seen. We have actually -near two thousand men in the field, covering the exposed parts -of the coast, and cutting off supplies from the British vessels. -</p> - -<p> -I am afraid I have been very unsuccessful in my endeavors to -serve Madame de Tessé in her taste for planting. A box of -seeds, &c., which I sent her in the close of 1805, was carried -with the vessel into England, and discharged so late that I fear -she lost their benefit for that season. Another box, which I prepared -in the autumn of 1806, has, I fear, been equally delayed -from other accidents. However, I will persevere in my endeavors. -</p> - -<p> -Present me respectfully to her, M. de Tessé, Madam de La -Fayette and your family, and accept my affectionate salutations, -and assurances of constant esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_132'>[132]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 16, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 10th has been received, and I -note what is said on the provision which ought to be made by -us, for the militia in the field. An arrangement by the Secretary -at War to meet certain other persons at New York, to concert a -plan of defence for that city, has occasioned necessarily his temporary -absence from this place, and there is no person sufficiently -informed to take the necessary measures until his return, which -will be on Tuesday or Wednesday next. I hope no great inconvenience -may be experienced if it lies till then. It has been suggested -to me that if the British vessels should be disposed to -leave our waters, they might not be able to do it without some -supplies, especially of water; and it is asked whether supplies to -carry them away may be admitted? It has been answered that, -on their giving assurance of immediate departure from our waters, -they may have the supplies necessary to carry them to Halifax -or the West Indies. I must pray you to instruct Gen. Matthews -to permit it, if he be applied to. But it is best that nothing be -said on this subject until an application is actually made by them. -Their retirement would prevent the necessity of a resort to force, -and give us time to get in our ships, our property, and our seamen, -now under the grasp of our adversary; probably not less -than 20,000 of the latter are now exposed on the ocean, whose -loss would cripple us in the outset more than the loss of several -battles. However pleasing the ardor of our countrymen, as a -pledge of their support, if war is to ensue, as is very possible, we, -to whom they trust for conducting their affairs to the best advantage, -should take care that it be not precipitated, while every day -is restoring to us our best means for carrying it on. I salute you -with friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_133'>[133]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MADAME DE STAEL DE HOLSTEIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 16, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I have received, madam, the letter which you have done me -the favor to write from Paris on the 24th of April, and M. le Ray -de Chaumont informs me that the book you were so kind as to -confide to him, not having reached Nantes when he sailed, will -come by the first vessel from that port to this country. I shall -read with great pleasure whatever comes from your pen, having -known its powers when I was in a situation to judge, nearer at -hand, the talents which directed it. -</p> - -<p> -Since then, madam, wonderful are the scenes which have -passed! Whether for the happiness of posterity, must be left to -their judgment. Even of their effect on those now living, we, -at this distance, undertake not to decide. Unmeddling with the -affairs of other nations, we presume not to prescribe or censure -their course. Happy, could we be permitted to pursue our own -in peace, and to employ all our means in improving the condition -of our citizens. Whether this will be permitted, is more doubtful -now than at any preceding time. We have borne patiently -a great deal of wrong, on the consideration that if nations go to -war for every degree of injury, there would never be peace on -earth. But when patience has begotten false estimates of its -motives, when wrongs are pressed because it is believed they -will be borne, resistance becomes morality. -</p> - -<p> -The grandson of Mr. Neckar cannot fail of a hearty welcome -in a country which so much respected him. To myself, who -loved the virtues and honored the great talents of the grandfather, -the attentions I received in his natal house, and particular -esteem for yourself, are additional titles to whatever service I can -render him. In our cities he will find distant imitations of the -cities of Europe. But if he wishes to know the nation, its occupations, -manners, and principles, they reside not in the cities; he -must travel through the country, accept the hospitalities of the -country gentlemen, and visit with them the school of the people. -One year after the present will complete for me the <span lang="la"><i>quadragena -stipendia</i></span>, <span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_134'>[134]</a></span>and will place me among those to whose hospitality I -recommend the attentions of your son. He will find a sincere -welcome at Monticello, where I shall then be in the bosom of -my family, occupied with my books and my farms, and enjoying, -under the government of a successor, the freedom and tranquillity -I have endeavored to secure for others. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the homage of my respectful salutations, and assurances -of great esteem and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 17, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I take the liberty of enclosing to your care some -letters to friends who, whether they are in Paris or not I do not -know. If they are not, I will pray you to procure them a safe -delivery. -</p> - -<p> -You will receive, through the department of State, information -of the critical situation in which we are with England. An outrage -not to be borne has obliged us to fly to arms, and has produced -such a state of exasperation, and that so unanimous, as never has -been seen in this country since the battle of Lexington. We -have between two and three thousand men on the shores of the -Chesapeake, patrolling them for the protection of the country, -and for preventing supplies of any kind being furnished to the -British; and the moment our gun-boats are ready we shall endeavor -by force to expel them from our waters. We now send -a vessel to call upon the British government for reparation for the -past outrage, and security for the future, nor will anything be -deemed security but a renunciation of the practice of taking persons -out of our vessels, under the pretence of their being English. -Congress will be called some time in October, by which time we -may have an answer from England. In the meantime we are -preparing for a state of things which will take that course, which -either the pride or the justice of England shall give it. This -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_135'>[135]</a></span>will occasion a modification of your instructions, as you will -learn from the Secretary of State. England will immediately -seize on the Floridas as a <span lang="fr_FR">point d'appui</span> to annoy us. What are -we to do in that case? I think she will find that there is no nation -on the globe which can gall her so much as we can. I salute -you with great affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 17, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Sir</span>,—I have this moment received certain information -that the British vessels have retired from Hampton Road. -Whether they will only join their companions in the bay, and -remain there or go off, is yet to be seen. It gives me real pain -to believe that circumstances still require your presence here. I -have had a consultation this day with our colleagues on that subject, -and we have all but one opinion on that point. Indeed, if -I regarded yourself alone, I should deem it necessary to satisfy -public opinion, that you should not be out of place at such a -moment. The arrangements for the militia, now much called -for, can be properly made only by yourself. Several other details -are also at a stand. I shall therefore hope to see you in a -very few days. An important question will be to be decided on -the arrival of Decatur here, about this day se'nnight, whether, as -the retirement of the British ships from Hampton Road enables -us to get our sixteen gun-boats together, we shall authorize them -to use actual force against the British vessels. Present to Mrs. -Dearborne, and accept yourself, my affectionate and respectful -salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN PAGE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 17, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Friend</span>,—Yours of the 11th is received. In appointments -to public offices of mere profit, I have ever considered -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_136'>[136]</a></span>faithful service in either our first or second revolution as giving -preference of claim, and that appointments on that principle -would gratify the public, and strengthen that confidence so necessary -to enable the executive to direct the whole public force -to the best advantage of the nation. Of Mr. Bolling Robertson's -talents and integrity I have long been apprized, and would -gladly use them where talents and integrity are wanting. I had -thought of him for the vacant place of secretary of the Orleans -territory, but supposing the salary of two thousand dollars not -more than he makes by his profession, and while remaining -with his friends, I have, in despair, not proposed it to him. If -he would accept it, I should name him instantly with the greatest -satisfaction. Perhaps you could inform me on this point. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to Major Gibbons, I do indeed recollect, that in -some casual conversation, it was said, that the most conspicuous -accomplices of Burr were at home at his house; but it made so -little impression on me, that neither the occasion nor the person -is now recollected. On this subject, I have often expressed the -principles on which I act, with a wish they might be understood -by the federalists in office. I have never removed a man merely -because he was a federalist: I have never wished them to give -a vote at an election, but according to their own wishes. But -as no government could discharge its duties to the best advantage -of its citizens, if its agents were in a regular course of -thwarting instead of executing all its measures, and were employing -the patronage and influence of their offices against the -government and its measures, I have only requested they would -be quiet, and they should be safe; that if their conscience urges -them to take an active and zealous part in opposition, it ought -also to urge them to retire from a post which they could not conscientiously -conduct with fidelity to the trust reposed in them; -and on failure to retire, I have removed them; that is to say, -those who maintained an active and zealous opposition to the -government. Nothing which I have yet heard of Major Gibbons -places him in danger from these principles. -</p> - -<p> -I am much pleased with the ardor displayed by our countrymen -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_137'>[137]</a></span>on the late British outrage. It gives us the more confidence -of support in the demand of <i>reparation</i> for the past, and -<i>security</i> for the future, that is to say, an end of impressments. -If motives of either justice or interest should produce this from -Great Britain, it will save a war; but if they are refused, we -shall have gained time for getting in our ships and property, and -at least twenty thousand seamen now afloat on the ocean, and -who may man two hundred and fifty privateers. The loss of -these to us would be worth to Great Britain many victories of -the Nile and Trafalgar. The meantime may also be importantly -employed in preparations to enable us to give quick and deep -blows. -</p> - -<p> -Present to Mrs. Page, and receive yourself my affectionate -and respectful salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO BENJAMIN MORGAN, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 18, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—We learn through the channel of the newspapers that -Governor Claiborne having engaged in a duel, has been dangerously -wounded, and the Secretary having resigned his office, the -territory will in that event be left without any executive head. -It is not in my power immediately to make provision for this unfortunate -and extraordinary state to which the territory may thus -have been reduced, otherwise than by beseeching you to undertake -the office of Secretary for a short time, until I can fill up -the appointment. I well know that immersed in other business, -as you are, this will greatly embarrass you; but I will not desire -you to do anything more than absolute necessity shall require, -and even from that you shall be shortly relieved by the appointment -of a successor. This request is made in the event of Governor -Claiborne's wound having proved mortal. If he is alive, -the commission need not be used. I shall be anxious to hear -from you. In the meantime accept my friendly and respectful -salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_138'>[138]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 15th was received yesterday, and the -opinion you have given to General Matthews against allowing -any intercourse between the British Consul and the ships of his -nation remaining in our waters, in defiance of our authority, is -entirely approved. Certainly while they are conducting themselves -as enemies <i>de facto</i>, intercourse should be permitted only -as between enemies, by flags under the permission of the commanding -officers, and with their passports. My letter of the 16th -mentioned a case in which a communication from the British -officers should be received if offered. A day or two ago, we -permitted a parent to go on board the Bellone with letters from -the British minister, to demand a son impressed; and others -equally necessary will occur, but they should be under the permission -of some officer having command in the vicinity. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the disbanding some portion of the troops, although -I consider Norfolk as rendered safe by the batteries, the -two frigates, the eight gun-boats present, and nine others and a -bomb-vessel which will be there immediately, and consequently -that a considerable proportion of the militia may be spared, yet I -will pray you to let that question lie a few days, as in the course -of this week we shall be better able to decide it. I am anxious -for their discharge the first moment it can be done with safety, -because I know the dangers to which their health will be exposed -in that quarter in the season now commencing. By a -letter of the 14th from Col. Tatham, stationed at the vicinities of -Lynhaven Bay to give us daily information of what passes, I -learn that the British officers and men often go ashore there, that -on the day preceding, 100 had been at the pleasure-house in quest -of fresh provisions and water, that negroes had begun to go off -to them. As long as they remain there, we shall find it necessary -to keep patroles of militia in the neighborhood sufficiently -strong to prevent them from taking or receiving supplies. I presume -it would be thought best to assign the tour for the three -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_139'>[139]</a></span>months to come, to those particular corps who being habituated -to the climate of that part of the country, will be least likely to -suffer in their health; at the end of which time others from other -parts of the country may relieve them, if still necessary. In the -meantime our gun-boats may all be in readiness, and some preparations -may be made on the shore, which may render their remaining -with us not eligible to themselves. These things are -suggested merely for consideration for the present, as by the -close of the week I shall be able to advise you of the measures -ultimately decided on. I salute you with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILLIAM DUANE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Although I cannot always acknowledge the receipt of -communications, yet I merit their continuance by making all the -use of them of which they are susceptible. Some of your suggestions -had occurred, and others will be considered. The time -is coming when our friends must enable us to hear everything, -and expect us to say nothing; when we shall need all their confidence -that everything is doing which can be done, and when -our greatest praise shall be, that we <i>appear</i> to be doing nothing. -The law for detaching one hundred thousand militia, and the -appropriation for it, and that for fortifications, enable us to do -everything for land service, as well as if Congress were here; -and as to naval matters, their opinion is known. The course -we have pursued, has gained for our merchants a precious interval -to call in their property and our seamen, and the postponing -the summons of Congress will aid in avoiding to give too quick -an alarm to the adversary. They will be called, however, in -good time. Although we demand of England what is merely -of right, reparation for the past, security for the future, yet as -their pride will possibly, nay probably, prevent their yielding -them to the extent we shall require, my opinion is, that the public -mind, which I believe is made up for war, should maintain -itself at that point. They have often enough, God knows, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_140'>[140]</a></span>given us cause of war before; but it has been on points which -would not have united the nation. But now they have touched -a chord which vibrates in every heart. Now then is the time -to settle the old and the new. -</p> - -<p> -I have often wished for an occasion of saying a word to you -on the subject of the Emperor of Russia, of whose character -and value to us, I suspect you are not apprized correctly. A -more virtuous man, I believe, does not exist, nor one who is -more enthusiastically devoted to better the condition of mankind. -He will probably, one day, fall a victim to it, as a monarch -of that principle does not suit a Russian noblesse. He is -not of the very first order of understanding, but he is of a high -one. He has taken a peculiar affection to this country and its -government, of which he has given me public as well as personal -proofs. Our nation being, like his, habitually neutral, our interests -as to neutral rights, and our sentiments agree. And -whenever conferences for peace shall take place, we are assured -of a friend in him. In fact, although in questions of restitution -he will be with England, in those of neutral rights he will be -with Bonaparte and with every other power in the world, except -England; and I do presume that England will never have peace -until she subscribes to a just code of marine law. I have gone -into this subject, because I am confident that Russia (while her -present monarch lives) is the most cordially friendly to us of -any power on earth, will go furthest to serve us, and is most -worthy of conciliation. And although the source of this information -must be a matter of confidence with you, yet it is desirable -that the sentiments should become those of the nation. I -salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GAINES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 23, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson has re-examined the complaints in the memorial -from Tombigbee, and Mr. Gaines' explanation. The complaints -are: -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_141'>[141]</a></span></p> - -<p> -1. That Mr. Gaines stopped a vessel having a legal permit. -</p> - -<p> -2. That he arrested Col. Burr militarily. -</p> - -<p> -3. That Mr. Small gave evidence against Col. Burr. -</p> - -<p> -4. That he, Mr. Small, refused a passport to a Mr. Feu. -</p> - -<p> -5. That he levies duties on Indian goods. -</p> - -<p> -6. That the people of that settlement have not the free use of -the Mobile. -</p> - -<p> -2. That the arrest of Col. Burr was military has been disproved; -but had it been so, every honest man and good citizen is bound, -by any means in his power, to arrest the author of projects so -daring and dangerous. -</p> - -<p> -3. This complaint, as well as the preceding one, would imply -a partiality for Col. Burr, of which he hopes the petitioners were -not guilty. -</p> - -<p> -5. The levy of duty on Indian goods is required by the laws -of Congress. -</p> - -<p> -6. There has been a constant hope of obtaining the navigation -by negotiation, and no endeavors has been spared. Congress has -not thought it expedient as yet to plunge the nation into a war -against Spain and France, or to obtain an exemption from the -duty levied on the use of that river. -</p> - -<p> -1. On the subject of the first complaint, Mr. Gaines was giving -a verbal explanation, which Thomas Jefferson asks the favor of -him to repeat. -</p> - -<p> -4. On this subject, also, he asks any information Mr. Gaines -can give; for though it is a matter of discretion, it should be exercised -without partiality or passion. He salutes Mr. Gaines with -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 24, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Yours of the 20th has been duly received. The relation -in which we stand with the British naval force within our waters -is so new, that differences of opinion are not to be wondered at -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_142'>[142]</a></span>respecting the captives, who are the subject of your letter. Are -they insurgents against the authority of the laws? Are they -public enemies, acting under the orders of their sovereign? or -will it be more correct to take their character from the act of -Congress for the preservation of peace in our harbors, which -authorizes a qualified war against persons of their demeanor, defining -its objects, and limiting its extent? Considering this act -as constituting the state of things between us and them, the captives -may certainly be held as prisoners of war. If we restore -them it will be an act of favor, and not of any right they can -urge. Whether Great Britain will give us that reparation for the -past and security for the future, which we have categorically demanded, -cannot as yet be foreseen; but we have believed we -should afford an opportunity of doing it, as well from justice and -the usage of nations, as a respect to the opinion of an impartial -world, whose approbation and esteem are always of value. This -measure was requisite, also, to produce unanimity among ourselves; -for however those nearest the scenes of aggression and -irritation may have been kindled into a desire for war at short -hand, the more distant parts of the Union have generally rallied -to the point of previous demand of satisfaction and war, if denied. -It was necessary, too, for our own interests afloat on the ocean, -and under the grasp of our adversary; and, added to all this, -Great Britain was ready armed and on our lines, while we were -taken by surprise, in all the confidence of a state of peace, -and needing time to get our means into activity. These considerations -render it still useful that we should avoid every -act which may precipitate immediate and general war, or in any -way shorten the interval so necessary for our own purposes; and -they render it advisable that the captives, in the present instance, -should be permitted to return, with their boat, arms, &c., to their -ships. Whether we shall do this a second, a third, or a fourth -time, must still depend on circumstances. But it is by no means -intended to retire from the ground taken in the proclamation. -That is to be strictly adhered to. And we wish the military to -understand that while, for special reasons, we restore the captives -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_143'>[143]</a></span>in this first instance, we applaud the vigilance and activity -which, by taking them, have frustrated the object of their enterprise, -and urge a continuance of them, to intercept all intercourse -with the vessels, their officers and crews, and to prevent them -from taking or receiving supplies of any kind; and for this purpose, -should the use of force be necessary, they are unequivocally -to understand that force is to be employed without reserve or -hesitation. I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 27, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The Secretary at War having returned from New York, -we have immediately taken up the question respecting the discharge -of the militia, which was the subject of your two last -letters, and which I had wished might remain undecided a few -days. From what we have learnt of the conduct of the British -squadron in the Chesapeake, since they have retired from Hampton -Roads, we suppose that, until orders from England, they do -not contemplate any further acts of hostility, other than those they -are daily exercising, by remaining in our waters in defiance of the -national authority, and bringing to vessels within our jurisdiction. -Were they even disposed to make an attempt on Norfolk, it is believed -to be sufficiently secured by the two frigates Cybele and -Chesapeake, by the twelve gun-boats now there, and four more -from Matthews county expected,—by the works of Fort Nelson; -to all of which we would wish a company of artillery, of the -militia of the place, to be retained and trained, putting into their -hands the guns used at Fort Norfolk and Cape Henry, to cut off -from these vessels all supplies, according to the injunctions of the -proclamation, and to give immediate notice to Norfolk should any -symptoms of danger appear,—to oppose which the militia of the -borough and the neighboring counties should be warned to be in -constant readiness to march at a moment's warning. Considering -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_144'>[144]</a></span>these provisions as quite sufficient for the safety of Norfolk, -we are of opinion that it will be better immediately to discharge -the body of militia now in service, both on that and the other -side of James river. This is rendered expedient, not only that -we may husband from the beginning those resources which will -probably be put to a long trial, but from a regard to the health -of those in service, which cannot fail to be greatly endangered -during the sickly season now commencing, and the discouragement, -which would thence arise, to that ardor of public spirit now -prevailing. As to the details necessary on winding up this service, -the Secretary at War will write fully, as he will, also, relative -to the force retained in service, and whatever may hereafter -concern them or their operations, which he possesses so much -more familiarly than I do, and have been gone into by myself -immediately, only on account of his absence on another service. -</p> - -<p> -The diseases of the season incident to most situations on the -tide-waters, now beginning to show themselves here, and to -threaten some of our members, together with the probability of a -uniform course of things in the Chesapeake, induce us to prepare -for leaving this place during the two sickly months, as well for -the purposes of health as to bestow some little attention to our -private affairs, which is necessary at some time of every year. -Our respective stations will be fixed and known, so that everything -will find us at them, with the same certainty as if we were -here; and such measures of intercourse will be established as -that the public business will be carried on at them, with all the -regularity and dispatch necessary. The present arrangements of -the post office admit an interchange of letters between Richmond -and Monticello twice a week, if necessary, and I propose that a -third shall be established during the two ensuing months, of which -you shall be informed. My present expectation is to leave this -place for Monticello, about the close of this or the beginning of -the next week. The Secretary at War will continue in this -neighborhood until we shall further see that the course of things -in the Chesapeake will admit of his taking some respite. I salute -you with great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_145'>[145]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL TATHAM. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 28, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your several letters from the 10th to the 23d, inclusive, -have been duly received, and have served to regulate our belief -of the state of things in Lynhaven, amidst the variety of uncertain -reports which were afloat. In mine of the 6th, I mentioned -that it would be necessary for me to ask the continuance of this -service from you only until I could ascertain the course the squadron -of Commodore Douglass meant to pursue. We are now tolerably -satisfied as to that course. From everything we have seen, we -conclude that it is not their intention to go into a state of general -war, or to commit further hostilities than remaining in our waters -in defiance, and bring-to vessels within them, until they -get their orders from England. We have therefore determined -to keep up only a troop of cavalry for patrolling the coast opposite -them, and preventing their getting supplies, and the naval -and artillery force, now in Norfolk, for its defence. In this state -of things, and in consideration of the unhealthy season now approaching -at this as other places on the tide-waters, and which -we have always retired from about this time, the members of the -administration, as well as myself, shall leave this place in three -or four days, not to return till the sickly term is over, unless -something extraordinary should re-assemble us. It is therefore -unnecessary for me to ask any longer the continuance of your -labors. You will be so good as to make the proper disposition -of whatever articles you may have found it necessary to procure -on public account, to make up the accounts for your services according -to the principles stated in my letter of the 6th, and to -send them either to myself for the Navy department, or to the -head of that department directly. They would find me at Monticello. -With my thanks for the diligence with which you have -executed this trust, accept my salutations and assurances of esteem -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_146'>[146]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 30, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I kept up your letter of the 23d till the return of -General Dearborne enabled us to give to the question of lending -arms, a serious consideration. We find that both law and expediency -draw a line for our guide. In general, our magazines are -open for troops, militia, or others, when they take the field for -actual service. Besides this, a law has expressly permitted loans -for training volunteers who have engaged themselves for immediate -service. The inference is, that we are not to lend to any -others. And indeed, were we to lend for training the militia, -our whole stock would not suffice, and not an arm would be left -for real service. You are sensible, I am sure, that however desirous -we might be of gratifying the particular request you have -made, yet as what we do for one we must do for another, we -could not afterwords stop. -</p> - -<p> -Of the measures suggested in your preceding letter, one only -did not exactly meet our ideas. We thought it better not to -convene Congress till the 26th of October. Within a fortnight -after that we may expect our vessel with the answer of England. -Until that arrives there would be no ground sufficiently -certain for Congress to act on. In the meanwhile we are making -every preparation which could be made were they in session. -The detachment act and its appropriation authorizes this. Congress -could not declare war without a demand of satisfaction, nor -should they lay an embargo while we have so much under the -grasp of our adversary. They might, indeed, authorize the -building more gun-boats; but having so lately negatived that -proposition, it would not be respectful in me even to suggest it -again, much less to make it the ground of convening them. If -they should change their minds, and authorize the building more, -(and indeed I think two hundred more, at least, are necessary, in -aid of other works, to secure our harbors,) the winter will suffice -for building them, and the winter will also enable us to do much -towards batteries and fortifications, if the appropriation be made -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_147'>[147]</a></span>early. We find that we cannot man our gun-boats now at Norfolk. -I think it will be necessary to erect our sea-faring men -into a naval militia, and subject them to tours of duty in whatever -port they may be. -</p> - -<p> -We have been for some time under dread from the bilious -season, now commencing. Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin have -had symptoms of indisposition. We have nearly everything so -arranged as that we can carry on the public affairs at our separate -stations. I shall therefore leave this on the 1st of August, for -that and the ensuing month. We shall avoid, as far as we honorably -can, every act which would precipitate general hostilities, -and shorten the interval so necessary for our merchants to get in -their property and our seamen. Accept my salutations, and assurances -of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE MASTERS OF VESSELS IN THE PORT OF CHARLESTON, S. C. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 30, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -The offer of your professional services in any way most useful -to your country, merits and meets the highest praise. Should the -outrages lately committed by the agents of a foreign power, in -the Chesapeake and its neighborhood, extend themselves to your -port, your services will be valuable towards its security; and if -a general appeal is to be made to the public arm for the support -of our rights, the spirit from which your offer flows, that which -animates our nation, will, I trust, be their sufficient safeguard. -</p> - -<p> -I tender for your country the thanks you so justly deserve. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 31, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I shall to-morrow set out for Monticello. Considering -the critical state of things, it has been thought better, during -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_148'>[148]</a></span>my stay there, to establish a <i>daily</i> conveyance of a mail from -Fredericksburg to Monticello. This enables me to hear both -from the north and south every day. Should you have occasion -then to communicate with me, your letters can come to me daily -by being put into the Fredericksburg mail, every day except that -on which the mail stage leaves Richmond for Milton, by which -letters of that day will come to me directly. -</p> - -<p> -The course which things are likely to hold for some time has -induced me to discontinue the establishment at Lynhaven for obtaining -daily information of the movements of the squadron in -that neighborhood. But still as it is expected that a troop of -cavalry will patrole that coast constantly, I think it would be advisable -if your Excellency would be so good as to instruct the -commanding officer of the troop to inform you daily of the occurrences -of the day, sending off his letter in time to get to Norfolk -before the post hour. This letter, after perusal for your own -information, I would ask the favor of you to forward by the post -of the day, under cover to me. I think a post comes one day -from Norfolk by the way of Petersburg, and the next by the way -of Hampton. If so, the letters may come every day. I salute -you with great and sincere esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL JOHN TAYLOR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, August 1, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received two days ago your letter recommendatory -of Mr. Woodford. I knew his father well, and can readily -believe that his merits are descended on the son, and especially -after what you say of him. If we could always have as good -grounds to go upon, it would greatly relieve the terrible business -of nominations. But lest you should not have attended to it, I -have taken up my pen in the moment of setting out for Monticello, -to remind you that whether we receive the militia or volunteers -from the States, the appointment of officers will be with them. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_149'>[149]</a></span>There therefore should be Mr. Woodford's application. Should -we have war with England, regular troops will be necessary; -and though in the first moments of the outrage on the Chesapeake -I did not suppose it was by authority from their government, I -now more and more suspect it, and of course, that they will not -give the reparation for the past and security for the future, which -alone may prevent war. The new depredations committing on -us, with this attack on the Chesapeake, and their calling on Portugal -to declare on the one side or the other, if true, prove they -have coolly calculated it will be to their benefit to have everything -on the ocean fair prize, and to support their navy by plundering -all mankind. This is the doctrine of "war in disguise," -and I expect they are going to adopt it. It is really mortifying -that we should be forced to wish success to Bonaparte, and to -look to his victories as our salvation. We expect the return of -the Revenge the second week in November, with their answer, -or no answer, which will enable Congress to take their course. -In the meantime, we will have everything as ready as possible -for any course they may prefer. I salute you with friendship -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I dare say that Purcell's map must be of value, and it would -be well if his representatives would publish it, but whether worth -your purchase, and at what price, General Wilkinson might perhaps -satisfy you. I shall write to Marentille that if you think it -worth while to give him fifty thousand dollars for his project, -you will inform him. In the contrary case, it may be put away -in your pigeon hole of projects. Governor Cabell, after informing -me of the orders for the discharge of the militia, except a -company of artillery, and one of cavalry, as we directed, adds: -"I have, however, in pursuance of the advice of council, done -what your letter did not expressly authorize. But when I state -to you the reasons which influenced the measure, I hope you will -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_150'>[150]</a></span>approve it. You relied entirely on the troop of horse for cutting -off the supplies. But we have received the most satisfactory information -of the insufficiency of cavalry to perform that service, -in consequence of the particular nature of the country in which -they have to act. It is covered with sandbanks and hills, which, -in many places (where supplies are most easily procured), render -cavalry incapable of action. So severe has this service been, that -it has already almost knocked up as fine a battalion of cavalry as -any in the United States, perhaps as any in the world. Influenced -by these considerations, which we believe had not presented -themselves to your mind, because you had not received the -necessary information as to facts, the executive have called -into service a company of infantry from the county of Princess -Anne, to co-operate with the cavalry in cutting off the supplies. -Since giving these orders, I understand that General Mathews has -anticipated us by calling into actual service the very force we -contemplated." Our object was certainly to prevent supplies, -and if the means we thought of are not adequate, we should, -had we known all circumstances, have provided what would -have been effectual; for I think the point of honor requires we -should enforce the proclamation in those points in which we -have force sufficient. I shall await your opinion, however, before -I answer the Governor's letter. Information as late as August -3d, shows that the squadron was quiet in and near the Bay, -and General Thomas Hardy, to whom Tazewell delivered the five -men, declared to him that his objection to intercourse by flag, -was that the two nations were not in a state of war, which alone -required it. He said he expected Barclay, or General Robert -Lowrie, in a week to take the command. I salute you with sincere -affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letters of July 31st and August 5th were received -yesterday. The ground taken in conformity with the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_151'>[151]</a></span>Act of Congress, of considering as public enemies British armed -vessels in or entering our waters, gives us the benefit of a system -of rules, sanctioned by the practice of nations in a state of -war, and consequently enabling us with certainty and satisfaction -to solve the different cases which may occur in the present state -of things. With these rules most officers are acquainted, and -especially those old enough to have borne a part in the revolutionary -war. -</p> - -<p> -1. As to the enemy within our waters, intercourse, according -to the usages of war, can only be by flag; and the ceremonies -respecting that are usually a matter of arrangement between the -adverse officers commanding in the neighborhood of each other. -If no arrangement is agreed on, still the right of sending a flag -is inherent in each party, whose discretion will direct him to -address it to the proper adverse authority; as otherwise it would -be subject to delay or rejection. Letters addressed by flag to -persons in authority with the adverse power, may be sent sealed, -and should be delivered. But, if to others, or to their own friends -happening to be within the limits of the adversary, they must be -open. If innocent in the judgment of the receiving officer, -courtesy requires their delivery; if otherwise, they may be destroyed -or returned by him; but in a case of only suspended -amity, as ours, they should be returned. Letters sent from the -interdicted vessels to their consul in Norfolk must be open; and -the propriety of delivering them judged of by our officer, tempering -his judgment however with liberality and urbanity. -Those to their minister plenipotentiary here, sealed or unsealed, -should be sent to the Secretary of State without any delay. As -to the demand of fugitive slaves, it was the custom during the -late war, for the owner to apply to our commander for a flag, and -to go himself with that, to exhibit his claim and receive the -fugitive. And with respect to Americans detained on board their -ships, the application should be still, as heretofore, made through -the Secretary of State, to whose proper documents are to be furnished. -But without waiting for his application, the British -officer, knowing them to be Americans and freemen, cannot but -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_152'>[152]</a></span>feel it a duty to restore them to their liberty on their own demand. -</p> - -<p> -2. As to the residue of the British nation, with whom we are -as yet in peace, their persons and vessels, unarmed, are free to -come into our country without question or molestation. And -even armed vessels, in distress, or charged, under due authority, -with despatches addressed to the government of the United -States, or its authorized agents, are, by a proviso in the proclamation, -to be received. This exception was meant to cover -the British packets coming to New York, which are generally -armed, as well as to keep open, through other channels, the -communication between the governments. Such a vessel as the -Columbine needs no flag, because she is not included in the interdict. -Her repairs and supplies are to be regulated by the collector -of the port, who may permit them liberally (if no abuse -be justly suspected) so far as wanted to carry her back to the -port from whence she came. The articles of intercourse, stay -and departure, are to be specially superintended by such person -as the government shall authorize and instruct. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus far, in compliance with your request, stated the -practice of nations so generally as to meet the cases which may -arise in the neighborhood of Norfolk. In doing this, I may, in -some cases, have mistaken the practice. Where I have done so, -I mean that my opinion shall be subject to correction from that -practice. On determining that the militia should be disbanded, -except so small a portion as would require only a major to command, -we concluded that so long as Captain Decatur should remain -in his present station, he should be the officer to receive, -authorize and regulate intercourse by flag, with the British -squadron in the Chesapeake. He has accordingly, I expect, received -instructions to that effect, from the Secretary of the Navy, -and I shall communicate to him a copy of this letter to assist -him in that duty. -</p> - -<p> -The Secretary at War, I presume, has written to you on the -appointment of a Major to command the militia retained. In -your selection of the officer, I have no doubt you will be sensible -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_153'>[153]</a></span>of the importance of naming one of intelligence and activity, -as on him we are to rely for daily information from that interesting -quarter. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR LEWIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have just now received from the Secretary at War, a -letter to him from the Secretary of the territory of Louisiana, -requesting him to tender to the President of the United States -the services of the members of the Military School of the Mine à -Burton, as a volunteer corps, under the late act of Congress -authorizing the acceptance of the services of volunteer corps. -As you are now proceeding to take upon you the government of -that territory, I pray you to be the bearer of my thanks to them -for this offer, and to add the pleasure it gives me to receive -further their assurances that they will cordially co-operate in the -restoration of that harmony in the territory, so essential to its -happiness, and so much desired by me. They, as well as all the -other inhabitants of the territory, may rest satisfied that all the -authorities of the general government entertain towards them the -most liberal and paternal dispositions, and wish nothing more -ardently than to do for their happiness whatever these dispositions -may dictate. Want of information, or misinformation, may defeat -their first efforts towards this object, but as they advance in -obtaining more correct knowledge of their situation, they will -be able to establish for them in the end such regulations as will -secure their religious, political and civil rights. -</p> - -<p> -As the direction of the militia will be in your hands, I must -request you to exercise for me the powers given by the act above -mentioned, respecting volunteers, and to arrange them to the best -advantage for the prompt and effectual defence of the territory. I -salute you with friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_154'>[154]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of yesterday was received in the course of -the day. Our post-rider has not yet got to be punctual, arriving -here from two to four hours later than he should do, that is to -say from 3 to 5 o'clock instead of 1. I mean to propose to him -that being rigorously punctual in his arrival, I will always discharge -him the moment he arrives, instead of keeping him till -7 o'clock as the postmaster proposes, taking for myself the forenoon -of the succeeding day to answer every mail. I do not exactly -recollect who of the heads of departments were present, -(but I think every one except Mr. Gallatin,) when, conversing -on the bungling conduct of our officers with respect to Erskine's -letters, and the more bungling conduct to be expected when the -command should devolve on a militia major, Mr. Smith proposed -that the whole regulation of flags should be confided to Decatur, -which appeared to obtain the immediate assent of all. -However, the remedy is easy, and perhaps more proper on the -whole. That is, to let the commanding officer by land, as well -as the one by water, have equal authority to send and receive -flags. I will write accordingly to Governor Cabell. This is -the safer, as I believe T. Newton (of Congress) is the Major. -General Dearborne has sent me a plan of a war establishment -for fifteen thousand regulars for garrisons, and instead of fifteen -thousand others, as a disposable force, to substitute thirty-two -thousand twelve-month volunteers, to be exercised and paid -three months in the year, and consequently the costing no more -than eight thousand permanent, giving us the benefit of thirty-two -thousand for any expedition, who would be themselves -nearly equal to regulars, but could on occasion be put into the -garrisons and the regulars employed in the expedition <span lang="la"><i>primâ facie</i></span>. -I like it well. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. The record of the blank commission for Marshal of -North Carolina, sent to Governor Alexander, must be filled up -with the name of John S. West, the former Marshal, who has -agreed to continue. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_155'>[155]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received yesterday yours of the 7th, with the -proposition for substituting thirty-two thousand twelve-month volunteers -instead of fifteen thousand regulars as a disposable force, -and I like the idea much. It will of course be a subject of consideration -when we all meet again, but I repeat that I like it greatly. -</p> - -<p> -On some occasion, a little before I left Washington, when we -were together (all, I think, except Mr. Gallatin, but I am not -quite so sure as to yourself as the others), conversing on the -bungling business which had been made by the officers commanding -at Norfolk, with Erskine's letters, and the more bungling -conduct to be expected when the command should devolve -on a militia major, Mr. Smith proposed that the whole business -of flags should be committed to Decatur. This appeared to obtain -at once the general approbation. Thinking it so settled, -on lately receiving a letter from Governor Cabell, asking full and -explicit instructions as to the mode of intercourse, I endeavored -to lay down the general rules of intercourse by flag, as well digested -as I could to meet all cases, but concluded by informing -him that that whole business was committed to Decatur. Mr. -Madison now informs me that either not recollecting or not understanding -this to have been the arrangement, instructions have -been given to the officer commanding by land, relative to intercourse, -which may produce collision. The remedy I think is -easy, and will on the whole place the matter on more proper -ground. That is, to give to the commanding officers by land as -well as sea, equal authority to send and receive flags. This is -the safer, as I see by the papers that Mr. Newton (of Congress) -is the Major. I shall accordingly write to Governor Cabell to-day -to correct the error, and to inform him that the two commanders -stand on an equal footing in the direction of flags. -</p> - -<p> -I wrote you yesterday as to the additional company of infantry -employed, and shall await your opinion before I say anything -on it to the Governor. I salute you affectionately. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_156'>[156]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In my letter of the 7th I informed you that on -consultation at Washington, it had been concluded best to commit -the whole business of flags to Captain Decatur. I now find -that I had not recollected our conclusion correctly, and that it -had been understood that the commanding officers by land and -water, should have equal authority to license the sending and receiving -flags; which is not only proper, but the more satisfactory, -as I learn by the papers that Mr. Newton, of Congress, is -the commanding Major. Will you be so good as to have him -furnished with a copy of my letter, (with a correction of the error,) -that he and Captain Decatur may govern themselves by the -same rules. I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. THORNWICK CHASE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—On receiving tenders of service from various military -corps, I have usually addressed the answer to the officer commanding -them. Observing in the address of the Master Mariners -of Baltimore of July 16th, that being probably unorganized, -no commanding officer was named, I considered the first -person on the list of subscribers as a kind of foreman, and therefore -addressed my answer to him. I now, with pleasure, correct, -on reflection, that error, by enclosing a duplicate of the -answer to yourself, as the chairman whom they had chosen as -the channel of communication, having nothing more at heart -than to prove my respect for yourself and the Master Mariners -of Baltimore. Accept for yourself and them the assurances of -my high consideration. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_157'>[157]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Soon after my arrival here I received a letter from -Governor Cabell, requesting me to give such instructions for regulating -the intercourse with the British squadron as might enable -the officers to act correctly. I accordingly undertook to digest -the rules of practice, as to flags, as well as I could, and -so as to meet all cases, in a letter to the Governor, a copy of -which I now enclose you. Soon after sending it, I learnt from -Mr. Madison that the arrangement at Washington had not been -known or understood to exclude the officer commanding on -shore from the right of communicating by flag, and that some particular -orders from the War office, respecting Mr. Erskine's letter, -might produce a collision. I have therefore written to Governor -Cabell, making the correction stated at the foot of the enclosed -letter, which is the safer. As Mr. Newton (of Congress) -is the Major Commandant ashore, you will see by the letter that -I meant to send a copy of it to Captain Decatur, but have thought -it more proper to send it you, with a request to forward it, or a -copy, to him. Mr. Newton receiving also a copy, they will be -enabled to act by one uniform rule. I salute you with affection -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 11, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In mine of the day before yesterday, I informed -you that to comply with a request of Governor Cabell, I had undertaken -to lay down rules of intercourse with the British vessels, -at first intended for Captain Decatur only, but afterwards -extended with equal power to the officer commanding by land, -so that each should have equal power to send and receive flags. -I now send you a copy of that letter. Since that I have received -from the Governor a letter, pointing out difficulties occurring -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_158'>[158]</a></span>in the execution of the Volunteer act, from the restriction of -issuing commissions until the companies be actually raised, the -brigades, &c., organized. Another difficulty, not mentioned in -the letter, embarrassed him, with respect to accepting more than -the quota of each district. I learnt, through a direct channel, -that he was so seriously impressed with these legal obstacles, that -no commissions were likely to be issued, and then, certainly, -that few volunteers would be raised. In answering his letter, -therefore, I have dwelt more on these points than might otherwise -have seemed necessary. I enclose the letter for your consideration, -that if you find no error in it material enough to require -a return of it for correction, you will be so good as to seal -and forward it to him without delay. But if you think anything -material in it should be corrected before it is sent, I will pray -you to suggest the alteration, and return me the letter. I salute -you affectionately. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Be pleased to return the Governor's letter to me. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 11, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 7th is received. It asks my -opinion on several points of law arising out of the act of Congress -for accepting thirty thousand volunteers. Although your own opinion, -and those of some of your counsellors, more recent in the -habit of legal investigation, would be a safer guide for you than -mine, unassisted by my ordinary and able associates, yet I shall -frankly venture my individual thoughts on the subject, and participate -with you in any risks of disapprobation to which an -honest desire of furthering the public good may expose us. -</p> - -<p> -In the construction of a law, even in judiciary cases of <span lang="la"><i>meum -et tuum</i></span>, where the opposite parties have a right and counter-right -in the very words of the law, the Judge considers the intention -of the law-giver as his true guide, and gives to all the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_159'>[159]</a></span>parts and expressions of the law, that meaning which will effect, -instead of defeating, its intention. But in laws merely executive, -where no private right stands in the way, and the public object -is the interest of all, a much freer scope of construction, in favor -of the intention of the law, ought to be taken, and ingenuity -ever should be exercised in devising constructions, which may -save to the public the benefit of the law. Its intention is the important -thing: the means of attaining it quite subordinate. It -often happens that, the Legislature prescribing details of execution, -some circumstance arises, unforeseen or unattended to by -them, which would totally frustrate their intention, were their -details scrupulously adhered to, and deemed exclusive of all -others. But constructions must not be favored which go to defeat -instead of furthering the principal object of their law, and to -sacrifice the end to the means. It being as evidently their intention -that the end shall be attained as that it should be effected -by any given means, if both cannot be observed, we are equally -free to deviate from the one as the other, and more rational in -postponing the means to the end. In the present case, the object -of the act of Congress was to relieve the militia at large from the -necessity of leaving their farms and families, to encounter a service -very repugnant to their habits, and to permit that service to -be assumed by others ardently desiring it. Both parties, therefore, -(and they comprehend the whole nation,) would willingly -waive any verbal difficulties, or circumstances of detail, which -might thwart their mutual desires, and would approve all those -views of the subject which facilitate the attainment of their -wishes. -</p> - -<p> -It is further to be considered that the Constitution gives the -executive a general power to carry the laws into execution. If -the present law had enacted that the service of thirty thousand -volunteers should be accepted, without saying anything of the -means, those means would, by the Constitution, have resulted to -the discretion of the executive. So if means specified by an act -are impracticable, the constitutional power remains, and supplies -them. Often the means provided specially are affirmative merely, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_160'>[160]</a></span>and, with the constitutional powers, stand well together; so -that either may be used, or the one supplementary to the other. -This aptitude of means to the end of a law is essentially necessary -for those which are executive; otherwise the objection that -our government is an impracticable one, would really be verified. -</p> - -<p> -With this general view of our duty as executive officers, I proceed -to the questions proposed by you. -</p> - -<p> -1st. Does not the act of Congress contemplate the association -of companies to be formed before commissions can be issued to -the Captains, &c.? -</p> - -<p> -2d. Can battalion or field-officers be appointed by either the -State or Congressional laws, but to battalions or regiments actually -existing? -</p> - -<p> -3d. The organization of the companies into battalions and -regiments belonging to the President, can the Governor of the -State issue commissions to these officers before that organization -is made and announced to him? -</p> - -<p> -4th. Ought not the volunteers tendering their services, under -the act of February 24th, 1807, to be accepted by the President -before the commissions can issue? -</p> - -<p> -Had we no other executive powers but those given in this act, -the first, second, and third questions would present considerable -difficulties, inasmuch as the act of Congress does appear, as you -understand it, to contemplate that the companies are to be associated, -and the battalions, squadrons, regiments, brigades, and -divisions organized, before commissions are to issue. And were -we to stop here the law might stop also; because I verily believe -that it will be the zeal and activity alone of those destined for -commands, which will give form and body to the floating ardor -of our countrymen to enter into this service, and bring their wills -to a point of union and effect. We know from experience that -individuals having the same desires are rarely brought into an -association of them, unless urged by some one assuming an agency, -and that in military associations the person of the officer is a -material inducement. Whether our constitutional powers to -carry the laws into execution, would not authorize the issuing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_161'>[161]</a></span>a previous commission (as they would, had nothing been said -about commissions in the law), is a question not necessary now -to be decided; because they certainly allow us to do what will -be equally effectual. We may issue instructions or warrants to -the persons destined to be captains, &c., authorizing them to -superintend the association of the companies, and to perform the -functions of a captain &c., until commissions may be regularly -issued, when such a commission will be given to the bearer, or -a warrant authorizing the bearer to superintend the organization -of the companies associated in a particular district, into battalions, -squadrons, &c., and otherwise to perform the functions of a -colonel &c., until a commission may regularly issue, when such -a commission will be given to the bearer. This is certainly -within the constitutional powers of the executive, and with such -a warrant, I believe, the person bearing it would act with the -same effect as if he had the commission. -</p> - -<p> -As to the fourth question, the execution of this law having -been transferred to the State executives, I did consider all the -powers necessary for its execution as delegated from the President -to them. Of this I have been so much persuaded that, to -companies offering their services under this law, I have answered -that the power of acceptance was in the Governor, and have -desired them to renew their offer to him. If the delegation of -this power should be expressly made, it is hereby fully delegated. -</p> - -<p> -To the preceding I will add one other observation. As we -might still be disappointed in obtaining the whole number of -11,563, were they apportioned among the several districts, and -each restrained to its precise apportionment (which some might -fail to raise), I think it would better secure the complete object -of the law to accept all proper offers, that the excess of some districts -may supply the deficiencies of others. When the acceptances -are all brought together, the surplus, if any, will be known, -and, if not wanted by the United States, may be rejected; and -in doing this, such principles of selection may be adopted as, -without any imputation of partiality, may secure to us the best -offers. For example, first, we may give a preference to all -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_162'>[162]</a></span>those who will agree to become regulars, if desired. This is so -obviously for the public advantage that no one could object to it. -Second, we may give a preference to twelve-month volunteers -over those for six months; and other circumstances of selection -will of course arise from the face of the offers, such as distribution, -geographical position, proportion of cavalry, riflemen, &c. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus, without reserve, expressed my ideas on the -several doubts stated in your letters, and I submit them to your -consideration. They will need it the more, as the season and -other circumstances occasioning the members of the administration -to be in a state of separation at this moment, they go without -the stamp of their aid and approbation. It is our consolation -and encouragement that we are serving a just public, who will be -indulgent to any error committed honestly, and relating merely -to the means of carrying into effect what they have manifestly -willed to be a law. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 12, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you all the papers received in yours of -the 9th, except Morrison's letter on the subject of Alston, which, -although expressed to be confidential, I send to Mr. Hay under -that injunction, merely for his information, should there be other -bearings on the same point. In my conscience, I have no doubt -as to his participation. To your papers I add some others, particularly -respecting the defence of St. Mary's and Beaufort, that -you may take them into consideration as a part of the general -subject of defence. I sincerely wish this business of levying -duty on Creek goods could be stopped. We have no right to -make them contribute to the support of our government. The -conduct of Captain Isaac is nettling. But what can we do while -we are in the wrong? I wonder we hear nothing from Hawkins -on the subject. I wish Governor Harrison may be able to have -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_163'>[163]</a></span>the murder of the Kaskaskian by the Kickapoo settled in the -Indian way. I think it would not be amiss for him to bring -over Decoigne secretly by a douceur, by which he is easily influenced. -I think, too, that if the apprehension of the murderer, -Rea, could be effected by our making up Harrison's reward of -three hundred dollars to one thousand, it would be well laid out. -Both the Indians and our own people want some example of -punishment for the murder of an Indian. With respect to the -prophet, if those who are in danger from him would settle it in -their own way, it would be their affair. But we should do -nothing towards it. That kind of policy is not in the character -of our government, and still less of the paternal spirit we wish to -show towards that people. But could not Harrison gain over -the prophet, who no doubt is a scoundrel, and only needs his -price? The best conduct we can pursue to countervail these -movements among the Indians, is to confirm our friends by redoubled -acts of justice and favor, and to endeavor to draw over -the individuals indisposed towards us. The operations we contemplate, -should there be occasion for them, would have an imposing -effect on their minds, and, if successful, will indeed put -them entirely in our power; if no occasion arises for carrying -these operations into effect, then we shall have time enough to -get the Indian mind to rights. I think it an unlucky time for -Governor Hull to press the purchase of their lands, and hope he -will not press it. That is the only point on which the Indians -feel very sore towards us. If we have war, those lands cannot -now be settled; if peace, any future movement will be more -favorable. -</p> - -<p> -I really believe that matters in the Chesapeake will remain -quiet until further orders from England, and that so soon as you -have set all works of preparation into motion, your visit to your -family and affairs may be safely made. Be so good as to inform -me how I am to address letters which I wish to go to yourself -personally during your absence. -</p> - -<p> -Wishing you a happy meeting with your friends, I salute you -with affection and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_164'>[164]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 16, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received yesterday your two letters without date, -on the subjects now to be answered. I do not see any objection -to the appointment of Mr. Cocke, as agent at Martinique. That -of a consul at Mogadore is on more difficult ground. A consul -in Barbary is a diplomatic character; although the title does not -imply that. He receives a salary fixed by the Legislature; being -independent of Simpson, we should have two ministers to the -same sovereign. I should therefore think it better to leave the -port of Mogadore to an agent of Simpson's appointment, and -under his control. -</p> - -<p> -If anything Thrasonic and foolish from Spain could add to -my contempt of that government, it would be the demand of satisfaction -now made by Foronda. However, respect to ourselves -requires that the answer should be decent, and I think it fortunate -that this opportunity is given to make a strong declaration of -facts, to wit, how far our knowledge of Miranda's objects went, -what measures we took to prevent anything further, the negligence -of the Spanish agents to give us earlier notice, the measures -we took for punishing those guilty, and our quiet abandonment -of those taken by the Spaniards. But I would not say a -word in recrimination as to the western intrigues of Spain. I think -that is the snare intended by this protest, to make it a set-off for -the other. As soon as we have all the proofs of the western intrigues, -let us make a remonstrance and demand of satisfaction, -and, if Congress approves, we may in the same instant make reprisals -on the Floridas, until satisfaction for that and for spoliations, -and until a settlement of boundary. I had rather have -war against Spain than not, if we go to war against England. -Our southern defensive force can take the Floridas, volunteers for -a Mexican army will flock to our standard, and rich pabulum -will be offered to our privateers in the plunder of their commerce -and coasts. Probably Cuba would add itself to our confederation. -The paper in answer to Florida should, I think, be drawn -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_165'>[165]</a></span>with a view to its being laid before Congress, and published to -the world as our justification against the imputation of participation -in Miranda's projects. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL FULTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 16, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of July 28th, came to hand just as I was -about leaving Washington, and it has not been sooner in my -power to acknowledge it. I consider your torpedoes as very valuable -means of the defence of harbors, and have no doubt that -we should adopt them to a considerable degree. Not that I go -the whole length (as I believe you do) of considering them as -solely to be relied on. Neither a nation nor those entrusted with -its affairs, could be justifiable, however sanguine its expectations, -in trusting solely to an engine not yet sufficiently tried, under all -the circumstances which may occur, and against which we know -not as yet what means of parrying may be devised. If, indeed, -the mode of attaching them to the cable of a ship be the only one -proposed, modes of prevention cannot be difficult. But I have -ever looked to the submarine boat as most to be depended on for -attaching them, and though I see no mention of it in your letter, -or your publications, I am in hopes it is not abandoned as impracticable. -I should wish to see a corps of young men trained to -this service. It would belong to the engineers if at hand, but -being nautical, I suppose we must have a corps of naval engineers, -to practise and use them. I do not know whether we have authority -to put any part of our existing naval establishment in a -course of training, but it shall be the subject of a consultation -with the Secretary of the Navy. General Dearborne has informed -you of the urgency of our want of you at New Orleans -for the locks there. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great respect and esteem. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_166'>[166]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 17, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favors of the 11th, 12th, and 14th were received -yesterday, being the first day for some days past that the -obstruction of the water-courses has permitted the post to come -through. I now return you the letters of General Matthews and -Captain Hardy; I enclose you also two offers of volunteers from -Montgomery and Fauquier counties, because they are expressly -made under the late act of Congress. I have received a great -number of tenders of service at a moment's warning, which, appearing -to me to have relation merely to the repelling invasion -in the quarter lately violated, and not to intend an absolute engagement -for twelve months, I have only accepted generally and -vaguely, without relation to the Volunteer Act. -</p> - -<p> -Your letter mentioning the calling into service near the Capes, -a company of Infantry, I enclosed to the Secretary at War for -his information and opinion, and received his answer yesterday. -Your observations satisfy him that Infantry alone can be effectual -in that station, and induce him to think that the company of Infantry -should be a substitute for that of Cavalry, and that the -latter should be discharged. To the weight of his opinion and -advice, as the head of the department, is added the apparent fact -that the British squadron means to be quiet till orders from England, -an intention much strengthened by the complexion of -Captain Hardy's letter now returned. The duty therefore of -husbanding our resources for the moment of real want, requires -that I should approve his opinion, and recommend the discharge -of the troop of Cavalry. The company of Infantry will be as -vigilant as they can to cut off supplies from the squadron, according -to the proclamation; and it is proper that a daily express -from the station of the company to the Norfolk Post Office should -be established under your Excellency's direction. I salute you -with great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_167'>[167]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 18, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 14th and 15th were received yesterday. -The former is now returned. I shall, in answer to Mr. -Nicholas, say that we cannot lend arms but to volunteers -training for immediate service, and that as to a deposit in his -neighborhood, we shall in due time take up that subject generally, -when just attention will be paid to that section of our country. -Our separation at this time having been agreed on, I supposed it -equally settled as to yourself that you also would take a recess as -soon as the affairs of your office would permit; and that no further -approbation on my part could be wanting. However, if it -were, I hope you considered my letter of the 12th as expressing -it fully, so as not to permit yourself to be detained for anything -further. Wishing you a pleasant journey and happy meeting -with your family, I salute you with affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 18, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you the papers received yesterday. Mr. -Erskine complains of a want of communication between the -British armed vessels <i>in the</i> Chesapeake, or <i>off</i> the coast. If, by -<i>off</i> the coast, he means those which, being generally in our waters, -go occasionally out of them to cruize or to acquire a title to communicate -with their consul, it is too poor an evasion for him to -expect us to be the dupes of. If vessels <i>off</i> the coast, and having -never violated the proclamation, wish to communicate with their -consul, they may send in by any vessel, without a flag. He gives -a proof of their readiness to restore deserters, from an instance of -the Chichester lying along-side a wharf at Norfolk. It would -have been as applicable if Captain Stopfield and his men had -been in a tavern at Norfolk. All this, too, a British sergeant <i>is -ready</i> to swear to; and further, that he saw British deserters enlisted -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_168'>[168]</a></span>in their British uniform, by our officer. As this fact is probably -false, and can easily be inquired into, names being given, -and as the story of the Chichester can be ascertained by Captain -Saunders, suppose you send a copy of the paper to the Secretary of -the Navy, and recommend to him having an inquiry made. We -ought gladly to procure evidence to hang the privates, if no objection -or difficulty occur from the place of trial. If the Driver -is the scene of trial, where is she? if in our waters, we can have -no communication with her, if out of them, it may be inconvenient -to send the witnesses. Although there is neither candor nor -dignity in soliciting the victualling the Columbine for four -months for a voyage of ten days, yet I think you had better give -the permission. It is not by these huckstering manœuvres that -the great national question is to be settled. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN NICHOLAS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 18, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 2d did not reach me till yesterday. -That from General Hall, communicating the patriotic resolutions -of the county of Ontario, was received the day before. -Considering war as one of the alternatives which Congress may -adopt on the failure of proper satisfaction for the outrages committed -on us by Great Britain, I have thought it my duty to put -into train every preparation for that which the executive powers, -and the interval left for their exercise, will admit of. -</p> - -<p> -Whenever militia take the field of actual service, the deficiencies -of their arms are of course supplied from the public magazines, -and the law also permits us to lend arms to <i>volunteers</i> engaged, -and training for immediate service. In no case is the -loan of arms to militia, remaining at home, permitted or practiced. -</p> - -<p> -The establishment of deposits of arms, to be resorted to when -occasion presses, is within the executive direction. A distribution -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_169'>[169]</a></span>of these deposits, wherever there may be occasion, and in -proportion to the probable occasion, either defensive or offensive -is one of the branches of preparation which circumstances call -on us to make. It will be done in due time; and although nothing -specific can now be said, yet I may safely assure you, that -whenever we proceed to settle the general arrangement, the section -of country which is the subject of your letter, shall receive -a just portion of our attention and provisions. -</p> - -<p> -I learn with particular satisfaction that volunteers will be readily -engaged on that part of our frontier. It is a quarter in which -they will be particularly useful. I presume that, in consequence -of the call on the several States, the Governor will have put the -engagement of volunteers into such a course as will avail us of -the favorable disposition which prevails towards that service. I -salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -August 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I suppose Mr. Gamble should be told that his opinion in favor -of the appointment of a Consul General for the Danish islands -being founded on the supposition of a war with England, the -executive cannot at present act on that ground. It would seem -indeed, that in the event of war, our agent or agents in those -islands would be very important persons, and should therefore be -chosen with care. I presume it would become the best office in -the gift of the United States. -</p> - -<p> -It will be very difficult to answer Mr. Erskine's demand respecting -the water casks in the tone proper for such a demand. -I have heard of one who, having broke his cane over the head of -another, demanded payment for his cane. This demand might -well enough have made part of an offer to pay the damages done -to the Chesapeake, and to deliver up the authors of the murders -committed on board her. I return you the papers received yesterday. -The Governor has enclosed me a letter from General -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_170'>[170]</a></span>Mathews of August 13th, mentioning the recent arrival of a ship -in the Chesapeake, bearing the flag of a Vice-Admiral; from -whence he concludes that Barclay is arrived. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you the papers received in your letter of -the 16th. The Secretary of State communicated to me yesterday -a letter from Mr. Erskine, containing assurances from Governor -Thomas Hardy, that he should carefully abstain from acts of -violence unless he received orders from his superiors. Although -Barclay's character does not give the same confidence, yet I see -no reason to doubt that matters will continue, in the Chesapeake, -in their present train until they receive orders from their government. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letters of August 11th, 12th, 13th, had been -before acknowledged, and in mine of this morning I acknowledged -yours of the 16th, and returned the papers enclosed in it. -Since writing that, I have received another letter of yours of -August 11th, which, by an error of the Post Office, had been -sent to a wrong office. I now enclose the papers received in -that. They call but for one observation, which is, that the mode -of communication by flag, as before directed, must be adhered to. -Although credit and indulgence is due to the liberality of Governor -T. Hardy, yet armed vessels remaining within our jurisdiction in -defiance of the authority of the laws, must be viewed either as -rebels, or public enemies. The latter character, it is most expedient -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_171'>[171]</a></span>to ascribe to them; the laws of intercourse with persons -of that description are fixed and known. If we relinquish them -we shall have a new code to settle with those individual offenders, -with whom self respect forbids any intercourse but merely -for purposes of humanity. A letter which I wrote to the Secretary -of State on the 17th, expressed my opinion that we should -not higgle with the Columbine as to the quantity of supplies, -but let her have what she wants. -</p> - -<p> -These small distresses contribute nothing to the bringing an -enemy to reason. It should not be till an abuse of this liberality -has taken place, that we should be rigorous in the quantum -of supplies. I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Mr. Appleton, the writer of the enclosed letter, -was well known to me at Paris, but not as a man of business. -He was young, handsome, and devoted to pleasant pursuits. -He is now probably forty-five, and has since been in business, -but with what qualifications or success I know not. He was -our consul at Calais, his brother is our consul at Leghorn, and -his father is (if living) a respectable merchant at Boston. All -this leaves still room for inquiry whether he is fit for your agent. -While on the subject, if you should be on the look-out, it may be -worth your while to inquire after a Colonel Dowse, (of the -same town with Fisher Ames.) He is a scientific navigator, -has made voyages to the East Indies, is a sensible and most upright -man, a little too much wrapt up in religious reveries. He -has been most firm in his republicanism through all the storms -and trials which those sentiments have been exposed to in that -State. I write all this from my own knowledge of him; but I -do not know he would accept the place and quit the retirement -in which he has now been several years. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_172'>[172]</a></span>I enclose you the copy of a letter I wrote Mr. Fulton. I wait -his answer as to the submarine boat, before I make you the proposition -in form. The very name of a corps of submarine engineers -would be a defence. Mr. Nicholas and his family left -this neighborhood in health the day I arrived in it. We do not -give up the hope of seeing Mrs. Smith and yourself here. I -salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—On the death of Imlay, loan officer of Connecticut, -Jonathan Bull (Judge Bull) is well recommended as his successor -by a number of republicans, and by Mr. Wolcott, in a -special letter. A Ralph Pomeroy, of Hartford, solicits it for himself, -but sends no recommendations. Those of Bull would leave -me with little doubt of the propriety of his nomination; but as -you can so conveniently make inquiry respecting him, I will -pray you to do it, and to communicate the result to me with as -little delay as convenient, in order to preclude other solicitations. -</p> - -<p> -All my information from the Capes of Chesapeake, confirms the -opinion that the present quiet train of things there is to be continued -till further orders. The interdicted officers are extremely -averse to our mode of communication by flag. But being considered -as enemies rather than rebels, while here in defiance, no -other communication will be allowed. Burr's trial goes on to -the astonishment of all, as to the manner of conducting it. I -salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO J. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Your letter to Dayton I think perfectly right, unless, perhaps, -the expression of personal sympathy in the first page might be -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_173'>[173]</a></span>misconstrued, and, coupled with the circumstance that we had -not yet instituted a prosecution against him, although possessed -of evidence. Poor Yznardi seems to have been worked up into -distraction by the persecutions of Meade. I enclose you a letter -I have received from him. Also one from Warden, attested by -Armstrong, by which you will see that the feuds there are not -subsiding. -</p> - -<p> -By yesterday's, or this day's mails, you will have received the -information that Bonaparte has annihilated the allied armies. -The result will doubtless be peace on the continent, an army -despatched through Persia to India, and the main army brought -back to their former position on the channel. This will oblige -England to withdraw everything home, and leave us an open -field. An account, apparently worthy of credit, in the Albany -paper, is, that the British are withdrawing all their cannon and -magazines from Upper Canada to Quebec, considering the former -not tenable, and the latter their only fast-hold. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with sincere affection. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. I had forgotten to express my opinion that deserters -ought never to be enlisted; but I think you may go further and -say to Erskine, that if ever such a practise has prevailed, it has -been without the knowledge of the Government, and would -have been forbidden, if known, and if any examples of it have -existed, (which is doubted,) they must have been few, or they -would have become known. The case presented from the Chichester, -if true, does not prove the contrary, as the persons there -said to have been enlisted are believed to have been American -citizens, who, whether impressed or enlisted into the British service, -were equally right in returning to the duties they owed to -their own country. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Colonel Newton's inquiries are easily solved, I -think, by application of the principles we have assumed. 1. The -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_174'>[174]</a></span><i>interdicted</i> ships are <i>enemies</i>. Should they be forced, by stress -of weather, to run up into safer harbors, we are to act towards -them as we would towards enemies in regular war, in like case. -Permit no intercourse, no supplies; and if they land, kill or -capture them as enemies. If they lie still, Decatur has orders -not to attack them without stating the case to me, and awaiting -instructions. But if they attempt to enter Elizabeth river, he is -to attack them without waiting for instructions. 2. Other armed -vessels, putting in from sea in distress, are <i>friends</i>. They must -report themselves to the collector, he assigns them their station, -and regulates their repairs, supplies, intercourse and stay. Not -needing flags, they are under the direction of the collector alone, -who should be reasonably liberal as to their repairs and supplies, -furnishing them for a voyage to any of their American ports; but -I think with him their crews should be kept on board, and that -they should not enter Elizabeth river. -</p> - -<p> -I remember Mr. Gallatin expressed an opinion that our negotiations -with England should not be laid before Congress at their -meeting, but reserved to be communicated all together with the -answer they should send us, whenever received. I am not of -this opinion. I think, on the meeting of Congress, we should lay -before them everything that has passed to that day, and place -them on the same ground of information we are on ourselves. -They will then have time to bring their minds to the same state -of things with ours, and when the answer arrives, we shall all -view it from the same position. I think, therefore, you should -order the whole of the negotiation to be prepared in two copies. -I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received yesterday your favor of the 11th. An -error of the post office had occasioned the delay. Before an impartial -jury, Burr's conduct would convict himself, were not one -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_175'>[175]</a></span>word of testimony to be offered against him. But to what a -state will our law be reduced by party feelings in those who administer -it? Why do not Blannerhassett, Dayton, &c., demand -private and comfortable lodgings? In a country where an equal -application of law to every condition of man is fundamental, -how could it be denied to them? How can it ever be denied to -the most degraded malefactor? The enclosed letter of James -Morrison, covering a copy of one from Alston to Blannerhassett, -came to hand yesterday. I enclose them, because it is proper -all these papers should be in one deposit, and because you should -know the case and all its bearings, that you may understand -whatever turns up in the cause. Whether the opinion of the -letter writer is sound, may be doubted. For, however these, and -other circumstances which have come to us, may induce us to -believe that the bouncing letter he published, and the insolent -one he wrote to me, were intended as blinds, yet they are not -sufficient for legal conviction. Blannerhassett and his wife could -possibly tell us enough. I commiserate the suffering you have -to go through in such a season, and salute you with great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 28, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I had had the letter of Mr. Jouett of July 6th -from Chicago, and that from Governor Hull, of July 14th, from -Detroit, under consideration some days, when the day before -yesterday I received that of the Governor of July 25th. -</p> - -<p> -While it appeared that the workings among the Indians of -that neighborhood proceeded from their prophet chiefly, and that -his endeavors were directed to the restoring them to their ancient -mode of life, to the feeding and clothing themselves with the -produce of the chase, and refusing all those articles of meat, -drink, and clothing, which they can only obtain from the whites, -and are now rendered necessary by habit, I thought it a transient -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_176'>[176]</a></span>enthusiasm, which, if let alone, would evaporate innocently of -itself; although visibly tinctured with a partiality against the -United States. But the letters and documents now enclosed give -to the state of things there a more serious aspect; and the visit -of the Governor of Upper Canada, and assembling of the Indians -by him, indicate the object to which these movements are -to point. I think, therefore, we can no longer leave them to -their own course, but that we should immediately prepare for -war in that quarter, and at the same time redouble our efforts for -peace. -</p> - -<p> -I propose, therefore, that the Governors of Michigan, Ohio, -and Indiana, be instructed immediately to have designated, according -to law, such proportions of their militia as you shall -think advisable, to be ready for service at a moment's warning, -recommending to them to prefer volunteers as far as they can be -obtained, and of that description fitted for Indian service. -</p> - -<p> -That sufficient stores of arms, ammunition and provision, be -deposited in convenient places for any expedition which it may -be necessary to undertake in that quarter, and for the defence of -the posts and settlements there; and that the object of these preparations -be openly declared, as well to let the Indians understand -the danger they are bringing on themselves, as to lull the -suspicion of any other object. -</p> - -<p> -That at the same time, and while these preparations for war -are openly going on, Governors Hull and Harrison be instructed -to have interviews by themselves or well-chosen agents, with -the chiefs of the several tribes in that quarter, to recall to their -minds the paternal policy pursued towards them by the United -States, and still meant to be pursued. That we never wished to -do them an injury, but on the contrary, to give them all the assistance -in our power towards improving their condition, and enabling -them to support themselves and their families; that a misunderstanding -having arisen between the United States and the -English, war may possibly ensue. That in this war it is our -wish the Indians should be quiet spectators, not wasting their -blood in quarrels which do not concern them; that we are strong -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_177'>[177]</a></span>enough to fight our own battles, and therefore ask no help; and -if the English should ask theirs, it should convince them that it -proceeds from a sense of their own weakness which would not -augur success in the end; that at the same time, as we have -learnt that some tribes are already expressing intentions hostile -to the United States, we think it proper to apprize them of the -ground on which they now stand; for which purpose we make -to them this solemn declaration of our unalterable determination, -that we wish them to live in peace with all nations as well as -with us, and we have no intention ever to strike them or to do -them an injury of any sort, unless first attacked or threatened; -but that learning that some of them meditate war on us, we too -are preparing for war against those, and those only who shall -seek it; and that if ever we are constrained to lift the hatchet -against any tribe, we will never lay it down till that tribe is exterminated, -or driven beyond the Mississippi. Adjuring them, -therefore, if they wish to remain on the land which covers the -bones of their fathers, to keep the peace with a people who ask -their friendship without needing it, who wish to avoid war without -fearing it. In war, they will kill some of us; we shall destroy -all of them. Let them then continue quiet at home, take care -of their women and children, and remove from among them the -agents of any nation persuading them to war, and let them declare -to us explicitly and categorically that they will do this: in -which case, they will have nothing to fear from the preparations -we are now unwillingly making to secure our own safety? -</p> - -<p> -These ideas may form the substance of speeches to be made -to them, only varying therein according to the particular circumstances -and dispositions of particular tribes; softening them -to some, and strengthening them as to others. I presume, too, -that such presents as would show a friendly liberality should at -the same time be made to those who unequivocally manifest intentions -to remain friends; and as to those who indicate contrary -intentions, the preparations made should immediately look towards -them; and it will be a subject for consideration whether, -on satisfactory evidence that any tribe means to strike us, we -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_178'>[178]</a></span>shall not anticipate by giving them the first blow, before matters -between us and England are so far advanced as that their -troops or subjects should dare to join the Indians against us. It -will make a powerful impression on the Indians, if those who -spur them on to war, see them destroyed without yielding them -any aid. To decide on this, the Governors of Michigan and Indiana -should give us weekly information, and the Postmaster -General should immediately put the line of posts to Detroit into -the most rapid motion. Attention, too, is requisite to the safety -of the post at Michillimacinac. -</p> - -<p> -I send this letter open to the Secretary of State, with a desire -that, with the documents, it may be forwarded to the Secretary -of the Navy, at Baltimore, the Attorney General, at Wilmington, -the Secretary of the Treasury, at New York, and finally to yourself; -that it may be considered only as the origination of a proposition -to which I wish each of them to propose such amendments -as their judgment shall approve, to be addressed to yourself; -and that from all our opinions you will make up a general -one, and act on it without waiting to refer it back to me. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 30, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—There can be no doubt that Fronda's claim for -the money advanced to Lieutenant Pike should be repaid, and -while his application to yourself is the proper one, we must attend -to the moneys being drawn from the proper fund, which is -that of the war department. I presume, therefore, it will be necessary -for you to apply to General Dearborne to furnish the money. -Will it not be proper to rebut Fronda's charge of this -government sending a spy to Santa Fé, by saying that this government -has never employed a spy in any case, and that Pike's -mission was to ascend the Arkansas and descend the Red river -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_179'>[179]</a></span>for the purpose of ascertaining their geography; that, as far as we -are yet informed, he entered the waters of the North river, believing -them to be those of the Red river; and that, however -certain we are of a right extending to the North river, and participating -of its navigation with Spain, yet Pike's voyage was -not intended as an exercise of that right, which we notice here, -merely because he had chosen to deny it; a question to be settled -in another way. -</p> - -<p> -From the present state of the tranquillity in the Chesapeake, -and the probability of its continuance, I begin to think the daily -mail may soon be discontinued, and an extra mail once a week -substituted, to leave Fredericksburg Sunday morning, and Milton -Wednesday morning. This will give us two mails a week. -I should propose this change for September 9th, which is the -day I set out for Bedford, and will exactly close one month of -daily mail. What do you think of it? Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 31, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Mr. Madison will have written to you on the -subject of a demand of $1,000 furnished to Lieut Pike, to be repaid -to Fronda, which of course must come out of the military -fund. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you an application from Mr. Graham for a commission -in the army for a Mr. Lithgow, relation of Mr. Henderson, -who solicits it, and who, I think, has a just claim for the gratification. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you also a letter from Captain Brent to Mr. Coles -on the subject of their commissions. They presented to me a -list of names engaged, and of the officers they had chosen. I do -not remember the words of my answer; but the idea meant to -be expressed was only that the officers should be commissioned. -I had no idea of fixing a date for them before they should have -raised what could be accepted as a troop. They seem to have -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_180'>[180]</a></span>understood the date of my acceptance as the proper date of their -commissions. I told Mr. Coles I would consult you; and that -my own idea was to inquire what was the smallest number ever -admitted as a troop or company, and let their commissions have -the date of the day on which they had engaged that number. -This may be the subject of conversation when we meet. -</p> - -<p> -I send you a paper on the defence of the mouth of the Chesapeake. -We never expect from the writer a detailed, well-digested -and practicable plan; but good ideas and susceptible of -improvement sometimes escape from him. The first question is, -whether works on the shore of Lynhaven may not be constructed -for dislodging an enemy from that bay by throwing bombs? -and whether they can lie there in safety out of the reach of -bombs? There is no other place where they can lie in safety -so near the Capes, not to be in danger of being intercepted by -gun-boats, and attacked with the advantage of weather. 2d. -May not artificial harbors be made on the middle grounds and -Horseshoe for the reception of gun boats, with cavaliers for the -discharge of bombs? and will not these two points and Lynhaven -thus command all the mouth of the bay? To answer -these questions will require an accurate survey of the whole -field, which, if we have not, we should direct to be made. It -is an important fact that the middle grounds have been seen -bare; and that both these and the Horseshoe are always shoal. -Cannot cassoons filled with stone, and of the shape of truncated -wedges, be sunk there in close order so as to enclose a harbor -for gun-boats, of such a height as that the sea shall not go over -it in the highest tides, and of base proportioned to the height -and sufficient to resist the force of the water? The nearest -stone is up James river above the Hundred, and up York river -above West Point, from whence however it can be brought in -ships of size. At New York, they calculate on depositing their -stone for from 4 to 5 cents the cubic foot. If it costs the double -here, the amount would not be disproportioned to the object, if -we consider what a vast extent of coast on the Chesapeake and -its waters will otherwise be depredated or secured by works and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_181'>[181]</a></span>troops in detail. I throw out these thoughts now that they may -be under your consideration, while making up the general statement -of defensive works for the sea coast. Present my respects -to Mrs. Dearborne, and accept my affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 1, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I think with you we had better send to Algiers -some of the losing articles in order to secure peace there while -it is uncertain elsewhere. While war with England is probable, -everything leading to it with every other nation should be avoided, -except with Spain. As to her, I think it the precise moment -when we should declare to the French government that -we will instantly seize on the Floridas as reprisal for the spoliations -denied us, and, that if by a given day they are paid to -us, we will restore all east of the Perdido, and hold the rest subject -to amicable discussion. Otherwise, we will hold them forever -as compensation for the spoliations. This to be a subject -of consideration when we assemble. -</p> - -<p> -One reason for suggesting the discontinuance of the daily post -was, that it is not kept up by contract, but at the expense of the -United States. But the principal reason was to avoid giving -ground for clamor. The general idea is, that those who receive -annual compensations should be constantly at their posts. Our -constituents might not in the first moment consider 1st, that we -all have property to take care of, which we cannot abandon for -temporary salaries; 2d, that we have health to take care of, which -at this season cannot be preserved at Washington; 3d, that while -at our separate homes our public duties are fully executed, and -at much greater personal labor than while we are together when -a short conference saves a long letter. I am aware that in the -present crisis some incident might turn up where a day's delay -might infinitely overweigh a month's expense of the daily post. -Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_182'>[182]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. COOPER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 1, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 9th is received, and with it the -copy of Dr. Priestley's Memoirs, for which I return you many -thanks. I shall read them with great pleasure, as I revered the -character of no man living more than his. With another part -of your letter I am sensibly affected. I have not here my correspondence -with Governor McKean to turn to, but I have no -reason to doubt that the particular letter referred to may have -been silent on the subject of your appointment as stated. The -facts are these: The opinion I have ever entertained, and still entertain -as strongly as ever, of your abilities and integrity, was -such as made it my wish, from the moment I came to the administration, -that you should be employed in some public way. -On a review, however, of all circumstances, it appeared to me -that the State of Pennsylvania had occasions for your service, -which would be more acceptable than any others to yourself -because they would leave you in the enjoyment of the society -of Dr. Priestley, to which your attachment was known. I therefore -expressed my solicitude respecting you to Governor McKean, -whose desires to serve yourself and the public by employing you -I knew to be great, and of course that you were an object of -mutual concern, and I received his information of having found -employment for your talents with the sincerest pleasure. But -pressed as I am perpetually by an overflow of business, and -adopting from necessity the rule of never answering any letter, -or part of a letter, which can do without answer, in replying to -his which related to other subjects, I probably said nothing on -that, because my former letter had sufficiently manifested how -pleasing the circumstance must be to me, and my time and practice -did not permit me to be repeating things already said. This -is a candid statement of that incident, and I hope you will see -in it a silence accounted for on grounds far different from that -of a continuance of my estimation and good wishes, which have -experienced no change. With respect to the schism among the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_183'>[183]</a></span>republicans in your State, I have ever declared to both parties -that I consider the general government as bound to take no part -in it, and I have carefully kept both my judgment, my affections, -and my conduct, clear of all bias to either. It is true, as -you have heard, that a distance has taken place between Mr. -Clay and myself. The cause I never could learn nor imagine. -I had always known him to be an able man, and I believed him -an honest one. I had looked to his coming into Congress with -an entire belief that he would be cordial with the administration, -and even before that I had always had him in my mind for a -high and important vacancy which had been from time to time -expected, but is only now about to take place. I feel his loss -therefore with real concern, but it is irremediable from the necessity -of harmony and cordiality between those who are to -manage together the public concerns. Not only his withdrawing -from the usual civilities of intercourse with me, (which even the -federalists with two or three exceptions keep up,) but his open -hostility in Congress to the administration, leave no doubt of the -state of his mind as a fact, although the cause be unknown. Be -so good as to communicate my respects to Mr. Priestley, and to -accept yourself my friendly salutations, and assurances of unaltered -esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 2, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—My letter of August 28th, on the dispositions of -the Indians, was to go the rounds of all our brethren, and to be -finally sent to you with their separate opinions. I think it probable, -therefore, that the enclosed extract of a letter from a priest -at Detroit to Bishop Carroll, may reach you as soon, or sooner, -than that. I therefore forward it, because it throws rather a different -light on the dispositions of the Indians from that given by -Hull and Dunham. I do not think, however, that it ought to -slacken our operations, because those proposed are all precautionary. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_184'>[184]</a></span>But it ought absolutely to stop our negotiations for land -otherwise the Indians will think that these preparations are -meant to intimidate them into a sale of their lands, an idea which -would be most pernicious, and would poison all our professions -of friendship to them. The immediate acquisition of the land is -of less consequence to us than their friendship and a thorough -confidence in our justice. We had better let the purchase lie till -they are in better temper. I salute you with affection and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 3. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letters of August 23d, 27th, 29th, and 30th, -have all been received; the two last came yesterday. I observe -that the merchants of New York and Philadelphia think that notice -of our present crisis with England should be sent to the -Straits of Sunda by a public ship, but that such a vessel going -to Calcutta, or into the Bay of Bengal, would give injurious -alarm; while those of Baltimore think such a vessel going to the -Straits of Sunda would have the same effect. Your proposition, -very happily in my opinion, avoids the objections of all parties; -will do what some think useful and none think injurious. I -therefore approve of it. To wit, that by some of the private -vessels now going, instruction from the department of State be -sent to our Consul at the Isle of France, to take proper measures -to advise all our returning vessels, as far as he can, to be on their -guard against the English, and that we now appoint and send a -Consul to Batavia, to give the same notice to our vessels returning -through the Straits of Sunda. For this purpose I sign a blank -sheet of paper, over which signature the Secretary of State will -have a consular commission written, leaving a blank for the name -to be filled up by yourself with the name of such discreet and -proper person as shall be willing to go. If he does not mean to -reside there as Consul, we must bear his expenses out and in, and -compensate his time. I presume you will receive this commission, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_185'>[185]</a></span>and the papers you sent me through the Secretary of -State, on the 8th. -</p> - -<p> -I approve of the orders you gave for intercepting the pirates, -and that they were given as the occasion required, without -waiting to consult me, which would have defeated the object. I -am very glad indeed that the piratical vessel and some of the -crew have been taken, and hope the whole will be taken; and -that this has been done by the militia. It will contribute to show -the expediency of an organized naval militia. -</p> - -<p> -I send you the extract of a letter I lately wrote to General -Dearborne on the defence of the Chesapeake. Your situation -will better enable you to make inquiries into the practicability of -the plan than he can. If practicable, it is all-important. -</p> - -<p> -I do not see the probability of receiving from Great Britain -reparation for the wrong committed on the Chesapeake, and -future security for our seamen, in the same favorable light with -Mr. Gallatin and yourself. If indeed the consequence of the -battle of Friedland can be to exclude her from the Baltic, she may -temporize with us. But if peace among the <i>continental</i> powers -of Europe should leave her free in her intercourse with the powers -who will then be <i>neutral</i>, the present ministry, perhaps no -ministry which can now be formed, will not in my opinion give -us the necessary assurance respecting our flag. In that case, it -must bring on a war soon, and if so, it can never be in a better -time for us. I look to this, therefore, as most probably now to take -place, although I do most sincerely wish that a just and sufficient -security may be given us, and such an interruption of our property -avoided. I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 3, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Mr. Smith's letter of August 29th and the papers -it enclosed, and which are now re-enclosed, will explain to you -the necessity of my confirming his proposition as to the means -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_186'>[186]</a></span>of apprizing our East India commerce of their danger, without -waiting for further opinions on the subject. You will see that -it throws on you the immediate burden of giving the necessary -instructions with as little delay as possible, lest the occasion by -the vessels now sailing should be lost. Be so good as to return -me his two letters, and to seal and forward on to him mine, and -the other papers. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 3, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—After writing to Mr. Smith my letter of yesterday, -by the post of that day, I received one from him now enclosed, -and covering a letter from Mr. Crownenshield on the subject of -notifying our East India trade. To this I have written the answer -herein, which I have left open for your perusal, with -Crownenshield's letter, praying that you will seal and forward -them immediately, with any considerations of your own, addressed -to Mr. Smith, which may aid him in the decision I refer -to him. I do not give to the newspaper and parliamentary -scraps the same importance you do. I think they all refer to the -convention of limits sent us in the form of a project, brought forward -only as a sop of the moment for Parliament and the public. -Nothing but an exclusion of Great Britain from the Baltic will -dispose her to peace with us, and to defer her policy of subsisting -her navy by the general plunder of nations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, September 4, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I had written to you yesterday on the subject of -notifying our East India trade, in answer to yours of the 29th -of August, and approving your proposition of giving the notice to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_187'>[187]</a></span>our trade beyond the Straits of Sunda, by a consul specially sent -to Batavia, and to that on this side by our consul at the Isle of -France. Since writing that letter, I have received yours of the -31st, covering Mr. Crownenshield's. This letter shows a great -and intimate knowledge of the subject, and points out so many -various circumstances which may require a variation in the course -to be pursued, that it confirms me in the opinion that it must be -confided to the discretion of a well-chosen agent, governing himself -by circumstances as they may occur. I think it possible, -however, from Mr. Crownenshield's letter, that we may not have -done the best in our power for notifying Madras, and the other -ports in the bay of Bengal. I refer it to yourself, therefore, to -decide on the advice you can so readily get at Baltimore, whether -we should not despatch a third person, with instructions to procure -himself a passage in any private vessel which may be going -from this country to any port in the bay of Bengal, or to any -other port from which he can probably get a passage to some -port in the bay of Bengal, and from whence he can notify the -other ports in the same bay, either by personally visiting them or -by writing. Such a person should carry with him your commission -as an agent of the navy, to obtain credence by secretly -exhibiting that to those he should notify. I return you Mr. -Crownenshield's and Mr. Gallatin's letters. I shall be absent -from this place from the 9th to the 16th inst. Mr. Madison will -be with me to-morrow, on a visit of some days. I salute you -with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 4, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 1st came to hand yesterday. The -event has been * * * * * -that is to say, not only to clear Burr, but to prevent the evidence -from ever going before the world. But this latter case -must not take place. It is now, therefore, more than ever indispensable, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_188'>[188]</a></span>that not a single witness be paid or permitted to depart -until his testimony has been committed to writing, either as delivered -in court, or as taken by yourself in the presence of any -of Burr's counsel, who may choose to attend to cross-examine. -These whole proceedings will be laid before Congress, that they -may decide, whether the defect has been in the evidence of guilt, -or in the law, or in the application of the law, and that they may -provide the proper remedy for the past and the future. I must pray -you also to have an authentic copy of the record made out (without -saying for what) and to send it to me; if the Judge's opinions -make out a part of it, then I must ask a copy of them, -either under his hand, if he delivers one signed, or duly proved -by affidavit. -</p> - -<p> -The criminal is preserved to become the rallying point of all -the disaffected and the worthless of the United States, and to be -the pivot on which all the intrigues and the conspiracies which -foreign governments may wish to disturb us with, are to turn. -If he is convicted of the misdemeanor, the Judge must in decency -give us respite by some short confinement of him; but we must -expect it to be very short. Be assured yourself, and communicate -the same assurance to your colleagues, that your and their -zeal and abilities have been displayed in this affair to my entire -satisfaction and your own honor. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 6, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you the letters of Mr. Granger and Mr. -J. Nicholas, by the latter of which you will see that an Indian -rupture in the neighborhood of Detroit becomes more probable, -if it has not already taken place. I see in it no cause for changing -the opinion given in mine of August 28, but on the contrary, -strong reason for hastening the measures therein recommended. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_189'>[189]</a></span>We must make ever memorable examples of the tribe or tribes -which shall have taken up the hatchet. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS PAINE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 6, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received last night your favor of August 29, and -with it a model of a contrivance for making one gun-boat do -nearly double execution. It has all the ingenuity and simplicity -which generally mark your inventions. I am not nautical enough -to judge whether two guns may be too heavy for the bow of a -gun-boat, or whether any other objection will countervail the -advantage it offers, and which I see visibly enough. I send it -this day to the Secretary of the Navy, within whose department -it lies to try and to judge it. Believing, myself, that gun-boats -are the only <i>water</i> defence which can be useful to us, and protect -us from the ruinous folly of a navy, I am pleased with everything -which promises to improve them. -</p> - -<p> -The battle of Friedland, armistice with Russia, conquest of -Prussia, will be working on the British stomach when they will -receive information of the outrage they have committed on us. -Yet, having entered on the policy proposed by their champion -"war in disguise," of making the property of all nations lawful -plunder to support a navy which their own resources cannot support, -I doubt if they will readily relinquish it. That war with us -had been predetermined may be fairly inferred from the diction of -Berkley's order, the Jesuitism of which proves it ministerial from -its being so timed as to find us in the midst of Burr's rebellion -as they expected, from the contemporaneousness of the Indian -excitements, and of the wide and sudden spread of their maritime -spoliations. I salute you with great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_190'>[190]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY, ESQ., ATTORNEY FOR THE U. S., BEFORE THE -DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Understanding that it is thought important that a letter -of November 12, 1806, from General Wilkinson to myself, should -be produced in evidence on the charges against Burr, depending -in the District Court now sitting in Richmond, I send you a -copy of it, omitting only certain passages, the nature of which is -explained in the certificate subjoined to the letter. As the Attorney -for the United States, be pleased to submit the copy and certificate -to the uses of the Court. I salute you with great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. On re-examination of a letter of November 12, 1806, -from General Wilkinson to myself, (which having been for a -considerable time out of my possession, and now returned to me,) -I find in it some passages entirely confidential, given for my information -in the discharge of my executive functions, and which -my duties and the public interest forbid me to make public. I -have therefore given above a correct copy of all those parts -which I ought to permit to be made public. Those not communicated -are in nowise material for the purposes of justice on the -charges of treason or misdemeanor depending against Aaron -Burr; they are on subjects irrelevant to any issues which can -arise out of those charges, and could contribute nothing towards -his acquittal or conviction. The papers mentioned in the 1st -and 3d paragraphs, as enclosed in the letters, being separated -therefrom, and not in my possession, I am unable, from memory, -to say what they were. I presume they are in the hands of the -attorney for the United States. Given under my hand this 7th -day of September, 1807. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_191'>[191]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I now return you Major Newton's letters. The -intention of the squadron in the bay is so manifestly pacific, that -your instructions to him are perfectly proper, not to molest their -boats merely for approaching the shore. While they are giving -up slaves and citizen seamen, and attempting nothing ashore, it -would not be well to stop this by any new restriction. If they -come ashore indeed, they must be captured, or destroyed if they -cannot be captured, because we mean to enforce the proclamation -rigorously in preventing supplies. So the instructions already -given as to intercourse by flag, as to sealed and unsealed -letters, must be strictly adhered to. It is so material that the seaport -towns should have artillery militia duly trained, that I think -you have done well to permit Captain Nestell's company to have -powder and ball to exercise. With respect to gun-carriages, furnaces -and clothes, I am so little familiar with the details of the -War department that I must beg those subjects to lie till the return -of the Secretary at War, which will be in three weeks. Proposing -to be absent from this place from the 9th to the 16th -instant, our daily post will be suspended during that interval. I -salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 7, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received, late last night, your favor of the day -before, and now re-enclose you the subpœna. As I do not believe -that the district courts have a power of <i>commanding</i> the -executive government to abandon superior duties and attend on -them, at whatever distance, I am unwilling, by any notice of the -subpœna, to set a precedent which might sanction a proceeding -so preposterous. I enclose you, therefore, a letter, public and for -the court, covering substantially all they ought to desire. If the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_192'>[192]</a></span>papers which were enclosed in Wilkinson's letter may, in your -judgment, be communicated without injury, you will be pleased -to communicate them. I return you the original letter. -</p> - -<p> -I am happy in having the benefit of Mr. Madison's counsel on -this occasion, he happening to be now with me. We are both -strongly of opinion, that the prosecution against Burr for misdemeanor -should proceed at Richmond. If defeated, it will heap -coals of fire on the head of the Judge; if successful, it will give -time to see whether a prosecution for treason against him can be -instituted in any, and what other court. But we incline to think, -it may be best to send Blennerhasset and Smith (Israel) to Kentucky, -to be tried both for the treason and misdemeanor. The -trial of Dayton for misdemeanor may as well go on at Richmond. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Mr. Madison, who is with me, suggests the expediency -of immediately taking up the case of Captain Porter, -against whom you know Mr. Erskine lodged a very serious complaint, -for an act of violence committed on a British seaman in -the Mediterranean. While Mr. Erskine was reminded of the -mass of complaints we had against his government for similar -violences, he was assured that contending against such irregularities -ourselves, and requiring satisfaction for them, we did not -mean to follow the example, and that on Captain Porter's return, -it should be properly inquired into. The sooner this is done the -better; because if Great Britain settles with us satisfactorily all -our subsisting differences, and should require in return, (to have -an appearance of reciprocity of wrong as well as redress,) a -marked condemnation of Captain Porter, it would be embarrassing -were that the only obstacle to a peaceable settlement, and the -more so as we cannot but disavow his act. On the contrary, if -we immediately look into it, we shall be more at liberty to be -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_193'>[193]</a></span>moderate in the censure of it, on the very ground of British example; -and the case being once passed upon, we can more easily -avoid the passing on it a second time, as against a settled principle. -It is therefore to put it in our power to let Captain Porter -off as easily as possible, as a valuable officer whom we all wish -to favor, that I suggest to you the earliest attention to the inquiry, -and the promptest settlement of it. I set out to-morrow -on a journey of 100 miles, and shall be absent eight or nine -days. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. CRAWFORD. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Crawford, -and his thanks for his Observations on Quarantines, which he -has read with great pleasure. Not himself a friend to quarantines, -nor having confidence in their efficacy, even if they are -necessary, he sees with pleasure every effort to lessen their credit. -But the theory which derives all infection, and ascribes to unseen -animals the effects hitherto believed to be produced by it, is as -yet too new and unreceived to justify the public servants in -resting thereon the public health, until time and further investigation -shall have sanctioned it by a more general confidence. -He salutes Mr. Crawford with great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 2d is received, and I have this day -directed commissions for Bull, Hubbell, and for Benajah Nicholls -of North Carolina, as Surveyor of the port of Windsor, v. Simeon -Turner, resigned. This last is on the recommendation of -Alston. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_194'>[194]</a></span>You know that the merchants of New York and Philadelphia -were of opinion that a public vessel sent into the Bay of Bengal -to notify our trade there, would in fact increase the danger of our -vessels. The most intelligent merchants of Baltimore, consulted -by Mr. Smith, were of the same opinion as to the Straits of -Sunda. It was therefore concluded between Mr. Smith, Mr. -Madison, and myself, (time not admitting further consultation,) -that it would be best to make a Consul for Batavia, (there being -none,) and send him to his post by a private vessel, with instructions -to take the best measures he could for notifying all our -trade beyond the Straits, to instruct our Consul at the Isle of -France to do the same to all on this side, and moreover to send -a special agent by any private conveyance to be obtained, to go -from port to port in the Bay of Bengal, to give private notice to -the vessels there. As several vessels were on their departure for -those seas from Philadelphia and Baltimore, it is trusted that this -arrangement will effect all the good proposed, and avoid all the -evil apprehended at the different places which were consulted. -</p> - -<p> -I set out to-morrow to Bedford, and shall be absent eight days. -I shall leave this on the 30th, and be in Washington the 3d of -October, ready for our meeting on the 5th. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 18, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—On my return to this place yesterday I found your favor -of the 15th, and now return the papers it covered. I am glad -to see the temperate complexion of Lowrie's correspondence. I -presume the intelligence from England since the arrival there of -the information respecting the Chesapeake, will produce a moderate -deportment in their officers. Your instructions to Major -Newton on the opening of letters, are perfectly consonant with -the rules laid down. With respect to the mode of furnishing -the troops with provisions through any other channel than that -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_195'>[195]</a></span>of the public contractor, I am unable to say anything, being not -at all acquainted with the arrangements of the war department -on that subject. I enclose you a letter I have received from a -Mr. Belcher, of Gloster, giving reason to believe there have been -some contraventions of the Proclamation there which ought to be -punished if they can be detected. I salute you with great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 18, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I returned here yesterday afternoon and found, as I might expect, -an immense mass of business. With the papers received -from you, I enclose you some others which will need no explanation. -I am desired by the Secretary of the Navy to say what -must be the conduct of Commodore Rodgers, at New York, on -the late or any similar entry of that harbor by the British armed -vessels. I refer him to the orders to Decatur as to what he was -to do if the vessels in the Chesapeake. 1. Remain quiet in the -Bay. 2. Come to Hampton road. 3. Enter Elizabeth river, -and recommend an application of the same rules to New York, -accommodated to the localities of the place. Should the British -government give us reparation of the past, and security for the -future, yet the continuance of their vessels in our harbors in defiance -constitutes a new injury, which will not be included in -any settlement with our ministers, and will furnish good ground -for declaring their future exclusion from our waters, in addition -with the other reasonable ground before existing. Our Indian -affairs in the northwest on the Missouri, and at the Natchitoches, -wear a very unpleasant aspect. As to the first all I think is done -which is necessary. But for this and other causes, I am anxious -to be again assembled. I have a letter from Connecticut. The -prosecution there will be dismissed this term on the ground that -the case is not cognisable by the courts of the United States. -Perhaps you can intimate this where it will give tranquillity. -Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_196'>[196]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 18, 1807 -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—On my return yesterday I found yours of the -10th, and now re-enclose you Commodore Rodgers' letter. You -remember that the orders to Decatur were to leave the British -ships unmolested so long as they laid quiet in the Bay; but if -they should attempt to enter Elizabeth river to attack them with -all his force. The spirit of these orders should, I think, be applied -to New York. So long as the British vessels merely enter -the Hook, or remain quiet there, I would not precipitate hostilities. -I do not sufficiently know the geography of the harbor to -draw the line which they should not pass. Perhaps the narrows, -perhaps some other place which yourself or Commodore Rogers -can fix with the aid of the advice he can get in New York. -But a line should be drawn which if they attempt to pass, he -should attack them with all his force. Perhaps he would do -well to have his boats ordinarily a little without the line to let -them see they are not to approach it; but whether he can lay -there in safety, <i>ordinarily</i>, he must judge. But if the British -vessels continue at the Hook, great attention should be paid to -prevent their receiving supplies or their landing, or having any -intercourse with the shore or other vessels. I left Mr. Nicholas's -yesterday morning: he is indisposed with his annual influenza. -Mrs. Nicholas is well. I shall be at Washington on the 3d proximo. -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ROBERT BRENT, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have just received your favor of the 8th, informing me -that the Board of Trustees for the public school in Washington -had unanimously re-appointed me their President. I pray you -to present to them my thanks for the mark of their confidence, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_197'>[197]</a></span>with assurances that I shall at all times be ready to render to the -Institution any services which shall be in my power. Accept -yourself my salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO J. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -September 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I return all the papers received in yours of the 18th and 19th, -except one soliciting office, Judge Woodward's letters, to be communicated -to the Secretary of War. Should not Claiborne be -instructed to say at once to Governor Folch, that as we never -did prohibit any articles (except slaves) from being carried up -the Mississippi to Baton Rouge, so we do not mean to prohibit -them, and that we only ask a perfect and equal reciprocity to be -observed on the rivers which pass through the territories of both -nations. Must we not denounce to Congress the Spanish decree -as well as the British regulation pretending to be the countervail -of the French? One of our first consultations, on meeting, must -be on the question whether we shall not order all the militia and -volunteers destined for the Canadas to be embodied on the 26th -of October, and to march immediately to such points on the way -to their destination as shall be pointed out, there to await the decision -of Congress? I approve of the letter to Erskine. In answering -his last, should he not be reminded how strange it is he -should consider as a hostility our refusing to receive but under a -flag, persons from vessels remaining and acting in our waters in -defiance of the authority of the country? The post-rider of the -day before yesterday has behaved much amiss in not calling on -you. When I found your mail in the valise and that they had -not called on you, I replaced the mail in it and expressly directed -him to return by you. Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_198'>[198]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. HAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—General Wilkinson has asked permission to make -use, in the statement of Burr's affair which he is about to publish, -of the documents placed in your hands by Mr. Rodney. -To this, consent is freely given with one reservation. Some -of these papers are expressed to be confidential. Others containing -censures on particular individuals, are such as I always -deem confidential, and therefore cannot communicate, but for -regularly official purposes, without a breach of trust. I must -therefore ask the exercise of your discretion in selecting all of -this character, and of giving to the General the free use of the -others. It will be necessary that the whole be returned to the -Attorney General by the first week in the next month, as a selection -will be made from them to make part of the whole evidence -in the case, which I shall have printed and communicated -to Congress. I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 20, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received your favors of the 13th and 15th on -my return to this place on the 17th, and such was the mass of -business accumulated in my absence, that I have not till now -been able to take up your letters. You are certainly free to -make use of any of the papers we put into Mr. Hay's hands, -with a single reservation: to wit, some of them are expressed to -be confidential, and others are of that kind which I always consider -as confidential, conveying censure on particular individuals, -and therefore never communicate them beyond the immediate -executive circle. I accordingly write to this effect to Mr. Hay. -The scenes which have been acted at Richmond are such as -have never before been exhibited in any country where all regard -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_199'>[199]</a></span>to public character has not yet been thrown off. They are -equivalent to a proclamation of impunity to every traitorous -combination which may be formed to destroy the Union; and -they preserve a head for all such combinations as may be formed -within, and a centre for all the intrigues and machinations which -foreign governments may nourish to disturb us. However, they -will produce an amendment to the Constitution which, keeping -the judges independent of the Executive, will not leave them so, -of the nation. -</p> - -<p> -I shall leave this place on the 30th for Washington. It is -with pleasure that I perceive from all the expressions of public -sentiment, that the virulence of those whose treasons you have -defeated only place you on higher ground in the opinion of the -nation. I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. COXE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have read with great satisfaction your observations on -the principles for equalizing the power of the different nations -on the sea, and think them perfectly sound. Certainly it will -be better to produce a balance on that element, by reducing the -means of its great monopolizer, than by endeavoring to raise our -own to an equality with theirs. I have ever wished that all -nations would adopt a navigation law against those who have -one, which perhaps would be better than against all indiscriminately, -and while in France I proposed it there. Probably that -country is now ripe for it. I see no reason why your paper -should not be published, as it would have effect towards bringing -the public mind to proper principles. I do not know -whether you kept a copy; if you did not, I will return it. -Otherwise I retain it for the perusal of my coadjutors, and perhaps -to suggest the measure abroad. I salute you with great esteem -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_200'>[200]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,— * * * * * -The approaching convention of Congress would render your assistance -here desirable. Besides the varieties of general matter -we have to lay before them, on which we should be glad of -your aid and counsel, there are two subjects of magnitude in -which your agency will be peculiarly necessary. 1st. The selection -and digestion of the documents respecting Burr's treason, -which must be laid before Congress in two copies, (or perhaps -printed, which would take ten days.) 2d. A statement of the -conduct of Great Britain towards this country, so far as respects -the violations of the Maritime Law of nations. Here it would be -necessary to state each distinct principle violated, and to quote -the cases of violation, and to conclude with a view of her vice-admiralty -courts, their venality and rascality, in order to show -that however for conveniences, (and not of right) the court of -the captor is admitted to exercise the jurisdiction, yet that in so -palpable an abuse of that trust, some remedy must be applied. -Everything we see and hear leads in my opinion to war; we -have therefore much to consult and determine on, preparatory to -that event. I salute you with affectionate respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. PAINE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 9, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your second letter on the subject of gun-boats, -came to hand just before my departure from Monticello. In the -meantime, the inquiry into the proposition had been referred, -agreeably to our usage, or to reason, to the practical persons of -the department to which it belonged, deemed most skilful. On -my arrival here, I found the answers of the persons to whom it -was referred, the substance of which I now enclose you. I am -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_201'>[201]</a></span>not a judge of their solidity, but I presume they are founded, -and the rather as they are from officers entirely favorable to the -use of gun-boats. -</p> - -<p> -We have as yet no knowledge of the arrival of the Revenge in -England, but we may daily expect to hear of it; and as we expected -she would be detained there and in France about a month, -it will be a month hence before we can expect her back here. -In the meantime, all the little circumstances coming to our -knowledge are unfavorable to our wishes for peace. If they -would but settle the question of impressment from our bottoms, -I should be well contented to drop all attempts at a treaty. The -other rights of neutral powers will be taken care of by Bonaparte -and Alexander; and for commercial arrangements we can sufficiently -provide by legislative regulations. But as the practice of -impressment has taken place only against us, we shall be left to -settle that for ourselves; and to do this we shall never again -have so favorable a conjuncture of circumstances. Accept my -friendly salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 12, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I now return you several of Major Newton's letters, -some of which have been kept awhile for consideration. It -is determined that there shall be no relaxation in the conditions -of the proclamations, or any change in the rules of intercourse by -flag. If the British officers set the example of refusing to receive -a flag, let ours then follow it by never sending or receiving -another. The interval cannot now be long in which matters -will remain at their present point. I salute you with great -friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_202'>[202]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 14, 1807 -</p> - -<p> -I think the proper instructions for Mr. Christie's revenue cutter -may be drawn from those given to Captain Decatur. The authority -of the proclamation is to be maintained, no supplies to be -permitted to be carried to the British vessels, nor their vessels -permitted to land. For these purposes force, and to any extent, -is to be applied, if necessary, but not unless necessary, nor, considering -how short a time the present state of things has to continue, -would I recommend any extraordinary vigilance or great -industry in seeking even just occasions for collision. It will -suffice to do what is right when the occasion comes into their -way. I cannot doubt the expediency of getting the instruments -recommended by Mr. Patterson, and of the best kind, <i>if they can -be got in England</i>, because I almost know they cannot be made -<i>in any other country</i> equally good, and I should be quite averse -to getting those which should not be perfect. -</p> - -<p> -May we not at once appoint the republican candidate for the -collectorship of Snow-hill? Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 17, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I forwarded to Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Navy, -an extract of so much of my letter to you of August 31st, as -suggested the idea of artificial harbors for gun-boats, on the -horse-shoe and middle grounds, with a view to his having their -formation examined, to know if they would support works, and -their distance ascertained, to know what would be their effect. -The objects were, 1, to provide an asylum on the shoals for gun-boats -against weather and ships of war, and 2, to prevent ships -lying within the capes. I enclose you the opinion of Captain -Porter, according to which, without thinking of attempting works -so difficult and doubtful, both ends will be answered by a work -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_203'>[203]</a></span>at Lynhaven river, where the shoals are extensive enough to -keep off ships of war, and the river sufficiently capacious to receive -all the gun-boats. He thinks a work at Point Comfort -might also be useful. I send you his draught, which, being -merely an enlargement from More's map on a very minute scale, -is not to be much depended on; and considering the extent of -country that point is to defend, I recommend it to your consideration, -as one of our important objects. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 18, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of the 8th inst., covering, -at the request of the general court of Massachusetts, a memorial -to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United -States, on behalf of Benjamin Hichborn and others, with a desire -that I would communicate and recommend the same to both -Houses of Congress. I should avail myself with particular pleasure -of every occasion of doing what would be acceptable to the -legislative and executive authorities of Massachusetts, and which -should be within the limits of my functions. The Executive of -the Union is, indeed, by the Constitution, made the channel of -communication between <i>foreign</i> powers and the United States. -But citizens, whether individually, or in bodies corporate, or associated, -have a right to apply directly to any department of their -government, whether legislative, executive, or judiciary, the exercise -of whose powers they have a right to claim; and neither -of these can regularly offer its intervention in a case belonging -to the other. The communication and recommendation by me -to Congress of the memorial you have been pleased to enclose -me, would be an innovation, not authorized by the practice of -our government, and therefore the less likely to add to its weight -or effect. Thus restrained from serving you in the exact way -desired, I have thought I could not better do it than by a prompt -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_204'>[204]</a></span>return of the papers, that no time might be lost in transmitting -them through the accustomary channels of your Senators and -Representatives in Congress; and I avail myself of the occasion -of assuring you of my very high respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR BARTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 18, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received last night a diploma from the Linnæan -Society of Philadelphia, doing me the honor of associating me -to their body. I pray you to do me the favor of assuring the -society of my sensibility for this mark of their notice, and of my -thanks. Sincerely associated with the friends of science, in spirit -and inclination, I regret the constant occupations of a different -kind, which put out of my power the proper co-operations with -them, had I otherwise the talents for them. I shall gladly embrace -any occasion which can be offered of being useful to the -society, as a mark of my acknowledgments for their favors, with -my thanks for the copy of your discourse, enclosed at the same -time. I pray you to receive my friendly salutations, and assurances -of great respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JAMES GAMBLE, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 17th has been duly received. I have -long seen, and with very great regret, the schisms which have -taken place among the republicans, and principally those of Pennsylvania -and New York. As far as I have been able to judge, -they have not been produced by any difference of political principle,—at -least, any important difference, but by a difference of -opinion as to persons. I determined from the first moment to -take no part in them, and that the government should know -nothing of any such differences. Accordingly, it has never been -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_205'>[205]</a></span>attended to in any appointment, or refusal of appointment. -General Shee's personal merit, universally acknowledged, was the -cause of his appointment as Indian Superintendent, and a subsequent -discovery that his removal to this place (the indispensable -residence of that officer), would be peculiarly unpleasant to him -suggested his translation to another office, to solve the double -difficulty. Rarely reading the controversial pieces between the -different sections of republicans, I have not seen the piece in the -Aurora, to which you allude; but I may with truth assure you, -that no fact has come to my knowledge which has ever induced -any doubt of your continued attachment to the true principles of -republican government. I am thankful for the favorable sentiments -you are so kind as to express towards me personally, and -trust that an uniform pursuit of the principles and conduct which -have procured, will continue to me an approbation, which I -highly value. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 25, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letters of the 21st and 22d are received, and I -now return Captain Read's of the 18th. We conclude it unnecessary -to call for another corps of militia, to relieve that now -in service at Lynhaven. General Dearborn will write, and -give the necessary directions for discharging, paying, &c. I suspect -the departure of the British armed vessels from our waters, -is in consequence of orders from their government to respect the -proclamation. If Congress should approve our ideas of defensive -works for the several harbors of the United States, there will be -a regular fort at the mouth of Lynhaven river, to protect such a -number of gun-boats to be stationed there as will, in case of war, -render it too dangerous to any armed vessel to enter the bay; -and thus to protect the bay and all its waters at its mouth. I -salute you with great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_206'>[206]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 27, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have reflected on the case of the embodying of -the militia in Ohio, and think the respect we owe to the State -may overweigh the disapprobation so justly due to the conduct -of their Governor pro tem. They certainly had great merit, and -have acquired a very general favor through the Union, for the -early and vigorous blows by which they crushed the insurrection -of Burr. We have now again to appeal to their patriotism and -public spirit in the same case; and should there be war, they are -our bulwark in the most prominent point of assault from the Indians. -Their good will and affection, therefore, should be conciliated -by all justifiable means. If we suffer the question of -paying the militia embodied to be thrown on their Legislature, it -will excite acrimonious debate in that body, and they will spread -the same dissatisfaction among their constituents, and finally it -will be forced back on us through Congress. Would it not, -therefore, be better to say to Mr. Kirker, that the general government -is fully aware that emergencies which appertain to them -will sometimes arise so suddenly as not to give time for consulting -them, before the State must get into action; that the expenses -in such cases, incurred on reasonable grounds, will be met -by the general government; and that in the present case, although -it appears there was no real ground for embodying the -militia, and that more certain measures for ascertaining the truth -should have been taken before embodying them, yet an unwillingness -to damp the public spirit of your countrymen, and -the justice due to the individuals who came forward in defence -of their country, and who could not know the grounds on which -they were called, have determined us to consider the call as justifiable, -and to defray the expenses. This is submitted to you for -consideration. Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_207'>[207]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -October 28, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I think there is nothing in the former regulations of the Salines -which hindered merchants or others of the country round -about, far or near, from purchasing salt at the Salines, at the -stated price, and carrying and vending it elsewhere at their own -price; and it was naturally to be expected that competition -would in this way reduce it to a proper price wherever sold. If -this had taken place, it would have been desirable that the lessees -should not have engaged in it, because as the price at a distance -must add some profit to the transportation and first cost, this -profit might have induced the lessees to sell reluctantly on the -spot. As the merchants, however, have not entered into this -business, I think it would be well to let the lessees begin it, leaving -them open to the effect of future competition; subjecting -them to a maximum as they themselves propose, and to have the -permission revoked if they obstruct sales at the Salines, or otherwise -abuse the permission. I return you their letter. -</p> - -<p> -I return you, also, the papers respecting the lead mines, and -think with you that one-fifth for the three last years is not unreasonable. -</p> - -<p> -I propose to inform Mr. Moore (if you know of no objection,) -that I approve his proposition for cutting the whole road from -Cumberland to Brownsville. We shall by this means secure, at -any rate, the benefit of their location, which will of itself have -occasioned considerable expense. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -October 31, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -The rent we proposed for the Indiana lead mine was two-tenths -of three years' produce=six-tenths of one year's produce -for five years' occupation: and one-tenth of five year's produce=five-tenths -of one year's produce for five years' occupation, is the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_208'>[208]</a></span>option you propose. There can be but one objection to it, that -is, the effect which a rent of one-tenth annually might have in -lowering the future rents permanently. From the Louisiana -standing rent of one-tenth, and the offer of one-tenth for the Indiana -mine, I suspect that one-fifth may be too much for a permanent -rent. What would you think of continuing the offer of -two years free of rent, and one-eighth of the <i>metal</i> afterwards? -I think the most important object for the public is to find what -rent the tenant can pay and still have an encouraging profit for -himself, and to obtain that rent. However, I suggest this merely -for your consideration. -</p> - -<p> -I have written to Mr. Moore on the subject of the road. Whom -shall we appoint in the room of Kilgore. I have conversed with -Morrar, but have had no opportunity of speaking with Governor -Tiffin. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 1, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your late letters have been regularly referred to -the Secretary at War, who has already answered their several -enquiries, or will do it immediately. I am inclined to believe -that the departure of the British vessels from our waters must be -in consequence of orders from England to respect the authorities -of the country. Within about a fortnight we think we may expect -answers from England which will decide whether this cloud -is to issue in a storm or calm. Here we are pacifically inclined, -if anything comes which will permit us to follow our inclinations. -But whether we have peace or war, I think the present Legislature -will authorize a complete system of defensive works, on -such a scale as they think they ought to adopt. The state of -our finances now permits this. To defensive works by land they -will probably add a considerable enlargement of the force in gun-boats. -A combination of these, will, I think, enable us to defend -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_209'>[209]</a></span>the Chesapeake at its mouth, and save the vast line of preparation -which the defence of all its interior waters would otherwise -require. I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR WILLIAMS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 1, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your letter of August 25th, in -which you express a wish that the letters received from you may -be acknowledged, in order to ascertain their safe transmission. -Those received the present year have been of March 14, May 11, -and 30, June 8, July 3, August 12, and 25. They have not -been before acknowledged in conformity with a practice which -the constant pressure of business has forced me to follow, of not -answering letters which do not necessarily require it. I have -seen with regret, the violence of the dissensions in your quarter. -We have the same in the territories of Louisiana and Michigan. -It seems that the smaller the society the bitterer the dissensions -into which it breaks. Perhaps this observation answers all the -objections drawn by Mr. Adams from the small republics of -Italy. I believe ours is to owe its permanence to its great extent, -and the smaller portion comparatively, which can ever be convulsed -at one time by local passions. We expect shortly now to -hear from England, and to know how the present cloud is to terminate. -We are all pacifically inclined here, if anything comes -from thence which will permit us to follow our inclinations. I -salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -November 8, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I will sign a proclamation for the sale of the lands northwest -of Ohio, whenever you think proper. I believe the form is in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_210'>[210]</a></span>your office, and in the course of this week we will agree on the -officers. -</p> - -<p> -I am afraid we know too little as yet of the lead mines to establish -a permanent system. I verily believe that of leasing will -be far the best for the United States. But it will take time to -find out what rent may be reserved, so as to enable the lessee to -compete with those who work mines in their own right, and yet -have an encouraging profit for themselves. Having on the spot -two such men as Lewis and Bates, in whose integrity and prudence -unlimited confidence may be placed, would it not be best -to confide to them the whole business of leasing and regulating -the management of our interests, recommending to them short -leases, at first, till themselves shall become thoroughly acquainted -with the subject, and shall be able to reduce the management to -a system, which the government may then approve and adhere -to. I think one article of it should be that the rent shall be paid -in metal, not in mineral, so that we may have nothing to do with -works which will always be mismanaged, and reduce our concern -to a simple rent. We shall lose more by ill-managed smelting -works than the digging the ore is worth. Then it would be -better that our ore remained in the earth than in a storehouse, -and consequently we give nine-tenths of the ore for nothing. -These thoughts are merely for your consideration. Affectionate -salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SHORT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 15, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 6th has been duly received. On -the subject of your location for the winter, it is impossible in my -view of it, to doubt on the preference which should be given to -this place. Under any circumstances it could not but be satisfactory -to you to acquire an intimate knowledge of our political -machine, not merely of its organization, but the individuals and -characters composing it, their general mode of thinking, and of -acting openly and secretly. Of all this you can learn no more at -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_211'>[211]</a></span>Philadelphia than of a diet of the empire. None but an eye-witness -can really understand it, and it is quite as important to be -known to them, and to obtain a certain degree of their confidence -in your own right. In a government like ours, the standing -of a man well with this portion of the public must weigh -against a considerable difference of other qualifications. Your -quarters here may not perhaps be quite as comfortable as at Philadelphia. -There is a good house half-way between this and the -Treasury, where General Dearborne, Mr. and Mrs. Cutts, board -together. I do not know if there is a vacancy in it, but there -are houses all along the avenue, convenient to the Capitol, and to -this house also, to come and take your soup with us every day, -when not otherwise engaged. -</p> - -<p> -Our affairs with Spain laid dormant during the absence of Bonaparte -from Paris, because we know Spain would do nothing -towards settling them, but by compulsion. Immediately on his -return, our terms were stated to him, and his interposition obtained. -If it was with good faith, its effect will be instantaneous; -if not with good faith, we shall discover it by affected -delays, and must decide accordingly. I think a few weeks will -clear up this matter. With England, all is uncertain. The late -stuff by Captain Doane, is merely a counterbalance for the stuff -we had a week before of a contrary aspect. Those dialogues -they put into the mouths of the ministers were not likely to be -communicated to the newswriters, and they are founded on a -falsehood within my knowledge, not that I have confidence with -an amicable arrangement with England; but I have not the less -on account of this information. One circumstance only in it, I -view as very possible, that she may by proclamation forbid all -commerce with her enemies, which is equivalent to forbidding it -with any nation but herself. As her commerce could not be -accepted on such terms, this will be as much of a war as she -could wage if she were to declare war, for she can wage only a -maritime war with us. In such a case we could not let the war -be all on one side but must certainly endeavor at as much indemnification -as we could take. If we have war with her, we -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_212'>[212]</a></span>shall need no loan the first year, a domestic loan only the second -year, but after that, foreign loans. The moment the war is decided, -we shall think it necessary to take measures to insure these -by the time they are wanted, and your management of this kind -of business, formerly, is known to have been so advantageous, that -we should certainly wish to avail ourselves of your services, if -they can be obtained conformably to our joint views. But nothing -specific can be said until the denouement of our present -situation. No inference can be drawn from Monroe's return, -(which I dare say will be by the Revenge,) because his return -this autumn had been earnestly solicited by him, and agreed to -by us. The classification of our militia will be again proposed, -on a better plan, and with more probable success. With respect -to General Moreau, no one entertains a more cordial esteem for -his character than I do, and although our relations with France -have rendered it a duty in me not to seek any public manifestation -of it, yet were accident to bring us together, I could not be -so much wanting to my own sentiments and those of my constituents -individually, as to omit a cordial manifestation of it. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JAMES PEMBERTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 16, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of October 31st has been duly received, and -I thank you for the communication of the report of the Committee -of Friends. It gives me great satisfaction to see that we -are likely to render our Indian neighbors happier in themselves -and well affected to us; that the measures we are pursuing are -prescribed equally by our duty to them, and by the good of our -own country. It is a proof the more of the indissoluble alliance -between our duties and interest, which if ever they appear to lead -in opposite directions, we may be assured it is from our own defective -views. It is evident that your society has begun at the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_213'>[213]</a></span>right end for civilizing these people. Habits of industry, easy -subsistence, attachment to property, are necessary to prepare -their minds for the first elements of science, and afterwards for -moral and religious instruction. To begin with the last has ever -ended either in effecting nothing, or ingrafting bigotry on ignorance, -and setting them to tomahawking and burning old -women and others as witches, of which we have seen a commencement -among them. There are two circumstances which -have enabled us to advance the southern tribes faster than the -northern; 1, they are larger, and the agents and instructors therefore -can extend their instruction and influence over a much larger -surface; 2, the southern tribes can raise cotton, and immediately -enter on the process of spinning and weaving, so as to clothe -themselves without resorting to the chase. The northern tribes -cannot cultivate cotton, nor can they supply its want by raising -sheep, because of the number of wolves. I see not how they are -to clothe themselves till they shall have destroyed these animals, -which will be a work of time. They should make this one of -the principal objects of their hunts. I salute you with great -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DANIEL ECCLESTON, ESQUIRE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received on the 22d ult. your favor of May 20th, with -the medals accompanying it, through the channel of my friend -and ancient class-mate, Mr. Manning, of Liverpool. That our -own nation should entertain sentiments of gratitude and reverence -for the great character who is the subject of your medallion, -is a matter of duty. His disinterested and valuable services to -them have rendered it so; but such a monument to his memory -by the member of another community, proves a zeal for virtue in -the abstract, honorable to him who inscribes it, as to him whom -it commemorates. In returning you my individual thanks for -the one destined for myself, I should perform but a part of my -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_214'>[214]</a></span>duty were I not to add an assurance that this testimonial in favor -of the first worthy of our country will be grateful to the feelings -of our citizens generally. -</p> - -<p> -I immediately forwarded the two other medals and the letter -to Judge Washington, with a request that he would hand one of -them to Chief Justice Marshall. I salute you with great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MAURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 21, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of July 21st came to hand October -22d, with the letters and medals of General Washington, from -Mr. Eccleston, and I now take the liberty of enclosing through -you my acknowledgments to him. This tribute of respect to the -first worthy of our country, is honorable to him who renders as -to him who is the subject of it. -</p> - -<p> -The world, as you justly observe, is truly in an awful state. -Two nations of overgrown power are endeavoring to establish, -the one an universal dominion by sea, the other by land. We -naturally fear that which comes into immediate contact with us, -leaving remoter dangers to the chapter of accidents. We are -now in hourly expectation of hearing from our ministers in London, -by the return of the Revenge. Whether she will bring us -war or peace, or the middle state of non-intercourse, seems suspended -in equal balance. With every wish for peace, permitted -by the circumstances forced upon us, we look to war as equally -probable. The crops of the present year have been great beyond -example. The wheat sown for the ensuing year is in a great -measure destroyed by the drought and the fly. A favorable -winter and spring sometimes do wonders towards recovering unpromising -grain; but nothing can make the next crop of wheat -a good one. -</p> - -<p> -The present aspect of our foreign relations has encouraged here -a general spirit of encouragement to domestic manufacture. The -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_215'>[215]</a></span>Merino breed of sheep is well established with us, and fine -samples of cloth are sent on from the north. Considerable -manufactures of cotton are also commencing. Philadelphia, particularly, -is becoming more manufacturing than commercial. I -have heard nothing lately from your friends in Albemarle; but -if all had not been well with them, I should have heard of it. I -tender you my affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant -friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -November 22, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -The defence of Orleans against a land army can never be provided -for, according to the principles of the Constitution, till we -can get a sufficient militia here. I think therefore to get the enclosed -bill brought forward again. Will you be so good as to -make any alterations in it which the present state of the surveys -may have rendered necessary, and any others you shall think for -the better? -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MINOR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 25, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 23d came to hand last night, -and I thank you for your attention to the letter to Mrs. Dangerfield, -whose answer I have received. Perceiving that you are -rendered unquiet by the impudent falsehoods with which the -newspapers have tormented the public feelings lately, in a moment -of extraordinary anxiety, I must assure you that these -articles are all demonstrably false, that is to say, the information -of about three or four weeks ago that the ministers on both sides -had given out that all things were amicably arranged. That -which followed a week after assuring us all negotiation was at -an end, and war inevitable, that is to say, Capt. Doane's news, -and what followed a few days ago of Bonaparte's pretended answer -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_216'>[216]</a></span>to queries, extending his decree to us, coming via Antwerp -and Bordeaux. It is believed that the last was fabricated -in Boston, to counteract the war-news from England there -afloat. I have no doubt Monroe is coming home, and that he, -as well as the Revenge, may be expected about the last of the -month; and I think it possible he may be the bearer of propositions -for a middle ground between us, modifying what we have -deemed indispensable; consequently that there will be time still -employed in these things crossing and re-crossing the Atlantic, -during which peace may take place in Europe, which of course -removes all ground of dispute between us till another war. As -to the Chesapeake, there is no doubt they will make satisfaction -of some sort. This is my present idea of the present state of -things with that country, but founded as you will perceive on -possibilities only and conjectures, which one week may ascertain. -I salute you with great friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. FULTON. -</h3> - -<p class="letter_head"> -December 10, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson presents Mr. Fulton his thanks for the communication -of his Memoir, which he has read with great satisfaction, -and now returns. There is nothing in it but what will -contribute to the promotion of its great object; and some of the -calculations will have a very powerful effect. He salutes him -with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BARLOW. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 10, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you Mr. Law's letter, with thanks for the -communication. I wish he may be a true prophet as to peace -in six months. It is impossible that any other man should wish -it as much as I do; although duty may control that wish. The -desire of peace is very much strengthened in me by that which -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_217'>[217]</a></span>I feel in favor of the great subjects of yours and Mr. Fulton's -letters. I had fondly hoped to set those enterprizes into motion -with the last legislature I shall meet. But the chance of war is -an unfortunate check. I do not however despair that the proposition -of amendment may be sent down this session to the legislatures. -But it is not certain. There is a snail-paced gate for -the advance of new ideas on the general mind, under which we -must acquiesce. A forty years' experience of popular assemblies -has taught me, that you must give them time for every step you -take. If too hard pushed, they baulk, and the machine retrogrades. -I doubt whether precedence will be given to your part -of the plan before Mr. Fulton's. People generally have more -feeling for canals and roads than education. However, I hope -we can advance them with equal pace. If the amendment is -sent out this session, returned to the next, and no war takes -place, we may offer the plan to the next session in the form of a -bill, the preparation of which should be the work of the ensuing -summer. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL JOHN MASON. -</h3> - -<p> -Although the decree of the French government of November -21st comprehended, in its literal terms, the commerce of the United -States, yet the prompt explanation by one of the ministers -of that government that it was not so understood, and that our -treaty would be respected, the practice which took place in the -French ports conformably with that explanation, and the recent -interference of that government to procure in Spain a similar -construction of a similar decree there, had given well-founded -expectation that it would not be extended to us; and this was -much strengthened by the consideration of their obvious interests. -But the information from our minister at Paris now -communicated to Congress is, that it is determined to extend the -effect of that decree to us; and it is probable that Spain and the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_218'>[218]</a></span>other Atlantic and Mediterranean States of Europe will co-operate -in the same measure. The British regulations had before reduced -us to a direct voyage to a single port of their enemies, and -it is now believed they will interdict all commerce whatever -with them. A proclamation too of that government (not officially, -indeed, communicated to us, yet so given out to the public -as to become a rule of action with them,) seems to have shut -the door on all negotiation with us, except as to the single aggression -on the Chesapeake. -</p> - -<p> -The sum of these mutual enterprises on our national rights is -that France, and her allies, reserving for further consideration -the prohibiting our carrying anything to the British territories, -have virtually done it, by restraining our bringing a return cargo -from them; and Great Britain, after prohibiting a great proposition -of our commerce with France and her allies, is now believed -to have prohibited the whole. The whole world is thus -laid under interdict by these two nations, and our vessels, their -cargoes and crews, are to be taken by the one or the other, for -whatever place they may be destined, out of our own limits. -If, therefore, on leaving our harbors we are certainly to lose -them, is it not better, as to vessels, cargoes, and seamen, to keep -them at home? This is submitted to the wisdom of Congress, -who alone are competent to provide a remedy. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR WISTAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have never known to what family you ascribed -the Wild Sheep, or Fleecy Goat, as Governor Lewis called it, or -the <i>Potio-trajos</i>, if its name must be Greek. He gave me a -skin, but I know he carried a more perfect one, with the horns -on, to Mr. Peale; and if I recollect well those horns, they, with -the fleece, would induce one to suspect it to be the Lama, or at -least a <span lang="la"><i>Lamæ affinis</i></span>. I will thank you to inform me what you -determine it to be. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_219'>[219]</a></span></p> - -<p> -I have lately received a letter from General Clarke. He has -employed ten laborers several weeks, at the Big-bone Lick, and -has shipped the result, in three large boxes, down the Ohio, via -New Orleans, for this place, where they are daily expected. He -has sent, 1st, of the Mammoth, as he calls it, frontals, jaw-bones, -tusks, teeth, ribs, a thigh, and a leg, and some bones of the paw; -2d, of what he calls the Elephant, a jaw-bone, tusks, teeth, ribs; -3d, of something of the Buffalo species, a head and some other -bones unknown. My intention, in having this research thoroughly -made, was to procure for the society as complete a supplement -to what is already possessed as that lick can furnish at this day, -and to serve them first with whatever they wish to possess of it. -There is a tusk and a femur which General Clarke procured particularly -at my request, for a special kind of Cabinet I have at -Monticello. But the great mass of the collection are mere duplicates -of what you possess at Philadelphia, of which I would wish -to make a donation to the National Institute of France, which I -believe has scarcely any specimens of the remains of these animals. -But how to make the selection without the danger of -sending away something which might be useful to our own society? -Indeed, my friend, you must give a week to this object. -You cannot but have some wish to see Washington for its site, -and some of its edifices, which will give you pleasure. You -will see one room especially, to which Europe can show nothing -superior. Baltimore, too, is an object. Take your lodgings at -the tavern close by us. Mess with me every day, and in the intervals -of your perlustrations of the city, Navy Yard, Capitol, &c., -examine these bones, and set apart what you would wish for the -society. I will give you notice when they arrive here, and then -you will select a time when you can best absent yourself for a -week from Philadelphia. I hope you will not deny us this great -service, and I salute you with friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_220'>[220]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GEN. WILLIAM CLARKE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have duly received your two favors of September -20th, and November 10th, and am greatly obliged, indeed, by -the trouble you have been so good as to take in procuring for me -as thorough a supplement to the bones of the Mammoth as can -now be had. I expect daily to receive your bill for all the expenses, -which shall be honored with thanks. -</p> - -<p> -The collection you have made is so considerable that it has -suggested an idea I had not before. I see that after taking out -for the Philosophical Society everything they shall desire, there -will remain such a collection of duplicates as will be a grateful -offering from me to the National Institute of France, for whom I -am bound to do something. But in order to make it more considerable, -I find myself obliged to ask the addition of those which -you say you have deposited with your brother at Clarkesville, -such as ribs, backbones, leg bones, thigh, ham hips, shoulder-blades, -parts of the upper and under jaw, teeth of the Mammoth -and Elephant, and parts of the Mammoth tusks, to be forwarded -hereafter, if necessary. -</p> - -<p> -I avail myself of these last words to ask that they may packed -and forwarded to me by the way of New Orleans, as the others -have been. I do this with the less hesitation, knowing these -things can be of little value to yourself or brother, so much in -the way of furnishing yourselves, if desired, and because I know -they will be so acceptable to an institution to which, as a member, -I wish to be of some use. I salute you with great friendship -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARKE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 19, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General</span>,—As I think it probable your brother will -have left you before the enclosed comes to hand, I have left it -open, and request you to read it, and do for me what it asks of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_221'>[221]</a></span>him, and what he will do should he still be with you, that is to say -to have the bones packed and forwarded for me to William -Brown, collector at New Orleans, who will send them on to me. -</p> - -<p> -I avail myself of this occasion of recalling myself to your -memory, and of assuring you that time has not lessened my -friendship for you. We are both now grown old. You have -been enjoying in retirement the recollections of the services you -have rendered your country, and I am about to retire without an -equal consciousness that I have not occupied places in which -others would have done more good. But in all places and times -I shall wish you every happiness, and salute you with great -friendship and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 24, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -I think there should certainly be an inquiry into the conduct -of Taylor of Ceracock, the charges being specified, of the most -serious nature, and offered to be proved. -</p> - -<p> -We might take a conveyance of the lands at Tarpaulin cove, -of an estate, to continue <i>so long as a light-house should be kept -upon it, and used as a light-house</i>. It would not be a fee simple, -but what the lawyers call a <i>base fee</i>. But it would be a bad example, -and we should have all proprietors hereafter insisting on -the same thing. It is better they should trust to the liberality of -the United States, in giving them a pre-emption if the light-house -be discontinued. It will be better to add to the absolute conveyance, -such restriction of right as we consent to, to wit, that there -shall be no tavern, &c., than attempt to enumerate the rights we -may exercise,—<i>e. g.</i>, that we may keep cows, cultivate, &c. -</p> - -<p> -I approve entirely the idea of conveying to the city of New -Orleans the rights of the United States in the Batture, lately -claimed by that city, and to all other Riparian possessors on the -Mississippi all alluvions, and all atterisements, or shoals, left uncovered -at low water, saving to navigators the right of landing, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_222'>[222]</a></span>unloading, &c. But providing that the claim to the Batture -given to the city, should be decided by special commissioners -to whom the evidence and arguments in writing shall be sent, -without any necessity of their going there. -</p> - -<p> -Should not a bill be immediately proposed for amending the -embargo law? In the meantime the revenue cutters and armed -vessels must use force. -</p> - -<p> -Cockle's bonds are certainly good set-offs against his Louisiana -bills, and ought so to be used to save his sureties. -</p> - -<p> -I am glad to find we have 4,000,000 acres west of Chafalaya. -How much better to have every 160 acres settled by an able-bodied -militia man, than by purchasers with their hordes of -negroes, to add weakness instead of strength. Affectionate -salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 26, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you the letters you were so kind as to -communicate to me, on the appointment of Dr. Waterhouse to -the care of the marine hospital. When he was decided on -(November 26th), no other candidate had been named to me as -desiring the place. -</p> - -<p> -The respectable recommendations I had received, and his station -as professor of medicine in a college of high reputation, -sufficiently warranted his abilities as a physician, and to these -was added a fact well known, that, to his zeal, the United States -were indebted for the introduction of a great blessing,—vaccination, -which has extirpated one of the most loathsome and mortal -diseases which has afflicted humanity some years, probably, -sooner than would otherwise have taken place. It was a pleasure, -therefore, as well as a duty, in dispensing the public favors, -to make this small return for the great service rendered our country -by Dr. Waterhouse. -</p> - -<p> -That he is not a professional <i>surgeon</i> is not an objection. The -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_223'>[223]</a></span>marine hospitals are medical institutions, for the relief of common -seamen, and the ordinary diseases to which they are liable. To -them, therefore, professional <i>physicians</i> have always been appointed. -</p> - -<p> -A surgeon is named to the navy hospital. The surgeon will -have medical cases under him, and the physician some surgical -cases; but not in sufficient proportion to change the characters -of the institutions, or of the persons to whom they are committed. -</p> - -<p> -On a review of the subject, therefore, I have no reason to -doubt that the person appointed will perform the services of the -marine hospital with ability and faithfulness; and I feel a satisfaction -in having done something towards discharging a moral -obligation of the nation, to one who has saved so many of its -victims from a mortal disease. Nor is it unimportant to the State -in which that institution is, that it has extended his means of -usefulness to the medical students of its college. -</p> - -<p> -I am thankful now, as at all times, for information on the subject -of appointments, even when it comes too late to be used. I -know none but public motives in making them. It is more difficult -and more painful than all the other duties of my office, and -one in which I am sufficiently conscious that involuntary error -must often be committed; and I am particularly thankful to -yourself for this opportunity of explaining the grounds of the appointment -in question; and I tender you sincere assurances of -my affectionate esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 29, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -It is impossible to detest more than I do the fraudulent and -injurious practice of covering foreign vessels and cargoes under -the American flag; and I sincerely wish a systematic and severe -course of punishment could be established. It is only as a punishment -of this fraud, that we could deny to the Portuguese -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_224'>[224]</a></span>vessel the liberty of departing. But I do not know that a solitary -and accidental instance of punishment would have any effect. -The vessel is <span lang="la"><i>bonâ fide</i></span> Portuguese, the crew Portuguese, loaded -with provisions for Portugal, an unoffending and friendly country, -to whom we wish no ill. I have not sufficiently considered -the embargo act, to say how far the executive is at liberty to decide -on these cases. But if we are free to do it, I should be -much disposed to take back her American papers, and let her go, -especially on giving bond and security to land the cargo in Portugal, -dangers of the sea and superior force excepted. Perhaps -it would be proper to require the captain to give up also his certificate -of citizenship, which is also merely fraudulent, has been the -ground of fraudulent conversion, and may be used on the voyage -as a fraudulent cover to the cargo. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 3, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of December 20th has been received. -The copy of the late volume of Agricultural Proceedings is not -yet at hand, but will probably come safe. I had formerly received -the preceding volumes from your kindness, as you supposed. -Writings on this subject are peculiarly pleasing to me, -for, as they tell us, we are sprung from the earth, so to that we -naturally return. It is now among my most fervent longings to -be on my farm, which, with a garden and fruitery, will constitute -my principal occupation in retirement. I have lately received -the proceedings of the Agricultural Society of Paris. They are -proceeding with enthusiasm and understanding. I have been -surprised to find that the rotation of crops and substitution of -some profitable growth preparatory for grain, instead of the useless -and expensive fallow, is yet only dawning among them. -The society has lately re-published Oliver de Serres' <span lang="fr_FR">Theatre -d'Agriculture,</span> in 2 vols. 4to, although written in the reign of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_225'>[225]</a></span>* * * * * . It is the finest body of agriculture extant, and especially -as improved by voluminous notes, which bring its process to -the present day. I lately received from Colonel Few in New -York, a bottle of the oil of Beni, believed to be a sesamum. I -did not believe there existed so perfect a substitute for olive oil. -Like that of Florence, it has no taste, and is perhaps rather more -limpid. A bushel of seed yields three gallons of oil; and Governor -Milledge, of Georgia, says the plant will grow wherever the -Palmi Christi will. It is worth your attention, and you can probably -get seed from Colonel Few. We are in hourly expectation -of Mr. Rose here, in the hope of seeing what turn our differences -with that nation are to take. As yet all is doubtful. Accept my -friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR RUSH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 3, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Dr. Waterhouse has been appointed to the Marine -Hospital of Boston, as you wished. It was a just though -small return for his merit, in introducing the vaccination earlier -than we should have had it. His appointment there makes some -noise there and here, being unacceptable to some; but I believe -that schismatic divisions in the medical fraternity are at the bottom -of it. My usage is to make the best appointment my information -and judgment enable me to do, and then fold myself -up in the mantle of conscience, and abide unmoved the peltings -of the storm. And oh! for the day when I shall be withdrawn -from it; when I shall have leisure to enjoy my family, my friends, -my farm and books! -</p> - -<p> -In the ensuing autumn, I shall be sending on to Philadelphia -a grandson of about fifteen years of age, to whom I shall ask -your friendly attentions. Without that bright fancy which captivates, -I am in hopes he possesses sound judgment and much observation; -and, what I value more than all things, good humor. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_226'>[226]</a></span>For thus I estimate the qualities of the mind; 1, good humor, -2, integrity; 3, industry; 4, science. The preference of the -first to the second quality may not at first be acquiesced in; but -certainly we had all rather associate with a good-humored, light-principled -man, than with an ill tempered rigorist in morality. -</p> - -<p> -We are here in hourly expectation of seeing Mr. Rose, and of -knowing what turn his mission is to give to our present differences. -The embargo is salutary. It postpones war, gives time -and the benefits of events which that may produce; particularly -that of peace in Europe, which will postpone the causes of difference -to the next war. I salute you with great affection and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN TAYLOR, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 6, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your ingenious friend, Mr. Martin, formerly made -for me a drill of very fine construction. I am now very desirous -of sending one of them to the Agricultural Society of Paris, with -whom I am in correspondence, and who are sending me a plough -supposed to be of the best construction ever known. On trial -with their best ploughs, by a dynamometer, it is drawn by from -one-half to two-thirds of the force requisite to their best former -ploughs. Will you be so good as to get Mr. Martin to make me -one of his best drills, sparing no pains to make the workmanship -worthy of the object, to pack it in a box, and contrive it for me -to Fredericksburg. The cost shall be remitted him as soon as -known. I see by the agricultural transactions of the Paris Society, -they are cultivating the Jerusalem artichoke for feeding -their animals. They make 10,000 lb. to the acre, which they -say is three times as much as they generally make of the potatoe. -The African Negroes brought over to Georgia a seed which they -called benn, and the botanists sesamum. I lately received a bottle -of the oil, which was eaten with sallad by various companies. -All agree it is equal to the olive oil. A bushel of seed yields -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_227'>[227]</a></span>three gallons of oil. I propose to cultivate it for my own use at -least. The embargo keeping at home our vessels, cargoes and -seamen, saves us the necessity of making their capture the cause -of immediate war; for, if going to England, France had determined -to take them, if to any other place, England was to take -them. Till they return to some sense of moral duty, therefore, -we keep within ourselves. This gives time. Time may produce -peace in Europe; peace in Europe removes all causes of -difference, till another European war; and by that time our debt -may be paid, our revenues clear, and our strength increased. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 7, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I think with you that the establishment of posts of delivery at -Green Bay and Chicago, would only furnish pretexts for not entering -at Mackinac; and that a new post at the falls of St. Mary's, requiring -a military post to be established there, would not quit -cost, nor is this a time to be multiplying small establishments. -</p> - -<p> -The collector should have his eye on the schooner Friends on -her return, and though proof may be difficult, harass them with -a prosecution. -</p> - -<p> -I see nothing in the case of the Swedish captain which can -produce doubt. The law is plain that a foreign vessel may go -with the load she had on board and no more. The exception as -to vessels under the President's direction, can only be meant to -embrace governmental cases, such as advice vessels, such as permitting -foreign seamen to be shipped to their own country. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the Four Brothers, I know not what can be -done, unless the amendatory law would authorize the collector -to detain on circumstances of strong suspicion, until he can refer -the case here, and give a power to detain finally on such grounds. -</p> - -<p> -Have you thought of the Indian drawback? The Indians can -be kept in order only by commerce or war. The former is the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_228'>[228]</a></span>cheapest. Unless we can induce individuals to employ their -capital in that trade, it will require an enormous sum of capital -from the public treasury, and it will be badly managed. A drawback -for four or five years is the cheapest way of getting that -business off our hands. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 7, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Proceeding as we are to an extensive construction of gun-boats, -there are many circumstances to be considered and agreed -on, viz.: -</p> - -<p> -1. How many shall we build? for the debate lately published -proves clearly it was not expected we should build the whole -number proposed. -</p> - -<p> -2. Of what size, and how many of each size? -</p> - -<p> -3. What weight of metal shall each size carry? shall carronades -be added? -</p> - -<p> -4. Is it not best, as they will not be seasoned, to leave them -unsealed awhile? -</p> - -<p> -5. Where shall they be built, and when required to be in -readiness? -</p> - -<p> -6. As a small proportion only will be kept afloat, in time of -peace, the <i>safe</i> and <i>convenient</i> depositories for those laid up -should be inquired into and agreed on, and sheds erected under -which they may be covered from the sun and rain. -</p> - -<p> -7. To economize the navy funds of the ensuing year, we -should determine how many of the boats now in service ought to -be kept in each, and for how many we will depend on the seaport -in case of attack. -</p> - -<p> -The first of these subjects may require a general consultation, -and perhaps the 7th also. The others are matters of detail which -may be determined on between you and myself. I shall be ready -to consult with you on them at your convenience. Affectionate -salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_229'>[229]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 8, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of December 29th brings to my mind -a subject which never has presented itself but with great pain, -that of your withdrawing from the administration, before I withdraw -myself. It would have been to me the greatest of consolations -to have gone through my term with the same coadjutors, -and to have shared with them the merit, or demerit, of whatever -good or evil we may have done. The integrity, attention, skill, -and economy with which you have conducted your department, -have given me the most complete and unqualified satisfaction, -and this testimony I bear to it with all the sincerity of truth and -friendship; and should a war come on, there is no person in the -United States to whose management and care I could commit it -with equal confidence. That you as well as myself, and all our -brethren, have maligners, who from ill-temper, or disappointment, -seek opportunities of venting their angry passions against us, is -well known, and too well understood by our constituents to be -regarded. No man who can succeed you will have fewer, nor -will any one enjoy a more extensive confidence through the nation. -Finding that I could not retain you to the end of my -term, I had wished to protract your stay, till I could with propriety -devolve on another the naming of your successor. But this -probably could not be done till about the time of our separation -in July. Your continuance however, till after the end of the -session, will relieve me from the necessity of any nomination -during the session, and will leave me only a chasm of two or -three months over which I must hobble as well as I can. My -greatest difficulty will arise from the carrying on the system of -defensive works we propose to erect. That these should have -been fairly under way, and in a course of execution, under your -direction, would have peculiarly relieved me; because we concur -so exactly in the scale on which they are to be executed. Unacquainted -with the details myself, I fear that when you are gone, -aided only by your chief clerk, I shall be assailed with schemes -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_230'>[230]</a></span>of improvement and alterations which I shall be embarrassed to -pronounce on, or withstand, and incur augmentations of expense, -which I shall not know how to control. I speak of the interval -between the close of this session, when you propose to retire, -and the commencement of our usual recess in July. Because -during that recess, we are in the habit of leaving things to the -chief clerks; and, by the end of it, my successor may be pretty -well known, and prevailed on to name yours. However, I am -so much relieved by your ekeing out your continuance to the end -of the session, that I feel myself bound to consult your inclinations -then, and to take on myself the difficulties of the short -period then ensuing. In public or in private, and in all situations, -I shall retain for you the most cordial esteem, and satisfactory -recollections of the harmony and friendship with which we -have run our race together; and I pray you now to accept sincere -assurances of it, and of my great respect and attachment. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MESSRS. MAESE, LEYBERT AND DICKERSON, OF THE AMERICAN -PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 9, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Gentlemen</span>,—I duly received your favor of the 1st instant, informing -me that at an election of officers of the American Philosophical -Society, held at their hall on that day, they were pleased -unanimously to elect me as their President for the ensuing year. -I repeat, with great sensibility, my thanks to the Society for -these continued proofs of their good will, and my constant regret -that distance and other duties deny me the pleasure of performing -at their meetings the functions assigned to me, and of enjoying -an intercourse with them which of all others would be the -most gratifying to me. Thus circumstanced I can only renew -assurances of my devotion to the objects of the Institution, and -that I shall avail myself with peculiar pleasure of every occasion -which may occur of promoting them, and of being useful to the -Society. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_231'>[231]</a></span></p> - -<p> -I beg leave through you, Gentlemen, to present them the -homage of my dutiful respects, and that you will accept yourselves, -the assurances of my high consideration and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 10, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I find Bastrop's case less difficult than I had expected. My -view of it is this: The Governor of Louisiana being desirous of -introducing the culture of wheat into that province, engages -Bastrop as an agent for carrying that object into effect. He -agrees to lay off twelve leagues square on the Washita and Bayou -liard, as a settlement for the culture of wheat, to which Bastrop -is to bring five hundred families, each of which families is to -have four hundred arpens of the land; the residue of the twelve -leagues square, we may understand, was to be Bastrop's premium. -The government was to bear the expenses of bringing these -emigrants from New Madrid, and was to allow them rations for -six months,—Bastrop undertaking to provide the rations, and the -government paying a real and a half for each. -</p> - -<p> -Bastrop binds himself to settle the five hundred families in -three years, and the Governor especially declares that if within -that time the major part of the establishment shall not have been -made good, the <i>twelve leagues square</i>, destined for Bastrop's -settlers, shall be occupied by the families first presenting themselves -for that purpose. Bastrop brings on some settlers,—how -many does not appear, and the Intendant, from a want of funds, -suspends further proceeding in the settlement until the King's -decision. [His decision of what? Doubtless whether the settlement -shall proceed on these terms, and the funds be furnished by -the king? or shall be abandoned?] He promises Bastrop, at the -same time, that the former limitation of three years shall be extended -to two years, after the course of the contract shall have -again commenced to be executed, and the determination of the -King shall be made known to Bastrop. Here, then, is a complete -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_232'>[232]</a></span>suspension of the undertaking until the King's decision, and -his silence from that time till, and when, he ceded the province, -must be considered as an abandonment of the project. -</p> - -<p> -There are several circumstances in this case offering ground -for question, whether Bastrop is entitled to any surplus of the -lands. But this will be an investigation for the Attorney General. -But the uttermost he can claim is a surplus proportioned -to the number of families he settled, that is to say, a quota of -land bearing such a proportion to the number of families he -settled, (deducting four hundred arpens for each of them,) as -one hundred and forty-four square leagues bear to the whole number -of five hundred families. The important fact therefore to -be settled, is the number of families he established there before -the suspension. -</p> - -<p> -The Marquis du Maison Rouge (under whom Mr. Clarke -claims) was to have thirty square leagues on the Washita, for -settling thirty families, none of them to be Americans. The -lands were located and appropriated under the terms and conditions -stipulated and contracted for by the said Marquis. What -these were we are not told. The grantee must prove his grant -by producing it. That will prove what the conditions were, and -then he must prove these conditions performed. -</p> - -<p> -Livingston's argument does not establish the fact that the lands -between the staked line and the river, (if they belonged to the -Jesuits,) were conveyed to Gravier. -</p> - -<p> -It is impossible to consider the indulgence to the Apelousas as -anything more than a <i>voluntary</i> permission from the government -to use the timber on the ungranted lands, until they should be -granted to others. It could never be intended to keep that -country forever unsettled, as appears by expressly reserving the -right of soil. But I think we should continue the permission -until we sell the lands. -</p> - -<p> -These opinions are, of course, not to be considered as decisions, -(for that is not my province,) but as general ideas of the rights -of the United States, to be kept in view on the settlement. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_233'>[233]</a></span></p> - -<p> -The appropriation of the lots in New Orleans must certainly be -suspended, until we get the supplementary information promised. -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILLIAM WIRT, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 10, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I pray you that this letter may be sacredly secret, -because it meddles in a line wherein I should myself think it -wrong to intermeddle, were it not that it looks to a period when -I shall be out of office, but others might think it wrong notwithstanding -that circumstance. I suspected, from your desire to go -into the army, that you disliked your profession, notwithstanding -that your prospects in it were inferior to none in the State. Still -I know that no profession is open to stronger antipathies than that -of the law. The object of this letter, then, is to propose to you -to come into Congress. That is the great commanding theatre -of this nation, and the threshold to whatever department of office -a man is qualified to enter. With your reputation, talents, and -correct views, used with the necessary prudence, you will at once -be placed at the head of the republican body in the House of -Representatives; and after obtaining the standing which a little -time will ensure you, you may look, at your own will, into the -military, the judiciary, diplomatic, or other civil departments, -with a certainty of being in either whatever you please. And in -the present state of what may be called the eminent talents of -our country, you may be assured of being engaged through life -in the most honorable employments. If you come in at the next -election, you will begin your course with a new administration. -That administration will be opposed by a faction, small in numbers, -but governed by no principle but the most envenomed -malignity. They will endeavor to batter down the executive -before it will have time, by its purity and correctness, to build -up a confidence with the people, founded on experiment. By -supporting them you will lay for yourself a broad foundation in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_234'>[234]</a></span>the public confidence, and indeed you will become the Colossus -of the republican government of your country. I will not say -that public life is the line for making a fortune. But it furnishes -a decent and honorable support, and places one's children on good -grounds for public favor. The family of a beloved father will -stand with the public on the most favorable ground of competition. -Had General Washington left children, what would have -been denied to them? -</p> - -<p> -Perhaps I ought to apologize for the frankness of this communication. -It proceeds from an ardent zeal to see this government -(the idol of my soul) continue in good hands, and from a sincere -desire to see you whatever you wish to be. To this apology I -shall only add my friendly salutations, and assurances of sincere -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 14, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I return you Chauncey's letter. I am sorry to see the seamen -working for rations only, and that we cannot allow even them. -And further, indeed, that we shall be under the necessity of discharging -a number of those we have. This is so serious a question -that I propose to call a consultation on it a day or two -hence. Our sixty-four gun-boats and ketches may certainly be -reduced to ten seamen each, at least I have at various times had -the opinions of nearly all our naval captains, that from eight to -ten men are sufficient to keep a gun-boat clean and in order, to -navigate her in harbor, and to look out of it. This would give -us a reduction of about four hundred men. But even this will -not bring it within the estimate. However, what is to be done, -is the question on which I shall propose a consultation. I send -you a letter of a Mr. Walton, of Baltimore, for perusal, merely as -it suggests ideas worth looking at. I confess, I think our <i>naval -militia</i> plan, both as to name and structure, better for us than -the English plan of seafencibles. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_235'>[235]</a></span></p> - -<p> -I ought to be in possession of a former letter from the same -person, but not finding it among my papers, am induced to ask -whether I sent it to you? Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -To the letter from Mr. Davy, of the committee of the chamber -of commerce, of Philadelphia, (which I now return you,) I think -you may say in answer, that you had communicated it to the -President, and were authorized to say that the Government of the -United States have no present views of forming new harbors for -the reception of their vessels of war: that under the authority, -and with the means, lately given by the Legislature to the executive, -it is intended to furnish means of defence, by land and -water, to the several harbors of the United States, in proportion -to their importance and local circumstances: that all the points -to be defended are not yet definitively decided on; but that in -reviewing them, the harbor proposed by the chamber of commerce, -to be formed near Lewistown, will be considered, and will -have a just participation in the provisions for protection, in the -first place according to its present circumstances, and hereafter -according to any new importance which shall have been given -it by being made a place of greater resort for merchant vessels. -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. J. DORSEY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 21, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of December -20th, and am much pleased to find our progress in manufactures -to be so great. That of cotton is peculiarly interesting, -because we raise the raw material in such abundance, and because -it may, to a great degree, supply our deficiencies both in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_236'>[236]</a></span>wool and linen. A former application on behalf of Messrs. Binney -& Robertson, was delivered to the Secretary of State, who -will engage General Armstrong to aid such measures as they may -take in Paris for obtaining permission to draw supplies of Antimony -from thence. -</p> - -<p> -It will give me real pleasure to see some good system of measures -and weights introduced and combined with the decimal -arithmetic. It is a great and difficult question whether to venture -only on a half reformation, which by presenting fewer innovations, -may be more easily adopted, or, as the French have tried -with success, make a radical reform. Your plan presents as few -innovations as any I have seen; but I think your <i>foot</i> should refer -to the pendulum, by saying, for instance, that the <i>foot</i> shall -be a measure which shall be to the second pendulum as 1 to 3,267; -or rather as 1 to the length of a pendulum vibrating seconds -in latitude 45°. This offers a standard in every place, because -it can everywhere be found. The rod you propose is only -to be found in Philadelphia. You say in your letter that "if the -decimal mode obtain in the division of the pound, the Troy and -it, as regards the Troy grain, would be the same." I do not understand -this; because the Avoirdupois pound containing 7,000 -Troy grains, I do not see how any decimal subdivision of the -pound could coincide with the Troy grain. However, I shall -be very glad to see adopted whatever measure is most promising. -I salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE REV. MR. MILLAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 23, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of the 18th, and am -thankful to you for having written it, because it is more agreeable -to prevent than to refuse what I do not think myself authorized -to comply with. I consider the government of the United States -as interdicted by the Constitution from intermeddling with religious -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_237'>[237]</a></span>institutions, their doctrines, discipline, or exercises. This results -not only from the provision that no law shall be made respecting -the establishment or free exercise of religion, but from that also -which reserves to the States the powers not delegated to the -United States. Certainly, no power to prescribe any religious -exercise, or to assume authority in religious discipline, has been -delegated to the General Government. It must then rest with -the States, as far as it can be in any human authority. But it is -only proposed that I should <i>recommend</i>, not prescribe a day of -fasting and prayer. That is, that I should <i>indirectly</i> assume to -the United States an authority over religious exercises, which -the Constitution has directly precluded them from. It must be -meant, too, that this recommendation is to carry some authority, -and to be sanctioned by some penalty on those who disregard it; -not indeed of fine and imprisonment, but of some degree of proscription, -perhaps in public opinion. And does the change in the -nature of the penalty make the recommendation less a <i>law</i> of -conduct for those to whom it is directed? I do not believe it is -for the interest of religion to invite the civil magistrate to direct -its exercises, its discipline, or its doctrines; nor of the religious -societies, that the General Government should be invested with -the power of effecting any uniformity of time or matter among -them. Fasting and prayer are religious exercises; the enjoining -them an act of discipline. Every religious society has a right to -determine for itself the times for these exercises, and the objects -proper for them, according to their own particular tenets; and this -right can never be safer than in their own hands, where the Constitution -has deposited it. -</p> - -<p> -I am aware that the practice of my predecessors may be -quoted. But I have ever believed, that the example of State -executives led to the assumption of that authority by the General -Government, without due examination, which would have discovered -that what might be a right in a State government, was -a violation of that right when assumed by another. Be this as -it may, every one must act according to the dictates of his own -reason, and mine tells me that civil powers alone have been -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_238'>[238]</a></span>given to the President of the United States, and no authority to -direct the religious exercises of his constituents. -</p> - -<p> -I again express my satisfaction that you have been so good as -to give me an opportunity of explaining myself in a private letter, -in which I could give my reasons more in detail than might have -been done in a public answer; and I pray you to accept the -assurances of my high esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BARLOW. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 24, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson returns thanks to Mr. Barlow for the copy -of the Columbiad he has been so kind as to send him; the eye -discovers at once the excellence of the mechanical execution of -the work, and he is persuaded that the mental part will be found -to have merited it. He will not do it the injustice of giving it -such a reading as his situation here would admit, of a few minutes -at a time, and at intervals of many days. He will reserve -it for that retirement after which he is panting, and not now -very distant, where he may enjoy it in full concert with its kindred -scenes, amidst those rural delights which join in chorus -with the poet, and give to his song all its magic effect. He salutes -Mr. Barlow with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TOMKINS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 26, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I take the liberty of enclosing to you the copy of an application -which I have received from a portion of the citizens of -the State of New York, residing on the river St. Lawrence and -Lake Ontario, setting forth their very defenceless situation for the -want of arms, and praying to be furnished from the magazines of -the United States. Similar applications from other parts of our -frontier in every direction have sufficiently shown that did -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_239'>[239]</a></span>the laws permit such a disposition of the arms of the United -States, their magazines would be completely exhausted, and -nothing would remain for actual war. But it is only when troops -take the field, that the arms of the United States can be delivered -to them. For the ordinary safety of the citizens of the several -States, whether against dangers within or without, their reliance -must be on the means to be provided by their respective States. -Under these circumstances I have thought it my duty to transmit -to you the representation received, not doubting that you -will have done for the safety of our fellow citizens, on a part of -our frontier so interesting and so much exposed, what their situation -requires, and the means under your control may permit. -</p> - -<p> -Should our present differences be amicably settled, it will be a -question for consideration whether we should not establish a -strong post on the St. Lawrence, as near our northern boundary -as a good position can be found. To do this at present would -only produce a greater accumulation of hostile force in that -quarter. I pray you to accept the assurances of my high respect -and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JACOB J. BROWN, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The representation of the county of Jefferson, in New -York, of which you are chairman, stating their want of arms, -and asking a supply, has been duly received and considered. I -learn with great concern that a portion of our frontier so interesting, -so important, and so exposed, should be so entirely unprovided -with common fire-arms. I did not suppose any part of -the United States so destitute of what is considered as among the -first necessaries of a farm-house. This circumstance gives me -the more concern as the laws of the United States do not permit -their arms to be delivered from the magazines but to troops actually -taking the field; and, indeed, were the inhabitants on the -whole of our frontier, of so many thousands of miles, to be furnished -from our magazines, little would be left in them for actual -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_240'>[240]</a></span>war. For the ordinary safety of the citizens of the several -States, whether against dangers from within or without, reliance -has been placed either on the domestic means of the individuals, -or on those provided by the respective States. What those means -are in the State of New York, I am not informed; but I have -transmitted your representation to Governor Tomkins, with an -earnest recommendation of it to his attention; and I have no -doubt that his solicitude for the welfare and safety of a portion -so eminently exposed of those under his immediate care, will ensure -to you whatever his authority and his means will permit. -</p> - -<p> -That an attack should be made on you by your neighbors, -while the state of peace continues, cannot be supposed; nor is it -certain that that condition of things will be interrupted. Should, -however, war take place, if first declared by us, your safety will -of course have been previously provided for: if by the other -party, it cannot be before the measures now in preparation will -be in readiness to secure you. Should our present differences be -amicably settled, a new post on the St. Lawrence, as near our -northern boundary as a good position can be found, will be worthy -of consideration. At present it would only produce a -greater accumulation of hostile force in your neighborhood, and -if we should have war, it would soon become unimportant. -</p> - -<p> -On the whole, while I am in hopes that your State will provide -by the loan of arms, for your immediate safety and confidence, -you may be assured that such measures shall be in -readiness, and in reach, on the part of the General Government, -as aided by your own efforts, will effectually secure you from the -dangers you apprehend. -</p> - -<p> -I cannot conclude without expressing to you the satisfaction -with which I have received the patriotic assurance of your best -services, should they be needed in your country's cause. They -are worthy of the citizens of a free country, who know and properly -estimate the value of self-government, and are the more acceptable -as from a quarter where they will be most important. -</p> - -<p> -I beg leave to assure yourself, and through you the committee, -of my great consideration and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_241'>[241]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JACOB BROWN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The substance of the enclosed letter, so far as is necessary -for the satisfaction of our fellow citizens, should be communicated -to them. But the letter itself should not be published, -nor be permitted to be copied. Because the source from which -it comes will occasion every word of it to be weighed by your -neighbors on the opposite shore, and every inference to be drawn -of which it is susceptible. To aid their information as to our -views, would give them an advantage to our own prejudice. I -salute you with respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. TIFFIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson returns the enclosed to Mr. Tiffin with his -thanks for the communication. He cannot foresee what shape -Burr's machinations will take next. If we have war with Spain, -he will become a Spanish General. If with England, he will go -to Canada and be employed there. Internal convulsion may be -attempted if no game more hopeful offers. But it will be a difficult -one, and the more so as having once failed. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILLIAM M'INTOSH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received some days ago your letter of December 15th, -covering a copy of the resolutions of the French inhabitants of -Vincennes of September 18th, in answer to the address of Governor -Harrison, who had, in the month of October, forwarded -me a copy of the same. In his letter enclosing it he assured me -that his address to them on the subject of our differences with -England was merely monitory, putting them on their guard -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_242'>[242]</a></span>against insinuations from any agents of that country, who might -find their way among them, and containing no expression, which -if truly explained to them, should have conveyed the least doubt -of his confidence in their fidelity to the United States. I had -hoped therefore that the uneasiness expressed in their resolutions -had been done away by subsequent explanations, as I have no -reason to believe any such distrust existed in the Governor's -mind. I can assure them that he never expressed such a sentiment -in any of his communications to me, but that whenever he -has had occasion to speak of them, it has been in terms of entire -approbation and attachment. In my own mind certainly no -doubts of their fidelity have ever been excited or existed. Having -been the Governor of Virginia when Vincennes and the other -French settlements of that quarter surrendered to the arms of -that State, twenty-eight years ago, I have had a particular knowledge -of their character as long perhaps as any person in the United -States, and in the various relations in which I have been -placed with them by the several offices I have since held, that -knowledge has been kept up. And to their great honor I can -say that I have ever considered them as sober, honest, and orderly -citizens, submissive to the laws, and faithful to the nation of -which they are a part. And should occasion arise of proving -their fidelity in the cause of their country, I count on their aid -with as perfect assurance as on that of any other part of the United -States. In return for this confidence, and as an additional -proof on their part that it is not misplaced, I ask of them a return -to a perfect good understanding with their Governor, and to that -respect for those in authority over them, which has hitherto so -honorably marked their character. As to myself they may be -assured that my confidence in them is undiminished, and that -nothing will be wanting on the part of the general government -to secure them in the full participation of all the rights civil and -religious which are enjoyed by their fellow citizens in the Union -at large. -</p> - -<p> -I beg leave through you to salute them, as well as yourself, -with affection and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_243'>[243]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR HARRISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 31, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I duly received your letter of October 10th, covering -the resolutions of the French inhabitants of Vincennes, and -had hoped that their uneasiness under your supposed want of -confidence in them had subsided. But a letter lately received -from their chairman, covering another copy of the same resolutions, -induces me to answer them, in order to quiet all further -uneasiness. I enclose you my answer, open for your perusal, -and will thank you to seal and deliver it. I have expressed to -them the opinion I have long entertained of the ancient Canadian -French, on a long course of information, and as it is favorable to -them, I trust it will be soothing, and restore those good dispositions -which will ease the execution of your duties, and tend to -produce that union which the present crisis calls for. -</p> - -<p> -Russia and Portugal have cut off all intercourse with England; -their ambassadors re-called, and war follows of course. Our difficulties -with her are great, nor can it yet be seen how they will -terminate. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 8, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -In questions like the present, important neither in principle nor -amount, I think the collectors should decide for themselves, and -especially as they, and they only, are the legally competent -judges; for I believe the law makes them the judges of the security. -If the indulgence proposed be within the intentions of -the law, they can grant it; if it be not, we cannot. But it is -the practice in all cases for the officer who is charged with the -taking security, to be indulgent in a hard case, as where the person -is a stranger, could he not take hypothecations of their vessels? -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_244'>[244]</a></span>although the law may not specially authorize this, yet the -collector can take it as counter security for himself, and he can -assign it to the government. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 10, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -It would certainly be very desirable that our citizens should -be able to draw home their property from beyond sea, and it is -possible that Mr. Parish's proposition might be instrumental to -that. But it would be too bold an extension of the views of the -Legislature in the portion of discretion they have given us. -They could not mean to give us so extensive a power of dispensation -as would result from the duty of giving special licenses to -merchants, and such a power, guided by no Legislative regulations, -would be liable to great abuse, and greater complaints of it. -I see therefore, neither justification nor safety in leaving the -ground we have taken, of confining the discretionary power -given us to the public correspondence and public interests. If -the drawing this mass of specie here could be any way connected -with any direct public operation, the danger of the precedent -would be guarded against; but as it is presented to us, I think it -inadmissible. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 14, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I believe we must employ some of our gun-boats to aid in the -execution of the embargo law. Some British ships in the Delaware, -one of them loaded with fifteen hundred barrels of flour -for Jamaica, another armed as a letter of marque, openly mean to -go out by force. The last is too strong for the revenue cutters. -Mr. Brice also, of Baltimore, asks armed assistance. I see nothing -at present to prevent our sparing a couple of gun-boats from -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_245'>[245]</a></span>New York to go into the Delaware, and a couple from Norfolk -to come up to the head of the Bay. Will this interfere with -more important duties? Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 14, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I have written to Mr. Smith, proposing to order a couple of -gun-boats from New York into the Delaware, and two from -Norfolk to the head of the bay. I hope the passage of naval -stores into Canada will be prevented. I enclose for your information -the account of a silver mine to fill your treasury. Affectionate -salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. DANIEL SALMON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your letter of the 8th instant, on -the subject of the stone in your possession, supposed meteoric. -Its descent from the atmosphere presents so much difficulty as to -require careful examination. But I do not know that the most -effectual examination could be made by the members of the National -Legislature, to whom you have thought of exhibiting it. -Some fragments of these stones have been already handed about -among them. But those most highly qualified for acting in -<i>their</i> stations, are not necessarily supposed most familiar with -subjects of natural history; and such of them as have that familiarity, -are not in situations here to make the investigation. -I should think that an inquiry by some one of our scientific societies, -as the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia for example, -would be most likely to be directed with such caution and -knowledge of the subject, as would inspire a general confidence. -We certainly are not to deny whatever we cannot account for. -A thousand phenomena present themselves daily which we cannot -explain, but where facts are suggested, bearing no analogy -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_246'>[246]</a></span>with the laws of nature as yet known to us, their verity needs -proofs proportioned to their difficulty. A cautious mind will -weigh well the opposition of the phenomenon to everything -hitherto observed, the strength of the testimony by which it is -supported, and the errors and misconceptions to which even our -senses are liable. It may be very difficult to explain how the -stone you possess came into the position in which it was found. -But is it easier to explain how it got into the clouds from whence -it is supposed to have fallen? The actual fact however is the -thing to be established, and this I hope will be done by those -whose situations and qualifications enable them to do it. I -salute you with respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. ANTHONY G. BETTAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 18, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your letter of January 27th. -With respect to the silver mine on the river Platte, 1,700 miles -from St. Louis, I will observe that in the present state of things -between us and Spain, we could not propose to make an establishment -at that distance from all support. It is interesting however -that the knowledge of its position should be preserved, -which can be done either by confiding it to the government, -who will certainly never make use of it without an honorable -compensation for the discovery to yourself or your representatives, -or by placing it wherever you think it safest. -</p> - -<p> -I should be glad of a copy of any sketch or account you may -have made of the river Platte, of the passage from its head -across the mountains, and of the river Cashecatungo, which you -suppose to run into the Pacific. This would probably be among -the first exploring journeys we undertake after a settlement with -Spain, as we wish to become acquainted with all the advantageous -water connections across our continent. -</p> - -<p> -I shall be very glad to receive some seed of the silk nettle -which you describe, with a view to have it raised, and its uses -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_247'>[247]</a></span>tried. I have not been able to find that any of your delegates -here has received it. If you would be so good as to send me a -small packet of it by post, it will come safely, and I will immediately -commit it to a person who will try it with the utmost -care. I salute you with respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 18, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Sir</span>,—You informed me that the instruments you -had been so kind as to bring for me from England, would arrive -at Richmond with your baggage, and you wished to know what -was to be done with them there. I will ask the favor of you to -deliver them to Mr. Jefferson, who will forward them to Monticello -in the way I shall advise him. And I must entreat you -to send me either a note of their amount, or the bills, that I may -be enabled to reimburse you. There can be no pecuniary matter -between us, against which this can be any set-off. But if, -contrary to my recollection or knowledge, there were anything, -I pray that that may be left to be settled by itself. If I could -have known the amount beforehand, I should have remitted it, -and asked the advance only under the idea that it should be the -same as ready money to you on your arrival. I must again, -therefore, beseech you to let me know its amount. -</p> - -<p> -I see with infinite grief a contest arising between yourself -and another, who have been very dear to each other, and equally -so to me. I sincerely pray that these dispositions may not be -affected between you; with me I confidently trust they will not. -For independently of the dictates of public duty, which prescribes -neutrality to me, my sincere friendship for you both will -ensure its sacred observance. I suffer no one to converse with -me on the subject. I already perceive my old friend Clinton, -estranging himself from me. No doubt lies are carried to him, -as they will be to the other two candidates, under forms which, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_248'>[248]</a></span>however false, he can scarcely question. Yet I have been -equally careful as to him also, never to say a word on his subject. -The object of the contest is a fair and honorable one, -equally open to you all; and I have no doubt the personal conduct -of all will be so chaste, as to offer no ground of dissatisfaction -with each other. But your friends will not be as delicate. -I know too well from experience the progress of political controversy, -and the exacerbation of spirit into which it degenerates, -not to fear for the continuance of your mutual esteem. -One piquing thing said draws on another, that a third, and always -with increasing acrimony, until all restraint is thrown off, -and it becomes difficult for yourselves to keep clear of the toils -in which your friends will endeavor to interlace you, and to -avoid the participation in their passions which they will endeavor -to produce. A candid recollection of what you know of -each other will be the true corrective. With respect to myself, -I hope they will spare me. My longings for retirement are so -strong, that I with difficulty encounter the daily drudgeries of -my duty. But my wish for retirement itself is not stronger -than that of carrying into it the affections of all my friends. I -have ever viewed Mr. Madison and yourself as two principal pillars -of my happiness. Were either to be withdrawn, I should -consider it as among the greatest calamities which could assail my -future peace of mind. I have great confidence that the candor -and high understanding of both will guard me against this misfortune, -the bare possibility of which has so far weighed on my -mind, that I could not be easy without unburthening it. -</p> - -<p> -Accept my respectful salutations for yourself and Mrs. Monroe, -and be assured of my constant and sincere friendship. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOSEPH BRINGHURST. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 24, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the -16th. It gave me the first information of the death of our distinguished -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_249'>[249]</a></span>fellow citizen, John Dickinson. A more estimable -man, or truer patriot, could not have left us. Among the first -of the advocates for the rights of his country when assailed by -Great Britain, he continued to the last the orthodox advocate of -the true principles of our new government, and his name will be -consecrated in history as one of the great worthies of the revolution. -We ought to be grateful for having been permitted to retain -the benefit of his counsel to so good an old age; still, the -moment of losing it, whenever it arrives, must be a moment of -deep-felt regret. For himself, perhaps, a longer period of life -was less important, alloyed as the feeble enjoyments of that age -are with so much pain. But to his country every addition to his -moments was interesting. A junior companion of his labors in -the early part of our revolution, it has been a great comfort to -me to have retained his friendship to the last moment of his life. -</p> - -<p> -Sincerely condoling with his friends on this affecting loss, I -beg leave to tender my salutations to yourself, and assurances of -my friendly respects. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you a copy of Armstrong's letter, covering -the papers sent to Congress. The date was blank, as in the -copy; the letter was so immaterial that I had really forgotten it -altogether when I spoke with you last night. I feel myself -much indebted to you for having given me this private opportunity -of showing that I have kept back nothing material. That -the federalists and a few others should by their vote make such -a charge on me, is never unexpected. But how can any join -in it who call themselves friends? The President sends papers -to the House, which he thinks the public interest requires they -should see. They immediately pass a vote, implying irresistibly -their belief that he is capable of having kept back other papers -which the same interest requires they should see. They pretend -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_250'>[250]</a></span>to no direct proof of this. It must, then, be founded in presumption; -and on what act of my life or of my administration is such -a presumption founded? What interest can I have in leading -the Legislature to act on false grounds? My wish is certainly to -take that course with the public affairs which the body of the -Legislature would prefer. It is said, indeed, that such a vote is -to satisfy the federalists and their partisans. But were I to send -twenty letters, they would say, "You have kept back the twenty-first; -send us that." If I sent one hundred, they would say, -"There were one hundred and one;" and how could I prove -the negative? Their malice can be cured by no conduct; it -ought, therefore, to be disregarded, instead of countenancing their -imputations by the sanction of a vote. Indeed I should consider -such a vote as a charge, in the face of the nation, calling for a -serious and public defence of myself. I send you a copy, that -you may retain it, and make such use of it among our friends as -your prudence and friendship will deem best. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -February 28, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -There is no source from whence our fair commerce derives so -much vexation, or our country so much danger of war, as from -forged papers and fraudulent voyages. Nothing should, in my -opinion, be spared, either of trouble or expense on our part, to -aid all nations in detecting and punishing them. I would therefore -certainly direct Mr. Gelston to furnish Heinecher with every -proof in his power, and to assure him that it shall be done on all -occasions. Would it not be well to give this assurance to all the -foreign consuls? It would at least show the world that this government -does not countenance those frauds; and should not instructions -be given to all the collectors to furnish all proofs in -their power on demand? The three Englishmen will, I presume, -be punished by the laws of Holland, either as spies, or -prisoners of war. If their laws will not take hold of our scoundrel, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_251'>[251]</a></span>Gardner, of the Jane, perhaps that government would put -him on board a vessel, under the order of our consul, to be brought -and punished here for the forgery of papers. Would it not be -well to put a summary statement of this case, and of our orders -on the occasion, into Smith's paper? Would it be amiss even -to send it to Congress by message, with a recommendation to -provide punishments against this practice? Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 2, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -On considering the papers which James Brown sent us, containing -a statement of the parcels of property in and adjacent to -New Orleans, to which the United States claims, we thought it -safest to await the report of the commissioners, with their list of -the property. The papers received yesterday by express from -New Orleans, and now enclosed to you, give us a list of the -property, and grounds of claim from the common council of the -city. Having thus the statement, as it were, from both parties, -I suppose we may consider the list as complete. It would therefore -be only losing a year to wait for the report of the commissioners, -and especially as the property is suffering. What shall -we do? There are two questions,—first, which of these parcels -do really belong to the United States? Second, how shall they -be disposed of? On the first question, I presume Congress will -not decide themselves, but either leave it to the present commissioners, -or appoint others of higher standing and abilities, at least -for the future, which is of too much value, and too much involved -in prejudices <i>there</i>, to be safely trusted to the present commissioners. -On the second question, perhaps Congress might now -desire the Executive, so soon as the titles are decided, to state to -them the parcels which should be kept for the government use, -and then give to the city such as they need, and dispose of the -rest as they see best. -</p> - -<p> -Will you favor me with your ideas what is best to be done? -Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_252'>[252]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 3, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of February 8th, covering the resolutions -of the Legislature of Massachusetts, was received in due -time. It is a circumstance of great satisfaction that the proceedings -of the government are approved by the respectable Legislature -of Massachusetts, and especially the late important measure -of the embargo. The hearty concurrence of the States in that -measure, will have a great effect in Europe. I derive great personal -consolation from the assurances in your friendly letter, that -the electors of Massachusetts would still have viewed me with -favor as a candidate for a third presidential term. But the duty -of retirement is so strongly impressed on my mind, that it is impossible -for me to think of that. If I can carry into retirement -the good will of my fellow citizens, nothing else will be wanting -to my happiness. -</p> - -<p> -Your letter of February 7th, with a recommendation for -Salem, and that of the 8th recalling it, were both received. I -dare say you have found that the solicitations for office are the -most painful incidents to which an executive magistrate is exposed. -The ordinary affairs of a nation offer little difficulty to a -person of any experience; but the gift of office is the dreadful -burthen which oppresses him. A person who wishes to make it -an engine of self-elevation, may do wonders with it; but to one -who wishes to use it conscientiously for the public good, without -regard to the ties of blood or friendship, it creates enmities without -numbers, many open, but more secret, and saps the happiness -and peace of his life. -</p> - -<p> -I pray you to accept my friendly salutations, and assurances -of great esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_253'>[253]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 10, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,— -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -From your letter of the 27th ultimo, I perceive that painful -impressions have been made on your mind during your late -mission, of which I had never entertained a suspicion. I must, -therefore, examine the grounds, because explanations between -reasonable men can never but do good. 1. You consider the -mission of Mr. Pinckney as an associate, to have been in some way -injurious to you. Were I to take that measure on myself, I -might say in its justification, that it has been the regular and -habitual practice of the United States to do this, under every -form in which their government has existed. I need not recapitulate -the multiplied instances, because you will readily recollect -them. I went as an adjunct to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, -yourself as an adjunct first to Mr. Livingston, and then to Mr. -Pinckney, and I really believe there has scarcely been a great -occasion which has not produced an extraordinary mission. Still, -however, it is well known that I was strongly opposed to it in -the case of which you complain. A committee of the Senate -called on me with two resolutions of that body, on the subject -of impressment and spoliations by Great Britain, and requesting -that I would demand satisfaction. After delivering the resolutions, -the committee entered into free conversation, and observed, -that although the Senate could not, in form, recommend any extraordinary -mission, yet that as individuals, there was but one -sentiment among them on the measure, and they pressed it. I -was so much averse to it, and gave them so hard an answer, that -they felt it, and spoke of it. But it did not end here. The -members of the other House took up the subject, and set upon -me individually, and these the best friends to you, as well as myself, -and represented the responsibility which a failure to obtain -redress would throw on us both, pursuing a conduct in opposition -to the opinion of nearly every member of the Legislature. I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_254'>[254]</a></span>found it necessary, at length, to yield my own opinion to the -general use of the national council, and it really seemed to produce -a jubilee among them; not from any want of confidence in -you, but from a belief in the effect which an extraordinary mission -would have on the British mind, by demonstrating the degree -of importance which this country attached to the rights -which we considered as infracted. -</p> - -<p> -2. You complain of the manner in which the treaty was received. -But what was that manner? I cannot suppose you to -have given a moment's credit to the stuff which was crowded in -all sorts of forms into the public papers, or to the thousand -speeches they put into my mouth, not a word of which I had -ever uttered. I was not insensible at the time of the views to -mischief, with which these lies were fabricated. But my confidence -was firm, that neither yourself nor the British government, -equally outraged by them, would believe me capable of -making the editors of newspapers the confidants of my speeches -or opinions. The fact was this. The treaty was communicated -to us by Mr. Erskine on the day Congress was to rise. Two of -the Senators inquired of me in the evening, whether it was my -purpose to detain them on account of the treaty. My answer -was, "that it was not: that the treaty containing no provision -against the impressment of our seamen, and being accompanied -by a kind of protestation of the British ministers, which would -leave that government free to consider it as a treaty or no treaty, -according to their own convenience, I should not give them the -trouble of deliberating on it." This was substantially, and almost -verbally, what I said whenever spoken to about it, and I -never failed when the occasion would admit of it, to justify yourself -and Mr. Pinckney, by expressing my conviction, that it was -all that could be obtained from the British government; that you -had told their commissioners that your government could not be -pledged to ratify, because it was contrary to their instructions; -of course, that it should be considered but as a project; and in -this light I stated it publicly in my message to Congress on the -opening of the session. Not a single article of the treaty was -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_255'>[255]</a></span>ever made known beyond the members of the administration, -nor would an article of it be known at this day, but for its publication -in the newspapers, as communicated by somebody from -beyond the water, as we have always understood. But as to -myself, I can solemnly protest, as the most sacred of truths, that -I never, one instant, lost sight of your reputation and favorable -standing with your country, and never omitted to justify your -failure to attain our wish, as one which was probably unattainable. -Reviewing therefore, this whole subject, I cannot doubt -you will become sensible, that your impressions have been without -just ground. I cannot, indeed, judge what falsehoods may -have been written or told you; and that, under such forms as to -command belief. But you will soon find, my dear Sir, that so -inveterate is the rancor of party spirit among us, that nothing -ought to be credited but what we hear with our own ears. If -you are less on your guard than we are here, at this moment, the -designs of the mischief-makers will not fail to be accomplished, -and brethren and friends will be made strangers and enemies to -each other, without ever having said or thought a thing amiss of -each other. I presume that the most insidious falsehoods are -daily carried to you, as they are brought to me, to engage us in -the passions of our informers, and stated so positively and plausibly -as to make even <i>doubt</i> a rudeness to the narrator; who, imposed -on himself, has no other than the friendly view of putting -us on our guard. My answer is, invariably, that my knowledge -of your character is better testimony to me of a negative, than -any affirmative which my informant did not hear <i>from yourself</i> -with his own ears. In fact, when you shall have been a little -longer among us, you will find that little is to be believed which -interests the prevailing passions, and happens beyond the limits -of our own senses. Let us not then, my dear friend, embark our -happiness and our affections on the ocean of slander, of falsehood -and of malice, on which our credulous friends are floating. If -you have been made to believe that I ever did, said, or thought -a thing unfriendly to your fame and feelings, you do me injury -as causeless as it is afflicting to me. In the present contest in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_256'>[256]</a></span>which you are concerned, I feel no passion, I take no part, I express -no sentiment. Whichever of my friends is called to the -supreme cares of the nation, I know that they will be wisely and -faithfully administered, and as far as my individual conduct can -influence, they shall be cordially supported. For myself I have -nothing further to ask of the world, than to preserve in retirement -so much of their esteem as I may have fairly earned, and -to be permitted to pass in tranquillity, in the bosom of my family -and friends, the days which yet remain for me. Having reached -the harbor myself, I shall view with anxiety (but certainly not -with a wish to be in their place) those who are still buffetting -the storm, uncertain of their fate. Your voyage has so far been -favorable, and that it may continue with entire prosperity, is the -sincere prayer of that friendship which I have ever borne you, -and of which I now assure you, with the tender of my high respect -and affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO RICHARD M. JOHNSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 10, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I am sure you can too justly estimate my occupations; -to need an apology for this tardy acknowledgment of your favor -of February the 27th. I cannot but be deeply sensible of the -good opinion you are pleased to express of my conduct in the -administration of our government. This approbation of my fellow -citizens is the richest reward I can receive. I am conscious -of having always intended to do what was best for them; and -never, for a single moment, to have listened to any personal interest -of my own. It has been a source of great pain to me, to -have met with so many among our opponents, who had not the -liberality to distinguish between political and social opposition; -who transferred at once to the person, the hatred they bore to his -political opinions. I suppose, indeed, that in public life, a man -whose political principles have any decided character, and who -has energy enough to give them effect, must always expect to encounter -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_257'>[257]</a></span>political hostility from those of adverse principles. But -I came to the government under circumstances calculated to -generate peculiar acrimony. I found all its offices in the possession -of a political sect, who wished to transform it ultimately -into the shape of their darling model, the English government; -and in the meantime, to familiarize the public mind to the change, -by administering it on English principles, and in English forms. -The elective interposition of the people had blown all their designs, -and they found themselves and their fortresses of power -and profit put in a moment into the hands of other trustees. -Lamentations and invective were all that remained to them. -This last was naturally directed against the agent selected to execute -the multiplied reformations, which their heresies had rendered -necessary. I became of course the butt of everything -which reason, ridicule, malice and falsehood could supply. They -have concentrated all their hatred on me, till they have really -persuaded themselves, that I am the sole source of all their imaginary -evils. I hope, therefore, that my retirement will abate -some of their disaffection to the government of their country, and -that my successor will enter on a calmer sea than I did. He will -at least find the vessel of state in the hands of his friends, and not -of his foes. Federalism is dead, without even the hope of a day -of resurrection. The quondam leaders, indeed, retain their rancor -and principles; but their followers are amalgamated with us -in sentiment, if not in name. If our fellow citizens, now solidly -republican, will sacrifice favoritism towards men for the preservation -of principle, we may hope that no divisions will again -endanger a degeneracy in our government. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of great -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. MADISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 11, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I suppose we must despatch another packet by the 1st of April -at farthest. I take it to be an universal opinion that war will become -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_258'>[258]</a></span>preferable to a continuance of the embargo after a certain -time. Should we not then avail ourselves of the intervening period -to procure a retraction of the obnoxious decrees peaceably, -if possible? An opening is given us by both parties, sufficient to -form a basis for such a proposition. -</p> - -<p> -I wish you to consider, therefore, the following course of proceeding, -to wit: -</p> - -<p> -To instruct our ministers at Paris and London, by the next -packet, to propose immediately to both those powers a declaration -on both sides that these decrees and orders shall no longer -be extended to vessels of the United States, in which case we -shall remain faithfully neutral; but, without assuming the air of -menace, to let them both perceive that if they do not withdraw -these orders and decrees, there will arrive a time when our interests -will render war preferable to a continuance of the embargo; -that when that time arrives, if one has withdrawn and the other -not, we must declare war against that other; if neither shall have -withdrawn, we must take our choice of enemies between them. -This it will certainly be our duty to have ascertained by the time -Congress shall meet in the fall or beginning of winter; so that -taking off the embargo, they may decide whether war must be -declared, and against whom. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 13, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received last night your favor of the 10th. -There can certainly be no present objection to the forwarding -the letters therein mentioned, according to their address. -</p> - -<p> -We have nothing new of importance, except that at the last -reading of an amendatory bill a few days ago, the House of Representatives -were surprised into the insertion of an insidious -clause permitting any merchant having <i>property</i> abroad, on -proving it to the executive, to send a ship for it. We are already -overwhelmed with applications, and there is real danger that the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_259'>[259]</a></span>great object of the embargo in keeping our ships and seamen out -of harm's way, will be defeated; and every vessel and seaman -sent out under this pretext, and placed in the prize of the belligerent -tyrants. I salute you with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 17, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I think it will be impossible to form general rules for carrying -into execution the seventh section of the law of March 12th, -without a fuller view of the number and nature of the cases -which are to come under it. I have waited in expectation the -applications would multiply so as to give one a general view, but -I have received but about half a dozen. But, indeed, nothing short -of a knowledge of all the cases can enable us to provide for them. -I have been wishing, therefore, to converse with you on this proposition; -to wit, to direct the collectors to advertize in their respective -ports, that all persons desiring the benefit of that law, -must <i>immediately</i> deliver to him a statement of the <i>place</i> where -they have property, its <i>amount</i>, whether <i>cash</i> or <i>goods</i>, and what -<i>kind</i> of goods, and in whose <i>hands</i>, on oath, but without exhibiting -other proofs till further called on. These particulars may -be stated in a tabular view; for <i>cash</i> we might authorize vessels -to go immediately, but for goods rules must be framed on a view -of all circumstances. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the constitution of the act, there are cases in -the books where the word "may" has been adjudged equivalent -to "shall," but the term "is authorized," unless followed by -"and required," was, I think, never so considered. On the contrary, -I believe it is the very term which Congress always use -toward the executive when they mean to give a power to him, -and leave the use of it to his discretion. -</p> - -<p> -It is the very phrase on which there is now a difference in the -House of Representatives, on the bill for raising 6,000 regulars, -which says "there shall be raised," and some desire it to say -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_260'>[260]</a></span>"the President is authorized to raise," leaving him the power -with a discretion to use it or not. It is to be observed also that -the one construction puts it in the power of individuals to defeat -the embargo in a great measure, while the other leaves a power -to combine a due regard to the object of the law with the interests -of individuals. I like your idea of proportioning the tonnage -of the vessel to the value (in some degree) of the property, -but its bulk must also be taken into consideration. On the -whole, I should be for giving prompt permission to bring home -money, because one vessel will bring for all those who have cash -at the same port; but the bringing property in other forms, will -require a fuller view and digest of rules. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO W. C. NICHOLAS, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 18th is duly received. Be assured -that I value no act of friendship so highly as the communicating -facts to me, which I am not in the way of knowing -otherwise, and could not therefore otherwise guard against. I -have had too many proofs of your friendship not to be sensible -of the kindness of these communications, and to receive them -with peculiar obligation. The receipt of Mr. Rose's answer has -furnished the happiest occasion for me to present to Congress a -complete view of the ground on which we stand with the two -principal belligerents, and, with respect to France, to lay before -them, <i>for the public</i>, every communication received from that -government since the last session, including those heretofore sent, -in order that they also may be published, and let our constituents -see whether these papers gave just ground for the falsehoods -which have been so impudently advanced. We shall hope to -see you to-day. Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_261'>[261]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR WISTAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 12th is received. Congress, I think, -will rise in about three weeks,—say about the 11th of April, -and I shall leave this five or six days after, on a visit of some -length to Monticello. This illy accords with your journey to -the westward in May; but can you not separate your excursion -to this place from the western journey? Between Philadelphia -and this place is but two days, and the roads are already fine. I -would propose, therefore, that you should come a few days before -Congress rises, so as to satisfy that article of your curiosity. The -bones are spread in a large room, where you can work at your -leisure, undisturbed by any mortal, from morning till night, taking -your breakfast and dinner with us. It is a precious collection, -consisting of upwards of three hundred bones, few of them of -the large kinds which are already possessed. There are four -pieces of the head, one very clear, and distinctly presenting the -whole face of the animal. The height of his forehead is most -remarkable. In this figure, the indenture at the eye gives a -prominence of six inches to the forehead. There are four jaw-bones -tolerably entire, with several teeth in them, and some fragments; -three tusks like elephants; one ditto totally different, the -largest probably ever seen, being now from nine to ten feet long, -though broken off at both ends; some ribs; an abundance of -teeth studded, and also of those of the striated or ribbed kind; -a fore-leg complete; and then about two hundred small bones, -chiefly of the foot. This is probably the most valuable part of -the collection, for General Clarke, aware that we had specimens -of the larger bones, has gathered up everything of the small kind. -There is one horn of a colossal animal. The bones which came -do not correspond exactly with General Clarke's description; -probably there were some omissions of his packers. Having sent -my books to Monticello, I have nothing here to assist you but the -Encyclopedie Methodique. I hope you will make this a separate -excursion; and come before Congress rises, whenever it best -suits you. I salute you with friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_262'>[262]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS OF THE COUNTY OF ADAMS, -PENNSYLVANIA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I see with pleasure, fellow citizens, in your address of February -15th, a sound recurrence to the first principles on which our -government is founded; an examination by that test of the rights -we possess, and the wrongs we have suffered; a just line drawn -between a wholesome attention to the conduct of rulers, and a -too ready censure of that conduct on every unfounded rumor; -between the love of peace, and the determination to meet war, -when its evils shall be less intolerable than the wrongs it is -meant to correct. With so just a view of principles and circumstances, -your approbation of my conduct, under the difficulties -which have beset us on every side, is doubly valued by me, and -offers high encouragement to a perseverance in my best endeavors -for the preservation of your peace, so long as it shall be consistent -with the preservation of your rights. When this ceases -to be practicable, I feel entire confidence in the arduous exertions -which you pledge in support of the measures which may -be called for by the exigencies of the times, and in the known -energies and enterprize of our countrymen in whatsoever direction -they are pointed. If these energies are embodied by an union -of will, and by a confidence in those who direct it, our nation, so -favored in its situation, has nothing to fear from any quarter. -To that union of effort may our citizens ever rally, minorities -falling cordially, on the decision of a question, into the ranks of -the majority, and bearing always in mind that a nation ceases to -be republican only when the will of the majority ceases to be the -law. I thank you, fellow citizens, for the solicitude you kindly -express for my future welfare. A retirement from the exercise -of my present charge is equally for your good and my own happiness. -Gratitude for past favors, and affectionate concern for -the liberty and prosperity of my fellow citizens, will cease but -with life to animate my breast. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_263'>[263]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 23, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -It is a maxim of our municipal law, and, I believe, of universal -law, that he who permits the <i>end</i>, permits of course the -<i>means</i>, without which the end cannot be effected. The law -permitting rum, molasses, and sugar, to be imported from countries -which have not packages for them, would be construed in -the most rigorous courts to permit them to be carried. They -would consider the restriction to ballast and provisions as a restriction -to necessaries, and merely equivalent to a declaration -that they shall carry out nothing for sale. -</p> - -<p> -This is certainly one object of the law, and the second is to -import the property; and to these objects all constructions of it -should be directed. I have no doubt, therefore, that Messrs. -Low and Wallace, and others, should be allowed to carry out the -necessary and sufficient packages. But a right to take care that -the law is not evaded, allows us to prescribe that kind of package -which can be best guarded against fraud. Boxes ready-made -could not, perhaps, be so easily probed, to discover if they contained -nothing for exportation. Casks filled with water can be -easily sounded from the bunghole. If you think, therefore, that -one kind of package is safer than another, it may be prescribed; -for that nothing for sale shall be exported is as much the object -of the law, as that their property shall be imported. Reasonable -attention is due to each object. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. LE VAVASSEUR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 23, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I am sensible of the extraordinary ingenuity and merit of -the work which you offer to the acquisition of our government. -It would certainly be an ornament to any country. But with -such an immense extent of country before us, wanting common -improvement to render it productive, the United States have not -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_264'>[264]</a></span>thought the moment as yet arrived when it would be wise in -them to divert their funds to objects less pressing; no law has -yet authorized acquisitions of this character. The idea of rendering -the Greek and Latin languages living, has certainly some -captivating points. The experiment has, I believe, been tried in -Europe as to the Latin language, but with what degree of success -I am not precisely informed. I suppose it very possible to -reform the language of the modern Greeks to the ancient standard, -and that this may one day take place. But in our infant -country objects more urgent force themselves on our attention, -and call for the aid of all our means. These peculiarities of our -situation deprive us of the advantage of availing our country of -propositions which, in a more advanced stage of improvement, -might be entitled to consideration. -</p> - -<p> -Permit me to tender my salutations, and assurances of respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO LEVI LINCOLN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 23, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter on the subject of Mr. Lee came safely -to hand. You know our principles render federalists in office -safe, if they do not employ their influence in opposing the government, -but only give their own vote according to their conscience. -And this principle we act on as well with those put in -office by others, as by ourselves. -</p> - -<p> -We have received from your presses a very malevolent and incendiary -denunciation of the administration, bottomed on absolute -falsehood from beginning to end. The author would merit exemplary -punishment for so flagitious a libel, were not the torment -of his own abominable temper punishment sufficient for even as -base a crime as this. The termination of Mr. Rose's mission, <span lang="la"><i>re -infecta</i></span>, put it in my power to communicate to Congress yesterday, -everything respecting our relations with England and -France, which will effectually put down Mr. Pickering, and his -worthy coadjutor Mr. Quincy. Their tempers are so much alike, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_265'>[265]</a></span>and really their persons, as to induce a supposition that they are -related. The embargo appears to be approved, even by the federalists -of every quarter except yours. The alternative was between -that and war, and in fact, it is the last card we have to -play, short of war. But if peace does not take place in Europe, -and if France and England will not consent to withdraw the -operation of their decrees and orders from us, when Congress -shall meet in December, they will have to consider at what point -of time the embargo, continued, becomes a greater evil than war. -I am inclined to believe, we shall have this summer and autumn -to prepare for the defence of our seaport towns, and hope that -in that time, the works of defence will be completed which have -been provided for by the Legislature. I think Congress will rise -within three weeks. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 26, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Madison happening to call on me just now, I consulted -him on the subject of Hoffman's letter. We both think that it -would be neither just nor expedient that the supplies necessary -to the existence of the Indians should be cut off from them; and -that if no construction of the embargo law will permit the passage -of their commerce, and if that law could, and did intend to -control the treaty, (the last of which is hardly to be believed,) -then an amendment should be asked of Congress. I have no -copy of the law by me, and indeed am too unwell for very close -exercise of the mind. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CHARLES PINCKNEY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 8th was received on the 25th, -and I proceed to state to you my views of the present state and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_266'>[266]</a></span>prospect of foreign affairs, under the confidence that you will -use them for your own government and opinions only, and by no -means let them get out as from me. With France we are in -no <i>immediate</i> danger of war. Her future views it is impossible -to estimate. The immediate danger we are in of a rupture with -England, is postponed for this year. This is effected by the -embargo, as the question was simply between that and war. -That may go on a certain time, perhaps through the year, without -the loss of their property to our citizens, but only its remaining -unemployed on their hands. A time would come, however, -when war would be preferable to a continuance of the embargo. -Of this Congress may have to decide at their next meeting. In -the meantime, we have good information, that a negotiation for -peace between France and England is commencing through the -medium of Austria. The way for it has been smoothed by a -determination expressed by France (through the Moniteur, which -is their government paper) that herself and her allies will demand -from Great Britain no renunciation of her maritime principles; -nor will they renounce theirs. Nothing shall be said -about them in the treaty, and both sides will be left in the next -war to act on their own. No doubt the meaning of this is, -that all the <i>Continental</i> powers of Europe will form themselves -into an armed neutrality, to enforce their own principles. Should -peace be made, we shall have safely rode out the storm in peace -and prosperity. If we have anything to fear, it will be after -that. Nothing should be spared from this moment in putting our -militia in the best condition possible, and procuring arms. I -hope, that this summer, we shall get our whole seaports put into -that state of defence, which Congress has thought proportioned -to our circumstances and situation; that is to say, put <i>hors -d'insulte</i> from a maritime attack, by a moderate squadron. If -armies are combined with their fleets, then no resource can be -provided, but to meet them in the field. We propose to raise -seven regiments only for the present year, depending always on -our militia for the operations of the first year of war. On any -other plan, we should be obliged always to keep a large standing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_267'>[267]</a></span>army. Congress will adjourn in about three weeks. I hope -Captain McComb is getting on well with your defensive works. -We shall be able by mid-summer, to give you a sufficient number -of gun-boats to protect Charleston from any vessel which can -cross the bar; but the militia of the place must be depended on -to fill up the complement of men necessary for action in the moment -of an attack, as we shall man them, in ordinary, but with -their navigating crew of eight or ten good seamen. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -March 31, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -If, on considering the doubts I shall suggest, you shall still -think your draught of a supplementary embargo law sufficient, -in its present form, I shall be satisfied it is so, for I have but one -hour in the morning in which I am capable of thinking, and -that is too much crowded with business to give me time to think. -</p> - -<p> -1. Is not the first paragraph against the Constitution, which -says no preference shall be given to the ports of one State over -those of another? You might put down those ports as ports of -entry, if that could be made to do. -</p> - -<p> -2. Could not your second paragraph be made to answer by -making it say that no clearance shall be furnished to any vessel -laden with <i>provisions</i> or <i>lumber</i>, to go from one port to another -of the United States, without special permission, &c. In that -case we might lay down rules for the necessary removal of provisions -and lumber, inland, which should give no trouble to the -citizens, but refuse licenses for all coasting transportation of those -articles but on such applications from a Governor as may ensure -us against any exportation but for the consumption of his State. -Portsmouth, Boston, Charleston, and Savannah, are the only ports -which cannot be supplied inland. I should like to prohibit <i>collections</i>, -also, made evidently for clandestine importation. -</p> - -<p> -3. I would rather strike out the words "in conformity with -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_268'>[268]</a></span>treaty" in order to avoid any express recognition at this day of -that article of the British treaty. It has been so flagrantly abused -as to excite the Indians to war against us, that I should have no -hesitation in declaring it null, as soon as we see means of supplying -the Indians ourselves. -</p> - -<p> -I should have no objections to extend the exception to the -Indian furs purchased by our traders and sent into Canada. Affectionate -salutes. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 1, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I approve of your letter to Commodore Murray entirely, and in -order to settle what shall be our course for the summer (now -that we are tolerably clear, that no rupture with England is -likely to take place during the summer), I propose, the first day -that I can be well enough, for a couple of hours to ask a meeting -of our colleagues to determine these questions. -</p> - -<p> -Shall the proclamation be renewed or suffered to expire? -</p> - -<p> -Shall the harbors of ordinary British resort (say New York, -Lynhaven, and Charleston) be furnished with their full quota -of gun-boats, with their <i>navigating</i> crews? -</p> - -<p> -Shall the residue of the 170 gun-boats be distributed among -the other ports, with their navigating crews, or be laid up or left -on their stocks? -</p> - -<p> -Shall the frigates and Wasp be unmanned? -</p> - -<p> -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 2, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—On the amendments to the embargo law, I am perfectly -satisfied with whatever you have concluded on after consideration -of the subject. My view was only to suggest for your consideration, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_269'>[269]</a></span>not having at all made myself acquainted with the -details of that law. I therefore return you your bill, and wish -it to be proposed. I will this day nominate Elmer. The delegates -of North Carolina expect daily to receive information on -the subject of a Marshal. Is the Register's office at New Orleans -vacant? Claiborne says it is, and strongly recommends -Robertson the Secretary. He will be found one of the most -valuable men we have brought into the public service for integrity, -talents and amiability. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 8, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I suppose that Favre can carry his necessary provisions -from New Orleans across the lake in a periagua or some other -vessel, which may come under the exception of vessels under -the immediate direction of the President, and that being an -agent of the United States for the transmission of public intelligence, -such a license is perfectly legitimate. If this were a -matter of doubt, its solution would be to be sought in the intention -of the Legislature, which was to keep our seamen and property -from capture, and to starve the offending nations. But -Favre is our own agent, and we may as well remit provisions -to him as money to our other foreign agents. It appears to me -to be so clearly out of the scope of the prohibitions of the embargo -law, and within its exceptions, that I should be for allowing -him to take out his provisions for his family, under the superintendence -of the Collector. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN JACOB ASTOR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, April 13, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have regretted the delay of this answer to your letter -of February 27th, but it has proceeded from circumstances -which did not depend on me. I learn with great satisfaction -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_270'>[270]</a></span>the disposition of our merchants to form into companies for undertaking -the Indian trade within our own territories. I have -been taught to believe it an advantageous one for the individual -adventurers, and I consider it as highly desirable to have -that trade centred in the hands of our own citizens. The field -is immense, and would occupy a vast extent of capital by different -companies engaging in different districts. All beyond the -Mississippi is ours exclusively, and it will be in our power to -give our own traders great advantages over their foreign competitors -on this side the Mississippi. You may be assured that -in order to get the whole of this business passed into the hands -of our own citizens, and to oust foreign traders, who so much -abuse their privilege by endeavoring to excite the Indians to -war on us, every reasonable patronage and facility in the -power of the Executive will be afforded. I salute you with -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 14, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I should think Mr. Woodside's application to send provisions -for the family of our consul at Madeira, admissible on the same -ground as that lately to Favre, were the necessity as evident, -but I suppose it can hardly be doubted that England will procure -provisions for that island, and there is danger of one precedent -in our relaxations begetting another till we may get out of -the limits of the law and its object. -</p> - -<p> -The application for the establishment of a packet on Lake -Champlain cannot be admitted. Such an establishment is by no -means within the description of those which we have proposed -to license; it would give too great a facility to evade the law, -and the builder is in no worse situation than the many others -who began their vessels before the embargo law, and who will -not be permitted to use them till that is repealed. Affectionate -salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_271'>[271]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Sincerely sympathizing in your distress, which -much experience in the same school has taught me to estimate, I -could not have been induced to intrude on it by anything short of -the urgency of the case stated by Penniman on Lake Champlain. -Messrs. Robinson and Witherall tell me the whole of the business -will be over early in May, when the fall of the water renders -the rapids impassable for rafts. They think vessels of any -kind desired, can be had on the Lake at a moment's warning, -and guns of 6 lbs. ball, there also, mounted on them by procurement -of the collector, and that the governor would order any -assistance of militia on being written to. Believing it important -to crush every example of forcible opposition to the law, I propose -to ask the other gentlemen to a consultation immediately, -and for their and my guide have to request any ideas on the -subject which you can hastily give me on paper, for which I -would not have troubled you, but from a confidence that your -knowledge of the character and means possessed by the collector -there, and of the local circumstances to be attended to, may -enable us to decide on what will be most proper and effectual. -I salute you with affection. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Return me Penniman's letter if you please, to lay before -the gentlemen. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -We have concluded as follows: -</p> - -<p> -1st. That a letter from your department to the collector on -Lake Champlain, shall instruct him to equip and arm what vessels -he can and may think necessary, and luggage as many persons -on board them as may be necessary, and can be engaged -<i>voluntarily</i> by force of arms, or otherwise, to enforce the law. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_272'>[272]</a></span>2d. The Secretary of State writes to the Marshall, if the opposition -to the law is too powerful for the collector, to raise his -posse, (which, as a peace officer, he is fully authorized to do on -any forcible breach of the peace,) and to aid in suppressing the -insurrection or combination. -</p> - -<p> -3d. The Secretary at War desires the Governor, if the posse -is inadequate, to publish a proclamation with which he is furnished, -and to call on the militia. He is further, by a private -letter, requested to repair to the place, and lend the aid of his -counsel and authority according to exigencies. -</p> - -<p> -We have further determined to build two gun-boats at Skanesborough. -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. General Dearborne has Penniman's letter to copy for the -Governor. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 22, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Did I lend you the Pennsylvania act permitting our Western -road to pass through that State? If I did, or if you have a copy -of it, I shall be very glad to see it. Mr. Hodge gave me notice -yesterday that there would be legal opposition to that road's passing -in any other direction than through Washington, their construction -being, that if in fact a <i>good</i> road can be got by Washington, -the law obliges me to direct it through that; and they -have got a survey made on which they affirm the fact to be that -a <i>good</i> road may be had. I know my determination was not to -yield to the example of a State's prescribing the direction of the -road; and I understood the law as leaving the route ultimately -to me. If I have misconstrued the law, I shall be sorry for the -money spent on a misconstruction, but that loss will be a lesser -evil to the United States than a single example of yielding to a -State the direction of a road made at the national expense and -for national purposes. If you have not the law, I must write by -this day's post to Mr. Moore, to suspend all further proceedings -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_273'>[273]</a></span>till we can see whether we are really at liberty to pursue the -route we have proposed, or must adopt another which shall not -enter the State of Pennsylvania. -</p> - -<p> -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 23, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -My ideas on the questions relative to the active letter of Marque -stated in your letter of yesterday, are as follows: -</p> - -<p> -1st. Letters of Marque have been considered, ever since the -decisions of 1703, to be of a mixed character, but that the commercial -character predominates; and as a commercial vessel of -private property we have in some cases since the proclamation of -July, considered them as not included in its restrictions. -</p> - -<p> -2d. The law of 1794, June 5th, certainly exempts the enlistment -of foreigners in this country on board the vessels of their -sovereign, from the penalties of that law, and leaves the subject -merely under the law of nations. By that law the right of enlistment -in a neutral country, given to both belligerents if they -can devise equal advantage from it, is no breach of neutrality, -but otherwise becomes questionable. We may, justly, I think, -permit a vessel of either nation to supply its desertions by new -engagements; but we should be cautious as to permitting them -to increase their number, to carry away more than they brought -in. -</p> - -<p> -3d. It is difficult to draw a line between the two cases where -the collector should consult the government, and where the district -attorney. Where a case is political, rather than legal, or -where it arises even on a <i>law</i> whose object is rather political than -municipal, the government should be consulted; and where the -district attorney is the proper resort, still it should be on consultation -by the collector, and not by the party interested. Affectionate -salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_274'>[274]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 23, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Notes on the British claims in the Mississippi territory. -</p> - -<p> -1803, March 3d, act of Congress gave to March 31, 1804, to -exhibit their claims on grants. -</p> - -<p> -1804, March 27, act of Congress gave to November 30, 1804, -and allowed transcripts instead of originals, &c. -</p> - -<p> -1805, March 2d, act of Congress gave to December 1, 1805, -to file their grants. And in fact to Jan 1, 1807, time when the -sale might begin. -</p> - -<p> -1807, December 15, the British claimants memorialize again. -</p> - -<p> -On no one of the acts did the British claimant take any step -towards specifying his claim or its location, but remained inactive -till the time was expired, and then remonstrated to his government -that we had not given them time sufficient. And on the -last of 1805, instead of having come forward with his claims, -ready to avail himself of the third term which was then to be -asked, and which was granted nominally to December 1, 1805, -but in effect to January 1, 1807, he stays at home inactive, and -on the 15th of December, 1807, again gives in a memorial that -we have not given time enough, but still takes no step to inform -us what and where his claim is. -</p> - -<p> -Although these titles may have been confirmed by treaty, yet -they could not thereby be intended to be withdrawn from the -jurisdiction or conditions on which lands are held even by citizens. -It is evident that these claimants are speculators, whose -object is to make what profit they can out of the patronage of -the government, but to make no sacrifice of themselves either of -money or trouble. They are entitled, therefore, to no further -notice from either government. However, Mr. Erskine may -be informed <i>verbally</i>, that as the day of commencing sales of -lands there is now put off to January 1, 1809, if any of these -claimants will, before that day, file their claim, with its <i>precise -location</i>, the executive is authorized to suspend the sale of any -particular parcels, and will as to that, till the proper authority -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_275'>[275]</a></span>can decide on the title, but that the settlement of that country -in general, is too pressing to be delayed one day by claims under -the circumstances of these. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 23, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -The leading object of the enclosed application from the owners -of the Topaz, is to send witnesses and documents to save the -property of the ship and cargo seized. But as the Topaz would -be insufficient to bring home the whole property if cleared, the -permission of sending a vessel may be on the ordinary ground of -bringing home the property. But do the restrictions of the embargo -laws (for I have them not) inhibit the passing from port to -port as proposed in the enclosed? And do they admit, (in case -the Topaz and her cargo are condemned,) that the vessel sent -out should bring home other property to cover the expenses of -the ineffectual voyage? On these questions I must ask your -opinion, as General Smith will call on me to-morrow. The -questions had been brought to me originally by Mr. Taylor, because -he happened to come at a moment when you were confined. -Affectionate salutes. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WM. RODNEY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 24, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson returns the enclosed to Mr. Rodney, with -thanks for the communication. It is very evident that our embargo, -added to the exclusions from the Continent, will be most -heavily felt in England and Ireland. Liverpool is remonstrating, -and endeavoring to get the other posts into motion. Yet the bill -confirming the orders of council is ordered to a third reading, -which shows it will pass. Congress has just passed an additional -embargo law, on which if we act as boldly as I am disposed to -do, we can make it effectual. I think the material parts of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_276'>[276]</a></span>enclosed should be published. It will show our people that while -the embargo gives us double rations, it is starving our enemies. -This six months' session has worn me down to a state of almost -total incapacity for business. Congress will certainly rise to-morrow -night, and I shall leave this for Monticello on the 5th -of May, to be here again on the 8th of June. I salute you with -constant affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL WASHINGTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, April 24, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—So uncertain has been the situation of our affairs -with England, and yet so much bearing would they have on -those with the Indians, that I have delayed answering your favor -of October 5th until I could see a little way before me. At -present I think a continuance of our peace till the next meeting -of Congress (November) probable. I have now addressed a message -to the Indians in the north-west, in which I inform them -of our differences with England, and of the uncertainty how they -will issue. Assure them of the continuance of our friendship, and -advise them in any event to remain quiet at home, taking no -part in our quarrel, and declaring unequivocally that if any nation -takes up the hatchet against us, we will drive them from the -land of their fathers, and never more permit their return. With -respect to the prophet, I really believe the opinion you formed -of his views is correct. But we have heard so many different -stories since, that we are awaiting some information which we -expect to receive before we make up a definitive opinion. This -much, however, we determine; and he might know that if we -become dissatisfied that his views are friendly, we shall extend -to him all the patronage and good offices in our power, and shall -establish a store in his new settlement; and particularly if we -find him endeavoring to reform the morality of the Indians, and -encourage them in industry and peace, we shall do what we can -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_277'>[277]</a></span>to render his influence as extensive as possible. I had been in -hopes that a change in the British ministry would have produced -a revocation of the orders of council, which called for our embargo, -and an European peace, so as to have removed all danger -of our being dragged into the war. But our advices to the 14th -of March show they still retained a good majority in Parliament. -Should they continue in office, our peace will continue uncertain. -Accept my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Case of the Fleusburg.</i> -</p> - -<p> -Our laws permit a foreigner to hold any property in our country, -except lands. A foreigner may contract for a ship to be -built for him, so that she will be his from the time of laying the -keel; or he may contract so as that she shall be his only when -launched, or when rigged, &c. The act of delivery to him or -his agents fixes, in that case, the moment when she becomes his -property. If the Fleusburg was delivered to the agent of the -Danish merchant, by such an act of delivery as by our laws will -transfer personal property, before the 22d of December, she was -then Danish property. The statement says that a bill of building -and sale, dated December 10th, proved her to be then Danish -property. If the collector shall find that she was actually -Danish property before December 22d, I should think her entitled -as a foreign vessel. I suppose she did not take out an American -register. This would be corroborative proof that, though built in -America, she was not meant to be, nor ever became, an American -bottom; for I presume the register is what completes the American -bottom. The matter of fact should be proved to the collector. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Rhode Island Packets.</i> -</p> - -<p> -The pretension that the navigation from Newport to New -York is entirely a navigation of rivers, bays, and sounds, would -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_278'>[278]</a></span>take from language all kind of certainty. There is not one point -of the coast of Rhode Island, from which a perpendicular line -does not lead into the main ocean. A very small proportion of -these would lead across Block Island. But to say that Block -Island covers the whole coast from Martha's Vineyard to Long -Island, so as to make it a Sound, is too gross for any one who -casts his eyes on the maps. The difference of regulation, too, -between bay-craft and coasting vessels, since the act of April -25th, is very inconsiderable. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 29, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson will thank General Dearborne to consider -the enclosed. The writer appears to have that sincere enthusiasm -for his undertaking which will ensure success. The education -of the common people around Detroit is a most desirable -object, and the proposition of extending their views to the teaching -the Indian boys and girls to read and write, agriculture and -mechanic trades to the former, spinning and weaving to the latter, -may perhaps be acceded to by us advantageously for the Indians, -and the bounties paid for them be an aid to the other objects -of the institution. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Notes on such parts of Fronda's letter of April 26th, 1808, as -are worth answering:— -</p> - -<p> -I. I know of no recent orders to Governor Claiborne as to the -navigation of the Mississippi, Uberville, and Pontchartrain; he -should specify them, but he may be told that no order has ever -been given contrary to the rights of Spain. These rights are, -1st, a treaty right that "the ships of Spain coming directly from -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_279'>[279]</a></span>Spain or her colonies, loaded only <i>with the produce</i> or manufactures -of Spain or her colonies, shall be admitted during the -space of twelve years in the ports of New Orleans, and in all -other legal ports of entry within the ceded territory, in the same -manner as the ships of the United States, &c." 2d. A right of -innocent passage from the mouth of the Mississippi to 31° of -latitude, exactly commensurate with our right of innocent passage -up the rivers of Florida to 31° of latitude. -</p> - -<p> -II. In answer to his question whether we consider Mobile -among the ports of the United States, he may be told that so -long as we consider the question whether the Perdido is not the -eastern boundary of Louisiana, as continuing in a train of amicable -proceedings for adjustment, so long that part only of the -river Mobile, which is above 31° of latitude, will be considered -among the ports of the United States, withholding the exercise -of jurisdiction on our part within the disputed territory, on the -general principle of letting things remain in <span lang="la"><i>statu quo pendente -lite</i></span>. -</p> - -<p> -There is nothing else in this letter worth answering. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILLIAM LYMAN, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, April 30, 1803. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 11th of July came to hand a little before -the meeting of Congress, and soon after I received the apparatus -for stylographic writing, which you were so kind as to -send me, for which I pray you to receive my particular thanks. -</p> - -<p> -The invention is certainly very ingenious, and while it compares -advantageously with all others in other circumstances, it -has an unrivalled preference as being so much more profitable. I -had never heard of the invention till your letter announced it, -for these novelties reach us very late, which renders your attentions -on the occasion more acceptable, and more entitled to the -acknowledgments which I now tender. The decrees and orders -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_280'>[280]</a></span>of the belligerent nations having amounted nearly to declarations -that they would take our vessels wherever found. Congress -thought it best in the first instance to break off all intercourse -with them. They adjourned on Monday last, having passed an -act authorizing me to suspend the embargo whenever the belligerents -should revoke their decrees or orders as to us. The embargo -must continue, therefore, till they meet again in November, -unless the measures of the belligerents should change. When -they meet again, if these decrees and orders still continue, the -question which they will have to decide will be, whether a continuance -of the embargo or war will be preferable. In the meantime -great advances are making in the establishment of manufactures. -Those of cotton will, I think, be so far proceeded on, -that we shall never again have to recur to the importation of -cotton goods for our own use. I tender you my salutations, and -the assurances of my great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 2, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General</span>,—A safe conveyance offering by a special -messenger to Paris, I avail myself of it to bring up my arrears to -my foreign correspondents. I give them the protection of your -cover, but to save the trouble of your attention to their distribution, -I give them an inner cover to Mr. Harden, whose attentions -heretofore have encouraged me to ask this favor of him. -But should he not be with you, I must pray you to open my -packages to him, and have them distributed, as it is of importance -that some of them should be delivered without delay. I -shall say nothing to you on the subject of our foreign relations, -because you will get what is official on that subject from Mr. -Madison. -</p> - -<p> -During the present paroxysm of the insanity of Europe, we -have thought it wisest to break off all intercourse with her. We -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_281'>[281]</a></span>shall, in the course of this year, have all our seaports, of any -note, put into a state of defence against naval attacks. Against -great land armies we cannot attempt it but by equal armies. For -these we must depend on a classified militia, which will give us -the service of the class from twenty to twenty-six, in the nature -of conscripts, composing a body of about 250,000, to be specially -trained. This measure, attempted at a former session, was -passed at the last, and might, I think, have been carried by a -small majority. But considering that great innovations should -not be forced on a slender majority, and seeing that the general -opinion is sensibly rallying to it, it was thought better to let it -lie over to the next session, when, I trust, it will be passed. -Another measure has now twice failed, which I have warmly -urged, the immediate settlement by donation of lands, of such a -body of militia in the territories of Orleans and Mississippi, as -will be adequate to the defence of New Orleans. We are raising -some regulars in addition to our present force, for garrisoning our -seaports, and forming a nucleus for the militia to gather to. -There will be no question who is to be my successor. Of this -be assured, whatever may be said by newspapers and private -correspondences. Local considerations have been silenced by -those dictated by the continued difficulties of the times. One -word of friendly request: be more frequent and full in your -communications with us. I salute you with great friendship -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 2, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My very dear General</span>,—A safe conveyance offering by a -special messenger to Paris, Mr. Barnes has requested me to avail -you of it, by sending a remittance of a thousand dollars, for -which a draught is under cover. I shall not write to you on the -subject of our foreign relations, because of the dangers by sea -and the dangers by land. During the present paroxysm of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_282'>[282]</a></span>the insanity of Europe, we have thought it wisest to break off -all intercourse with her. We shall, in the course of this year, -have all our seaports of any note put into a state of defence -against naval attacks. Against great land armies we cannot attempt -it but by equal armies. For these we must depend on a -classified militia, which will give us the service of the class from -twenty to twenty-six, in the nature of conscripts, composing a -body of about 250,000, to be specially trained. This measure, -attempted at a former session, was passed at the last, and might, -I think, have been carried by a small majority; but considering -that great innovations should not be forced on slender majorities, -and seeing that the public opinion is sensibly rallying to it, it -was thought better to let it lie over to the next session, when I -trust it will be passed. Another measure has now twice failed, -which I have warmly urged, the immediate settlement by donation -of lands of such a body of militia in the territories of Orleans -and Mississippi, as will be adequate to the defence of New Orleans. -We are raising some regulars in addition to our present -force, for garrisoning our seaports, and forming a nucleus for the -militia to gather to. There will be no question who is to be my -successor. Of this be assured, whatever may be said by newspapers -and private correspondences; local considerations have -been silenced by those dictated by the continued difficulties of -the times. I salute you with sincere and constant friendship and -great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -May 3, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you a petition from a woman (Mary Barnett) who -complains that her son of thirteen years of age, is detained -against her will in the naval military service. Having never -before received an application of the kind in that department, I -know not what are the rules there. But in the land service we -have had many cases of enlistments of infants, and there the -law is considered to be, and our practice in conformity, as follows: -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_283'>[283]</a></span>An infant is considered as incapable of binding himself -by enlistment, and may at any time be reclaimed by a parent, -guardian, next friend, or may quit of his own accord, on complaint -from a parent, &c. We direct the officer to inquire into the -fact of infancy, and if he believes him under age he discharges -him. If he believes him of full age, we advise the parent, &c., -that he may take out a Habeas Corpus, and have the fact tried before -an impartial judge: if enlisted with the consent of the parent, -&c., it must be by indentures as prescribed by law for an apprentice -or servant, this being the only mode of obligation in -which the law will compel <i>specific</i> execution. In case of a verbal -or a common written subscription of engagement, even with -consent of the parent, <i>damages</i> only can be recovered for withdrawing -from it. I presume the rules in the Navy Department -must be the same, as we must conform ourselves to the law in -all departments. I directed the woman to call on me again to-morrow. -Will you be so good as to enable me to give her an -answer? Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR TOMPKINS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 4, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I duly received your favor of April 18th, covering an -Act of the legislature of New York, appropriating $100,000 to -aid and expedite the defence of the city and port of New York, -and $20,000 to aid in and contribute to the defence of the northern -and western frontiers, and expressing a desire to receive an -opinion on the application of those sums. -</p> - -<p> -In carrying into execution the provisions of Congress, at their -last session, for fortifying on a just view of the relative -importance of the places, combined with their degree of -exposure, and capability of defence, and in such way as to require -a moderate permanent force of regulars, relying much, in -case of sudden attack on the aid of the militia. Among the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_284'>[284]</a></span>objects of our care, New York stands foremost in the points of -importance and exposure; and, if permitted, we shall provide -such defences for it as, in our opinion, will render it secure -against attacks by sea. The particulars of what is proposed to -be done can be made known to you by Colonel Williams, as it -is probable these may not comprehend everything which the -anxieties of the citizens might think of service in their defence. -I suggest for your consideration, the idea of applying the fund -appropriated to this object, by your legislature, to such supplementary -provisions as in your judgment might be necessary to -render ours adequate to fulfil the views and confidence of your -citizens. Of this however, you are the best judge. But I cannot -omit to urge that no time should be lost in deciding on so -much of the plan proposed by the Secretary at War, as depends -on a cession from the State authorities. -</p> - -<p> -It appears to me that it would be well to have a post on the -Saint Lawrence, as near our line as a commanding position could -be found, that it might afford some cover for our most advanced -inhabitants. But if a rupture takes place now, such a post would -too soon lose all its value, to be worth building at this time. It -is only in the event of a solid accommodation with Great Britain, -and their retaining their present possessions, that it might -become worthy of attention. I do not know that the $20,000 -appropriated by the State of New York, "to aid in, and contribute -to, the defence of the northern and western frontiers," -could be better applied than as supplementary to our provisions -in this quarter also. We cannot, for instance, deliver out our -arms to the militia, until called into the field. Yet it would be -a great security had every militia man on these frontiers a good -musket in his hands. However, here again your Excellency -is the best judge, and I have hazarded these ideas as to the application -of the appropriations, only on the wish you expressed -that I would do it, and on my own desire to interchange ideas -with frankness, and without reserve with those charged, in common -with myself with the public interests. I beg leave to tender -you the assurances of my high esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_285'>[285]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO ——. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -May 5, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Great and Good Friend</span>,—Having learnt the safe arrival of -your Royal Highness at the city of Rio Janeiro, I perform with -pleasure the duty of offering you my sincere congratulations by -Mr. Hill, a respected citizen of the United States, who is specially -charged with the delivery of this letter. -</p> - -<p> -I trust that this event will be as propitious to the prosperity of -your faithful subjects as to the happiness of your Royal Highness, -in which the United States of America have ever taken a lively -interest. Inhabitants now of the same land, of that great continent -which the genius of Columbus has given to the world, the -United States feel sensibly that they stand in new and closer relations -with your Royal Highness, and that the motives which -heretofore nourished the friendly relations which have so happily -prevailed, have acquired increased strength on the transfer of your -residence to their own shores. They see in prospect, a system -of intercourse between the different regions of this hemisphere -of which the peace and happiness of mankind may be the essential -principle. To this principle your long-tried adherence, for -the benefit of those you governed, in the midst of warring powers, -is a pledge to the new world that its peace, its free and -friendly intercourse, will be your chief concern. On the part of -the United States I assure you, that these which have hitherto -been their ruling objects, will be most particularly cultivated with -your Royal Highness and your subjects at Brazil, and they hope -that that country so favored by the gifts of nature, now advanced -to a station under your immediate auspices, will find, in the interchange -of mutual wants and supplies, the true aliment of an -unchanging friendship with the United States of America. -</p> - -<p> -I pray to God, great and good friend, that in your new abode -you may enjoy health, happiness, and the affections of your people, -and that He will always have you in His safe and holy keeping. -</p> - -<p> -Done at Washington, &c. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_286'>[286]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE GOVERNORS OF NEW ORLEANS, GEORGIA, SOUTH CAROLINA, -MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW HAMPSHIRE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, May 6, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The evasions of the preceding embargo laws went so -far towards defeating their objects, and chiefly by vessels clearing -out coast-wise, that Congress, by their act of April 25th, authorized -the absolute detention of all vessels bound coast-wise with -cargoes exciting suspicions of an intention to evade those laws. -There being few towns on our sea-coast which cannot be -supplied with flour from their interior country, shipments of flour -become generally suspicious and proper subjects of detention. -Charleston is one of the few places on our seaboard which need -supplies of flour by sea for its own consumption. That it may -not suffer by the cautions we are obliged to use, I request of -your excellency, whenever you deem it necessary that your -present or any future stock should be enlarged, to take the trouble -of giving your certificate in favor of any merchant in whom you -have confidence, directed to the collector of any port, usually exporting -flour, from which he may choose to bring it, for any -quantity which you may deem necessary for consumption beyond -your interior supplies, enclosing to the Secretary of the -Treasury at the same time a duplicate of the certificate as a check -on the falsification of your signature. In this way we may secure -a supply of the real wants of our citizens, and at the same -time prevent those wants from being made a cover for the crimes -against their country which unprincipled adventurers are in the -habit of committing. I trust, too, that your excellency will find -an apology for the trouble I propose to give you, in that desire -which you must feel in common with all our worthy citizens, -that inconveniences encountered cheerfully by them for the interests -of their country, shall not be turned merely to the unlawful -profits of the most worthless part of society. I salute your -excellency with assurances of my high respect and consideration. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_287'>[287]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -May 6, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -In the outset of the business of detentions, I think it impossible -to form precise rules. After a number of cases shall have arisen -they may probably be thrown into groups and subjected to rules. -The great leading object of the Legislature was, and ours in execution -of it ought to be, to give complete effect to the embargo -laws. They have bidden agriculture, commerce, navigation, to -bow before that object, to be nothing when in competition with -that. Finding all their endeavors at general rules to be evaded, -they finally gave us the power of detention as the panacea, and -I am clear we ought to use it freely that we may, by a fair experiment, -know the power of this great weapon, the embargo. -Therefore, to propositions to carry flour into the Chesapeake, -the Delaware, the Hudson, and other <i>exporting</i> places, we should -say boldly it is not wanted there for consumption, and the carrying -it there is too suspicious to be permitted. In consequence -of the letters to the Governors of the flour-importing States, we -may also say boldly that there being no application from the -Governor is a proof it is not wanting in those States, and therefore -must not be carried. As to shuffling of cotton, tobacco, -flax seed, &c., from one port to another, it may be some trifling -advantage to individuals to change their property out of one form -into another, but it is not of a farthing's benefit to the nation at -large, and risks their great object in the embargo. The want of -these at a particular place should be very notorious to the collector -and others, to take off suspicion of illicit intentions. Dry -goods of Europe, coal, bricks, &c., are articles entirely without -suspicion. I hazard these things for your consideration, and I -send you a copy of the letter to the Governors, which may be -communicated in form to the collectors to strengthen the ground -of suspicion. You will be so good as to decide these cases yourself, -without forwarding them to me. Whenever you are clear -either way, so decide; where you are doubtful, consider me as -voting for detention, being satisfied that individuals ought to -yield their private interests to this great public object. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_288'>[288]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 12, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—My journey and two days' detention on the road -by high waters, gave me time to reflect on our canal at New Orleans, -on which I will therefore hazard some thoughts. -</p> - -<p> -I think it has been said that the Mississippi, at low water, is -many feet lower opposite New Orleans than Lake Pontchartrain. -But the fact is impossible, being in contradiction to the laws of -nature; two beds of dead water connected with the same ocean, -in vicinity to one another, must each be in the level of that -ocean, and consequently of one another. Although Pontchartrain -receives the Amite and some other small streams, they probably -do little more than supply its evaporation. No doubt, however, -that the lake must receive the small ebb and flow of the sea. -The Mississippi, on the contrary, even at its lowest tide, always -flows downwards to and beyond its mouth; it must, then, at New -Orleans, be one, two, or three feet higher than the sea, and consequently -than Pontchartrain. -</p> - -<p> -If a simple canal were cut from that of Carondelet to the Mississippi -without lock or gate, there would be two risks. 1. That -in high water of the Mississippi the current would be too strong -for a gun-boat to ascend or descend. This might perhaps be -remedied by the draught of horses. 2. The force of such a current, -(unless the whole canal were lined with brick or masonry,) -might convert the canal into a bay, one of an unknown size, and -involve New Orleans in it. -</p> - -<p> -On the whole, I suspect our plan is pretty obvious: suppose -we want six feet water; make a canal of that depth below the -lowest ebb of Pontchartrain from the lake to where the lock is to -be placed,—then bring a canal from the river to the lock, the -depth of which shall be six feet below the lowest water of the -Mississippi ever known; at the back there will be a descent, -suppose of one, two or three feet, or any other number. The -lock remedies that. If the lock were near the lake it would -lessen the work by giving nearly the whole length to the shallowest -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_289'>[289]</a></span>canal, and it would probably be in a more tranquil and -safe situation. But it might be inconvenient, perhaps unsafe, to -the sides of the Mississippi canal, to permit such a depth of water -as would be in it, through its whole length, at the time of the -high water of that river. Of the best position, therefore, of the -lock, the superintendent must judge on the spot, as he must indeed -of the correctness of all the preceding conjectures, formed -without a knowledge of the localities. They are hazarded -merely to give us some fixed notions of the nature of the enterprize, -and are submitted to your consideration. I salute you -with affectionate respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received yesterday the enclosed letter from a -Mr. Wood, of New York. I should suppose the fruits of Europe -stood nearly on the ground of the dry goods of Europe, not -tempting evasion by exorbitant prices, nor defeating the object -of the embargo in any important degree, even if a deviation -should take place. I send it to yourself for decision and answer, -in order that there may be an uniformity in the decisions. I am -really glad to find the collector so cautious, and hope others will -be equally so, and I place immense value in the experiment -being fully made, how far an embargo may be an effectual -weapon in future as well as on this occasion. I salute you -with affection and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Will you send me sixteen copies of my letters to the -Governors of Orleans, Georgia, &c., which I think you proposed -to have printed? I will enclose it to the other governors with -explanations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_290'>[290]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 17, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 16th came to hand last night. As -the lead mines do not press in point of time, I would rather they -should be the subject of a conversation on my return. It is not -merely a question about the terms we have to consider, but the -expediency of working them. As to the Savannah revenue -cutter, I approve of the proposition in your letter, or whatever else -you may think proper to be done. The regular traders to New -Orleans may be admitted to go as usual, the characters of the -owners being known to be safe, and provisions and lumber being -excepted. Cotton perhaps may be permitted to be brought back -on the consideration that its price in Europe is not likely to be -such as that the adventurers may afford to pay all the forfeitures. -I presume Mr. Price's application, which I enclose you, will fall -under this general permission. Will you be so good as to have -the proper answer given him. If we change our rule of tonnage -for Mr. Murray's purpose, the next application will be for such a -rate of tonnage as will allow them to bring back their property -in the form of hay. General Dearborne has occasion to send a -vessel to Passamaquoddy with cannon for the batteries, and perhaps -provision for the troops, and has asked me to send him a -blank license. But as these licenses are not signed by me, I refer -him to you for the necessary arrangements. -</p> - -<p> -I shall sincerely lament Cuba's falling into any hands but those -of its present owners. Spanish America is at present in the best -hands for us, and <span lang="it_IT">"Chi sta bene, non si muove"</span> should be our -motto. I salute you with affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I now return you the papers reserved from the -last post. Our regular answer to Mr. Livingston may well be, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_291'>[291]</a></span>that the Attorney General having given an official opinion that -the right to the batture is in the United States, and the matter -being now referred to Congress, it is our duty to keep the grounds -clear of any adversary possession, until the Legislature shall decide -on it. I have carefully read Mr. Livingston's printed -memoir. He has shaken my opinion as to the line within the -road having been intended as a line of <i>boundary</i> instead of its -being a line of <i>admeasurement</i> only. But he establishes another -fact by the testimony of Fendeau, very fatal to his claim; to wit, -that the high-water mark, <span lang="fr_FR">"batture, ou viennent <i>battre</i> les eaux -lorsqu elles sont dans leurs plus grandes croissances,"</span> is the universal -boundary of private grants on the river. -</p> - -<p> -Your observations on his allegations that Gravier's grant must -be under the Spanish law, because after the cession of the province -by France to Spain, though before delivery of possession, -are conclusive. To which may be added, that Louis XIV. -having established the <span lang="fr_FR">Constumes de Paris</span> as the law of Louisiana, -this was not changed by the mere act of transfer; on the -contrary, the laws of France continued and continue to be the -law of the land, except where specially altered by some subsequent -edict of Spain or act of Congress. He has not in the least -shaken the doctrine that the bed of the river, and all the <span lang="fr_FR">atterrissements</span> -or banks which arise on it by the depositions of the -river, are the property of the King by a peculiarity in the law of -France; so that nothing quoted from those of Spain or the -Roman law is of authority on that point. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you the papers of Fanning, Lesdernier, -and Sacket. With respect to Fanning's case, the true key for -the construction of everything doubtful in a law, is the intention -of the law-makers. This is most safely gathered from the -words, but may be sought also in extraneous circumstances, provided -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_292'>[292]</a></span>they do not contradict the express words of the law. We -certainly know that the Legislature meant that vessels might go -out to bring home property, but not to commence a new career -of commerce. The bringing home the property being the main -object, if it be in an impracticable form, it expects the intention -of the law to let it be commuted into a practicable form; and so -from an inconvenient to a convenient form. To prevent any -abuse of this accommodation, by entering into a new operation -of commerce with it, the discretionary permission is left to the -President. I think the conversion of the sandal wood into a -more portable form in this case, is fulfilling the object of the -law, and that it is immaterial whether that be done in the -Friendly Islands, where the wood now is, or wherever by the -way it can be better done. Consequently, that permission may -be granted. I hope you will spare no pains or expense to bring -the rascals of Passamaquoddy to justice, and if more force be necessary, -agree on the subject with General Dearborne or Mr. -Smith, as to any aid they can spare, and let it go without waiting -to consult me. Let the successor to Sacket also be commissioned -without waiting for my opinion, which will be yours. -Should a pardon be granted to Russell, I generally but not invariably -require a recommendation from the judges. I shall be -ready to consider any propositions you may make for mitigating -the embargo law of April 25th, but so only as not to defeat the -object of the law. I shall be ready to make a distinction between -provisions, timber, naval stores, and such things, as by the -exaggerated prices they have got to in foreign markets, would -enable infactors to pay all forfeitures and still make great profit, -and cotton and such other articles as have not got to such prices. -I am for going substantially to the object of the law, and no -further; perhaps a little more earnestly because it is the first expedient, -and it is of great importance to know its full effect. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with constant affection and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_293'>[293]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 14th came to hand yesterday. I do -not see that we can avoid agreeing to estimates made by worthy -men of our own choice for the sites of fortifications, or that we -could leave an important place undefended because too much -is asked for the site. And therefore we must pay what the -sites at Boston have been valued at. At the same time I do not -know on what principles of reasoning it is that good men think -the public ought to pay more for a thing than they would themselves -if they wanted it. I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL BENJAMIN SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I return you my thanks for the communication by your -letter of April 19th, of the resolutions of the Grand Jury of -Brunswick, approving of the embargo. Could the alternative of -war or the embargo have been presented to the whole nation, -as it occurred to their representatives, there could have been but -the one opinion that it was better to take the chance of one year -by the embargo, within which the orders and decrees producing -it may be repealed, or peace take place in Europe, which may -secure peace to us. How long the continuance of the embargo -may be preferable to war, is a question we shall have to meet, -if the decrees and orders and war continue. I am sorry that in -some places, chiefly on our northern frontier, a disposition even -to oppose the law by force has been manifested. In no country -on earth is this so impracticable as in one where every man -feels a vital interest in maintaining the authority of the laws, -and instantly engages in it as in his own personal cause. Accordingly, -we have experienced this spontaneous aid of our good -citizens in the neighborhoods where there has been occasion, as -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_294'>[294]</a></span>I am persuaded we ever shall on such occasions. Through the -body of our country generally our citizens appear heartily to approve -and support the embargo. I am also to thank you for the -communication of the Wilmington proceedings, and I add my -salutations and assurances of great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 24, 1807. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>;— * * * * * -What has been already said on the subject of Casa Calvo, Yrujo, -Miranda, is sufficient, and that these should be seriously brought -up again argues extreme weakness in Cavallos, or a plan to keep -things unsettled with us. But I think it would not be amiss to -take him down from his high airs as to the right of the sovereign -to hinder the upper inhabitants from the use of the Mobile, -by observing, 1st, that we claim to be the sovereign, although -we give time for discussion. But 2d, that the upper inhabitants -of a navigable water have always a right of innocent -passage along it. I think Cavallos will not probably be the -minister when the letter arrives at Madrid, and that an eye to -that circumstance may perhaps have some proper influence on -the style of the letter, in which, if meant for himself, his hyperbolic -airs might merit less respect. I think too that the truth as -to Pike's mission might be so simply stated as to need no argument -to show that (even during the suspension of our claims to -the eastern border of the Rio Norte) his getting on it was mere -error, which ought to have called for the setting him right, instead -of forcing him through the interior country. [Sullivan's -letter.] His view of things for some time past has been entirely -distempered. -</p> - -<p> -Cathcart's, Ridgeley's, Navour's, Degen's, Appleton's, Lee's, -and Baker's letters, are all returned. I salute you with great affection -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_295'>[295]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 25, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—There is a subject on which I wished to speak -with you before I left Washington; but an apt occasion did not -occur. It is that of your continuance in office. Perhaps it is -as well to submit my thoughts to you by letter. The present -summer is too important in point of preparation, to leave your -department unfilled, for any time, as I once thought might be -done; and it would be with extreme reluctance that, so near the -time of my own retirement, I should proceed to name any high -officer, especially one who must be of the intimate councils of -my successor, and who ought of course to be in his unreserved -confidence. I think too it would make an honorable close of -your term as well as mine, to leave our country in a state of -substantial defence, which we found quite unprepared for it. -Indeed, it would for me be a joyful annunciation to the next -meeting of Congress, that the operations of defence are all complete. -I know that New York must be an exception; but perhaps -even that may be closed before the 4th of March, when -you and I might both make our bow with approbation and satisfaction. -Nor should I suppose that under present circumstances, -anything interesting in your future office could make it important -for you to repair to its immediate occupation. In February -my successor will be declared, and may then, without reserve, -say whom he would wish me to nominate to the Senate in your -place. I submit these circumstances to your consideration, and -wishing in all things to consult your interests, your fame and -feelings, it will give me sincere joy to learn that you will "watch -with me to the end." I salute you with great affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LIEPER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 25, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received your favor of April 22d a little before -I was to leave Washington, much engaged with despatching -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_296'>[296]</a></span>the business rendered necessary by the acts of Congress just -risen, and preparatory to a short visit to this place. Here -again I have been engrossed with some attentions to my own -affairs, after a long absence, added to the public business which -presses on me here as at Washington. I mention these things to -apologize for the long delay of an answer to the address of the Democratic -republicans of Philadelphia, enclosed in your letter, and -which has remained longer unanswered than I wished. I have -been happy in my journey through the country to this place, to -find the people unanimous in their preference of the embargo to -war, and the great sacrifice they make, rendered a cheerful one -from a sense of its necessity. -</p> - -<p> -Whether the pressure on the throne from the suffering people -of England, and of their Islands, the conviction of the dishonorable -as well as dishonest character of their orders of council, the -strength of their parliamentary opposition, and remarkable weakness -of the defence of their ministry, will produce a repeal of -these orders and cessation of our embargo, is yet to be seen. -To nobody will a repeal be so welcome as to myself. Give us -peace till our revenues are liberated from debt, and then, if war -be necessary, it can be carried on without a new tax or loan, and -during peace we may chequer our whole country with canals, -roads, &c. This is the object to which all our endeavors should -be directed. I salute you with great friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received yesterday yours of the 23d, and now -return you Woolsey's and Astor's letters. I send you one also -which I have received from a Mr. Thorne, on the evasions of the -embargo on Lake Champlain. The conduct of some of our officers -there, and of some excellent citizens, has been very meritorious, -and I will thank you to express any degree of approbation -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_297'>[297]</a></span>you think proper, in my name, for Captain Mayo. Woolsey -appears also to deserve assurances of approbation. If you think -Thorne's suggestion of some militia at Point au Fer necessary -and proper, be so good as to consult General Dearborne, who will -give any order you and he approve. With respect to the coasting -trade, my wish is only to carry into full effect the intentions -of the embargo laws. I do not wish a single citizen in any of -the States to be deprived of a meal of bread, but I set down the -exercise of commerce, merely for profit, as nothing when it carries -with it the danger of defeating the objects of the embargo. -I have more faith, too, in the Governors. I cannot think that -any one of them would wink at abuses of that law. Still, I like -your circular of the 20th, and the idea there brought forward of -confining the shipment to so small a proportion of the bond as -may correspond with the exaggeration of price and foreign markets, -and thus restrain the adventurer from gaining more than he -would lose by dishonesty. Flour, by the latest accounts, I have -observed, sold at about eight times its cost here, while the legal -penalties are but about three prices—by restraining them to an -eighth they will be balanced. But as prices rise must not our -rules be varied? Had the practicability of this mode of restraint -occurred before the recurrence to the Governors, I should -have preferred it, because it is free from the objection of favoritism -to which the Governors will be exposed, and if you find it -work well in practice, we may find means to have the other -course discontinued. Our course should be to sacrifice everything -to secure the effect of the law, and nothing beyond that. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you an application of Neilson & Son, to which you -will please to have given whatever answer is conformable to general -rules. The petition of Gardner and others, masters of the -Rhode Island packet ships, which I enclose you, does not specify -the particular act required from us for their relief. If it be to -declare that the open sea in front of their coast is a bay or a -river, the matter of fact, as well as the law, renders that impossible. -I really think it desirable to relieve their case, in any way -which is lawful, because it is one, which though embraced by -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_298'>[298]</a></span>the words of the law, is not within its object. You mention -that a principal method of evading the embargo is by loading -secretly and going off without clearance. The naval department -must aid us against this. As I shall leave this for Washington -in about ten or twelve days, I now desire the post-office there to -send no letters to this place after receiving this notice. All further -matters relative to the embargo will therefore be answered -verbally as soon as they could by letter. I salute you with great -affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BOWDOIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 29, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received the favor of your letter, written soon -after your arrival, a little before I left Washington, and during a -press of business preparatory to my departure on a short visit to -this place; this has prevented my earlier congratulations to you -on your safe return to your own country. There, judging from -my own experience, you will enjoy much more of the tranquil -happiness of life, than is to be found in the noisy scenes of the -great cities of Europe. I am also aware that you had at Paris -additional causes of disquietude; these seem inseparable from -public life, and, indeed, are the greatest discouragements to entering -into or continuing in it. Perhaps, however, they sweeten -the hour of retirement, and secure us from all dangers of regret. -On the subject of that disquietude, it is proper for me only to say -that, however unfortunate the incident, I found in it no cause of -dissatisfaction with yourself, nor of lessening the esteem I entertain -for your virtues and talents; and, had it not been disagreeable -to yourself, I should have been well pleased that you could -have proceeded on your original destination. -</p> - -<p> -While I thank you for the several letters received from you -during your absence, I have to regret the miscarriage of some of -those I wrote you. Not having my papers here, I cannot cite -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_299'>[299]</a></span>their dates by memory; but they shall be the subject of another -letter on my return to Washington. -</p> - -<p> -You find us on your return in a crisis of great difficulty. An -embargo had, by the course of events, become the only peaceable -card we had to play. Should neither peace, nor a revocation -of the decrees and orders in Europe take place, the day -cannot be distant when that will cease to be preferable to open -hostility. Nothing just or temperate has been omitted on our -part, to retard or to avoid this unprofitable alternative. Our situation -will be the more singular, as we may have to choose between -two enemies, who have both furnished cause of war. With one -of them we could never come into contact; with the other great -injuries may be mutually inflicted and received. Let us still -hope to avoid, while we prepare to meet them. -</p> - -<p> -Hoping you will find our cloudless skies and benign climate -more favorable to your health than those of Europe, I pray you -to accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem -and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 31, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you all the papers received from you by -yesterday's mail, except Mr. Burnley's, which I shall send by the -Secretary at War. Although all the appointments below field-officers -are made, it is possible some may decline, and open a -way for new competition. I have observed that Turreau's letters -have for some time past changed their style unfavorably. I -believe this is the first occasion he has had to complain of French -deserters being enlisted by us, and if so, the tone of his application -is improper. The answer to him, however, is obvious as to -our laws and instructions, and the <i>discharge</i>, not <i>delivery</i>, of the -men, for which purpose I presume you will write a line to the -Secretary at War. Woodward's scruples are perplexing. And -they are unfounded, because, on his own principle, if a law requires -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_300'>[300]</a></span>an oath to be administered, and does not say by whom, -he admits it may be any judge; if, therefore, it names a person -no longer in existence, it is as if it named nobody. On this construction -all the territories have practised, and all the authorities -of the national government,—even the Legislature. It was wrong -on a second ground; no judge ever refusing to administer an -oath in any useful case, although he may not consider it -as strictly judicial. If it may be valid or useful, he administers -<span lang="la">"<i>ut valeat quantum valer potest</i>."</span> But what is to be done? -Would it not be well for you to send the case to the Attorney -General, and get him to enclose his opinion to Governor Hull, -who will use it with Judge Witherall, or some territorial judge or -justice? -</p> - -<p> -With the quarrel of Judge Vandeberg and his bar we cannot -intermeddle. Mercer's querulous letter is an unreasonable one. -How could his offer of service be acted on, but by putting it in -the hands of those who were to act on all others? -</p> - -<p> -I shall to-day direct the post-rider not to continue his route to -this place after to-day, and to take your orders as to the time you -would wish him to continue coming to you. I salute you with -affectionate esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have considered the letter of the director of the mint, -stating the ease with which the errors of Commodore Truxton's -medal may be corrected on the medal itself, and the unpracticability -of doing it on the die. In my former letter to you on this -subject, I observed that to make a new die would be a serious -thing, requiring consideration. In fact, the first die having been -made by authority of the Legislature, the medal struck, accepted, -and acquiesced in for so many years, the powers given by that -law are executed and at an end, and a second law would be requisite -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_301'>[301]</a></span>to make a second die or medal. But I presume it will be -quite as agreeable to Commodore Truxton to have his medal corrected -in one way as another, if done equally well, and it certainly -may be as well or better done by the graver, and with -more delicate traits. I remember it was the opinion of Doctor -Franklin that where only one or a few medals were to be made, -it was better to have them engraved. -</p> - -<p> -The medal being corrected, the die becomes immaterial. That -has never been delivered to the party, the medal itself being the -only thing voted to him. I say this on certain grounds, because -I think this and Preble's are the only medals given by the United -States which have not been made under my immediate direction. -The dies of all those given by the old Congress, and made at -Paris, remain to this day deposited with our bankers at Paris. -That of General Lee, made in Philadelphia, was retained in the -mint. I mention this not as of consequence whether the die be -given or retained, but to show that there can be no claim of the -party to it, or consequently to its correction. I think, therefore, -the medal itself should be corrected by Mr. Reich; that this is as -far as we can stretch our authority, and I hope it will be satisfactory -to the Commodore. I salute you with constant affection -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO SHELTON GILLIAM, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 4th was received on my return to -this place, and the proposition of your correspondent on the subject -of fortification was referred to the Secretary at War, where -office and qualifications make him the proper judge of it. I enclose -you his answer. The same prudence which in private life -would forbid our paying our own money for unexplained projects, -forbids it in the dispensation of the public moneys. It is -not enough that an individual and an unknown one says and -even thinks he has made a discovery of the magnitude announced -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_302'>[302]</a></span>on this occasion. Not only explanation, but the actual -experiment must be required before we can cease to doubt -whether the inventor is not deceived by some false or imperfect -view of his subject. Still your patriotic attention to bring such -a proposition under our notice, that it might be applied to the -public good, if susceptible of it, is praiseworthy, and I return you -thanks for it with the assurances of my esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CHRISTOPHER COLLES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I thank you for the pamphlet containing your ideas -on the subject of canals constructed of wood; but it is not in my -power to give any definite opinion of its national importance. -If there exists a cement which used as a lining for cisterns and -aqueducts, renders them impermeable to water, (and it is affirmed -that in France they are in the possession and use of such an -one,) then it becomes the common question whether constructions -of wood, brick, or rough stone are cheapest in the end? -A question on which every man possesses materials for forming -his judgment. I suspect it is the supposed necessity of using -hewn stone in works of this kind which has had the greatest -effect in discouraging their being undertaken. I tender you my -salutations and respects. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JAMES PEMBERTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 21, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of May 30th was delivered me on my return -to this place, and I now enclose the prospectus of Clarkson's history -with my subscription to it. I have perused with great satisfaction -the Report of the Committee for the African institution. -The sentiments it breathes are worthy of the eminent characters -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_303'>[303]</a></span>who compose the institution, as are also the generous cares they -propose to undertake. I wish they may begin their work at the -right end. Our experience with the Indians has proved that letters -are not the first, but the last step in the progression from -barbarism to civilization. Our Indian neighbors will occupy -all the attentions we may spare, towards the improvement of -their condition. The four great Southern tribes are advancing -hopefully. The foremost are the Cherokees, the upper settlements -of whom have made to me a formal application to be -received into the Union as citizens of the United States, and to -be governed by our laws. If we can form for them a simple -and acceptable plan of advancing by degrees to a maturity for -receiving our laws, the example will have a powerful effect towards -stimulating the other tribes in the same progression, and -will cheer the gloomy views which have overspread their minds -as to their own future history. I salute you with friendship and -great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. FRANKLIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 22d, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson returns his thanks to Mr. Franklin for the -address to the Society of Friends which he was so kind as to -send him. The appeal both to facts and principles is strong, -and their consistency will require an able advocate. Conscious -that the present administration has been essentially pacific, and -that in all questions of importance it has been governed by the -identical principles professed by that Society, it has been quite -at a loss to conjecture the unknown cause of the opposition of -the greater part, and bare neutrality of the rest. The hope however -that prejudices would at length give way to facts, has never -been entirely extinguished, and still may be realized in favor of -another administration. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_304'>[304]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR LEIB. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, June 23, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor covering a copy of the -talk to the Tammany society, for which I thank you, and particularly -for the favorable sentiments expressed towards myself. -Certainly, nothing will so much sweeten the tranquillity and comfort -of retirement, as the knowledge that I carry with me the -good will and approbation of my republican fellow citizens, and -especially of the individuals in unison with whom I have so long -acted. With respect to the federalists, I believe we think alike; -for when speaking of them, we never mean to include a worthy -portion of our fellow citizens, who consider themselves as in duty -bound to support the constituted authorities of every branch, and -to reserve their opposition to the period of election. These having -acquired the appellation of federalists, while a federal administration -was in place, have not cared about throwing off their -name, but adhering to their principle, are the supporters of the -present order of things. The other branch of the federalists, -those who are so in principle as well as in name, disapprove of -the republican principles and features of our Constitution, and -would, I believe, welcome any public calamity (war with England -excepted) which might lessen the confidence of our country -in those principles and forms. I have generally considered them -rather as subjects for a mad-house. But they are now playing a -game of the most mischievous tendency, without perhaps being -themselves aware of it. They are endeavoring to convince England -that we suffer more by the embargo than they do, and if -they will but hold out awhile, we must abandon it. It is true, -the time will come when we must abandon it. But if this is -before the repeal of the orders of council, we must abandon it -only for a state of war. The day is not distant, when that will -be preferable to a longer continuance of the embargo. But we -can never remove that, and let our vessels go out and be taken -under these orders, without making reprisal. Yet this is the -very state of things which these federal monarchists are endeavoring -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_305'>[305]</a></span>to bring about; and in this it is but too possible they may -succeed. But the fact is, that if we have war with England, it -will be solely produced by their manœuvres. I think that in two -or three months we shall know what will be the issue. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -June 24, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to General Wilkinson, -and in answer to his letters of yesterday observes that during -the course of the Burr conspiracy, the voluminous communications -he received were generally read but once and then committed -to the Attorney General, and were never returned to him. -It is not in his power, therefore, to say that General Wilkinson -did or did not denounce eminent persons to him, and still less -who they were. It was unavoidable that he should from time -to time mention persons known or supposed to be accomplices of -Burr, and it is recollected that some of these suspicions were -corrected afterwards on better information. Whether the undefined -term <i>denunciation</i> goes to cases of this kind or not Thomas -Jefferson does not know, nor could he now name from recollection -the persons suspected at different times. He salutes General -Wilkinson respectfully. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL D. C. BRENT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -June 24, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The information given to me by Mrs. Paradise -of letters to me from her grandsons, is without foundation. I -have not for many years heard a tittle respecting the family at -Venice. Should any information respecting them come to me I -will certainly communicate it to Mrs. Paradise. -</p> - -<p> -That the embargo is approved by the body of republicans -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_306'>[306]</a></span>through the Union, cannot be doubted. It is equally known -that a great proportion of the federalists approve of it; but as -they think it an engine which may be used advantageously -against the republican system, they countenance the clamors -against it. I salute you with great friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -July 4, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -General Turreau's application for two vessels to carry French -subjects to France, must, I think, be granted, because under -present circumstances we ought not on slight grounds to dissatisfy -either belligerent. The vessels may be back before winter, and -their only danger will be of stoppage by the English, who, however, -have no right but to take out the French subjects. -</p> - -<p> -At the same time, I think it would be well to say to General -Turreau that we reluctantly let our seamen be exposed to capture, -or perhaps to a voluntary engagement with one of the belligerents: -that we rely, therefore, on his so proportioning the vessels -to the number of passengers as merely to give them a reasonable -accommodation. It would be well, too, that he should inform -us after their departure, of the number of persons sent in them. -</p> - -<p> -Affectionate salutes. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 9, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have lately seen a printed report of the committee of -the Canal company of New Orleans, stating the progress and -prospects of their enterprize. In this the United States feel a -strong interest, inasmuch as it will so much facilitate the passage -of our armed vessels out of the one water into the other. For -this purpose, however, there must be at least five and a half feet -water through the whole line of communication from the lake to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_307'>[307]</a></span>the river. In some conversations with Mr. Clark on this subject -the winter before last, there was a mutual understanding that the -company would complete the canal, and the United States would -make the locks. This we are still disposed to do; and so anxious -are we to get this means of defence completed, that to hasten -it we would contribute any other encouragement within the -limits of our authority which might produce this effect. If, for -instance, the completion of it within one year could be insured -by our contributing such a sum as one or two thousand dollars a -month to the amount of twenty thousand dollars, in the whole, -we might do it, requiring as a consideration for our justification -that the vessels of the United States should always pass toll-free. -The object of this letter is to sound the principal members, without -letting them know you do it by instruction from us, and to -find out what moderate and reasonable aid on our part would be -necessary to get a speedy conclusion of the work, and in what -form that aid would be most useful, and to be so good as to communicate -it to me as soon as the knowledge is obtained by yourself. -I should be glad to learn, at the same time, what is the -perpendicular height of the top of the levee above the surface of -the water in the Mississippi in its lowest state. Five and a half -feet below this would be indispensable for our purposes. I salute -you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -July 12, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -1. (Peyton Skipwith's letter.) I approve of the proposition -to authorize the collector of St. Mary's or Savannah to permit -vessels to bring to St. Mary's such supplies as in his opinion are -really wanted for the individuals applying, and where he has -entire confidence no fraud will be committed. But the vessels -should be reasonably proportioned to the cargo. Should this -be extended to Passamaquoddy? -</p> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_308'>[308]</a></span> -2. (The cases of detention by Gelston and Turner.) The -Legislature finding that no general rules could be formed which -would not be evaded by avarice and roguery, finally authorized -the collector, if there were still circumstances of suspicion, to detain -the vessel. Wherever, therefore, the collector is impressed -with suspicion, from a view of all circumstances, which are often -indescribable, I think it proper to confirm his detention. It -would be only where, from his own showing, or other good information, -prejudice or false views biassed his judgment, that I -should be disposed to countermand his detention. -</p> - -<p> -3. The declaration of the bakers of New York, that their -citizens will be dissatisfied, under the present circumstances of -their country, to eat bread of the flour of their own State, is -equally a libel on the produce and citizens of the State. The -citizens have certainly a right to speak for themselves on such -occasions, and when they do we shall be able to judge whether -their numbers or characters are such as to be entitled to a sacrifice -of the embargo law. If this prevails, the next application -will be for vessels to go to New York for the pippins of that -State, because they are higher flavored than the same species of -apples growing in other States. -</p> - -<p> -4. We should by all means appoint a new collector at Sackett's -Harbor. If the Governor knows nobody there who can be depended -on, can he not find some faithful man in the city or -country who would consider the emoluments acceptable, such as -they are? -</p> - -<p> -5. The seizure by Mr. Illsley not being under the embargo -law, will take its course. With respect to the aid of gun-boats, -desired by him and Mr. Holmes of Sunbury, or any military aid, -that can always be settled directly between Mr. Gallatin and the -Secretaries of the Navy or War. Both those gentlemen know -our extreme anxiety to give a full effect to the important experiment -of the embargo, at any expense within the bounds of -reason, and will, on the application of Mr. Gallatin, yield the aid -of their departments without waiting the delay of consulting -me. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_309'>[309]</a></span></p> - -<p> -I have gone a little into the grounds of these opinions, in order -that there being a mutual understanding on these subjects, Mr. -Gallatin during the time of our separation may decide on the -cases occurring, without the delay of consulting me at such a -distance. My principle is that the conveniences of our citizens -shall yield reasonably, and their taste greatly to the importance -of giving the present experiment so fair a trial that on future occasions -our legislators may know with certainty how far they -may count on it as an engine for national purposes. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DE LA CAPEDE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 14, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—If my recollection does not deceive me, the collection -of the remains of the animal incognitum of the Ohio (sometimes -called mammoth), possessed by the Cabinet of Natural History -at Paris, is not very copious. Under this impression, and presuming -that this Cabinet is allied to the National Institute, to -which I am desirous of rendering some service, I have lately -availed myself of an opportunity of collecting some of those remains. -General Clarke (the companion of Governor Lewis in -his expedition to the Pacific Ocean) being, on a late journey, to -pass by the Big-bone Lick of the Ohio, was kind enough to undertake -to employ for me a number of laborers, and to direct -their operations in digging for these bones at this important deposit -of them. The result of these researches will appear in the -enclosed catalogue of specimens which I am now able to place -at the disposal of the National Institute. An aviso being to leave -this place for some port of France on public service, I deliver the -packages to Captain Haley, to be deposited with the Consul of -the United States, at whatever port he may land. They are addressed -to Mr. Warden of our legation at Paris, for the National -Institute, and he will have the honor of delivering them. To -these I have added the horns of an animal called by the natives -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_310'>[310]</a></span>the Mountain Ram, resembling the sheep by his head, but more -nearly the deer in his other parts; as also the skin of another -animal, resembling the sheep by his fleece but the goat in his -other parts. This is called by the natives the Fleecy Goat, or in -the style of the natural historian, the Pokotragos. I suspect it to -be nearly related to the Pacos, and were we to group the fleecy -animals together, it would stand perhaps with the Vigogne, Pacos, -and Sheep. The Mountain Ram was found in abundance by -Messrs. Lewis and Clarke on their western tour, and was frequently -an article of food for their party, and esteemed more -delicate than the deer. The Fleecy Goat they did not see, but -procured two skins from the Indians, of which this is one. Their -description will be given in the work of Governor Lewis, the -journal and geographical part of which may be soon expected -from the press; but the parts relating to the plants and animals -observed in his tour, will be delayed by the engravings. In the -meantime, the plants of which he brought seeds, have been very -successfully raised in the botanical garden of Mr. Hamilton of -the Woodlands, and by Mr. McMahon, a gardener of Philadelphia; -and on the whole, it is with pleasure I can assure you that the -addition to our knowledge in every department, resulting from -this tour of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, has entirely fulfilled my -expectations in setting it on foot, and that the world will find -that those travellers have well earned its favor. I will take care -that the Institute as well as yourself shall receive Governor -Lewis's work as it appears. -</p> - -<p> -It is with pleasure I embrace this occasion of returning you -my thanks for the favor of your very valuable works, <span lang="fr_FR"><i>sur les -poissons et les cetacées</i></span>, which you were so kind as to send me -through Mr. Livingston and General Turreau, and which I find -entirely worthy of your high reputation in the literary world. -That I have not sooner made this acknowledgment has not proceeded -from any want of respect and attachment to yourself, or -a just value of your estimable present, but from the strong and -incessant calls of duty to other objects. The candor of your -character gives me confidence of your indulgence on this head, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_311'>[311]</a></span>and I assure you with truth that no circumstances are more welcome -to me than those which give me the occasion of recalling -myself to your recollection, and of renewing to you the assurances -of sincere personal attachment, and of great respect and -consideration. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Contents of the large square Box.</i> -</p> - -<p> -A Fibia. -</p> - -<p> -A Radius. -</p> - -<p> -Two ribs belonging to the upper part of the thorax. -</p> - -<p> -Two ribs from a lower part of the thorax. -</p> - -<p> -One entire vertebra. -</p> - -<p> -Two spinous processes of the vertebra broken from the bodies. -</p> - -<p> -Dentes molares, which appear to have belonged to the full-grown -animal. -</p> - -<p> -A portion of the under-jaw of a young animal with two molar -teeth in it. -</p> - -<p> -These teeth appear to have belonged to a first set, as they are -small, and the posterior has but three grinding ridges, instead of -five, the common number in adult teeth of the lower jaw. -</p> - -<p> -Another portion of the under-jaw, including the symphisis, or -chin. In this portion the teeth of one side are every way complete; -to wit, the posterior has five transverse ridges, and the anterior -three. -</p> - -<p> -A fragment of the upper-jaw with one molar tooth much -worn. -</p> - -<p> -Molar teeth which we suppose to be like those of the mammoth -or elephant of Siberia. They are essentially different -from those of the mammoth or elephant of this country, and although -similar in some respects to the teeth of the Asiatic elephant, -they agree more completely with the description of the -teeth found in Siberia in the arrangement and size of the transverse -lamina of enamel. This idea, however, is not derived from -actual comparison of the different teeth with each other, for we -have no specimens of Siberian teeth in this country; but from -inferences deduced from the various accounts and drawings of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_312'>[312]</a></span>these teeth to be found in books. A few of these teeth have -been found in several places where the bones of the American -animal have existed. -</p> - -<p> -An Astragalus. -</p> - -<p> -An Oscalcis. -</p> - -<p> -Os naviculare. -</p> - -<p> -In the large box in which the preceding bones are, is a small -one containing a promiscuous mass of small bones, chiefly of the -feet. -</p> - -<p> -In the large irregular-shaped box, a tusk of large size. The -spiral twist in all the specimens of these tusks which we have -seen, was remarked so long ago as the time of Breyneus, in his -description of the tusks of the Siberian mammoth in the Philosophical -Transactions, if that paper is rightly recollected, for the -book is not here to be turned to at present. Many fragments of -tusks have been sent from the Ohio, generally resembling portions -of such tusks as are brought to us in the course of commerce. -But of these spiral tusks, in a tolerable complete state, -we have had only four. One was found near the head of the -north branch of the Susquehanna. A second possessed by Mr. -Peale, was found with the skeleton, near the Hudson. A third -is at Monticello, found with the bones of this collection at the -Big-bone lick of Ohio, and the fourth is that now sent for the -Institute, found at the same place and larger than that at -Monticello. -</p> - -<p> -The smallest box contains the horns of the mountain ram, -and skin of the fleecy goat. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SYLVESTRE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I had received from you on a former occasion the four -first volumes of the Memoirs of the Agricultural Society of the -Seine, and since that, your letter of September 19th, with the -6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th volumes, being for the years 1804 '5 '6 -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_313'>[313]</a></span>with some separate memoirs. These I have read with great -avidity and satisfaction, and now return you my thanks for them. -But I owe particular acknowledgments for the valuable present -of the Theatre de De Serres, which I consider as a prodigy for -the age in which it was composed, and shows an advancement -in the science of agriculture which I had never suspected to -have belonged to that time. Brought down to the present day -by the very valuable notes added, it is really such a treasure of -agricultural knowledge, as has not before been offered to the -world in a single work. -</p> - -<p> -It is not merely for myself, but for my country, that I must -do homage to the philanthropy of the Society, which has dictated -their destination for me of their newly-improved plough. -I shall certainly so use it as to answer their liberal views, by -making the opportunities of profiting by it as general as possible. -</p> - -<p> -I have just received information that a plough addressed to me -has arrived at New York, <i>from England</i>, but unaccompanied -by any letter or other explanation. As I have had no intimation -of such an article to be forwarded to me from that country, -I presume it is the one sent by the Society of the Seine, that it -has been carried into England under their orders of council, and -permitted to come on from thence. This I shall know within a -short time. I shall with great pleasure attend to the construction -and transmission to the Society of a plough with my mould -board. This is the only part of that useful instrument to which -I have paid any particular attention. But knowing how much -the perfection of the plough must depend, 1st, on the line of -traction; 2d, on the direction of the share; 3d, on the angle -of the wing; 4th, on the form of the mould-board; and persuaded -that I shall find the three first advantages eminently exemplified -in that which the Society sends me, I am anxious to -see combined with these a mould-board of my form, in the hope -it will still advance the perfection of that machine. But for this -I must ask time till I am relieved from the cares which have now -a right to all my time, that is to say, till the next Spring. Then -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_314'>[314]</a></span>giving, in the leisure of retirement, all the time and attention -this construction merits and requires, I will certainly render to -the Society the result in a plough of the best form I shall be -able to have executed. In the meantime, accept for them and -yourself the assurances of my high respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LASTEYRIE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of March 28th, and -with it your treatises on the culture of the sugar cane and cotton -plant in France. The introduction of new cultures, and especially -of objects of leading importance to our comfort, is certainly -worthy the attention of every government, and nothing -short of the actual experiment should discourage an essay of -which any hope can be entertained. Till that is made, the -result is open to conjecture; and I should certainly conjecture -that the sugar cane could never become an article of profitable -culture in France. We have within the ancient limits of the -United States, a great extent of country which brings the -orange to advantage, but not a foot in which the sugar cane can -be matured. France, within its former limits, has but two -small spots, (Olivreles and Hieres) which brings the orange in -open air, and <span lang="la"><i>à fortiori</i></span>, therefore, none proper for the cane. I -should think the sugar-maple more worthy of experiment. -There is no part of France of which the climate would not admit -this tree. I have never seen a reason why every farmer -should not have a sugar orchard, as well as an apple orchard. -The supply of sugar for his family would require as little ground, -and the process of making it as easy as that of cider. Mr. -Micheaux, your botanist here, could send you plants as well as -seeds, in any quantity from the United States. I have no doubt -the cotton plant will succeed in some of the southern parts of -France. Whether its culture will be as advantageous as those -they are now engaged in, remains to be tried. We could, in the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_315'>[315]</a></span>United States, make as great a variety of wines as are made in -Europe, not exactly of the same kinds, but doubtless as good. -Yet I have ever observed to my countrymen, who think its introduction -important, that a laborer cultivating wheat, rice, tobacco, -or cotton here, will be able with the proceeds, to purchase -double the quantity of the wine he could make. Possibly the -same quantity of land and labor in France employed on the rich -produce of your Southern counties, would purchase double the -quantity of the cotton they would yield there. This however -may prove otherwise on trial, and therefore it is worthy the -trial. In general, it is a truth that if every nation will employ -itself in what it is fittest to produce, a greater quantity will be -raised of the things contributing to human happiness, than if -every nation attempts to raise everything it wants within itself. -The limits within which the cotton plant is worth cultivating -in the United States, are the Rappahanock river to the north, -and the first mountains to the west. And even from the Rappahanock -to the Roanoke, we only cultivate for family use, as it -cannot there be afforded at market in competition with that of -the more Southern region. The Mississippi country, also within -the same latitudes, admits the culture of cotton. -</p> - -<p> -The superficial view I have yet had time to take of your -treatise on the cotton plant, induces a belief that it is rich and -correct in its matter, and contains a great fund of learning on -that plant. When retired to rural occupations, as I shall be ere -long, I shall profit of its contents practically, in the culture of -that plant merely for household manufacture. In that situation, -too, I shall devote myself to occupations much more congenial -with my inclinations, than those to which I have been called by -the character of the times into which my lot was cast. About to -be relieved from this <span lang="fr_FR"><i>corvée</i></span> by age and the fulfilment of the -<span lang="la"><i>quadragena stipendia</i></span>, what remains to me of physical activity -will chiefly be employed in the amusements of agriculture. -Having little practical skill, I count more on the pleasures than -the profits of that occupation. They will give me, too, the leisure -which my present situation nearly denies, of rendering such -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_316'>[316]</a></span>services as may be within my means, to the Institute, the Agricultural -Society of the Seine, to yourself, and such other worthy -individuals as may find any convenience in a correspondence -here. I shall then be able particularly to fulfil the wishes expressed, -of my sending to the Society of Agriculture a plough -with my mould-board. Perhaps I may be able to add some other -implements, peculiar to us, to the collection which I perceive -that the Society is making. I salute you, Sir, with assurances -of great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 16, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Complaints multiply upon us of evasions of the -embargo laws, by fraud and force. These come from Newport, -Portland, Machias, Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, &c., &c. As -I do consider the severe enforcement of the embargo to be of an -importance, not to be measured by money, for our future government -as well as present objects, I think it will be advisable that -during this summer all the gun-boats, actually manned and in -commission, should be distributed through as many ports and -bays as may be necessary to assist the embargo. On this subject -I will pray you to confer with Mr. Gallatin, who will call -on you on his passage through Baltimore, and to communicate -with him hereafter, <i>directly</i>, without the delay of consulting me, -and generally to aid this object with such means of your department -as are consistent with its situation. -</p> - -<p> -I think I shall be able to leave this place by Wednesday. I -will mention for your information, that the post for Milton leaves -this place on Tuesdays and Fridays, and arrives at it on Sundays -and, I believe, Thursdays. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with affection and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_317'>[317]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH, OF THE WAR OFFICE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 16, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The correspondence which you sent me the other day, -between the British commanders and our officers in Moose -Island, is now in the hands of Mr. Madison, and will be delivered -to you on application. On consulting him and Mr. Gallatin, I -find the facts to be that Moose Island has ever been in our possession, -as well before as ever since the treaty of peace with -Great Britain; that in the convention formed between Mr. King -and the British government, about four years ago, wherein our -limits in that quarter were mutually recognized, Moose Island -was expressly acknowledged to belong to us; and, through an -account of an article respecting Louisiana, the convention has not -yet been ratified, yet both parties have acted on the article of -these limits as if it had been ratified,—each party considering the -parts then assigned to them as no longer questioned by the -other. -</p> - -<p> -I think you had better communicate the papers, with a copy -of that article of the convention, to Gen. Dearborne, with these -observations, from whom the answer to our officer will go with -more propriety. If you will speak on this subject with Mr. -Madison, he will, perhaps, be able to state to you what passed -between us on this subject more fully than I have done. Accept -my salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 16, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—In my letter of May 6th I asked the favor of your Excellency, -as I did of the Governors of other States not furnishing -in their interior country flour sufficient for the consumption of -the State, to take the trouble of giving certificates, in favor of -any merchants meriting confidence, for the quantities necessary -for consumption beyond the interior supplies. Having desired -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_318'>[318]</a></span>from the Treasury Department a statement of the quantities called -for under these certificates, I find that those of your Excellency, -received at the Treasury, amount to 51,000 barrels of flour, -108,400 bushels of Indian corn, 560 tierces of rice, 2,000 bushels -of rye, and, in addition thereto, that there had been given certificates -for either 12,450 barrels of flour, or 40,000 bushels of -corn. As these supplies, although called for within the space of -two months, will undoubtedly furnish the consumption of your -State for a much longer time, I have thought it advisable to ask -the favor of your Excellency, after the receipt of this letter, to -discontinue issuing any other certificates, that we may not unnecessarily -administer facilities to the evasion of the embargo -laws; for I repeat what I observed in my former letter, that these -evasions are effected chiefly by vessels clearing coastwise. But -while I am desirous of preventing the frauds which go to defeat -the salutary objects of these laws, I am equally so that the fair -consumption of our citizens may in nowise be abridged. It -would, therefore, be deemed a great favor if your Excellency -could have me furnished with an estimate, on the best data possessed, -of the quantities of flour, corn, and rice, which, in addition -to your internal supplies, may be necessary for the consumption, -in any given time, of those parts of your State which habitually -depend on importation for these articles. I ask this the more -freely, because I presume you must have had such an estimate -formed for the government, of your discretion in issuing the preceding -certificates, and because it may be so necessary for our -future government. I salute you with assurance of great respect -and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 17, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—After writing my letter of the 9th, I received one from -Mr. Pitot in the name of the New Orleans Canal Company, which -ought to have come with the printed report, stating more fully -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_319'>[319]</a></span>their views, and more explicitly the way in which we can aid -them. They ask specifically that we should lend them $50,000, -or take the remaining fourth of their shares now on hand. This -last measure is too much out of our policy of not embarking the -public in enterprises better managed by individuals, and which -might occupy as much of our time as those political duties for -which the public functionaries are particularly instituted. Some -money could be lent them, but only on an assurance that it would -be employed so as to secure the public objects. The first interests -of the company will be to bring a practicable navigation from -the Lake Pontchartrain through the Bayou St. Jean and Canal de -Carondelet to the city, because that entitles them to a toll on the -profitable part of the enterprise. But this would answer no object -of the government unless it was carried through to the Mississippi, -so that our armed vessels drawing five feet water might -pass through. Instead therefore of the ground I suggested in -my last letter, I would propose to lend them a sum of money on -the condition of their applying it entirely to that part of the canal -which, beginning at the Mississippi, goes round the city to a junction -with the canal of Carondelet; and we may moreover at our -own expense erect the locks. The Secretary at War not being -here, I cannot propose these or any other terms precisely, but you -may more openly than I proposed in my last letter, give these as -the general shape of the aid which we contemplate, collect the -ideas of individual members, and communicate them to me, so -that when I shall have an opportunity of consulting the Secretary -at War we may put our proposition in the form most acceptable -to them. On this subject I shall wish to hear from you soon. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Livingston was here lately, and finding that we considered -the Batture as now resting with Congress, and that it was our -duty to keep it clear of all adversary possession till their decision -is obtained, wrote a letter to the Secretary of State, which, if we -understand it, amounts to a declaration that he will on his return -bring the authority of the court into array against that of the executive, -and endeavor to obtain a forcible possession. But I presume -that the court knows too well that the title of the United -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_320'>[320]</a></span>States to land is subject to the jurisdiction of no court, it having -never been deemed safe to submit the major interests of the nation -to an ordinary tribunal, or to any one but such as the Legislature -establishes for the special occasion; and the Marshal will find -his duty too plainly marked out in the act of March 3, 1807, to -be at a loss to determine what authority he is to obey. It will -be well however that you should have due attention paid to this -subject, and particularly to apprize Mr. Grymes to be prepared to -take care that the public rights receive no detriment. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR LEWIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 17, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Since I parted with you in Albemarle in September -last, I have never had a line from you, nor I believe has the -Secretary at War with whom you have much connection through -the Indian department. The misfortune which attended the effort -to send the Mandan chief home, became known to us before -you had reached St. Louis. We took no step on the occasion, -counting on receiving your advice so soon as you should be -in place, and knowing that your knowledge of the whole subject -and presence on the spot would enable you to judge better than -we could what ought to be done. The constant persuasion that -something from you must be on its way to us, has as constantly -prevented our writing to you on the subject. The present letter, -however, is written to put an end at length to this mutual silence, -and to ask from you a communication of what you think best to -be done to get the chief and his family back. We consider the -good faith, and the reputation of the nation, as pledged to accomplish -this. We would wish indeed not to be obliged to undertake -any considerable military expedition in the present uncertain -state of our foreign concerns, and especially not till the new -body of troops shall be raised. But if it can be effected in any -other way and at any reasonable expense, we are disposed to meet it. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_321'>[321]</a></span></p> - -<p> -A powerful company is at length forming for taking up the -Indian commerce on a large scale. They will employ a capital -the first year of 300,000, and raise it afterwards to a million. -The English Mackinac company will probably withdraw from the -competition. It will be under the direction of a most excellent -man, a Mr. Astor, merchant of New York, long engaged in the -business, and perfectly master of it. He has some hope of seeing -you at St. Louis, in which case I recommend him to your particular -attention. Nothing but the exclusive possession of the -Indian commerce can secure us their peace. -</p> - -<p> -Our foreign affairs do not seem to clear up at all. Should -they continue as at present, the moment will come when it will -be a question for the Legislature whether war will not be preferable -to a longer continuance of the embargo. -</p> - -<p> -The Presidential question is clearing up daily, and the opposition -subsiding. It is very possible that the suffrage of the nation -may be undivided. But with this question it is my duty -not to intermeddle. I have not lately heard of your friends in -Albemarle. They were well when I left that in June, and not -hearing otherwise affords presumptions they are well. But I -presume you hear that from themselves. We have no tidings -yet of the forwardness of your printer. I hope the first part will -not be delayed much longer. Wishing you every blessing of -life and health, I salute you with constant affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 18, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General</span>,—I had written to Governor Claiborne according -to what had been agreed between you and myself, after -which I received a letter from Pitot on behalf of the Canal company -of New Orleans, which should have accompanied the printed -report I communicated to you. The letter agrees with the -report, and asks specifically that we should either lend them fifty -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_322'>[322]</a></span>thousand dollars, or buy the remaining fourth part of their shares -now on hand. On consultation with Mr. Madison, Gallatin, and -Rodney, we concluded it best to say we would lend them a sum -of money if they would agree to lay out the whole of it in making -the canal from the Mississippi round the town to its junction with -the canal of Carondelet; and I wrote to Claiborne to sound the -members of the company, and to find out if there were any modifications -which would render the proposition more acceptable, to -communicate them to me, and that when I should have an opportunity -of consulting you, we would make the proposition in -form. -</p> - -<p> -I send you a letter of General Wilkinson's, the papers it covered, -and my answer, which will sufficiently explain themselves. -That in cases of military operations some occasions for secret -service money must arise, is certain. But I think that they -should be more fully explained to the government than the General -has done, seems also proper. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Smith will send you some British complaints on our fortifying -Moose Islands, and the kind of answer recommended on -consultation with the heads of departments. -</p> - -<p> -We have such complaints of the breach of embargo by fraud -and force on our northern water line, that I must pray your co-operation -with the Secretary of the Treasury by rendezvousing -as many new recruits as you can in that quarter. The Osage -brought us nothing in the least interesting. I salute you with -affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR PINCKNEY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, July 18, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of May 28 has been duly received, and -in it the proceeding of the Court on the mandamus to the collector -of Charleston. I saw them with great concern because of -the quarter from whence they came, and where they could not -be ascribed to any political waywardness. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_323'>[323]</a></span></p> - -<p> -The Legislature having found, after repeated trials, that no -general rules could be formed which fraud and avarice would -not elude, concluded to leave, in those who were to execute the -power, a discretionary power paramount to all their general rules. -This discretion was of necessity lodged with the collector in the -first instance, but referred, finally, to the President, lest there -should be as many measures of law or discretion for our citizens -as there were collectors of districts. In order that the first decisions -by the collectors might also be as uniform as possible, and -that the inconveniences of temporary detention might be imposed -by general and equal rules throughout the States, we thought it -advisable to draw some outlines for the government of the discretion -of the collectors, and to bring them all to one tally. -</p> - -<p> -With this view they were advised to consider all shipments -of flour <span lang="la"><i>primâ facie</i></span>, as suspicious. Because, if pretended to be -for a State which made enough within itself, it could not, in -these times, but be suspicious, and, if for a State which needed -importations, we had provided, by the aid of the Governors of -those States, a criterion for that case. -</p> - -<p> -But your collector seems to have decided for himself that, -instead of a general rule applicable equally to all, the personal -character of the shipper was a better criterion, and his own individual -opinion too, of that character. -</p> - -<p> -You will see at once to what this would have led in the hands -of an hundred collectors, of all sorts of characters, connections, -and principles, and what grounds would have been given for the -malevolent charges of favoritism with which the federal papers -have reproached even the trust we reposed in the first and highest -magistrates of particular States. It has been usual in another -department, after the decision of any point by the superior tribunal -is known, for the interior one to conform to that decision. -The declaration of Mr. Theus, that <i>he</i> did not consider the case -as suspicious, founded on his individual opinion of the shipper, -broke down that barrier which we had endeavored to erect -against favoritism, and furnished the grounds for the subsequent -proceedings. The attorney for the United States seems to have -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_324'>[324]</a></span>considered the acquiescence of the collector as dispensing with -any particular attentions to the case, and the judge to have taken -it as a case agreed between plaintiff and defendant, and brought -to him only formally to be placed on his records. But this question -has too many important bearings on the constitutional organization -of our government, to let it go off so carelessly. I -send you the Attorney General's opinion on it, formed on great -consideration and consultation. It is communicated to the collectors -and marshals for their future government. I hope, however, -the business will stop here, and that no similar case will -occur. A like attempt has been made in another State, which I -believe failed in the outset. -</p> - -<p> -I have seen, with great satisfaction, the circumspection and -moderation with which you have been so good as to act under -my letter of May 6th. I owe the same approbation to some -other of the Governors, but not to every one. Our good citizens -having submitted to such sacrifices under the present experiment, -I am determined to exert every power the law has vested -in me for its rigorous fulfilment; that we may know the full -value and effect of this measure on any future occasion on which -a resort to it might be contemplated. -</p> - -<p> -The Osage did not bring us a tittle of anything interesting. -The absence of the Emperor from Paris makes that a scene of no -business; and I do not think we are to consider the course of the -British government as finally decided, until the nation, as well -as the ministry, are possessed of the communications to Congress -of March 22, and our act hanging the duration of the embargo -laws on that of the orders of council. The newspapers say Mr. -Rose is coming over again. Mr. Pinckney did not know this at -the departure of the Osage. Yet it may be so. It is well calculated -to throw dust in the eyes of the nation, and to silence all -attempts of the opposition to force a change of their measures. -In this view it is a masterly stroke. The truth is that their debt -is become such as the nation can no longer pay its interest. Their -omnipotence at sea has bloated their imaginations so as to -persuade them they can oblige all nations to carry all their produce -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_325'>[325]</a></span>to their island as an entrepot, to pay them a tax on it, and -receive their license to carry it to its ultimate market. It is indeed -a desperate throw, in the language of Canning, and who -knows, says he, what the dice may turn up? -</p> - -<p> -I answer, we know. -</p> - -<p> -Since writing so far, I received your favor of June 30th, covering -resolutions of your Legislature. They are truly worthy of -them, and never could declarations be better timed for dissipating -the delusions in which the British government are nourished by -the federal papers, and prevented from that return to justice -which alone can continue our peace. -</p> - -<p> -Wishing you every blessing of health and life, I salute you -with assurances of great esteem and respect. -Salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 25,1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you the petition of Somes, to do in it -whatever is agreeable to general rule. -</p> - -<p> -Punqua Winchung, the Chinese Mandarin, has, I believe, his -head quarters at New York, and therefore his case is probably -known to you. He came to Washington just as I had left it, -and therefore wrote to me, praying permission to depart for his -own country with his property, in a vessel to be engaged by -himself. I enclose you Mr. Madison's letter, which contains -everything I know on the subject. I consider it as a case of national -comity, and coming within the views of the first section -of the first embargo act. The departure of this individual with -good dispositions, may be the means of making our nation known -advantageously at the source of power in China, to which it is -otherwise difficult to convey information. It may be of sensible -advantage to our merchants in that country. I cannot therefore -but consider that a chance of obtaining a permanent national -good should overweigh the effect of a single case taken out of -the great field of the embargo. The case, too, is so singular, -that it can lead to no embarrassment as a precedent. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_326'>[316]</a></span>I think, therefore, he should be permitted to engage a vessel -to carry himself and his property, under such cautions and recommendations -to him as you shall think best. -</p> - -<p> -I leave it therefore to yourself to direct all the necessary details -without further application to me, and for this purpose send -you a blank passport for the vessel, &c., and Mr. Graham will -obtain and forward you passports from the foreign ministers here. -I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BIBB. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 28, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received duly your favor of July 1st, covering an offer -of Mr. McDonald of an iron mine to the public, and I thank you -for taking the trouble of making the communication, as it might -have its utility. But having always observed that public works -are much less advantageously managed than the same are by -private hands, I have thought it better for the public to go to -market for whatever it wants which is to be found there; for -there competition brings it down to the minimum of value. I -have no doubt we can buy brass cannon at market cheaper than -we could make iron ones. I think it material too, not to abstract -the high executive officers from those functions which nobody -else is charged to carry on, and to employ them in superintending -works which are going on abundantly in private hands. Our -predecessors went on different principles; they bought iron -mines, and sought for copper ones. We own a mine at Harper's -Ferry of the finest iron ever put into a cannon, which we are -afraid to attempt to work. We have rented it heretofore, but it -is now without a tenant. -</p> - -<p> -We send a vessel to France and England every six weeks, for -the purposes of public as well as mercantile correspondence. -These the public papers are in the habit of magnifying into special -missionaries for great and special purposes. It is true that -they carry our public despatches, whether the subject of the day -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_327'>[327]</a></span>happens to be great or small. The Osage was one of these; but -she was charged with nothing more than repetitions of instructions -to our ministers not to cease in their endeavors to have the -obnoxious orders and decrees repealed. She brought not a tittle -of the least interest. The St. Michael was another of these -vessels, and may now be expected in a few days. The schooner -Hope was a third, and sailed a few days ago. She may be expected -a fortnight before Congress meets, and our ministers are -apprized that whatsoever the belligerent powers mean to do, -must be done before that time, as on the state of things then existing -and known to us, Congress will have to act. I return the -letter of Mr. McDonald, as it may be useful for other purposes, -and salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 29, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you a letter of information of what is -passing on the Canada line. To prevent it is, I suppose, beyond -our means, but we must try to harass the unprincipled agents, -and punish as many as we can. -</p> - -<p> -I transmit, also, the petition of Tyson and James, millers of -Baltimore, for permission to send a load of flour to New Orleans, -to direct in it what is regular, for I do not see any circumstance -in the case sufficiently peculiar to take it out of the rule. If -their views are honest, as I suppose them to be, it would be a -great relief to them to be permitted, by giving bond for an increased -valuation, to send their flour to its destination, and equal -relief to us from these tormenting applications. Yet, as the other -gentlemen seemed not satisfied that it would be legal, I would -not have it done on my own opinion alone, however firmly I am -persuaded of its legality. Could you not in the way of conversation -with some of the sound lawyers of New York, find what -would be then <span lang="la"><i>primâ facie</i></span> opinion, and if encouraged by that, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_328'>[328]</a></span>we may take the opinion of the Attorney General, and others. -The questions to be solved are,—first: To what place should -the valuation refer? and second: Would too high a valuation -render the bond null in law? On the first, I observe that the -law says that bond shall be given in double the value, &c., without -saying whether its value <i>here</i>, or at the <i>place of sale</i>, is -meant; that, generally speaking, its value <i>here</i> would be understood; -but that whenever the words of a law will bear two meanings, -one of which will give effect to the law, and the other will -defeat it, the former must be supposed to have been intended by -the Legislature, because they could not intend that meaning, -which would defeat their intention, in passing that law; and in -a statute, as in a will, the intention of the party is to be sought -after. On the second point we would ask, who is to value the -cargo on which the bond is to be taken? Certainly the collector, -either by himself or his agents. When the bond is put in -suit it must be recovered. Neither judge nor jury can go into -the question of the value of the cargo. If anybody could, it -would be the chancellor; but his maxim is never to lend his -power in support of fraud or wrong. The common law could -only give a remedy on an action for damages, as, for instance, if -a collector, by requiring too large security, prevents a party from -clearing out, damages might be recovered. But in the case in -question, the consent of the party would take away the error, and -besides, as the voyage takes place, no damages for preventing it -can be recovered. These are general considerations to be brought -into view in such a conversation, which, indeed would occur to -every lawyer who turned his mind to the subject at all. It would -be a most important construction for the relief of the honest merchant, -to whom the amount of bond is important, and to us, also, -in the execution of the law; and I think its legality far more defensible -than that of limiting the provisions to one-eighth of the -cargo. My situation in the country gives me no opportunity to -consult lawyers of the first order. Should such occur, however, -I will avail myself of them. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you affectionately. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_329'>[329]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 29, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The passport for the Leonidas goes by this post, -to the collector of Norfolk. I return you Jarvis', Hackley's, and -Montgomery's letters, and send you Hull's, Hunt's, Clarke's, and -Mr. Short's, for perusal, and to be returned. On this last, the -following questions arise: When exactly shall the next vessel -go? Whence? Is not the secrecy of the mission essential? Is -it not the very ground of sending it while the Senate is not -sitting, in order that it may be kept secret? I doubt the expediency -of sending one of our regular armed vessels. If we -do, she should go to Petersburg direct. And yet may there -not be advantage in conferences between S. and A.? I have -signed the commission and letter of credence, and now enclose -them. Yet I must say I think the latter is very questionable -indeed, in point of property. It says that the Minister is to <i>reside</i> -near his person; but whether we should establish it at once into -a permanent legation is much to be doubted, and especially in a -recess of the Senate. I should think it better to express purposes -something like the following: "to bear to your Imperial Majesty -the assurances of the sincere friendship of the United States, and -of their desire to maintain with your Majesty and your subjects -the strictest relations of intercourse and commerce; to explain to -your Majesty the position of the United States, and the considerations -flowing from that which should keep them aloof from the -contests of Europe; to assure your Majesty of their desire to observe -a faithful and impartial neutrality, if not forced from that -line by the wrongs of the belligerents; and to express their reliance -that they will be befriended in these endeavors by your -Majesty's powerful influence and friendship towards these States." -This is hasty,—it is too long, and neither the expressions nor -thoughts sufficiently accurate; but something of this kind, more -concise and correct, may be formed, leaving the permanency of -the mission still in our power. -</p> - -<p> -There is no doubt but that the transaction at New Orleans, between -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_330'>[330]</a></span>Ortega and the British officer with the prize sloop Guadaloupe, -has been a mere fraud, to evade our regulation against the -sale of prizes in our harbors; and his insolent letter intended -merely to cover the fraud. His ready abandonment of the vessel, -and Ortega's resumption of her, are clear proofs. Should not, or -could not, process be ordered against Ortega and the vessel? I -think a copy of Reeve's letter to Governor Claiborne, and of the -proceedings of the court, might be sent to Mr. Erskine, with -proper observations on this double outrage, and an intimation -that the habitual insolence of their officers may force us to refuse -them an asylum, even when seeking it in real distress, if the boon -is to be abused as it has been by this insolent and dishonest -officer. And as it is very possible the rascal may push his impostures -to the making complaint to his government, this step -with Mr. Erskine may anticipate it. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with sincere and constant affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 5, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you a letter from the Path-killer and -others of the Cherokees, the object of which I do not precisely -see. I suppose they are of Van's party. The sentiments are -unquestionably those of a white man. -</p> - -<p> -Sibley's letters present a disagreeable view. It will be -troublesome if we are once compelled to use acts of force -against those people. It is the more difficult as we should have -to pursue them into the country beyond the Sabine, on which -an understanding with the Spaniards would be necessary. But -what is the meaning of our not pursuing deserters over the Rio -Hondo? I thought we had so far settled that matter, as that it -was understood by the Spaniards that until a final settlement of -boundary, the Sabine was to be that to which each was to exercise -jurisdiction. On the same principles ought we not immediately -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_331'>[331]</a></span>to suppress this new appointment of a Spanish Alcalde -at Bayou Pierre? I ask this for information, because I do not -precisely recollect what we finally intended as to Bayou Pierre, -and I have not the papers here. I suppose the trial and punishment -of the guilty Alibamas, and Sibley's reclamations with the -tribe for reparation, will give us time till we meet to consider -what is to be done. Has any and what step been taken for -the recovery of Pike's men? -</p> - -<p> -Governor Lewis' letter offers something more serious. The -only information I have on the subject, is his letter to Governor -Harrison in a newspaper, which I cut out and enclose -you. The retirement of White Hairs to St. Louis is strong -proof that the case is serious. As they are at war with all -nations, and in order to protect them we have been endangering -our peace and friendship with the other nation, would -not our best course be to inform all those nations that, however -desirous we have been of promoting peace among them, -and however earnest our endeavors have been to restore friendship -between them and the Osages particularly, we have found -it impossible to bring that nation to a just and peaceable conduct -towards others? That therefore we withdraw ourselves from -before them, and leave them to be freely attacked and destroyed -by all those who have cause of war against them? Would such -a written message from me to the nations at war with them, be -advisable? particularly to the Cherokees, Creeks, Chickasaws, -and Choctaws, and such <i>northern</i> tribes as are at war with -them. I do not recollect those of the latter description. Would -it not be advisable to aid their war parties with provisions, and -ammunition, and the repairs of their arms at our posts? Will it -be necessary to authorize expeditions of militia, or only permit -volunteers to join the Indian parties? or shall we leave what -respects Militia to Governor Lewis? We shall certainly receive -further information soon, but in the meantime I have thought -we should turn it in our minds, and interchange ideas on the -subject. I shall therefore be glad to hear from you on it. I -salute you with constant affection and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_332'>[332]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 6, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—A complaint has come to me indirectly on the -part of the Cadets at West Point, that the promotions in their -corps are made on other principles than those of seniority or -merit. They do not charge Colonel Williams with an unjust -selection by himself, but with leaving the selection to his lieutenant, -whose declaration that it was so left to him, they say -can be proved. It is stated particularly that a young man from -the country, uneducated, and who had been with the corps but -three months, and had acquired little there, was lately made an -ensign to the prejudice of much superior qualifications. His -name was mentioned to me but I have forgotten it. Justice to -the officers forbids us to give credit to such imputations till -proved; but justice to the corps requires us so far to attend to -them as to make them the subject of inquiry; and I presume this -was the object of the communication to me. I now mention it -to you, because in returning through New York you may have -an opportunity of inquiring into it. I am much more inclined -to impute to the vanity of the lieutenant the declaration he is -said to have made, than to suppose Colonel Williams has really -delegated so important a trust to him. I salute you with constant -affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MESSRS. KERR, MOORE, AND WILLIAMS, COMMISSIONERS OF -THE WESTERN ROAD. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 6, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Gentlemen</span>,—It has been represented to me on behalf of the -inhabitants of the town of Washington in Pennsylvania, that by -a survey made at their expense, it is found that the western -road, if carried through their town, to Wheeling, would be but -a mile longer, would pass through better ground, and be made -at less expense; and if carried to Short Creek, instead of Wheeling, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_333'>[333]</a></span>the difference of distance would still be less. The principal -object of this road is a communication directly westwardly. -If, however, inconsiderable deflections from this course will -benefit particular places, and better accommodate travellers, these -are circumstances to be taken into consideration. I have therefore -to desire that, having a regard to the funds which remain, -you make as good an examination as they will admit, of the -best route through Washington to Wheeling, and also to Short -Creek or any other point on the river, offering a more advantageous -route towards Chillicothe and Cincinatti, and that you -report to me the material facts, with your opinions for consideration. -I salute you with respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 6, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—On the subject of the western road, our first error -was the admitting a deviation to Brownsville, and thus suffering -a first encroachment on its principle. This is made a <span lang="fr_FR">point -d'appui</span> to force a second, and I am told a third holds itself in -reserve, so that a few towns in that quarter seem to consider all -this expense as undertaken merely for their benefit. I should -have listened to these solicitations with more patience, had it not -been for the unworthy motives presented to influence me by -some of those interested. Sometimes an opposition by force was -held up, sometimes electioneering effects, as if I were to barter -away, on such motives, a public trust committed to me for a different -object. It seems, however, that our first error having -made Brownsville, and no longer Cumberland, the point of departure, -we must now go no further back in examining the claim -of Washington. I have therefore written to the commissioners, -the letter of which I enclose you a copy. The time saved by -sending it to them direct, may be important, as they may be near -their return. I am doubtful whether they have money enough -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_334'>[334]</a></span>left for a thorough examination. If they have, their report will -enable us to decide on this second deflection. But what will -Wheeling say if we take the road from it, to give it to Washington? -I do not know its size or importance, nor whether some -obstacles to navigation may not oppose our crossing at a higher -place. I salute you with constant affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 9, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of July 27th is received. It confirms the -accounts we receive from others that the infractions of the embargo -in Maine and Massachusetts are open. I have removed -Pope, of New Bedford, for worse than negligence. The collector -of Sullivan is on the totter. The tories of Boston openly -threaten insurrection if their importation of flour is stopped. The -next post will stop it. I fear your Governor is not up to the tone -of these parricides, and I hope, on the first symptom of an open -opposition of the law by force, you will fly to the scene and aid -in suppressing any commotion. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you the letter of Captain Dillard, recommending -Walter Bourke for appointment. I know nothing of the writers -of any of the letters except Thore, Jones, and Thweat, who are -good men. I like Meigs' scheme with the Cherokees, and would -wish it success. But will Congress give such a sum of money. -The message of the Creek Chief is so far satisfactory, that I -think we should give them time. Could we engage them to -assist us in destroying the guilty banditti? The letter enclosed -from Cuthbert to Mr. Madison, on the means of taking Quebec, -is worthy notice, and I wish you could, before your return, have -an interview with him. Your office, and receipt of the letter -from me, will give confidence to his communications. We have -letters from Mr. Pinckney to May 30, but not one word interesting. -Present me respectfully to Mrs. Dearborne, and accept my -affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_335'>[335]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 9, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you, for your information, letters from -General Dearborne, P. D. Sargent, and Elisha Tracey, on the infractions -of the embargo, and their ideas on the means of remedy. -</p> - -<p> -I pass them through the hands of the Secretary of the Navy, -with a request that he will, in concert with you, give all the aid -for the enforcement of the law which his department can afford. -I think the conduct of Jordan, at Sullivan, should be inquired -into, with a view to his removal if found either undisposed or -negligent. Indeed, the distance of his residence, if it be fact, -renders it impossible he should even sufficiently superintend the -due execution of the duties of his office. -</p> - -<p> -We have letters from Mr. Pinckney of the 30th of May, but -containing not one interesting word. If England should be disposed -to continue peace with us, and Spain gives to Bonaparte -the occupation she promises, will not the interval be favorable for -our reprisals on the Floridas for the indemnifications withheld. -Before the meeting of Congress we shall see further. I salute -you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 9, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Dear Sir,— * * * * * -I have some apprehension the tories of Boston, &c., with so poor -a head of a Governor, may attempt to give us trouble. I have -requested General Dearborne to be on the alert, and fly to the -spot where any open and forcible opposition shall be commenced, -and to crush it in embryo. I am not afraid but that there is sound -matter enough in Massachusetts to prevent an opposition of the -laws by force. I am glad to see that Spain is likely to give -Bonaparte employment. <span lang="fr_FR"><i>Tant mieux pour nous.</i></span> Accept affectionate -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_336'>[336]</a></span>salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 11, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letters of July 29th and August 5th, came -to hand yesterday, and I now return you those of Wynne, Wolsey, -Quincy, Otis, Lincoln, and Dearborne. This embargo law -is certainly the most embarrassing one we have ever had to execute. -I did not expect a crop of so sudden and rank growth of -fraud and open opposition by force could have grown up in the -United States. I am satisfied with you that if orders and decrees -are not repealed, and a continuance of the embargo is preferred -to war, (which sentiment is universal here), Congress must -legalize all <i>means</i> which may be necessary to obtain its <i>end</i>. -Mr. Smith, in enclosing to me General Dearborne's and Lincoln's -letters, informs me that immediately on receiving them he gave -the necessary orders to the Chesapeake, the Wasp and Argus. -Still I shall pass this letter and those it encloses, through his -hands for information. I am clearly of opinion this law ought -to be enforced at any expense, <i>which may not exceed our appropriation</i>. -I approve of the instructions to General Lincoln, for -selling the revenue cutter there and buying another, and also of -what you propose at New London and Portsmouth, and generally -I wish you to do as to the revenue cutters what you shall think -best, without delaying it to hear from me. You possess the details -so much better than I do, and are so much nearer the principal -scenes, that my approbation can be but matter of form. As -to ordering out militia, you know the difficulty without another -proclamation. I advise Mr. Madison to inform General Turreau -that the vessels we allow to the foreign ministers are only in the -character of transports, and that they cannot be allowed but -where the number of persons bears the proportion to the vessel -which is usual with transports. You will see by my last that on -learning the situation of affairs in Spain, it had occurred to me -that it might produce a favorable occasion of doing ourselves -justice in the south. We must certainly so dispose of our southern -recruits and armed vessels as to be ready for the occasion. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_337'>[337]</a></span>A letter of June 5th from Mr. Pinckney says nothing more than -that in a few days he was to have a full conference on our affairs -with Mr. Canning. That will doubtless produce us immediately -an interesting letter from him. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. I this day direct a commission for General Steele, vice -General Shee, deceased. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 12, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of July 30th came to hand yesterday. It -has consequently loitered somewhere two posts. I am glad to -learn the prompt aid you have afforded the Treasury department. -To let you further understand the importance of giving all the -aid we can, I pass through your hands my letter of this day to -Mr. Gallatin, with those it encloses, which I will pray you, after -perusal, to seal and put into the post-office. In the support of -the embargo laws, our only limit should be that of the appropriations -of the department. A letter of June 5th from Mr. -Pinckney informs us he was to have a free conference with Canning, -in a few days. Should England get to rights with us, -while Bonaparte is at war with Spain, the moment may be favorable -to take possession of our own territory held by Spain, and -so much more as may make a proper reprisal for her spoliations. -We ought therefore to direct the rendezvous of our southern recruits -and gun-boats so as to be in proper position for striking the -stroke in an instant, when Congress shall will it. I have recommended -this to General Dearborne, as I now do to yourself. Mr. -Fulton writes to me under a great desire to prepare a decisive experiment -of his torpedo at Washington, for the meeting of Congress. -This means of harbor-defence has acquired such respectability, -from its apparent merit, from the attention shown it by -other nations, and from our own experiments at New York, as to -entitle it to a full experiment from us. He asks only two workmen -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_338'>[338]</a></span>for one month from us, which he estimates at $130 only. -But should it cost considerably more I should really be for granting -it, and would accordingly recommend it to you. This sum is a -mere trifle as an encroachment on our appropriation. I salute -you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 12, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of July 27th has been received. I now -enclose you the letters of Hawkins, Harrison, Wells, Hull, and -Claiborne, received from the war office, and as I conjecture, not -yet seen by you. Indian appearances, both in the northwest and -south, are well. Beyond the Mississippi they are not so favorable. -I fear Governor Lewis has been too prompt in committing -us with the Osages so far as to oblige us to go on. But it is astonishing -we get not one word from him. I enclose you letters -of Mr. Griff and Maclure, which will explain themselves. A -letter of June 5th from Mr. Pinckney, informs us he was to have -a free conference with Canning in a few days. Should England -make up with us, while Bonaparte continues at war with Spain, -a moment may occur when we may without danger of commitment -with either France or England seize to our own limits of -Louisiana as of right, and the residue of the Floridas as reprisal -for spoliations. It is our duty to have an eye to this in rendezvousing -and stationing our new recruits and our armed vessels, -so as to be ready, if Congress authorizes it, to strike in a -moment. I wish you to consider this matter in the orders to the -southern recruits, as I have also recommended to the Secretary -of the Navy, as to the armed vessels in the South. Indeed, I -would ask your opinion as to the positions we had better take -with a view to this with our armed vessels as well as troops. -The force in the neighborhood of Baton Rouge is enough for -that. Mobile, Pensacola and St. Augustine, are those we should -be preparing for. The enforcing the embargo would furnish a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_339'>[339]</a></span>pretext for taking the nearest healthy position to St. Mary's, and -on the waters of Tombigbee. I salute you with affection and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 12, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 10th came to hand yesterday, and I -return you Fronda's, Tuft's, Loderstrom's, and Turreau's letters. -I think it is become necessary to let Turreau understand explicitly -that the vessels we permit foreign ministers to send away -are merely transports, for the conveyance of such of their subjects -as were here at the time of the embargo; that the numbers -must be proportioned to the vessels, as is usual with transports; -and that all who meant to go away must be presumed to have -gone before now,—at any rate, that none will be accommodated -after the present vessel. We never can allow one belligerent to -buy and fit out vessels here, to be manned with his own people, -and probably act against the other. You did not return my answer -to Sullivan. But fortunately I have received another letter, -which will enable me to give the matter an easier turn, and let -it down more softly. Should the conference announced in Mr. -Pinckney's letter of June 5th, settle friendship between England -and us, and Bonaparte continue at war with Spain, a moment -may occur favorable, without compromitting us with either -France or England, for seizing our own from the Rio Bravo to -Perdido, as of right, and the residue of Florida, as a reprisal for -spoliations. I have thought it proper to suggest this possibility -to General Dearborne and Mr. Smith, and to recommend an eye -to it in their rendezvousing and stationing the new southern recruits -and gun-boats, so that we may strike in a moment when -Congress says so. I have appointed General Steele successor to -Shee. Mr. and Mrs. Barlow, and Mrs. Blayden, will be here -about the 25th. May we hope to see Mrs. Madison and yourself -then, or when? I shall go to Bedford about the 10th of -September. I salute you with constant affection and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_340'>[340]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SULLIVAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 12, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of July 21st has been received some days; -that of July 23d not till yesterday. Some accident had probably -detained it on the road considerably beyond its regular passage. -In the former you mention that you had thought it advisable to -continue issuing certificates for the importation of flour, until you -could hear further from me; and in the latter, that you will be -called from the Capital in the fall months, after which it is your -desire that the power of issuing certificates may be given to some -other, if it is to be continued. -</p> - -<p> -In mine of July 16th I had stated that, during the two months -preceding that, your certificates, received at the Treasury, -amounted, if I rightly recollect, to about 60,000 barrels of flour, -and a proportionable quantity of corn. If this whole quantity -had been <span lang="la"><i>bonâ fide</i></span> landed and retained in Massachusetts, I -deemed it certain there could not be a real want for a considerable -time, and, therefore, desired the issues of certificates might -be discontinued. If, on the other hand, a part has been carried -to foreign markets, it proves the necessity of restricting reasonably -this avenue to abuse. This is my sole object, and not that -a real want of a single individual should be one day unsupplied. -In this I am certain we shall have the concurrence of all the -good citizens of Massachusetts, who are too patriotic and too just -to desire, by calling for what is superfluous, to open a door for -the frauds of unprincipled individuals who, trampling on the -laws, and forcing a commerce shut to all others, are enriching -themselves on the sacrifices of their honester fellow citizens;—sacrifices -to which these are generally and willingly submitting -as equally necessary whether to avoid or prepare for war. -</p> - -<p> -Still further, however, to secure the State against all danger -of want, I will request you to continue issuing certificates, in the -moderate way proposed in your letter, until your departure from -the Capital, as before stated, when I will consider it as discontinued, -or make another appointment if necessary. There is less -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_341'>[341]</a></span>risk of inconvenience in this, as, by a letter from the Secretary -of the Treasury, of May 20th, the collectors were advised not to -detain any vessel, the articles of whose lading were so proportioned -as to give no cause of suspicion that they were destined -for a foreign market. This mode of supply alone seems to have -been sufficient for the other importing States, if we may judge -from the little use they have made of the permission to issue certificates. -</p> - -<p> -Should these reasonable precautions be followed, as is surmised -in your letter of July 21st, by an artificial scarcity, with a view -to promote turbulence of any sort or on any pretext, I trust for -an ample security against this danger to the character of my fellow -citizens of Massachusetts, which has, I think, been emphatically -marked by obedience to law, and a love of order. And I -have no doubt that whilst we do our duty, they will support us -in it. The laws enacted by the general government, will have -made it our duty to have the embargo strictly observed, for the -general good; and we are sworn to execute the laws. If clamor -ensue, it will be from the few only, who will clamor whatever -we do. I shall be happy to receive the estimate promised by -your Excellency, as it may assist to guide us in the cautions we -may find necessary. And here I will beg leave to recall your -attention to a mere error of arithmetic in your letter of July 23d. -The quantity of flour requisite on the data there given, would be -between thirteen and fourteen thousand barrels per month. I -beg you to accept my salutations, and assurances of high respect -and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. FULTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Immediately on the receipt of your letter of the 5th, I -wrote to the Secretary of the Navy, recommending a compliance -with your request of the workmen. Although no public servant -could justify the risking the safety of an important seaport, solely -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_342'>[342]</a></span>on untried means of defence, yet I have great confidence in those -proposed by you as additional to the ordinary means. Their -small cost, too, in comparison with the object, ought to overrule -those rigorous attentions to keep within the limits of our appropriations, -which have probably weighed with the Secretary in -declining the proposition. You are sensible, too, that harassed -as the offices are daily by the visions of unsound heads, even -those solid inventions destined to better our condition, feel the -effects of being grouped with them. Wishing every success to -your experiment, I salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. I. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I this moment receive your favor of the 12th, with -Captain Saunders' letter on the acquisition of a site for a battery -at Norfolk. I think that, instead of acceding to the proposition -to take the whole three acres at $1,500, it will be better to accept -the other alternative of Mr. Thompson, to have the ground -valued by proper persons. In this case too it should be attempted -to restrain the purchase to the half acre, as desired by the -Secretary at War, but if the owner insists on selling the whole -or none, the whole should be taken rather than let the works of -defence be delayed. You will be pleased to give instructions -accordingly. -</p> - -<p> -The despatches hitherto received at the War Office, and forwarded -to me, I have from time to time sent directly to General -Dearborne, on the presumption they had not yet been seen by -him. If this is wrong, be so good as to notify me of it. I return -you Captain Saunders' letter, and tender you my salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_343'>[343]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TOMPKINS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have this day received your Excellency's favor of -the 9th instant, and I now return you the papers it enclosed. -The case of opposition to the embargo laws on the Canada line, -I take to be that of distinct combinations of a number of individuals -to oppose by force and arms the execution of those laws, -for which purpose they go armed, fire upon the public guards, -in one instance at least have wounded one dangerously, and -rescue property held under these laws. This may not be an insurrection -in the popular sense of the word, but being arrayed in -warlike-manner, actually committing acts of war, and persevering -systematically in defiance of the public authority, brings it -so fully within the legal definition of an insurrection, that I -should not hesitate to issue a proclamation, were I not restrained -by motives of which your Excellency seems to be apprized. -But as by the laws of New York an insurrection can be acted -on without a previous proclamation, I should conceive it perfectly -correct to act on it as such, and I cannot doubt it would -be approved by every good citizen. Should you think proper -to do so, I will undertake that the necessary detachments of -militia called out in support of the laws, shall be considered as -in the service of the United States, and at their expense. And -as it has been intimated to me that you would probably take the -trouble of going to the spot yourself, I will refer to your discretion -the measures to be taken, and the numbers to be called out -at different places, only saying, as duty requires me to fix some -limit, that the whole must not exceed five hundred men without -further consulting me. Should you be willing to take the -trouble of going to the place, you will render a great public -service, as I am persuaded your presence there will be such a -manifestation of the public determination to support the authority -of the laws, as will probably deter the insurgents from -pursuing their course. I think it so important in example to -crush these audacious proceedings, and to make the offenders -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_344'>[344]</a></span>feel the consequences of individuals daring to oppose a law by -force, that no effort should be spared to compass this object. As -promptitude is requisite, and the delay of consulting me on details -at this distance might defeat our views, I would rather, -where you entertain doubts, that you would satisfy yourself by -conference with the Secretary of the Treasury, who is with you, -and to whom our general views are familiar. I salute you with -esteem and high respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 6th and 9th, are just now received, as -well as a letter from Governor Tompkins on the subject of aiding -the revenue officers on the Canada line with militia. I refer you -on this subject to my answer to him, and pray you to encourage -strongly his going to the spot himself, and acting according to -the urgencies which will present themselves there. Should -you have satisfactory evidence of either <span lang="la"><i>mala fides</i></span> or negligence -in Pease, he shall be removed without ceremony. I do not -know the residence of Greene of Massachusetts. The opinion -you have given in the case stated by Ellery is certainly correct. -No civil officer of the States can take cognizance of a federal -case. Considering our determination to let no more vessels go -so far as the Cape of Good Hope, I see nothing in the case of -the brig Resolution, Craycroft, to justify a change of the rule, -and therefore cannot consent to a vessel's being sent there. The -case of the Chinese Mandarin is so entirely distinct, that it can -give no ground for this claim. The opportunity hoped from -that, of making known through one of its own characters of -note, our nation, our circumstances and character, and of letting -that government understand at length the difference between us -and the English, and separate us in its policy, rendered that -measure a diplomatic one in my view, and likely to bring lasting -advantage to our merchants and commerce with that country. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_345'>[345]</a></span></p> - -<p> -I enclose you the rough draught of a letter I have written to -Governor Sullivan, in answer to two of his. It was done on consultation -with Mr. Madison. -</p> - -<p> -I informed you in mine of the 11th that I had directed a commission -for General Steele as successor to Shee. This was -certainly according to what had been agreed upon at Washington, -the event of Shee's death being then foreseen and made the -subject of consultation with yourself, Mr. Rodney, and, I believe, -Mr. Madison. The call for the militia from all the States -having been agreed on in April, I have taken for granted it was -going on. I will look to it, as also to the fortifications of New -York. I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 16, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—General Dearborne being on a visit to the province of -Maine, your letter to him (the date not recollected) was sent to -me from his office, and, after perusal, was forwarded to him. As -the case of the five Alabamas, under prosecution for the murder -of a white man, may not admit delay, if a conviction takes place, -I have thought it necessary to recommend to you in that case -to select the leader, or most guilty, for execution, and to reprieve -the others till a copy of the judgment can be forwarded, and a -pardon sent you; in the meantime letting them return to their -friends, with whom you will of course take just merit for this -clemency, our wish being merely to make them sensible by the -just punishment of one, that our citizens are not to be murdered -or robbed with impunity. -</p> - -<p> -I have learnt with real mortification that the engineers successively -appointed, have withdrawn from their undertaking to -carry on the defensive works of New Orleans. It is more regretted -as capable persons in that line are more difficult to be got, -and it takes so long for the information to come here, and the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_346'>[346]</a></span>place to be supplied. Two other persons applied to here have -declined going. Whether General Dearborne has at length been -able to engage one I am not informed. I fear that these disappointments -will lose us the season in a work which more than -any other it was my desire to have had completed this year. -Certainly these losses of time shall be shortened by us as far as -is in our power. I salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of August 3d, which ought to have been -here on the 8th, was not received till yesterday. It has loitered -somewhere, therefore, ten days, during which three mails have -been received. I proceed to its contents. -</p> - -<p> -<i>Somes's case.</i> The rule agreed to at our meeting of June -30th was general, that no permissions should be granted for -Europe, Asia, or Africa, and there is nothing in Somes's case to -entitle it to exemption from the rule, more than will be found -in every case that shall occur; as a precedent then, it would be -a repeal of the rule, and in fact of the embargo law. He might -have sent his proofs to Malta through England, either by the -British packets or by our avisos. If he has not done it, and -cannot now do it, it is his fault; the permission therefore must -be refused. -</p> - -<p> -<i>Coquerel's case.</i> 1. The question whether he had a right to -expect a permit is against him. None in writing was given; -no note or memorandum on any paper is found warranting the -fact, nor is there even any trace of it in the memory of the collector. -On what evidence then does it rest? Merely on the words -of the owner and captain that the language of the collector -conveyed an impression on them that they were to have a permit: -but we well know where this sort of evidence would land us. -</p> - -<p> -2d. But suppose we had had a positive or written permission, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_347'>[347]</a></span>why was it not used? Could it be believed to be good for this -year, next year, or ten years hence? The reason of the thing -must have shown to every one that it was good <i>under existing -circumstances</i> only, and might become null if not used till these -were changed. But the written notification of August 1st, giving -a final day, annuls all permits after that day; and not a single -circumstance is stated which entitles them to a prolongation of -the time, which would not entitle every other, and consequently -repeal the limitation of time and the law. I see no ground, -therefore, for relieving him from the operation of the rule. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you a letter from a Mr. Ithomel to the Secretary of -the Navy. I know not who he is, perhaps an officer of the navy. -This is the second letter he has written, expressing his belief -that there is ground to apprehend insurgency in Massachusetts. -Neither do I know his politics, which might also be a key to his -apprehensions. That the federalists may attempt insurrection is -possible, and also that the governor would sink before it. But -the republican part of the State, and that portion of the federalists -who approve the embargo in their judgments, and at any rate -would not court mob-law, would crush it in embryo. I have -some time ago written to General Dearborne to be on the alert -on such an occasion, and to take direction of the public authority -on the spot. Such an incident will rally the whole body of -republicans of every shade to a single point,—that of supporting -the public authority. Be so good as to return the letter to Mr. -Smith. He informs me he has left to yourself and Commander -Rogers to order whatever gun-boats you think can be spared -from New York to aid the embargo law. If enough be left there -or near there, to preserve order in the harbor, or to drive out a -single ship of force, it would be sufficient in the present tranquil -state of things. -</p> - -<p> -The principle of our indulgence of vessels to foreign ministers -was, that it was fair to let them send away all their subjects -caught here by the embargo, and who had no other means of -getting away. -</p> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_348'>[348]</a></span> -General Turreau says there are fifteen hundred French sailors,—deserters, -here, many of whom wish to go home. I have desired -Mr. Madison to inform him that the tonnage permitted must -be proportioned to the numbers, according to the rules in transport -service. On this ground, I do not know that we can do -wrong. We have nothing yet from Pinckney or Armstrong. -But the first letter from the former must be so. I salute you with -affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you a letter of July 1st, from Governor -Lewis, received from the War Office by the last post. It presents -a full, and not a pleasant, view of our Indian affairs west of the -Mississippi. As the punishment of the Osages has been thought -necessary, the means employed appear judicious. First, to draw -off the friendly part of the nation, and then, withdrawing the -protection of the United States, leave the other tribes free to take -their own satisfaction of them for their own wrongs. I think we -may go further, without actually joining in the attack. The -greatest obstacle to the Indians acting in large bodies, being the -difficulty of getting provisions, we might supply them, and -ammunition also, if necessary. I hope the Governor will be able -to settle with the Sacs and Foxes without war, to which, however, -he seems too much committed. If we had gone to war for -every hunter or trader killed, and murderer refused, we should -have had general and constant war. The process to be followed, -in my opinion, when a murder has been committed, is first to demand -the murderer, and not regarding a first refusal to deliver, -give time and press it. If perseveringly refused, recall all traders, -and interdict commerce with them, until he be delivered. I believe -this would rarely fail in producing the effect desired; and -we have seen that, by steadily following this line, the tribes become -satisfied of our moderation, justice, and friendship to them, -and become firmly attached to us. The want of time to produce -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_349'>[349]</a></span>these dispositions in the Indians west of the Mississippi, has been -the cause of the Kanzas, the Republican, the Great and the -Wolf Panis, the Matas, and Poncaras, adhering to the Spanish -interest against us. But if we use forbearance, and open commerce -for them, they will come to, and give us time to attach -them to us. In the meantime, to secure our frontiers against -their hostility, I would allow Governor Lewis the three companies -of spies, and military stores he desires. We are so distant, -and he so well acquainted with the business, that it is safest for -our citizens there and for ourselves, after enjoining him to pursue -our principles, to permit him to select the means. The factories -proposed on the Missouri and Mississippi, as soon as they can be -in activity, will have more effect than as many armies. It is on -their interests we must rely for their friendship, and not on their -fears. With the establishment of these factories, we must prohibit -the British from appearing westward of the Mississippi, and -southward of logarithm degree; we must break up all their factories -on this side the Mississippi, west of Lake Michigan; not -permit them to send out individual traders to the Indian towns, -but require all their commerce to be carried on at their factories,—putting -our own commerce under the same regulations, which -will take away all ground of complaint. In like manner, I think -well of Governor Lewis' proposition to carry on all our commerce -west of the Mississippi, at fixed points; licensing none but stationary -traders residing at these points; and obliging the Indians -to come to the commerce, instead of sending it to them. Having -taken this general view of the subject, which I know is nearly -conformable to your own, I leave to yourself the detailed answer -to Governor Lewis, and salute you with constant affection and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR LEWIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 21, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter to General Dearborne, of July 1st, was -not received at the War Office till a few days ago, was forwarded -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_350'>[350]</a></span>to me, and after perusal sent on to General Dearborne, at present -in Maine. As his official answer will be late in getting to you, -I have thought it best, in the meantime, to communicate to yourself, -directly, ideas in conformity with those I have expressed to -him, and with the principles on which we have conducted -Indian affairs. I regret that it has been found necessary to come -to open rupture with the Osages, but, being so, I approve of the -course you have pursued,—that of drawing off the friendly part -of the nation,—withdrawing from the rest the protection of the -United States, and permitting the other nations to take their -own satisfaction for the wrongs they complain of. I have stated -to General Dearborne that I think we may go further, and as the -principal obstacle to the Indians acting in large bodies, is the want -of provisions, we might supply that want, and ammunition also, -if they need it. With the Sacs and Foxes I hope you will be -able to settle amicably, as nothing ought more to be avoided than -the embarking ourselves in a system of military coercion on the -Indians. If we do this, we shall have general and perpetual -war. When a murder has been committed on one of our stragglers, -the murderer should be demanded. If not delivered, give -time, and still press the demand. We find it difficult, with our -regular government, to take and punish a murderer of an Indian. -Indeed, I believe we have never been able to do it in a single -instance. They have their difficulties also, and require time. -In fact, it is a case where indulgence on both sides is just and -necessary, to prevent the two nations from being perpetually -committed in war, by the acts of the most vagabond and ungovernable -of their members. When the refusal to deliver the murderer -is permanent, and proceeds from the want of will, and not -of ability, we should then interdict all trade and intercourse with -them till they give us complete satisfaction. Commerce is the -great engine by which we are to coerce them, and not war. I -know this will be less effectual on this side the Mississippi, -where they can have recourse to the British; but this will not -be a long-lived evil. By this forbearing conduct towards the -Mississippian Indians for seven years past, they are become -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_351'>[351]</a></span>satisfied of our justice and moderation towards them, that we -have no desire of injuring them, but, on the contrary, of doing -them all the good offices we can, and they are become sincerely -attached to us; and this disposition, beginning with the nearest, -has spread and is spreading itself to the more remote, as fast as -they have opportunities of understanding our conduct. The -Sacs and Foxes, being distant, have not yet come over to us. -But they are on the balance. Those on this side the Mississippi, -will soon be entirely with us, if we pursue our course steadily. -The Osages, Kanzas, the Republican, Great and Wolf Panis, -Matas, Poncaras, &c., who are inclined to the Spaniards, have -not yet had time to know our dispositions. But if we use forbearance, -and open commerce with them, they will come to, and -give us time to attach them to us. In the meantime, to secure -our frontiers, I have expressed myself to General Dearborne in -favor of the three companies of spies, and the military supplies -you ask for. So, also, in the having established factories, at -which all the traders shall be stationary, allowing none to be -itinerant, further than indispensable circumstances shall require. -As soon as our factories on the Missouri and Mississippi can be -in activity, they will have more powerful effects than so many -armies. With respect to the British, we shall take effectual steps -to put an immediate stop to their crossing the Mississippi, by the -severest measures. And I have proposed to General Dearborne -to break up all their factories within our limits on this side the -Mississippi, to let them have them only at fixed points, and suppress -all itinerant traders of theirs, as well as our own. They -have, by treaty, only an equal right of commerce with ourselves, -the regulations of which on our side of the line belongs to us, as -that on their side belongs to them. All that can be required is -that these regulations be equal. These are the general views -which, on the occasion of your letter, I have expressed to General -Dearborne. I reserve myself for consultation with him, and -shall be very glad to receive your sentiments also on the several -parts of them, after which we may decide on the modifications -which may be approved. In the meantime you will probably -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_352'>[352]</a></span>receive from him an answer to your letter, till which this communication -of my sentiments may be of some aid in determining -your own course of proceeding. -</p> - -<p> -Your friends here are all well, except Colonel Lewis, who has -declined very rapidly the last few months. He scarcely walks -about now, and never beyond his yard. We can never lose a -better man. I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE HONORABLE LEVI LINCOLN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 22, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—You are not unapprized that in order to check the -evasions of the embargo laws effected under color of the coasting -trade, we found it necessary to prevent the transportation of flour -coast-wise, except to the States not making enough for their own -consumption, and that to place the supplies of these States under -some check, a discretionary power was given to the Governors -to give licenses to the amount of what they deemed the necessary -importation. By a subsequent regulation, the collectors were advised -not to detain suspicious vessels, the articles of whose cargoes -were so proportioned as not to excite suspicion of fraudulent intentions; -and particularly where not more than one-eight in value -was provisions. This last regulation has operated so well that in -the other importing States (Massachusetts excepted) little or no -use has been made of the power of giving special licenses. But -the licenses of Massachusetts, in the first two months, having -amounted to 60,000 barrels of flour, the quantity was so much -beyond their consumption, that it was suspected the licenses -were fraudulently perverted to cover exportation. I therefore requested -Governor Sullivan to discontinue issuing them, as, if the -whole quantity was landed and retained in the State, it could not -want for some time, and if exported, it showed we ought to -guard that avenue to fraud. He apprized me, however, by letter, -of circumstances which induced him to continue a moderated -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_353'>[353]</a></span>issue of licenses till he could hear from me, and I approved of -his doing so till he should leave the capital, which he informed -me he should do in the fall, when, if the power were to be continued, -he wished it to be put into other hands, as his absence -would prevent his exercising it. On this ground the matter now -rests. He supposes that about ninety thousand persons in the -State subsist on imported flour, which, at a pound a day, would -require between thirteen and fourteen thousand barrels a month. -Certainly it is not my wish that the want of a single individual -should be unsupplied a single day; and I presume the well-affected -citizens of Massachusetts would not wish, by importing a -superfluous stock, to open a door for defeating a law judged by -the national authorities necessary for the public good, and cheerfully -submitted to elsewhere in the union. The question is, -whether, after so great importations, the permission to all coasting -vessels to take one-eight in provisions will not supply the -State? On this subject I ask your friendly information. If it -will not, then I must request your undertaking to issue licenses, -on the departure of the Governor, to such characters as you may -not suspect would make a fraudulent use of them. The power -will, with propriety, devolve on you, on the Governor's declining -it. You stand next in the confidence of the State, and certainly -second to no one in my confidence. I will therefore ask from -you a full communication of facts, and your opinions on this -subject, with an entire disposition on my part to do whatever, -consistently with my duty, I can do to obviate difficulties. I -pray you to be assured of my constant esteem and attachment. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR LEWIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 24, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—My letter of August 21st being gone to the post-office, -I write this as a supplement, which will be in time to go -by the same post. Isham Lewis arrived here last night and tells -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_354'>[354]</a></span>me he was with you at St. Louis about the second week in July, -and consequently, after your letter of the 1st of that month, that -four Iowas had been delivered up to you as guilty of the murder -which had been charged to the Sacs and Foxes, and that you -supposed three of them would be hung. It is this latter matter -which induces me to write again. -</p> - -<p> -As there was but one white murdered by them, I should be -averse to the execution of more than one of them, selecting the -most guilty and worst character. Nothing but extreme criminality -should induce the execution of a second, and nothing beyond -that. Besides their idea that justice allows only man for man -that all beyond that is new aggression, which must be expiated -by a new sacrifice of an equivalent number of our people, it is -our great object to impress them with a firm persuasion that all -our dispositions towards them are fatherly; that if we take man -for man, it is not from a thirst for blood or revenge, but as the -smallest measure necessary to correct the evil, and that though -all concerned are guilty, and have forfeited their lives by our -usages, we do not wish to spill their blood as long as there can be -a hope of their future good conduct. We may make a merit of -restoring the others to their friends and their nation, and furnish -a motive for obtaining a sincere attachment. There is the more -reason for this moderation, as we know we cannot punish any -murder which shall be committed by us on them. Even if the -murderer can be taken, our juries have never yet convicted the -murderer of an Indian. Should these Indians be convicted, I -would wish you to deliver up to their friends at once, those whom -you select for pardon, and not to detain them in confinement until -a pardon can be actually sent you. That shall be forwarded -to you as soon as you shall send me a copy of the judgment on -which it shall be founded. -</p> - -<p> -I am uneasy hearing nothing from you about the Mandan -chief, nor the measures for restoring him to his country. That -is an object which presses on our justice and our honor, and further -than that I suppose a severe punishment of the Ricaras indispensable, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_355'>[355]</a></span>taking for it our own time and convenience. My -letter from Washington asked your opinions on this subject. I -repeat my salutations of affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 25, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In my letter of the 15th I informed you that I -had authorized Governor Tompkins to order out such aids of -militia on Lake Ontario and the Canada line, as he should find -necessary to enforce the embargo, not exceeding five hundred, -he proposing to repair thither himself to select trusty persons. I -am now to request that you will have measures taken for their -pay, subsistence, and whatever else is requisite. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you applications for military command in favor of -John B. Livingston and John Murphy, a letter from Governor -Hull, and one from Howell Hern, who seems to have just cause -of complaint against Captain Armistead; and I salute you with -affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 26, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 17th was received only yesterday. -It ought to have come by the preceding post. I mention the -delay of your letters, as you may perhaps know how it happens. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Smissaert's Case.</i> -</p> - -<p> -The exportation of these doits was refused before, and I see -no reason for a change of opinion. They are understood to -be private property. If they were public, we might on a principle -of comity permit their exportation in their own or any -other foreign vessel. But comity does not require us to send -our ships and seamen into the mouths of captors. I am not -sufficiently informed of the conduct of the Batavian government -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_356'>[356]</a></span>towards our vessels at present, to derive any motive from that -to affect the present case. -</p> - -<p> -Kettridge's letter, with yours to him and Blake, and Burt's -letter, are now returned. I am in hopes the successes of our -armed vessels will check the evasions of the embargo. I have -received no letter from Governor Tompkins since that of the -9th, my answer to which, of the 15th, contained assurances -which would fully meet any case of militia ordered out by him -under five hundred, as to our answering the expense. I will -write immediately to General Dearborne to provide pay and subsistence, -and will send it open to his chief clerk at Washington, -with instructions to him to take order in it immediately, to prevent -the delay from General Dearborne's absence. I will also -write to General Wilkinson to forward the recruits of New York -to the positions you have named. Your circular for the North -Carolina navigation, and the papers concerning the Mandarin, are -not yet received. Astor's publication in the Aurora has sufficiently -quieted me on that head. * * * * * -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. No letter yet from Mr. Pinckney. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CAPTAIN M'GREGOR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 26, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—In answer to the petition which you delivered me from -the officers of merchant vessels belonging to Philadelphia, I must -premise my sincere regret at the sacrifices which our fellow citizens -generally, and the petitioners in particular, have been -obliged to meet by the circumstances of the times. We live in -an age of affliction, to which the history of nations presents no -parallel. We have for years been looking on Europe covered -with blood and violence, and seen rapine spreading itself over -the ocean. On this element it has reached us, and at length in -so serious a degree, that the Legislature of the nation has thought -it necessary to withdraw our citizens and property from it, either -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_357'>[357]</a></span>to avoid, or to prepare for engaging in the general contest. But -for this timely precaution, the petitioners and their property -might now have been in the hands of spoilers, who have laid -aside all regard to moral right. Withdrawing from the greater -evil, a lesser one has been necessarily encountered. And certainly, -could the Legislature have made provision against this -also, I should have had great pleasure as the instrument of its -execution, but it was impracticable, by any general and just -rules, to prescribe in every case the best resource against the -inconveniences of this new situation. The difficulties of the -crisis will certainly fall with greater pressure on some descriptions -of citizens than on others; and on none perhaps with -greater than our seafaring brethren. Should any means of alleviation -occur within the range of my duties, I shall with certainty -advert to the situation of the petitioners, and, in availing -the nation of their services, aid them with a substitute for their -former occupations. I salute them and yourself with sentiments -of sincere regard. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—In my letter of yesterday I omitted to enclose -that of Hern, which I now do. I add to it a newspaper from -St. Louis, in which is an account of the surrender of some Indian -murderers. This paper says there were three or four -whites murdered. But I think Governor Lewis' letter says but -one. On that ground I wrote to him to recommend, if they -should be convicted, to suffer only one to be executed, unless -there was strong reason for doing more, and to deliver up the -rest to their friends, as a proof of our friendship and desire not -to injure them. Mr. Woolsey, our Collector on Champlain, has -lately been to Montreal. He took much pains to find out the -British strength in that quarter, and the following is what he -says, we may rely on: -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_358'>[358]</a></span></p> - -<table summary="Troop Strength"> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">At</td> -<td>Montreal</td> -<td class="tdr">450</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>Chambly</td> -<td class="tdr">80</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>St. John's</td> -<td class="tdr">40</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>Odle Town</td> -<td class="tdr">14</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td>Isle Aux Noix</td> -<td class="tdr tdu">10</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td></td> -<td></td> -<td class="tdr">594</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -He adds, that 10,000 men will take the whole country to within -a league of Quebec. I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>United States</span>, August 29, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Great and good Friend and Emperor</span>,—Desirous of promoting -useful intercourse and good understanding between your -majesty's subjects and the citizens of the United States, and especially -to cultivate the friendship of your majesty, I have appointed -William Short, one of our distinguished citizens, to be -in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, the -bearer to you of assurances of their sincere friendship, and of -their desire to maintain with your majesty and your subjects the -strictest relations of amity and commerce: he will explain to -your majesty the peculiar position of these States, separated by a -wide ocean from the powers of Europe, with interests and pursuits -distinct from theirs, and consequently without the motives -or the appetites for taking part in the associations or oppositions -which a different system of interests produces among them; he -is charged to assure your majesty more particularly of our purpose -to observe a faithful neutrality towards the contending -powers, in the war to which your majesty is a party, rendering -to all the services and courtesies of friendship, and praying for -the re-establishment of peace and right among them; and we entertain -an entire confidence that this just and faithful conduct on -the part of the United States will strengthen the friendly dispositions -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_359'>[359]</a></span>you have manifested towards them, and be a fresh motive -with so just and magnanimous a sovereign to enforce, by the high -influence of your example, the respect due to the character and -the rights of a peaceable nation. I beseech you, great and good -friend and emperor, to give entire credence to whatever he shall -say to you on the part of these States, and most of all when he -shall assure you of their cordial esteem and respect for your majesty's -person and character, praying God always to have you in -his safe and holy keeping. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General</span>,—The absence of General Dearborne and his -great distance render it necessary to recommend a measure which -should regularly go from him, but will not admit of that delay. -The armed resistance to the embargo laws on the Canada line -induced us at an early period to determine that the new recruits -of the northern States should be rendezvoused there, and I presume -you received such instructions from General Dearborne. In -the meantime we have been obliged to make several detachments -of militia to points on that line. This is irksome to them, expensive, -troublesome, and less efficacious. Understanding that -there are three companies of new recruits filled, or nearly filled, -at New York, I must pray you to order these, and indeed all the -recruits of the State of New York, to Sackett's Harbor, Oswegatchie, -and Plattsburgh, in equal proportions to each, in order to -support the collectors in the execution of their duties, and this -without any avoidable delay, giving notice to Governor Tompkins -of their march and time of probable arrival at their destination, -that he may give corresponding orders respecting the relief of the -militia. I salute you with esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_360'>[360]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,— * * * * * -Mr. Madison and myself on repeated consultations, (and some of -the other members of the executive expressed the same opinion -before they left Washington,) have concluded that the mission -to Petersburgh should not be delayed. Being special, and not -permanent, the waiting the meeting of the Senate is less important, -and, if we waited, that it could not go till spring, and we -know not what this summer and the ensuing winter may produce. -We think secrecy also important, and that the mission -should be as little known as possible, till it is in Petersburgh, -which could not be, if known to the Senate. Mr. Short goes -therefore in the aviso from Philadelphia, to be engaged for September -15th. He is peculiarly distressed by sickness at sea, and -of course more so the smaller the vessel. I think, therefore, the -occasion justifies the enlargement of our vessel somewhat beyond -what might be necessary for a mere aviso. The season, too, by -the time of her return, might render it desirable for safety, which -circumstance may be mentioned in your instructions to the collector, -to prevent his suspicions of the real ground. I salute you -with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 5, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The last post brought me the counter addresses -now enclosed. That from Ipswich is signed by about forty -persons; the town meeting which voted the petition consisted -of thirty. There are 500 voters in the place. The counter address -of Boston has 700 signatures. The town meeting voting -the petition is said to have consisted of 500. In the draught of -an answer enclosed, I have taken the occasion of making some -supplementary observations which could not with propriety have -been inserted in the answers to the petitions. The object is that -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_361'>[361]</a></span>the two together may present to our own people the strongest -points in favor of the embargo in a short and clear view. An -eye is also kept on foreign nations, in some of the observations. -Be so good as to make it what it should be, and return it by the -first post. * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with constant and sincere affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 5, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of August 18th is this moment received, and -I forward you a letter of July 16th, from Governor Lewis, from -which you will perceive that the cloud between us, the Iowas, -Foxes, and Sacs, is cleared up. He says nothing of the Osages; -but I presume their enemies have taken advantage of the withdrawing -our protection from them. Should you not have issued -orders for the 100,000 men, I believe it may rest till we meet -in Washington, under present appearances, that they may not be -wanting. Mr. Pinckney, in a letter of June 29th, says, "I had -a long interview this morning with Mr. Canning, which has given -me hopes that the <a name='FA_3' id='FA_3' href='#FN_3' class='fnanchor'>[3]</a>object mentioned in your letter of April 30th -may be accomplished, if I should authorize the expectation which -the same <a name='FA_4' id='FA_4' href='#FN_4' class='fnanchor'>[4]</a>letter suggests." He adds that he waits for the St. -Michael, when he will give the result and details. He thinks -they will also make acceptable satisfaction for the Chesapeake. -Proposing to leave this on the 28th, I presume I had better reserve -future communications for our meeting at Washington. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with constant affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 6, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you Pinckney's letter, the complexion of -which I like. If they repeal their orders, we must repeal our -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_362'>[362]</a></span>embargo. If they make satisfaction for the Chesapeake, we must -revoke our proclamation, and generalize its operation by a law. -If they keep up impressments, we must adhere to non-intercourse, -manufacturers' and a navigation act. I enclose for your perusal -a letter of Mr. Short's. I inform him that any one of the persons -he names would be approved, the government never recognizing -a difference between the two parties of republicans in Pennsylvania. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with constant affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SHORT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 6, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I avail myself of the last moment allowed by the -departure of the post to acknowledge the receipt of your letters -of the 27th and 31st ult., and to say in answer to the last, that -any one of the three persons you there propose would be approved -as to their politics, for in appointments to office the government -refuses to know any difference between descriptions of -republicans, all of whom are in principle, and co-operate, with the -government. Biddle we know, and have formed an excellent -opinion of him. His travelling and exercise in business must -have given him advantages. I am much pleased with the account -you give of the sentiments of the federalists of Philadelphia -as to the embargo, and that they are not in sentiment with -the insurgents of the north. The papers have lately advanced -in boldness and flagitiousness beyond even themselves. Such -daring and atrocious lies as fill the third and fourth columns of -the third page of the United States Gazette of August 31st, were -never before, I believe, published with impunity in any country. -However, I have from the beginning determined to submit myself -as the subject on whom may be proved the impotency of a -free press in a country like ours, against those who conduct -themselves honestly and enter into no intrigue. I admit at the -same time that restraining the press <i>to truth</i>, as the present laws -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_363'>[363]</a></span>do, is the only way of making it useful. But I have thought -necessary first to prove it can never be dangerous. Not knowing -whether I shall have another occasion to address you here, be -assured that my sincere affections and wishes for your success -and happiness accompany you everywhere. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 9, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your two letters of the 2d instant were read yesterday -afternoon, and I now return you Penniman's and Gray's -papers, and the New Orleans petition. Penniman's conduct deserves -marked approbation, and there should be no hesitation -about the expenses reasonably incurred. If all these people are -convicted, there will be too many to be punished with death. -My hope is that they will send me full statements of every man's -case, that the most guilty may be marked as examples, and the -less so suffer long imprisonment under reprieves from time to -time. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Packet between Vermont and Canada.</i> -</p> - -<p> -I do not think this is a time for opening new channels of intercourse -with Canada, and multiplying the means of smuggling, -and am therefore against this proposition. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Mr. Gray's case.</i> -</p> - -<p> -His late rational and patriotic conduct would merit any indulgence -consistent with our duty; but the reason and the rule -against permitting long voyages at present, are insurmountable -obstacles. It is to be hoped some circuitous means of sending -his proofs can be found. A vessel may go from England as well -as from here. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>New Orleans Petition.</i> -</p> - -<p> -You know I have been averse to letting Atlantic flour go to -New Orleans merely that they may have the <i>whitest</i> bread -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_364'>[364]</a></span>possible. Without honoring the motives of the petition, it gives -us the fact that there is western flour enough for the New Orleans -market. I would therefore discourage Atlantic cargoes to that -place. -</p> - -<p> -I send you the petition of Thomas Beatty for Samuel Glen, -of Londonderry, for permission to load a vessel for Ireland. Mr. -Beatty met me in the road in one of my daily rides. I gave his -paper a hasty perusal, and, asking time for consideration, I told -him I would enclose it to you, who would give the answer. On -a more deliberate reading of it, I see nothing to exempt it from -the general rules, according to which you will be so good as to -dispose of it. -</p> - -<p> -The cases from Charleston require consideration, and our regular -post gives me, in fact, but one forenoon to answer letters. I -will forward them to Mr. Theus by our extra post of the 13th. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO SIMEON THEUS, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 10, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—According to the request of Mr. Gallatin's letter, herewith -enclosed, I have considered the petitions of Grove, Himely, -Everingham, and Ogier & Turner, referred to me by him, and -forward you the decisions for your government. They are addressed -to yourself directly, to avoid unnecessary delay to the -parties, by passing them through him, as regularly they should -have been. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Grove's Case.</i> -</p> - -<p> -Although the circular of the 1st of July limited no precise day -for the departure of vessels under permits, yet in all such cases, -a reasonable time only is to be understood, such as using due -diligence, will suffice for the object. Such regulations can never -be deemed but as temporary, and especially in times when the -political circumstances governing them are liable to daily change. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_365'>[365]</a></span>The time between the receipt at Charleston, of the circulars of -July 1st and August 1st, was from the 19th or 20th of July to -the 16th of August,—twenty-seven days; and within this time -Mr. Grove states explicitly that he had prepared and cleared out -the ship Pierce Manning, for the Havanna, and that she would -have sailed before the 16th of August but for adverse winds. -Considering, therefore, that the limitation of departure to the -15th of August was not known at Charleston till the 16th, so -that not a moment's warning was given of it there, I think that, -satisfactory proof being exhibited to the collector, that she was -ready for sailing, or even very nearly ready on the 16th of August. -She may now be permitted to depart, on condition that she does -depart within such time as the state of her preparation, somewhat -of course relaxed during the suspension, may in the judgment of -the collector render necessary. -</p> - -<p> -The reasons for originally limiting a day, increased by time -require the exaction of this condition. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Himeley's Case.</i> -</p> - -<p> -This petition has no date; but it imports to have been written -on the day of the receipt of the circular of August 1st at Charleston, -and consequently on the 16th of August. It affirms that -the brig Three Brothers, for Matanzas, then had on board the -crew and necessary provisions, and assigns a probable reason why -she could not have been ready sooner. For the reasons, and -on the conditions stated in Grove's case, (that is to say, on proof -of the facts to the collector, and her prompt departure,) she ought -to have a permit. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Everingham's Case.</i> -</p> - -<p> -I put entirely out of sight, as having no bearing on this case, -everything which passed prior to the receipt of the circular of -July 1st, and consider the case as beginning <span lang="la"><i>de novo</i></span> then, and -under that circular. The petitioner declares expressly that on -the publication of that circular, (July 20th,) he used every exertion -to prepare the ship Diana for a voyage to the Havanna, and -had <i>just prepared her</i> therefor when the circular of August 1st -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_366'>[366]</a></span>was received. The expression <i>just prepared</i>, is not absolutely -definite. It may respect time or degree. It implies, however, -that she was <i>very nearly</i>, if not quite, prepared. And if the collector -receives satisfactory proof that he was <i>nearly prepared</i>, -although she might not be in absolute readiness at the first -moment of receiving the warning, and on the conditions stated -in Grove's case. -</p> - -<p> -The case of the schooner James is very different. The petitioner -only states that he had <i>applied</i> to the collector, and obtained -leave prior to August 1st,—had <i>begun</i> to use exertions, -&c., and had <i>ordered</i> her to be careened and graved, &c., when -the circular of August 1st arrived, to wit, August 16th, twenty-seven -days had therefore intervened, and nothing more than an -<i>order</i> given to careen. In the other cases we have seen that the -twenty-seven days were sufficient to be in a state of actual readiness, -even where a part of the loading was to be sent for from -another State. No permit, therefore, can be granted in this case. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Ogier & Turner's Case.</i> -</p> - -<p> -The petitioners state that Ogier had time, after the receipt -of the circular of July 1st, to <i>prepare and despatch</i> one vessel; -but that they were only <i>preparing</i> other vessels when the second -circular was received, to wit, August 16th, whereupon the collector -refused to let them despatch the vessels which they had -been <i>preparing</i> as aforesaid. A due diligence then having -enabled them to despatch one vessel in the twenty-seven days, a -like diligence, had it been used, might have despatched others. -But from the tenor of their petition, the preparations of the others -seem to have been merely incipient, and not near completion. -They have consequently lost the claims on that equity which -extends relief against rigorous rules, where due exertions have -been used to fulfil them, and have been defeated only by accidental -and unavoidable want of notice. They are not entitled -to permits in this case. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_367'>[367]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 13, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I send you a letter of Short's for perusal, and one -of Edgar Patterson, asking what is already I presume provided -for, and one of General Armstrong, which I do not well understand, -because I do not recollect the particular letter which came -by Haley. I presume the counsel he refers to is to take possession -of the Floridas. This letter of June 15th is written after -the cession by Carlos to Bonaparte of all his dominions, when he -supposed England would at once pounce on the Floridas as a -prey, or Bonaparte occupy it as a neighbor. His next will be -written after the people of Spain will have annihilated the cession, -England become the protector of Florida, and Bonaparte -without title or means to plant himself there as our neighbor. -</p> - -<p> -Ought I to answer such a petition as that of Rowley? The -people have a right to petition, but not to use that right to cover -calumniating insinuations. -</p> - -<p> -Turreau writes like Armstrong so much in the buskin, that he -cannot give a naked fact in an intelligible form. I do not know -what it is he asks for. If a transport or transports to convey -sailors, there has been no refusal; and if any delay of answer, I -presume it can be explained. If he wishes to buy vessels here, -man them with French seamen, and send them elsewhere, the -breach of neutrality would be in permitting, not in refusing it. -But have we permitted this to England? His remedy is easy -in every case. Repeal the decrees. I presume our Fredericksburg -rider need not come after his next trip. I salute you affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 16, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—You will perceive by the enclosed papers that an -aggression has been committed on the Spanish territory by (if I -understand the case,) both our land and sea officers. I enclose -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_368'>[368]</a></span>the papers to you that the necessary orders may be given in your -department, and the papers handed on to the War department -that the same may be done there. I suppose it will suffice for -the present to order the men to be immediately given up, and -the officers given to understand that the conduct of those who -committed it will become a subject of consideration for the Cabinet -on its re-assembling at Washington, and that we will not -permit aggressions to be committed on our part, against which -we remonstrated to Spain on her part. -</p> - -<p> -I expect to be in Washington on the last day of September, or -1st of October. I salute you with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of September 10th and 14th were received -yesterday, and my time being brief, my answer must be so. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Brig Betsey, and the Aurora.</i> -</p> - -<p> -The first having put back by stress of weather, and inevitable -necessity, ought, I think, to be permitted to sail again; but not -to the Aurora, which put back merely because the Captain was -a fool. They have lost their chance by their own folly, and -have no claim to be excepted out of the general rule. If you -concur in these opinions be so good as to act on them; but if -you think differently, let them lie till we meet, which will probably -be within two or three days after you receive this. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Mr. Soderstrom.</i> -</p> - -<p> -His application is peremptorily refused, and his lawyer's opinions -are sent to Mr. Madison, that he may be properly reprimanded. -For a foreign agent, addressed to the Executive, to -embody himself with the lawyers of a faction whose sole object -is to embarrass and defeat all the measures of the country, and -by their opinions, known to be always in opposition, to endeavor -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_369'>[369]</a></span>to influence our proceedings is a conduct not to be permitted. -The government will certainly decide for itself on whose counsel -they will settle the construction of the laws they are to execute. -We are to look at the intention of the Legislature, and to -carry it into execution while the lawyers are nibbling at the -words of the law. It is well known that on every question the -lawyers are about equally divided, as is seen in the present case, -and were we to act but in cases where no contrary opinion of a -lawyer can be had, we should never act. I send White's petition -for better information, to be acted on when we meet. Affectionate -salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -October 14, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -As we know that Sullivan's licenses have overstocked the -wants of the eastern States with flour, the proposal to carry more -there is of itself suspicious, and therefore even regular traders -ought not to be allowed. The regular trade was to supply flour -for exportation as well as consumption. If the rule of the sixth -(or eighth, I believe,) is extended to them, the supply will be -kept up sufficiently for consumption. The rule of the sixth is a -good one, because if the vessel goes off, the gain will not be -more than the loss by forfeiture, which in that case becomes an -efficient penalty. If they wish to take more, it furnishes good -grounds of suspicion that they mean to pay the forfeitures out of -the gains, and to profit by the surplus. I should think it ought -to be adhered to, and that the collectors should consider it as a -rule to regulate their discretion, and to give equal measure in all -our posts to all our citizens. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<h3> -TO ROBERT L. LIVINGSTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 15, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of September the 22d waited here for my return, -and it is not till now that I have been able to acknowledge it. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_370'>[370]</a></span>The explanation of his principles given you by the French Emperor, -in conversation, is correct as far as it goes. He does not -wish us to go to war with England, knowing we have no ships -to carry on that war. To submit to pay to England the tribute -on our commerce which she demands by her orders of council, -would be to aid her in the war against him, and would give him -just ground to declare war with us. He concludes, therefore, as -every rational man must, that the embargo, the only remaining -alternative, was a wise measure. These are acknowledged principles, -and should circumstances arise which may offer advantage -to our country in making them public, we shall avail ourselves -of them. But as it is not usual nor agreeable to governments to -bring their conversations before the public, I think it would be -well to consider this on your part as confidential, leaving to the -government to retain or make it public, as the general good may -require. Had the Emperor gone further, and said that he condemned -our vessels going voluntarily into his ports in breach of -his municipal laws, we might have admitted it rigorously legal, -though not friendly. But his condemnation of vessels taken on -the high seas, by his privateers, and carried involuntarily into his -ports, is justifiable by no law, is piracy, and this is the wrong we -complain of against him. -</p> - -<p> -Supposing that you may be still at Clermont, from whence -your letter is dated, I avail myself of this circumstance to request -your presenting my friendly respects to Chancellor Livingston. -I salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 16, 1808. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -<i>Massey's Commission.</i>—A half-sighted lawyer might, perhaps, -say that a commission signed with a blank for the name,—afterwards -filled up, was a nullity, because, in legal instruments, any -change in a material part of a bond, deed, &c., after sealing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_371'>[371]</a></span>and delivery, nullifies it. But I am not certain whether there -are not cases, even in ordinary transactions at law, where it is -otherwise,—<i>e. g.</i>, a power of attorney sent to a distance, with a -blank for the name, a blank commission, a blank subpœna, &c. -But in matters of government, there can be no question but that -the commission sealed and signed, with a blank for the name, -date, place, &c., is good; because government can in no country -be carried on without it. The most vital proceedings of our own -government would become null were such a construction to prevail, -and the <span lang="la"><i>argumentum ab inconvenienti</i></span>, which is one of the -great foundations of the law, will undoubtedly sustain the practice, -and sanction it by the maxim <span lang="la">"<i>qui facit per alterum, facit -per se</i>."</span> I would not therefore give the countenance of the government -to so impracticable a construction by issuing a new commission. -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE BLAKE, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 17, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—However favorably the enclosed papers represent the -case of Alexander Frost, yet it would be against every rule -of prudence for me to undertake to revise the verdict of a jury on -<span lang="la"><i>ex parte</i></span> affidavits and recommendations. If the judges and yourself -who were present at the trial think the defendant a proper -object of pardon, I shall be ready, on such a recommendation, to -issue it. I ask the favor of your information on this subject, and -salute you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -October 18, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I think that none of the circumstances, preceding the passage -of the embargo law, stated by Mr. Lorent, make any part of his -case. The misfortunes entering into the preceding history of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_372'>[372]</a></span>that property, not flowing from any act of this government, -authorizes no claims on it. The embargo law excepted from its -own operation articles then laden on board a foreign ship, without -distinguishing between articles of foreign or national property. -It subjected to its operation all articles, whether foreign or national -property, not then laden on board any foreign ship. Mr. Lorent's -property was not then laden on board of any foreign ship, is -therefore within the words of the law, and as certainly within -its purview. It is not one of those cases which, though within -the <i>words</i> of the law, were notoriously not within its intention, -and are therefore relievable by an equitable exercise of discretionary -power. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -October 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you a petition of the widow Bennet for the liberation -of her son at Boston, a minor, or for a moiety of three -months' pay, to enable her to go to another son. I think when -her case was formerly before us, she was said to be a woman of -ill fame, and that her son did not wish to return to her. Still, -however, the mother, if there be no father, is the natural guardian, -and is legally entitled to the custody and the earnings of -her son. If she were to make her demand legally for both or -either, she would prevail. May it not be for the benefit of the -son and of the service, to compromise by paying the sixteen dollars, -and taking a regular relinquishment or transfer of her rights -to the body of her son, and his earnings in future, so that we -may have no more to do with her. This is referred to Mr. -Smith's consideration. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -October 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Is the case proposed by Mr. Wolcott left by the law at the -discretion of anybody? The law makes it the duty of the Collector -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_373'>[373]</a></span>to detain if he <i>suspects</i> an intention to export to a foreign -market, <i>à fortiori</i> if that intention be <i>avowed</i>. It is true that -the first step proposed is only to go to another district, but declared -to be preparatory to an exportation to the West Indies. -It is true also that they say they do not mean to export until the -law is repealed. But ought we under that cover to facilitate -those illegal views which our experience has proved to be so -general? Still, if there be any sound ground on which the permission -can be given, I would rather make it the subject of consultation -with you, than to have the present understood to be a -final decision. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JAMES MAIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 10th has been duly received. Certainly -I would with great pleasure contribute anything in my -power to render the history you propose to write a faithful account -of the period it will comprehend. Nothing is so desirable -to me, as that after mankind shall have been abused by such -gross falsehoods as to events while passing, their minds should -at length be set to rights by genuine truth. And I can conscientiously -declare that as to myself, I wish that not only no -act but no thought of mine should be unknown. But, Sir, my -other and more imperious duties put it out of my power. So -totally is my time engrossed by the public concerns, that for -mere want of time, many of them which I ought to attend to -myself, if my time sufficed, I am obliged, for want of it, to refer -to others. To withdraw myself from still more of them for -any voluntary object would be a failure in duty. If you shall -think proper, as you say, to commit to me the perusal of the -manuscript before it goes to the press, I shall then probably be in -a private station, and master of my own time, and I will carefully -examine, and faithfully offer any corrections or supplements -which I may think will render it a true representation of -events. I salute you with esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_374'>[374]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO CAPTAIN GROVE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 19, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your two letters of the 11th inst. have been received, -and I am obliged to observe that so wholly do the indispensable -duties of my office engross my whole time, that I could not give -a deliberate reading to two letters so voluminous as these, and -not relating to my particular functions, without withdrawing -time from objects having stricter claims on me. I have run over -them hastily, and perceive that you are still engaged in the pursuit -of the method of finding the longitude at sea by an observation -of Jupiter and his satellites, brought to the horizon by a -double reflection, as in Hadley's quadrant. That you have written -a play to raise funds for prosecuting this, and wish me to circulate -a subscription for it and print your letters. I will willingly -subscribe myself for a number of copies to help you, but I -have never permitted myself to be the circulator of any subscription, -or to have agency in printing anything, conceiving it improper -in my present office. And however wishful of your success -in raising funds, I confess I should think them better applied -to the comfort of your family. After so many better opinions -it may be superfluous to offer mine. Yet justified by my -friendly motives in doing so, I will observe, that to get the longitude -at sea by observation of the eclipses of Jupiter's satellites, -two desiderata are wanting: 1st, a practicable way of keeping -the planet and satellite in the field of a glass magnifying sufficiently -to show the satellites; 2d, a time-piece which will -give the instant of time with sufficient accuracy to be useful. -The bringing the planet and satellite to the horizon does not -sensibly facilitate the observation, because the planet in his ascending -and descending course is at such heights as admit the -direct observation with entire convenience. On the other hand, -so much light is lost by the double reflection as to dim the objects -and lessen the precision with which the moment of ingress -and egress may be marked. This double reflection also introduces -a new source of error from the inaccuracy of the instrument; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_375'>[375]</a></span>2d, the desideratum of a time-piece which, notwithstanding -the motion of the ship, shall keep time during a whole voyage -with sufficient accuracy for these observations, has not yet -been supplied. Fine time-keepers have been invented, but not -equal to what is requisite, all of them deriving their motion from -a spring, and not from a pendulum. Indeed these pursuits have -lost much of their consequence since the improvement of the -lunar tables has given the motion of the moon so accurately, as -to make that a foundation for estimating the longitude by her -relative position at a given moment with the sun or fixed stars. -Every captain of a ship now understands the method of taking -these lunar observations, and of calculating his longitude by them. -</p> - -<p> -I have gone into these details with the most friendly view of -dissuading you from wasting time, which you represent as so -much needed for your family, in a pursuit which has baffled -every human endeavor as yet, and has lost so much of its importance. -I return you your letters, because you wish to have -them published, and conclude with my best wishes for the success -of your endeavors to raise the funds you desire, and for the application -of them which shall be best for yourself and your -family. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -October 21, 1808. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>The case of the Martinique Petitioners.</i> -</p> - -<p> -I think it wrong to detain foreigners caught here by the embargo; -but in permitting them to take our vessels to return in, -we do what is a matter of favor, not of right. Of course we can -restrict them to a tonnage proportioned to their numbers. In the -transport service I believe the allowance is two tons to every -person. We may allow a little more room; but there ought to -be an end to this, and I think it high time to put an end to it. -What would you think of advertising that after a certain day, no -American vessel will be permitted to go out for the purpose of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_376'>[376]</a></span>carrying persons. Perhaps this should be communicated by the -Secretary of State to the foreign ministers. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Fronda states that a proprietor of Amelia Island, in Florida, -shipped his crop for a foreign port on board an American vessel. -The vessel was taken by the Argus, carried into Savannah, and -condemned for a breach of the embargo laws; the cargo pronounced -clear. Probably the vessel had left our harbors without -a clearance, though that is not stated, nor the cause of her condemnation -specified. Permission is asked to send away the -cargo. If the Spanish proprietor had no agency in drawing the -vessel away contrary to the embargo laws, his employment of -her was innocent, and he ought to be permitted to send his cargo -out; because for us to take his property and bring it in by force, -and against his will, and then to detain it under pretext of an -embargo, would be equivalent to piracy or war. A vessel driven -involuntarily into a port by weather, or an enemy, with prohibited -goods, is always allowed to depart, and even to sell as -much of the goods as will make the vessel sea-worthy, if disabled. -I do not know, however, that in the present case we are -bound to do any more than let one of our vessels be engaged to -replace the cargo in Amelia Island, and certainly we ought not -to let it go to any distant port; but if the proprietor enticed or -engaged the vessel to break the embargo law, he was <span lang="la"><i>particeps -criminis</i></span>, and must submit to the loss which he has brought on -himself. I send you Fronda's note, which should be returned to -Mr. Madison, with information of the order you shall give for inquiring -into the facts, and permission or refusal as they shall turn -out. Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—When I received your letter of the 16th, I thought -I had not a copy of my report on measures, weights, and coins, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_377'>[377]</a></span>except one bound up in a volume with other reports; but on -carefully searching a bundle of duplicates, I found the one I now -enclose you, being the only detached one I possess. It is defective -in one article. The report was composed under a severe -attack of periodical headache, which came on every day at sunrise, -and never left me till sunset. What had been ruminated in -the day under a paroxysm of the most excruciating pain, was -committed to paper by candlelight, and then the calculations -were made. After delivering in the report, it was discovered -that in calculating the money unit § 5 page 49, there was a small -error in the third or fourth column of decimals, the correction of -which however brought the proposed unit still nearer to the established -one. I reported the correction in a single leaf to Congress. -The copy I send you has not that leaf. -</p> - -<p> -The first question to be decided is between those who are for -units of measures, weights, and coins, having, a known relation -to something in nature of fixed dimension, and those who are -for an arbitrary standard. On this <span lang="la">"dice vexata quaestio"</span> it is -useless to say a word, every one having made up his mind on a -view of all that can be said. Mr. Dorsey was so kind as to send -me his pamphlet, by which I found he was for the arbitrary -standard of one-third of the standard yard of H. G. of England, -supposed to be in the Exchequer of that nation, a fac simile of -which was to be procured and lodged in Philadelphia. I confess -myself to be of the other sect, and to prefer an unit bearing a -given relation to some fixed subject of nature, and of preference -to the pendulum, because it may be in the possession of every -man, so that he may verify his measures for himself. You will -observe that I proposed alternative plans to Congress, that they -might take the one or the other, according to the degree of -courage they felt. The first is from page 18 to 38; the second -from page 39 to 44. Were I now to decide, it would be in favor -of the first, with this single addition, that each of the denominations -there adopted, should be divisible decimally at the will of -every individual. The iron-founder deals in tons; let him take -the ton for his unit, and divide it into 10ths, 100ths, and 1000ths. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_378'>[378]</a></span>The dry-goods merchant deals in pounds and yards; let him -divide them decimally. The land-measurer deals in miles and -poles; divide them decimally, only noting over his figures what -the unit is, thus: -</p> - -<table summary="Weights and Measures"> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">Tons.</td> -<td class="tdc">Lbs.</td> -<td class="tdc">Yds.</td> -<td class="tdc">Miles.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdc">18.943,</td> -<td class="tdc">18.943,</td> -<td class="tdc">1.8943,</td> -<td class="tdc">189.43,</td> -<td class="tdc">&c.</td> -</tr> -</table> - -<p> -I have -lately had a proof how familiar this division into dimes, cents, -and mills, is to the people when transferred from their money to -anything else. I have an odometer fixed to my carriage, which -gives the distances in miles, dimes, and cents. The people on -the road inquire with curiosity what exact distance I have found -from such a place to such a place; I answer, so many miles, so -many cents. I find they universally and at once form a perfect -idea of the relation of the cent to the mile as an unit. They -would do the same as to yards of cloth, pounds of shot, ounces -of silver, or of medicine. I believe, therefore, they are susceptible -of this degree of approximation to a standard rigorously -philosophical; beyond this I might doubt. However, on this -too every one has an opinion, and I am open to compromise, as -I am also to other plans of reformation, of which multitudes have -been published. I can conclude, therefore, candidly with the -<span lang="la">"si quid novisti rectius,"</span> &c., and sincerely with assurances of -my constant esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR JAMES BROWN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—You will wonder that your letter of June the 3d -should not be acknowledged till this date. I never received it -till September the 12th, and coming soon after to this place, the -accumulation of business I found here has prevented my taking -it up till now. That you ever participated in any plan for a -division of the Union, I never for one moment believed. I knew -your Americanism too well. But as the enterprise against Mexico -was of a very different character, I had supposed what I heard on -that subject to be possible. You disavow it; that is enough for -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_379'>[379]</a></span>me, and I forever dismiss the idea. I wish it were possible -to extend my belief of innocence to a very different description -of men in New Orleans; but I think there is sufficient evidence -of there being there a set of foreign adventurers, and native malcontents, -who would concur in any enterprise to separate that -country from this. I did wish to see these people get what they -deserved; and under the maxim of the law itself, that <span lang="la"><i>inter arma -silent leges</i></span>, that in an encampment expecting daily attack from -a powerful enemy, self-preservation is paramount to all law, I expected -that instead of invoking the forms of the law to cover -traitors, all good citizens would have concurred in securing them. -Should we have ever gained our Revolution, if we had bound -our hands by manacles of the law, not only in the beginning, -but in any part of the revolutionary conflict? There are extreme -cases where the laws become inadequate even to their own preservation, -and where the universal resource is a dictator, or martial -law. Was New Orleans in that situation? Although we -knew here that the force destined against it was suppressed on -the Ohio, yet we supposed this unknown at New Orleans at the -time that Burr's accomplices were calling in the aid of the law -to enable them to perpetrate its suppression, and that it was -reasonable, according to the state of information there, to act on -the expectation of a daily attack. Of this you are the best -judge. -</p> - -<p> -Burr is in London, and is giving out to his friends that that -government offers him two millions of dollars the moment he can -raise an ensign of rebellion as big as a handkerchief. Some of -his partisans will believe this, because they wish it. But those -who know him best will not believe it the more because he says -it. For myself, even in his most flattering periods of the conspiracy, -I never entertained one moment's fear. My long and -intimate knowledge of my countrymen, satisfied and satisfies me, -that let there ever be occasion to display the banners of the law, -and the world will see how few and pitiful are those who shall -array themselves in opposition. I as little fear foreign invasion. -I have indeed thought it a duty to be prepared to meet even the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_380'>[380]</a></span>most powerful, that of a Bonaparte, for instance, by the only -means competent, that of a classification of the militia, and placing -the junior classes at the public disposal; but the lesson he receives -in Spain extirpates all apprehensions from my mind. If -in a peninsula, the neck of which is adjacent to him and at his -command, where he can march any army without the possibility -of interception or obstruction from any foreign power, he finds it -necessary to begin with an army of three hundred thousand men, -to subdue a nation of five millions, brutalized by ignorance, and -enervated by long peace, and should find constant reinforcements -of thousands after thousands, necessary to effect at last a conquest -as doubtful as deprecated, what numbers would be necessary -against eight millions of free Americans, spread over such an extent -of country as would wear him down by mere marching, by -want of food, autumnal diseases, &c.? How would they be -brought, and how reinforced across an ocean of three thousand -miles, in possession of a bitter enemy, whose peace, like the repose -of a dog, is never more than momentary? And for what? -For nothing but hard blows. If the Orleanese Creoles would -but contemplate these truths, they would cling to the American -Union, soul and body, as their first affection, and we should be -as safe there as we are everywhere else. I have no doubt of -their attachment to us in preference of the English. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with sincere affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ——. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 28, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I thank you for the copy of General Kosciusko's treatise -on the flying artillery. It is a branch of the military art which -I wish extremely to see understood here, to the height of the -European level. Your letter of September 20th was received -in due time. I never received the letter said to have been written -to me by Mr. Malesherbe, in favor of Mr. Masson. The fact -of such a letter having been written by Mr. Malesherbe, is sufficient -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_381'>[381]</a></span>ground for my desiring to be useful to Mr. Masson on any -occasion which may arise. No man's recommendation merits -more reliance than that of M. de Malesherbe. The state and interest -of the military academy shall not be forgotten. I salute -you with esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, October 29, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I send the enclosed letter under the benefit of your -cover, and open, because I wish you to know its contents. I -thought the person to whom it is addressed a very good man -when here,—he is certainly a very learned and able one. I -thought him peculiarly qualified to be useful with you. But in -the present state of my information, I can say no more than I -have to him. When you shall have read the letter, be so good -as to stick a wafer in it, and not let it be delivered till it is dry, -that he may not know that any one but himself sees it. The -Spanish paper you enclosed me is an atrocious one. I see it has -been republished in the Havanna. The truth is that the patriots -of Spain have no warmer friends than the administration of the -United States, but it is our duty to say nothing and to do nothing -for or against either. If they succeed, we shall be well satisfied -to see Cuba and Mexico remain in their present dependence; -but very unwilling to see them in that of either France or England, -politically or commercially. We consider their interests -and ours as the same, and that the object of both must be to exclude -all European influence from this hemisphere. We wish -to avoid the necessity of going to war, till our revenue shall be -entirely liberated from debt. Then it will suffice for war, without -creating new debt or taxes. These are sentiments which I -would wish you to express to any proper characters of either of -these two countries, and particularly that we have nothing more -at heart than their friendship. I salute you with great esteem -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_382'>[382]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -November 3, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -A press of business here prevented my sooner taking up the -three bundles of papers now returned; and even now I judge of -them from the brief you have been so good as to make so fully. -This is an immense relief to me. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>The Warbash Saline.</i> -</p> - -<p> -I think the applications from Nashville, &c., for a share of the -salt had better not be complied with. I suspect we did wrong -in yielding a similar privilege to Kentucky. There would be no -end to the details of the partitionary plan, and it will only shift -the gains into other hands, adding the unavoidable inequalities -of distribution. Better leave the distribution to its former and -ordinary course, and the benefits will taper off from the centre -till lost by distance. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Indiana Lead Mines.</i> -</p> - -<p> -I think it would be well to authorize Governor Harrison to -lease them to the present applicants,—the former ones declining. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>Intrusions on Public Lands.</i> -</p> - -<p> -I suspect you have partly forgotten what was agreed on the -other day. 1. Notice was agreed to be given by a register to be -appointed to all intruders on the Tennessee purchase, to disclaim -or remove; and <i>in the spring</i> troops are to be sent to remove all -non-compliers. Those on the Indian lands (except Double-heads) -to be absolutely removed without the privilege of disclaimer. -2. As to the intruders on Red River, we agreed to -leave them and get Congress to extend the land law to them. -</p> - -<p> -I think it will be better you should write to Governor Williams -about the appointment of officers. Things casually incidental -to a main business belonging to another department, had -better be made the subject of a single instruction. I am sure -the Secretary of State will thank you to take the trouble. Affectionate -salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_383'>[383]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -November 5, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you a charge by Mr. Hanson against Captain Smith -and Lieutenants Davis and Dobbins of the militia, as having become -members of an organized company, calling themselves the -Tar Company, avowing their object to be the tarring and feathering -citizens of some description. Although in some cases the -animadversions of the law may be properly relied on to prevent -what is unlawful, yet with those clothed with authority from -the executive, and being a part of the executive, other preventives -are expedient. These officers should be warned that the -executive cannot tamely look on and see its officers threaten to -become the violators instead of the protectors of the rights of our -citizens. I presume, however, that all that is necessary will be -that their commanding officer, (General Mason,) finding the fact -true, should give them a <i>private</i> admonition, either written or -verbal, as he pleases, to withdraw themselves from the illegal -association; at the same time I would rather it should be stated -to General Mason only "that information has been received," &c., -without naming Mr. Hanson as the informer. My reason is that -some disagreeable feuds have arisen at the Navy Yard which I -would rather allay than foment. No proof will be necessary to -be called for; because if the officers disavow the fact, it will be -a proof they have that sense of propriety to which only an admonition -would be intended to bring them. I salute you with -constant affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR PINCKNEY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 8, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two -letters September 10th and of blank date, probably about the -middle of October, and to thank you for the communications -therein made. They were handed to the two persons therein -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_384'>[384]</a></span>named. I seize the first moment it is in my power to answer -your question as to our foreign relations, which I do by enclosing -you a copy of my message this moment delivered to the two -houses of Congress, in which they are fully stated. It is evident -we have before us three only alternatives; 1, embargo; 2, war; -3, submission and tribute. This last will at once be put out of -question by every American, and the two first only considered. -By the little conversation I have had with the members, I perceive -there will be some division on this among the republicans; -but what will be its extent cannot be known till they shall have -heard the message and documents, and had some days to confer -and make up their opinions. Being now all in the hurry and bustle -of visits and business, incident to the first days of the meeting, -I must here close with my salutations of friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LETUE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 8, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of October -14th, and to thank you for the information it contained. -While the opposition to the late laws of embargo has in one -quarter amounted almost to rebellion and treason, it is pleasing to -know that all the rest of the nation has approved of the proceedings -of the constituted authorities. The steady union which -you mention of our fellow citizens of South Carolina, is entirely -in their character. They have never failed in fidelity to their -country and the republican spirit of its constitution. Never before -was that union more needed or more salutary than under our -present crisis. I enclose you my message to both houses of Congress, -this moment delivered. You will see that we have to -choose between the alternatives of embargo and war; there is -indeed one and only one other, that is submission and tribute. -For all the federal propositions for trading to the places permitted -by the edicts of the belligerents, result in fact in submission, although -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_385'>[385]</a></span>they do not choose to pronounce the naked word. I do -not believe, however, that our fellow citizens of that sect with -you will concur with those to the east in this paricide purpose, -any more than in the disorganizing conduct which has disgraced -the latter. I conclude this from their conduct in your legislature -in its vote on that question. Accept my salutations and assurances -of respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CABELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 13, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Between three and four years ago, I received -the enclosed petitions praying for the pardon or the enlargement -of Thomas Logwood, then and still confined in the penitentiary -of Richmond, for counterfeiting the bank notes of -the United States. I consulted Governor Page on the subject, -who, after conferring with his council, informed me that though -he was for a pardon himself, he found a division of opinion on -the question, and therefore could not advise it. Between three -and four years have since been added to his confinement, and if -his conduct during that time has been such as to lessen his -claims to a mitigation of his sentence, they must certainly stand -now on higher ground, and the more so as two of his accomplices -confined here, have by a very general wish been pardoned more -than a year ago. Will you be so good as to give me your opinion -on the subject, as you are in a situation to know what his -conduct has been? His wife is represented as a very meritorious -character, and her connections respectable; probably they may -be known to you. His neighbors, you will observe, ask his -restoration to them. Whether would it be best to pardon him -absolutely, or on condition of giving security for his good behavior? -or shall we open the prison door and let him go out, -notifying him that if he will continue on his own farm or those -next adjoining, and keep himself from all suspicious intercourse -and correspondence, he will not be molested; otherwise, that he -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_386'>[386]</a></span>will be retaken and replaced in his present situation? Your advice -on this subject will much oblige me. I salute you with -great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -November 13, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -1st. The ship Aurora, Captain Rand. Provisions, lumber and -naval stores being the articles on which we rely most for effect -during our embargo. Rand's landing, as to the great mass of -its articles, seems not to render his case suspicious. Keeping -therefore the articles of provisions, lumber and naval stores, within -their regular limits, I see no objection to a permit in the character -of his cargo; and the objection drawn from his dislike and -disapprobation of the embargo, has never been considered as an -obstacle where the person has not actually been guilty of its infraction. -I think a permit should be granted under the regular -limitations as to the proportion of provisions, &c. -</p> - -<p> -2d. The schooner Concord, property of John Bell of Petersburg. -Wherever a person has once been guilty of breaking the -embargo laws, we can no longer have confidence in him, and -every shipment made by him becomes suspicious. No permit -should be granted him; the fact of a prior breach being sufficient -without the formality of its being found by jury. -</p> - -<p> -3d. The schooner Caroline, belonging to Brown and Pilsbury -of Buckstown. Where every attempt, the Collector says, has -been made and still continues to be made to evade the embargo -laws, the nature of the cargo is sufficient to refuse the permit, -being wholly of provisions and lumber. This is the first time -the character of the place has been brought under consideration -as an objection. Yet a general disobedience to the laws in any -place must have weight towards refusing to give them any facilities -to evade. In such a case we may fairly require positive -proof that the individual of a town tainted with a general spirit -of disobedience, has never said or done anything himself to countenance -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_387'>[387]</a></span>that spirit. But the first cause of refusal being sufficient, -an inquiry into character and conduct is unnecessary. -</p> - -<h3> -TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR LINCOLN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 13, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you a petition from Nantucket, and refer -it for your decision. Our opinion here is, that that place has -been so deeply concerned in smuggling, that if it wants, it is because -it has illegally sent away what it ought to have retained -for its own consumption. Be so good as to bear in mind that I -have asked the favor of you to see that your State encounters no -real want, while, at the same time, where applications are made -merely to cover fraud, no facilities towards that be furnished. I -presume there can be no want in Massachusetts as yet, as I am -informed that Governor Sullivan's permits are openly bought and -sold here and in Alexandria, and at other markets. The congressional -campaign is just opening: three alternatives alone are -to be chosen from. 1. Embargo. 2. War. 3. Submission and -tribute. And, wonderful to tell, the last will not want advocates. -The real question, however, will lie between the two first, on -which there is considerable division. As yet the first seems -most to prevail; but opinions are by no means yet settled down. -Perhaps the advocates of the second may, to a formal declaration -of war, prefer <i>general</i> letters of mark and reprisal, because, on -a repeal of their edicts by the belligerent, a revocation of the letters -of mark restores peace without the delay, difficulties, and -ceremonies of a treaty. On this occasion, I think it is fair to -leave to those who are to act on them, the decisions they prefer, -being to be myself but a spectator. I should not feel justified in -directing measures which those who are to execute them would -disapprove. Our situation is truly difficult. We have been -pressed by the belligerents to the very wall, and all further retreat -is impracticable. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with sincere friendship. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_388'>[388]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE HON. JOSEPH VARNUM. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 18, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—You will perceive in the enclosed petitions, a request -that I will lay them before Congress. This I cannot do consistently -with my own opinion of propriety, because where the petitioners -have a right to petition their immediate representatives in -Congress directly, I have deemed it neither necessary nor proper -for them to pass their petition through the intermediate channel -of the Executive. But as the petitioners may be ignorant of this, -and, confiding in it, may omit the proper measure, I have usually -put such petitions into the hands of the Representatives of the -State, informally to be used or not as they see best, and considering -me as entirely disclaiming any agency in the case. With -this view, I take the liberty of placing these papers in your -hands, not as Speaker of the House, but as one of the Representatives -from the State from which they came. Whether they -should be handed on to the Representatives of the particular districts, -(which are unknown to me,) yourself will be the best -judge. I salute you with affection, esteem, and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS JEFFERSON RANDOLPH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 24, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Jefferson</span>, * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Your situation, thrown at such a distance from us, and alone, -cannot but give us all great anxieties for you. As much has -been secured for you, by your particular position and the acquaintance -to which you have been recommended, as could be done -towards shielding you from the dangers which surround you. -But thrown on a wide world, among entire strangers, without a -friend or guardian to advise, so young too, and with so little experience -of mankind, your dangers are great, and still your safety -must rest on yourself. A determination never to do what is -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_389'>[389]</a></span>wrong, prudence and good humor, will go far towards securing to -you the estimation of the world. When I recollect that at fourteen -years of age, the whole care and direction of myself was -thrown on myself entirely, without a relation or friend qualified -to advise or guide me, and recollect the various sorts of bad company -with which I associated from time to time, I am astonished -I did not turn off with some of them, and become as worthless -to society as they were. I had the good fortune to become -acquainted very early with some characters of very high standing, -and to feel the incessant wish that I could ever become what -they were. Under temptations and difficulties, I would ask myself -what would Dr. Small, Mr. Wythe, Peyton Randolph do in -this situation? What course in it will insure me their approbation? -I am certain that this mode of deciding on my conduct, -tended more to correctness than any reasoning powers I possessed. -Knowing the even and dignified line they pursued, I could never -doubt for a moment which of two courses would be in character -for them. Whereas, seeking the same object through a process -of moral reasoning, and with the jaundiced eye of youth, I should -often have erred. From the circumstances of my position, I was -often thrown into the society of horse racers, card players, fox -hunters, scientific and professional men, and of dignified men; -and many a time have I asked myself, in the enthusiastic moment -of the death of a fox, the victory of a favorite horse, the issue of -a question eloquently argued at the bar, or in the great council -of the nation, well, which of these kinds of reputation should I -prefer? That of a horse jockey? a fox hunter? an orator? or -the honest advocate of my country's rights? Be assured, my -dear Jefferson, that these little returns into ourselves, this self-catechising -habit, is not trifling nor useless, but leads to the prudent -selection and steady pursuit of what is right. -</p> - -<p> -I have mentioned good humor as one of the preservatives of -our peace and tranquillity. It is among the most effectual, and -its effect is so well imitated and aided, artificially, by politeness, -that this also becomes an acquisition of first rate value. In truth, -politeness is artificial good humor, it covers the natural want of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_390'>[390]</a></span>it, and ends by rendering habitual a substitute nearly equivalent -to the real virtue. It is the practice of sacrificing to those whom -we meet in society, all the little conveniences and preferences -which will gratify them, and deprive us of nothing worth a -moment's consideration; it is the giving a pleasing and flattering -turn to our expressions, which will conciliate others, and make -them pleased with us as well as themselves. How cheap a price -for the good will of another! When this is in return for a rude -thing said by another, it brings him to his senses, it mortifies and -corrects him in the most salutary way, and places him at the feet -of your good nature, in the eyes of the company. But in stating -prudential rules for our government in society, I must not omit -the important one of never entering into dispute or argument with -another. I never saw an instance of one of two disputants convincing -the other by argument. I have seen many, on their getting -warm, becoming rude, and shooting one another. Conviction -is the effect of our own dispassionate reasoning, either in solitude, -or weighing within ourselves, dispassionately, what we hear from -others, standing uncommitted in argument ourselves. It was -one of the rules which, above all others, made Doctor Franklin -the most amiable of men in society, "never to contradict anybody." -If he was urged to announce an opinion, he did it rather -by asking questions, as if for information, or by suggesting doubts. -When I hear another express an opinion which is not mine, I say -to myself, he has a right to his opinion, as I to mine; why -should I question it? His error does me no injury, and shall I -become a Don Quixotte, to bring all men by force of argument -to one opinion? If a fact be misstated, it is probable he is gratified -by a belief of it, and I have no right to deprive him of the -gratification. If he wants information, he will ask it, and then -I will give it in measured terms; but if he still believes his own -story, and shows a desire to dispute the fact with me, I hear him -and say nothing. It is his affair, not mine, if he prefers error. -There are two classes of disputants most frequently to be met -with among us. The first is of young students, just entered the -threshold of science, with a first view of its outlines, not yet filled -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_391'>[391]</a></span>up with the details and modifications which a further progress -would bring to their knowledge. The other consists of the ill-tempered -and rude men in society, who have taken up a passion -for politics. (Good humor and politeness never introduce into -mixed society, a question on which they foresee there will be a difference -of opinion.) From both of those classes of disputants, -my dear Jefferson, keep aloof, as you would from the infected -subjects of yellow fever or pestilence. Consider yourself, when -with them, as among the patients of Bedlam, needing medical -more than moral counsel. Be a listener only, keep within yourself, -and endeavor to establish with yourself the habit of silence, -especially on politics. In the fevered state of our country, no -good can ever result from any attempt to set one of these fiery -zealots to rights, either in fact or principle. They are determined -as to the facts they will believe, and the opinions on which they -will act. Get by them, therefore, as you would by an angry -bull; it is not for a man of sense to dispute the road with such -an animal. You will be more exposed than others to have these -animals shaking their horns at you, because of the relation in -which you stand with me. Full of political venom, and willing -to see me and to hate me as a chief in the antagonist party, your -presence will be to them what the vomit grass is to the sick dog, -a nostrum for producing ejaculation. Look upon them exactly -with that eye, and pity them as objects to whom you can administer -only occasional ease. My character is not within their -power. It is in the hands of my fellow citizens at large, and -will be consigned to honor or infamy by the verdict of the republican -mass of our country, according to what themselves will -have seen, not what their enemies and mine shall have said. -Never, therefore, consider these puppies in politics as requiring -any notice from you, and always show that you are not afraid to -leave my character to the umpirage of public opinion. Look -steadily to the pursuits which have carried you to Philadelphia, -be very select in the society you attach yourself to, avoid taverns, -drinkers, smokers, idlers, and dissipated persons generally; for it -is with such that broils and contentions arise; and you will find -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_392'>[392]</a></span>your path more easy and tranquil. The limits of my paper warn -me that it is time for me to close with my affectionate adieu. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Present me affectionately to Mr. Ogilvie, and, in doing -the same to Mr. Peale, tell him I am writing with his polygraph, -and shall send him mine the first moment I have leisure enough -to pack it. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL -SOCIETY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Gentlemen</span>,—Being to remove within a few months from my -present residence to one still more distant from the seat of the -meetings of the American Philosophical Society, I feel it a duty -no longer to obstruct its service by keeping from the chair members -whose position as well as qualifications, may enable them to -discharge its duties with so much more effect. Begging leave, -therefore, to withdraw from the Presidency of the Society at the -close of the present term, I avail myself of the occasion gratefully -to return my thanks to the Society for the repeated proofs they -have been pleased to give of their favor and confidence in me, -and to assure them, in retiring from the honorable station in -which they have been pleased so long to continue me, that I carry -with me all the sentiments of an affectionate member and faithful -servant of the Society. -</p> - -<p> -Asking the favor of you to make this communication to the -Society, I beg leave to tender to each of you personally the assurances -of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SAMUEL HAWKINS, KINGSTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, November 30, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Business and indisposition have prevented my sooner acknowledging -the receipt of your letter of the 3d instant, which -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_393'>[393]</a></span>came to hand on the 10th. Mr. Granger, before that, had sent -here the very elegant ivory staff of which you wished my acceptance. -The motives of your wish are honorable to me, and -gratifying, as they evidence the approbation of my public conduct -by a stranger who has not viewed it through the partialities -of personal acquaintance. Be assured, Sir, that I am as grateful -for the testimony, as if I could have accepted the token of it -which you have so kindly offered. On coming into public office, -I laid it down as a law of my conduct, while I should continue -in it, to accept no present of any sensible pecuniary value. A -pamphlet, a new book, or an article of new curiosity, have produced -no hesitation, because below suspicion. But things of -sensible value, however innocently offered in the first examples, -may grow at length into abuse, for which I wish not to furnish -a precedent. The kindness of the motives which led to this -manifestation of your esteem, sufficiently assures me that you -will approve of my desire, by a perseverance in the rule, to retain -that consciousness of a disinterested administration of the -public trusts, which is essential to perfect tranquillity of mind. -Replacing, therefore, the subject of this letter in the hands of -Mr. Granger, under your orders, and repeating that the offer -meets the same thankfulness as if accepted, I tender you my -salutations and assurances of respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR WATERHOUSE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 1, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—-In answer to the inquiries of the benevolent Dr. De Carro -on the subject of the upland or mountain rice, Oryza Mutica, I -will state to you what I know of it. I first became informed of -the existence of a rice which would grow in uplands without -any more water than the common rains, by reading a book of -Mr. De Porpre, who had been Governor of the Isle of France, -who mentions it as growing there and all along the coast of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_394'>[394]</a></span>Africa successfully, and as having been introduced from Cochin-China. -I was at that time (1784-89) in France, and there happening -to be there a Prince of Cochin-China, on his travels, and -then returning home, I obtained his promise to send me some. -I never received it however, and mention it only as it may have -been sent, and furnished the ground for the inquiries of Dr. De -Carro, respecting my receiving it from China. When at Havre -on my return from France, I found there Captain Nathaniel -Cutting, who was the ensuing spring to go on a voyage along -the coast of Africa. I engaged him to inquire for this; he was -there just after the harvest, procured and sent me a thirty-gallon -cask of it. It arrived in time the ensuing spring to be sown. I -divided it between the Agricultural Society of Charleston and -some private gentlemen of Georgia, recommending it to their -care, in the hope which had induced me to endeavor to obtain it, -that if it answered as well as the swamp rice, it might rid them -of that source of their summer diseases. Nothing came of the -trials in South Carolina, but being carried into the upper hilly -parts of Georgia, it succeeded there perfectly, has spread over the -country, and is now commonly cultivated; still, however, for -family use chiefly, as they cannot make it for sale in competition -with the rice of the swamps. The former part of these details -is written from memory, the papers being at Monticello which -would enable me to particularize exactly the dates of times and -places. The latter part is from the late Mr. Baldwin, one of those -whom I engaged in the distribution of the seed in Georgia, and -who in his annual attendance on Congress, gave me from time to -time the history of its progress. It has got from Georgia into -Kentucky, where it is cultivated by many individuals for family -use. I cultivated it two or three years at Monticello, and had -good crops, as did my neighbors, but not having conveniences -for husking it, we declined it. I tried some of it in a pot, while -I lived in Philadelphia, and gave seed to Mr. Bartram. It produced -luxuriant plants with us both, but no seed; nor do I believe -it will ripen in the United States as far north as Philadelphia. -Business and an indisposition of some days must apologize for -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_395'>[395]</a></span>this delay in answering your letter of October 24th, which I did -not receive till the 6th of November. And permit me here to -add my salutations and assurances of esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS MONROE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 4, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -The case of the sale of city lots under a decree of the Chancellor -of Maryland. -</p> - -<p> -The deed of the original owners of the site of the city of -Washington to certain trustees, after making provisions for -streets, public squares, &c., declares that the residue of the -ground, laid off in building lots, shall one moiety belong to the -original proprietors, and the other moiety shall be sold on such -terms and conditions as the President of the United States shall -direct, the proceeds, after certain specified payments, to be paid -to the President as a grant of money, and to be applied for the -purposes, and according to the Act of Congress; which Act of -Congress (1790, c. 28) had authorized the President to accept -grants of money, to purchase or to accept land for the use of the -United States, to provide suitable buildings, &c. Of these residuary -building lots, one thousand were sold by the Commissioner -to Greenleaf for $80,000, who transferred them to Morris and -Nicholson, with an express lien on them for the purchase money -due to the city. Under this lien the Chancellor of Maryland -has decreed that they shall be sold immediately for whatever -they will bring; that the proceeds shall be applied first to the -costs of suit and sale, and the balance towards paying the original -purchase money. The sale has now proceeded, for some -days, at very low prices, and must proceed till the costs of suit -and sale are raised. It is well understood that under no circumstances -of sale, however favorable, can they pay five in the -pound of the original debt; and that if the whole are now forced -into sale, at what they will bring, they will not pay one in the -pound; and being the only fund from which a single dollar of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_396'>[396]</a></span>the debt can ever be recovered, (on account of the bankruptcy -of all the purchasers,) of $25,000 which the lots may bring if -offered for sale from time to time <span lang="la"><i>pari passu</i></span> with the growing -demand, $20,000 will be lost by a forced sale. To save this -sum is desirable. And the interest in it being ultimately that -of the United States, I have consulted with the Secretary of the -Treasury and Comptroller, and after due consideration, I am of -opinion it is for the public interest, and within the powers of -the President, under the deed of trust and laws, to repurchase -under the decree, at the lowest prices obtainable, such of these -lots as no other purchaser shall offer to take at what the Superintendent -shall deem their real value, that is to say, what they -will in his judgment sell for hereafter, if only offered from time -to time as purchasers shall want them. The sums so to be allowed -for them by the Superintendent to be passed to the credit -of Greenleaf, and retaining a right to the unsatisfied balance as -damages due for non-compliance with his contract; a matter of -form only, as not a cent of it is expected ever to be obtained. I -consider the reconveyance of these lots at the price which the -Superintendent shall nominally allow for them, as replacing -them in our hands, in <span lang="la"><i>statu quo</i></span> prices, as if the title had never -been passed out of us; and that thereafter they will be in the -condition of all other lots, sold, but neither conveyed nor paid -for; that is to say, liable to be resold for the benefit of the city; -as has been invariably practised in all other cases. The Superintendent -is instructed to proceed accordingly. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 7, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -1. D. W. Coxe and the ship Comet. The application to send -another vessel to the Havanna, to bring home the proceeds of -the cargo of the Comet, charged with a breach of embargo, -must be rejected for three reasons, each insuperable. 1st. The -property was not shipped from the United States prior to December -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_397'>[397]</a></span>22d, 1807, and therefore is not within the description of -cases in which a permission by the executive is authorized by -law. 2d. The limitation of time for permissions has been long -expired. 3d. Although in an action on the bond of the Comet, -the fabricated testimony of distress may embarrass judges and -juries, tramelled by legal rules of evidence, yet it ought to have -no weight with us to whom the law has referred to decide according -to our discretion, well knowing that it was impossible -to build up fraud by general rules. We know that the -fabrication of proofs of leaky ships, stress of weather, -cargoes sold under duress, are a regular part of the system of -infractions of the embargo, with the manufacture of which every -foreign port is provided, and that their oaths and forgeries are a -regular merchandise in every port. We must therefore consider -them as nothing, and that the act of entering a foreign port and -selling the cargo is decisive evidence of an intentional breach of -embargo, not to be countervailed by the letters of all the Charles -Dixeys in the world; for every vessel is provided with a Charles -Dixey. -</p> - -<p> -My opinion is therefore that no permission ought ever to be -granted for any vessel to leave our ports (while the embargo -continues) in which any person is concerned either in interest -or in navigating her, who has ever been concerned in interest, -or in the navigation of a vessel which has at any time before entered -a foreign port contrary to the views of the embargo laws, -and under any pretended distress or duress whatever. This rule -will not lead us wrong once in a hundred times. -</p> - -<p> -2. I send you the case of Mr. Mitchell and the ship Neutrality, -merely as a matter of form; for I presume it must be rejected -on the ground of limitation. These petitioners are getting -into the habit of calling on me personally in the first instance. -These personal solicitations being very embarrassing, -I am obliged to tell them I will refer the case to you, and they -will receive a written answer. But I hope, in your amendments -to the law, you will propose a repeal of the power to give permissions -to go for property. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_398'>[398]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 8, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -The idea of regulating the coasting trade (to New Orleans for -instance) by the quantity of tonnage sufficient for each port, is -new to me, and presents difficulties through which I cannot see -my way. To determine how much tonnage will suffice for the -coasting trade of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and the other -ports great and small, and to divide this tonnage impartially -among the competitors of each place, would embarrass us infinitely, -and lead to unavoidable errors and irregularities. Is it not -better to let it regulate itself as to all innocent articles, and to -continue our attentions and regulations to the articles of provisions -and lumber? If the rule of the <i>one-eighth</i> carries too much -to New Orleans, and I am sure it does, why not confine it to the -ports between St. Mary's and Passamaquoddy, (excluding these -two,) and trust for New Orleans to the western supplies and -Governor Claiborne's permits? I suppose them sufficient, because -Governor Claiborne has assured us that the Western supplies -are sufficient for the consumption of New Orleans, and we -see that New Orleans has exported flour the last six months, and -that too to the West Indies, whither will go also whatever flour -the rule of the <i>one-eighth</i> carries there, or its equivalent in Western -flour. These ideas on the subject are of the first impression; -and I keep the decision open for any further light which can be -thrown on it. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 8, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Harrison will continue in office till the 3d of March. I -send you tit for tat, one lady application for another. However -our feelings are to be perpetually harrowed by these solicitations, -our course is plain, and inflexible to right or left. But for God's -sake get us relieved from this dreadful drudgery of refusal. Affectionate -salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_399'>[399]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 20, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<i>The case of the schooner Concord, sold by J. Bell of Petersburg, -to M. W. Hancock of Richmond.</i> -</p> - -<p> -I think it may be concluded from the letters of Hancock and -the collector, that the purchase of the schooner has been a <span lang="la"><i>bonâ -fide</i></span> one; but it is not even alleged that he has purchased the -cargo, but it appears on the contrary that Bell has the same concern -in that as before. As, where a person has once evaded the -embargo laws, we consider all subsequent shipments and proposed -voyages by him to be with the fraudulent intention; the present -shipment of the cargo of tobacco, before refused, being still the -concern of Bell, must of course be still suspicious, and refused a -permit. But the request of the purchaser of the schooner, that, -after taking out the cargo, he may have a clearance for her to go -in ballast to the district of Richmond, may be granted. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 22, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -The answer to the petition of Percival and others, praying that -they may be permitted to send a vessel or vessels to take up their -men from the desolate islands of the Indian Ocean, and thence to -proceed on a trading voyage to Canton, &c., cannot but be a -thing of course, that days having been publicly announced after -which no permissions to send vessels to bring home property -would be granted, which days are past long since, and the rule -rigorously adhered to, it cannot now be broken through. If Congress -continue the power, it will show that they mean it shall be -exercised, and we may then consider on what new grounds permissions -may be granted. Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_400'>[400]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. NICHOLAS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 22, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I always consider it as the most friendly office -which can be rendered me, to be informed of anything which is -going amiss, and which I can remedy. I had known that there -had been a very blamable failure in the clothing department, -which had not become known so as to be remedied till the beginning -of October; but I had believed that the remedy had then -been applied with as much diligence as the case admitted. After -the suggestions from General Smith and Mr. Giles the other day, -I made inquiry into the fact, and have received the enclosed return, -which will show exactly what has been done. Can I get -the favor of you to show it to General Smith and Mr. Giles, to -whom I am sure it will give as much satisfaction as to myself, -and to re-enclose it to me? I salute you and them with sincere -friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR HARRISON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 22, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—By the treaty of 1803, we obtained from the Kaskaskias -the country as far as the ridge dividing the waters of the Kaskaskias -from those of the Illinois River; by the treaty of 1804, -with the Sacs and Foxes, they ceded to us from the Illinois to -the Ouisconsin. Between these two cessions is a gore of country, -to wit, between the Illinois River and Kaskaskias line, which I -understand to have belonged to the Piorias, and that that tribe is -now extinct; if both these facts be true, we succeed to their title -by our being proprietors paramount of the whole country. In this -case it is interesting to settle our boundary with our next neighbors -the Kickapoos. Where their western boundary is, I know -not; but they cannot come lower down the Illinois River than -the Illinois Lake, on which stood the old Pioria fort, and perhaps -not so low. The Kickapoos are bounded to the south-east, I -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_401'>[401]</a></span>presume, by the ridge between the waters of the Illinois and -Wabash, to which the Miamis claim, and north-east by the -Pottewatamies. Of course it is with the Kickapoos alone we -have to settle a boundary. I would therefore recommend to you -to take measures for doing this. You will of course first endeavor -with all possible caution to furnish yourself with the best -evidence to be had, of the real location of the south-west boundary -of the Kickapoos, and then endeavor to bring them to an -acknowledgment of it formally, by a treaty of limits. If it be -nothing more, the ordinary presents are all that will be necessary, -but if they cede a part of their own country, then a price proportioned -will be proper. In a letter to you of February 27th, 1803, -I mentioned that I had heard there was still one Pioria man -living, and that a compensation making him easy for life should -be given him, and his conveyance of the country by a regular -deed be obtained. If there be such a man living, I think this -should still be done. The ascertaining the line between the -Kickapoos and us is now of importance, because it will close our -possessions on the hither bank of the Mississippi from the Ohio -to the Ouisconsin, and give us a broad margin to prevent the -British from approaching that river, on which, under color of -their treaty, they would be glad to hover, that they might -smuggle themselves and their merchandise into Louisiana. Their -treaty can only operate on the country so long as it is Indian; -and in proportion as it becomes ours exclusively, their ground is -narrowed. It makes it easier too for us to adopt on this side of -the Mississippi a policy we are beginning on the other side, that -of permitting no traders, either ours or theirs, to go to the Indian -towns, but oblige them all to settle and be stationary at our -factories, where we can have their conduct under our observation -and control. However, our first object must be to blockade -them from the Mississippi, and to this I ask the favor of your attention; -and salute you with great friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_402'>[402]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BARLOW. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 25, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I return you Doctor Maese's letter, which a -pressure of business has occasioned me to keep too long. I think -an account of the manufactures of Philadelphia would be really -useful, and that the manufactures of other places should be -added from time to time, as information of them should be received. -To give a perfect view of the whole, would require a -report from every county or township of the United States. -Perhaps the present moment would be premature, as they are, in -truth, but just now in preparation. The government could not -aid the publication by the subscription suggested by Doctor -Maese, without a special law for it. All the purposes for which -they can pay a single dollar, are specified by law. The advantage -of the veterinary institution proposed, may perhaps be -doubted. If it be problematical whether physicians prevent -death where the disease, unaided, would have terminated fatally,—oftener -than they produce it, where order would have been -restored to the system by the process, if uninterrupted, provided -by nature, and in the case of a man who can describe the seat of -his disease, its character, progress, and often its cause, what -might we expect in the case of the horse,—mute, &c., yielding -no sensible and certain indications of his disease? They have -long had these institutions in Europe; has the world received -as yet one iota of valuable information from them? If it has, it -is unknown to me. At any rate, it may be doubted whether, -where so many institutions of obvious utility are yet wanting, -we should select this one to take the lead. I return you Gibbon, -with thanks. I send you, also, for your shelf of pamphlets, one -which gives really a good historical view of our funding system, -and of federal transactions generally, from an early day to the -present time. I salute you with friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_403'>[403]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO CHARLES THOMSON, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 25, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you, my dear and ancient friend, for the two volumes -of your translation, which you have been so kind as to send me. -I have dipped into it at the few moments of leisure which my -vocations permit, and I perceive that I shall use it with great -satisfaction on my return home. I propose there, among my first -employments, to give to the Septuagint an attentive perusal, and -shall feel the aid you have now given me. I am full of plans of -employment when I get there,—they chiefly respect the active -functions of the body. To the mind I shall administer amusement -chiefly. An only daughter and numerous family of grandchildren, -will furnish me great resources of happiness. I learn -with sincere pleasure that you have health and activity enough -to have performed the journey to and from Lancaster without -inconvenience. It has added another proof that you are not -wearied with well-doing. Although I have enjoyed as uniform -health through life as reason could desire, I have no expectation -that, even if spared to your age, I shall at that period be able to -take such a journey. I am already sensible of decay in the -power of walking, and find my memory not so faithful as it used -to be. This may be partly owing to the incessant current of -new matter flowing constantly through it; but I ascribe to years -their share in it also. That you may be continued among us to -the period of your own wishes, and that it may be filled with -continued health and happiness, is the sincere prayer of your -affectionate friend. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -The enclosed petition, from Deville, was handed me by Gen. -Turreau. I told him at once it was inadmissible; that days had -been long ago announced, after which no vessel would be permitted -to depart; that in favor of emigrants we had continued -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_404'>[404]</a></span>indulgences till very lately; but as there must be an end to it, -that time had come, and we had determined to give no more -permissions. They had had a complete year to depart, and had -not availed themselves of it. He appeared satisfied, and perhaps -will himself give the answer. However, an answer of the above -purport may be given from your office. I have referred the case -of the British boats to the Attorney General for his opinion. -Affectionate salutations. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR LOGAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 27, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 8th, by Mr. Cunow, was duly -received, and I now return you the letter it covered. Mr. -Cunow's object was so perfectly within our own views, that it -was readily obtained, and I am in hopes he has left us with a -more correct opinion of the dispositions of the administration -than his fraternity has generally manifested. I have within -a few days had visits from the Pottowatamies, Miamis, Chippewas, -Delawares, and Cherokees, and there arrived some yesterday, -of, I believe, the Ottoways, Wiandots, and others of that -neighborhood. Our endeavors are to impress on them all profoundly, -temperance, peace, and agriculture; and I am persuaded -they begin to feel profoundly the soundness of the advice. -</p> - -<p> -Congress seems as yet to have been able to make up no -opinion. Some are for taking off the embargo before they separate; -others not till their meeting next autumn; but both with -a view to substitute war, if no change takes place with the -powers of Europe. A middle opinion is to have an extra session -in May, to come then to a final decision. I have thought it -right to take no part myself in proposing measures, the execution -of which will devolve on my successor. I am therefore chiefly -an unmeddling listener to what others say. On the same ground, -I shall make no new appointments which can be deferred till the -4th of March, thinking it fair to leave to my successor to select -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_405'>[405]</a></span>the agents for his own administration. As the moment of my -retirement approaches, I become more anxious for its arrival, and -to begin at length to pass what yet remains to me of life and -health in the bosom of my family and neighbors, and in communication -with my friends, undisturbed by political concerns or -passions. Permit me to avail myself of this occasion to assure -Mrs. Logan and yourself of my continued friendship and attachment, -and that I shall ever be pleased to hear of your happiness -and prosperity, saluting you both with affection and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -December 28, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you the petition of Jacob Smith of Newport, in the -case of the ship Triumph, which is a new case to me. Perhaps -the practice as to foreign ships arriving since the embargo laws, -with which I am unacquainted, may facilitate the solution. What -should be done? -</p> - -<p class="center"> -<i>The Atalanta.</i> -</p> - -<p> -Is not the collector the person who is to search into the fact -charged? I do not know who it is that does this in case of -seizure. However, I will send the case to Mr. Smith. -</p> - -<p> -The petition of Manuel Valder for a vessel to carry off Spanish -subjects, is rejected. -</p> - -<p> -The cases from St. Mary are really embarrassing. I sent the -papers to Mr. Madison to ask his opinion. He had read only -one when he called on me this morning. He seemed strongly -of opinion that it would be most advisable to send some person -to the Governor of East Florida, to enter into some friendly arrangements -with him. He has the papers still under consideration; -in the meantime we may consider as further means, how -it might do to destroy all boats and canoes on our side the river, -paying for them? To arrest impression, and bring to regular -trial every negro taken in the act of violating the laws? This -for mere consideration. Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_406'>[406]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO E. RANDOLPH, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 28, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received yesterday your favor of the 22d. It -was the first information I had had of the sentence against Moss, -the district attorney not having written to me as you supposed. -I referred the case to the Post Master General, who in his answer -says, "His is not a single crime, but a series of crimes, for months -if not years. There were found upon him between $1,300 and -$1,500, which he had robbed in small sums." -</p> - -<p> -You are sensible that the Legislature having made stripes a regular -part of the punishment, that the pardoning them cannot be -a thing of course, as that would be to repeal the law, but that -extraordinary and singular considerations are necessary to entitle -the criminal to that remission. The information of the Post -Master General marks such an habitual depravity of mind, as -leaves little room to suppose that any facts can countervail it; -and the robbery of the mail has now become so frequent and -great an evil, that the moment is unfavorable to propositions of -relaxation. Still I shall be ready to receive and consider any -testimony in his favor, which his friends may bring forward, and -will do it on whatever I may believe to have been the intention -of the Legislature in confiding the power of pardon to the executive. -The opinion of the judges who sat in the cause, I have -ever required as indispensable to ground a pardon. A copy of -the judgment is also necessary. I have taken the liberty of -troubling you with these observations, because I have received -no application but your letter, and lest, on the contrary supposition, -his case might suffer for want of information. Accept my -salutations and assurances of friendly esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ——. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, December 31, 1808. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The General Government of the United States has considered -it their duty and interest to extend their care and patronage -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_407'>[407]</a></span>over the Indian tribes within their limits, and to endeavor to render -them friends, and in time perhaps useful members of the nation. -Perceiving the injurious effects produced by their inordinate -use of spirituous liquors, they passed laws authorizing measures -against the vending or distributing such liquors among them. -Their introduction by traders was accordingly prohibited, and -for some time was attended with the best effects. I am informed, -however, that latterly the Indians have got into the practice of -purchasing such liquors themselves in the neighboring settlements -of whites, and of carrying them into their towns, and that in this -way our regulations so salutary to them, are now defeated. I -must, therefore, request your Excellency to submit this matter to -the consideration of your legislature. I persuade myself that in -addition to the moral inducements which will readily occur, they -will find it not indifferent to their own interests to give us their -aid in removing, for their neighbors, this great obstacle to their -acquiring industrious habits, and attaching themselves to the regular -and useful pursuits of life; for this purpose it is much desired -that they should pass effectual laws to restrain their citizens -from vending and distributing spirituous liquors to the Indians. -I pray your Excellency to accept the assurances of my great esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. HENRY GUEST. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 4, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—A constant pressure of business must be my apology for -being so late in acknowledging the receipt of your favor of -November 25th. I am sensible of the kindness of your rebuke -on my determination to retire from office at a time when our -country is laboring under difficulties truly great. But if the -principle of rotation be a sound one, as I conscientiously believe -it to be with respect to this office, no pretext should ever be permitted -to dispense with it, because there never will be a time -when real difficulties will not exist, and furnish a plausible pretext -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_408'>[408]</a></span>for dispensation. You suppose I am "in the prime of life -for rule." I am sensible I am not; and before I am so far declined -as to become insensible of it, I think it right to put it out -of my own power. I have the comfort too of knowing that the -person whom the public choice has designated to receive the -charge from me, is eminently qualified as a safe depository by -the endowments of integrity, understanding, and experience. -On a review therefore of the reasons for my retirement, I think -you cannot fail to approve them. -</p> - -<p> -Your proposition for preventing the effect of splinters in a -naval action, will certainly merit consideration and trial whenever -our vessels shall be called into serious service; till then the -perishable nature of the covering, would render it an unnecessary -expense. I tender you my best wishes for the continuance of -your life and health, and salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 9, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -I do not recollect the instructions to Governor Lewis respecting -squatters. But if he had any they were unquestionably to -prohibit them rigorously. I have no doubt, if he had not written -instructions, that he was verbally so instructed. Carr's story -has very much the air of an idle rumor, willingly listened to. It -shows some germ of discontent existing. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY AT WAR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 12, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have read with pleasure the letter of Captain Davidson, -by which, according to unanimous resolves of the company -of light infantry of the first legion of the militia of Columbia -commanded by him, he tenders their services as volunteers under -the Act of Congress of February 24th, 1807. I accept the offer, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_409'>[409]</a></span>and render to Captain Davidson and the other officers and privates -of the company, that praise to which their patriotism so -justly entitles them. So long urged by the aggressions of the -belligerent powers, and every measure of forbearance at length -exhausted, our country must see with sincere satisfaction the -alacrity with which persons will flock to her standard whenever -her constituted authorities shall declare that we take into our -own hands the redress of our wrongs. Be so good as to communicate -in behalf of the public my thanks to Captain Davidson, -the other officers and privates of his company, and be assured -yourself of my affectionate respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 12, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -I suppose that in answering Governor Drayton we should -compliment his ardor, and smooth over our noncompliance with -his request; that he might be told that the President sees, in his -present application, a proof of his vigilance and zeal in whatever -concerns the public safety, and will count with the more confidence -on his future attentions and energy whenever circumstances -shall call for them. That he considers that the power -entrusted to him for calling out the 100,000 militia, was meant -to be exercised only in the case of some great and general emergency, -and by no means to be employed merely as garrisons or -guards in ordinary cases: that there is no apprehension that -England means either to declare or to commence war on us at -the present moment, and that if the declaration shall be intended -to originate with us, he may be assured of receiving timely -notice, with the powers and the means of placing everything in -safety before a state of actual danger commences; that nevertheless -it is of great urgency that the quota of his state be prepared -with all possible diligence, to be ready to march at a moment's -warning, because by that time it is very possible, and scarcely -improbable, that their services may have become actually requisite. -Affectionate salutations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_410'>[410]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR EUSTIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 14, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter -of December the 24th, and of the resolutions of the republican -citizens of Boston, of the 19th of that month. These are worthy -of the ancient character of the sons of Massachusetts, and of the -spirit of concord with her sister States, which, and which alone, -carried us successfully through the revolutionary war, and finally -placed us under that national government, which constitutes the -safety of every part, by uniting for its protection the powers of -the whole. The moment for exerting these united powers, to -repel the injuries of the belligerents of Europe, seems likely to be -pressed upon us. They have interdicted our commerce with -nearly the whole world. They have declared it shall be carried -on with such places, in such articles, and in such measure only, -as they shall dictate; thus prostrating all the principles of right -which have hitherto protected it. After exhausting the cup of -forbearance and conciliation to its dregs, we found it necessary, -on behalf of that commerce, to take time to call it home into a -state of safety, to put the towns and harbors which carry it on -into a condition of defence, and to make further preparation for -enforcing the redress of its wrongs, and restoring it to its rightful -freedom. This required a certain measure of time, which, -although not admitting specific limitation, must, from its avowed -objects, have been obvious to all; and the progress actually made -towards the accomplishment of these objects, proves it now to be -near its term. While thus endeavoring to secure, and preparing -to vindicate that commerce, the absurd opinion has been propagated, -that this temporary and necessary arrangement was to be -a permanent system, and was intended for its destruction. The -sentiments expressed in the paper you were so kind as to enclose -to me, show that those who have concurred in them have judged -with more candor the intentions of their government, and are -sufficiently aware of the tendency of the excitements and misrepresentations -which have been practised on this occasion. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_411'>[411]</a></span>And such, I am persuaded, will be the disposition of the citizens -of Massachusetts at large, whenever truth can reach them. Associated -with her sister States in a common government, the fundamental -principle of which is, that the will of the majority is to -prevail, sensible that, in the present difficulty, that will has been -governed by no local interests or jealousies, that, to save permanent -rights, temporary sacrifices were necessary, that these have -fallen as impartially on all, as in a situation so peculiar they could -be made to do, she will see in the existing measures a legitimate -and honest exercise of the will and wisdom of the whole. And -her citizens, faithful to themselves and their associates, will not, -to avoid a transient pressure, yield to the seductions of enemies -to their independence, foreign or domestic, and take a course -equally subversive of their well-being, as of that of their brethren. -</p> - -<p> -The approbation expressed by the republican citizens of the -town of Boston, of the course pursued by the national government, -is truly consoling to its members; and, encouraged by the -declaration of the continuance of their confidence, and by the -assurance of their support, they will continue to pursue the line -of their high duties according to the best of their understandings, -and with undeviating regard to the good of the whole. Permit -me to avail myself of this occasion of tendering you personally -the assurances of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. THOMAS C. JAMES, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN -PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 14, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,-I have received your favor of the 6th inst., informing -me that the American Philosophical Society had been pleased, -at their late election, unanimously to re-elect me president of the -society. In desiring, in my letter to the vice-presidents, that I -might be permitted to withdraw from that honor, I acted from a -conscientious persuasion that I was keeping from that important -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_412'>[412]</a></span>station members whose position, as well as qualifications, would -enable them to render more effectual services to the institution. -But the society having thought proper again to name me, I shall -obey it with dutifulness, and be ever anxious to avail myself of -every occasion of being useful to them. I pray you to be so -good as to communicate my thanks to them, with assurances of -my devotion to their service, and to accept those of great esteem -and respect for yourself personally. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR MAESE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 15, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,-The constant pressure of such business as will admit -no delay, has prevented my sooner acknowledging the receipt -of your letter of the 2d, and even now will confine me to -the single question, for the answer to which you wait, before you -take any step towards bringing forward the institution you propose -for the advancement of the arts. That question is whether -Congress would grant a charter of incorporation, and a sum for -premiums annually? It has always been denied by the republican -party in this country, that the Constitution had given the -power of incorporation to Congress. On the establishment of the -Bank of the United States, this was the great ground on which -that establishment was combatted; and the party prevailing supported -it only on the argument of its being an incident to the -power given them for raising money. On this ground it has -been acquiesced in, and will probably be again acquiesced in, as -subsequently confirmed by public opinion. But in no other instance -have they ever exercised this power of incorporation out -of this district, of which they are the ordinary legislature. -</p> - -<p> -It is still more settled that among the purposes to which the -Constitution permits them to apply money, the granting premiums -or bounties is not enumerated, and there has never been a single -instance of their doing it, although there has been a multiplicity -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_413'>[413]</a></span>of applications. The Constitution has left these encouragements -to the separate States. I have in two or three messages recommended -to Congress an amendment to the Constitution, which -should extend their power to these objects. But nothing is yet -done in it. I fear, therefore, that the institution you propose -must rest on the patronage of the State in which it is to be. I -wish I could have answered you more to my own mind; as well -as yours; but truth is the first object. I salute you with esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -CIRCULAR LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR, TO THE -GOVERNORS,—PREPARED BY THOMAS JEFFERSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -January 17, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The pressure of the embargo, although sensibly felt by -every description of our fellow citizens, has yet been cheerfully -borne by most of them, under the conviction that it was a temporary -evil, and a necessary one to save us from greater and more -permanent evils,—the loss of property and surrender of rights. -But it would have been more cheerfully borne, but for the -knowledge that, while honest men were religiously observing it, -the unprincipled along our sea-coast and frontiers were fraudulently -evading it; and that in some parts they had even dared -to break through it openly, by an armed force too powerful to be -opposed by the collector and his assistants. To put an end to -this scandalous insubordination to the laws, the Legislature has -authorized the President to empower proper persons to employ -militia, for preventing or suppressing armed or riotous assemblages -of persons resisting the custom-house officers in the exercise of -their duties, or opposing or violating the embargo laws. He -sincerely hopes that, during the short time which these restrictions -are expected to continue, no other instances will take place -of a crime of so deep a die. But it is made his duty to take the -measures necessary to meet it. He therefore requests you, as -commanding officer of the militia of your State, to appoint some -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_414'>[414]</a></span>officer of the militia, of known respect for the laws, in or near to -each port of entry within your State, with orders, when applied -to by the collector of the district, to assemble immediately a -sufficient force of his militia, and to employ them efficaciously to -maintain the authority of the laws respecting the embargo, and -that you notify to each collector the officer to whom, by your -appointment, he is so to apply for aid when necessary. He has -referred this appointment to your Excellency, because your -knowledge of characters, or means of obtaining it, will enable -you to select one who can be most confided in to exercise so -serious a power, with all the discretion, the forbearance, the kindness -even, which the enforcement of the law will possibly admit,—ever -to bear in mind that the life of a citizen is never to -be endangered, but as the last melancholy effort for the maintenance -of order and obedience to the laws. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BOYD. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 20, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Boyd, and -observes that the enclosed petition of Nicholas Kosieg, has been -addressed to Judge Cranch, and yet is not recommended by him -or the other judges who sat on the trial. They are so particularly -qualified by having heard the evidence, to decide on the -merits of the petition, that Thomas Jefferson has generally made -the recommendation of judges the foundation of pardon, and sees -no reason in the present case to depart from that rule. He assures -Mr. Boyd of his esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TYLER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 20, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The Secretary at War has put into my hand your Excellency's -letter of January 9th, covering one of December 15th -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_415'>[415]</a></span>from Captain Henry St. John Dixon, of the volunteer riflemen -of the 105th regiment, offering the service of his company -for one year. The term for which the offer is made shows it -intended to be under the Act of Congress of February 24th, -1807, and not under that of March 30th, 1805, which is only -for a service of six months under the law of 1807. The Governors -were authorized and requested, on behalf of the President, -to accept the offers made under that act, and to organize the -corps when ready for it, officering it according to the laws of -their State. This authority was given to your predecessor, and -was considered as devolving on yourself. The authority and -request are now renewed to you, and the letter of Captain Dixon -returned for that purpose. To this I will add another request, -that you will be so good as to endeavor to have a return made -to the War Office of all the corps of twelve-month volunteers -which have been accepted in Virginia. They began immediately -after the attack on the Chesapeake. I salute you with esteem -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 20, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of -December 12th, and to return you my thanks for the cloth furnished -me. It came in good time, and does honor to your -manufactory, being as good as any one would wish to wear in -any country. Amidst the pressure of evils with which the belligerent -edicts have afflicted us, some permanent good will arise; -the spring given to manufactures will have durable effects. Knowing -most of my own State, I can affirm with confidence that were -free intercourse opened again to-morrow, she would never again -import one-half of the coarse goods which she has done down to -the date of the edicts. These will be made in our families. -For finer goods we must resort to the larger manufactories established -in the towns. Some jealousy of this spirit of manufacture -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_416'>[416]</a></span>seems excited among commercial men. It would have -been as just when we first began to make our own ploughs and -hoes. They have certainly lost the profit of bringing these from -a foreign country. My idea is that we should encourage home -manufactures to the extent of our own consumption of everything -of which we raise the raw material. I do not think it -fair in the ship-owners to say we ought not to make our own -axes, nails, &c., here, that they may have the benefit of carrying -the iron to Europe, and bringing back the axes, nails, &c. -Our agriculture will still afford surplus produce enough to employ -a due proportion of navigation. Wishing every possible -success to your undertaking, as well for your personal as the -public benefit. I salute you with assurances of great esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LEIPER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 21, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 15th was duly received, and -before that, Towers' book, which you had been so kind as to -send me, had come to hand, for which I pray you to receive my -thanks. You judge rightly that <i>here</i> I have no time to read. -A cursory view of the book shows me that the author is a man -of much learning in his line. I have heard of some other late -writer, (the name I forget,) who has undertaken to prove contrary -events from the same sources; and particularly that England -is not to be put down; and that this is the favorite author -in that country. As to myself, my religious reading has long -been confined to the moral branch of religion, which is the same -in all religions; while in that branch which consists of dogmas, -all differ, all have a different set. The former instructs us how -to live well and worthily in society; the latter are made to interest -our minds in the support of the teachers who inculcate -them. Hence, for one sermon on a moral subject, you hear ten -on the dogmas of the sect. However, religion is not the subject -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_417'>[417]</a></span>for you and me; neither of us know the religious opinions -of the other; that is a matter between our Maker and ourselves. -We understand each other better in politics, to which therefore -I will proceed. The House of Representatives passed last night -a bill for the meeting of Congress on the 22d of May. This -substantially decides the course they mean to pursue; that is, to -let the embargo continue till then, when it will cease, and letters -of marque and reprisal be issued against such nations as shall -not then have repealed their obnoxious edicts. The great majority -seem to have made up their minds on this, while there is -considerable diversity of opinion on the details of preparation; -to wit: naval force, volunteers, army, non-intercourse, &c. I -write freely to you, because I know that in stating facts, you -will not quote names. You know that every syllable uttered in -my name becomes a text for the federalists to torment the public -mind on by their paraphrases and perversions. I have lately inculcated -the encouragement of manufactures to the extent of -our own consumption at least, in all articles of which we raise -the raw material. On this the federal papers and meetings have -sounded the alarm of Chinese policy, destruction of commerce, -&c.; that is to say, the iron which we make must not be -wrought here into ploughs, axes, hoes, &c., in order that the -ship-owner may have the profit of carrying it to Europe, and -bringing it back in a manufactured form, as if after manufacturing -our own raw materials for own use, there would not be -a surplus produce sufficient to employ a due proportion of navigation -in carrying it to market and exchanging it for those articles -of which we have not the raw material. Yet this absurd -hue and cry has contributed much to federalize New England, -their doctrine goes to the sacrificing agriculture and manufactures -to commerce; to the calling all our people from the interior -country to the sea-shore to turn merchants, and to convert this -great agricultural country into a city of Amsterdam. But I trust -the good sense of our country will see that its greatest prosperity -depends on a due balance between agriculture, manufactures -and commerce, and not in this protuberant navigation which has -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_418'>[418]</a></span>kept us in hot water from the commencement of our government, -and is now engaging us in war. That this may be avoided, if -it can be done without a surrender of rights, is my sincere prayer. -Accept the assurances of my constant esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL CHARLES SIMMS, COLLECTOR. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 22, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received last night your letter of yesterday, and this -being a day in which all the offices are shut, and the case admitting -no delay, I enclose you a special order, directly from myself, -to apply for aid of the militia adjacent to the vessel, to -enable you to do your duty as to the sloop loading with flour. -But I must desire that, so far as the agency of the militia be employed, -it may be with the utmost discretion, and with no act of -force beyond what shall be necessary to maintain obedience to -the laws, using neither deeds nor words unnecessarily offensive. -I salute you with respect. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -[<i>The Order enclosed.</i>] -</p> - -<p class="center"> -THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. -</p> - -<p class="letter_head"> -January, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>United States of America to wit</span>,—Information being received -that a sloop, said to be of one of the eastern States, of -about 1,500 barrels burthen, is taking in flour in the Bay of Occoquan -in Virginia, with intention to violate the several embargo -laws, and the urgency of the case not admitting the delay of the -ordinary course of proceeding through the orders of the Governors -of the States, I have therefore thought proper to issue these my -special orders to the militia officers of the counties of Fairfax, -Prince William, or of any other county of Virginia, or of Maryland, -adjacent to the river Potomak or any of its waters, wherein -the said vessel may be found, and to such particular officer especially -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_419'>[419]</a></span>to whom these my orders shall be presented by any -collector of the customs, for any district on the said river or its -waters, or by any person acting under their authority, forthwith -on receiving notice, to call out such portion of the militia under -his or their command as shall be sufficient, and to proceed with -the same, in aid of the said collector, to take possession of the -said sloop and her cargo, wheresoever found in the said waters, -and to detain the same until she shall be liberated according to -law, for which this shall be his and their warrant. -</p> - -<p> -Given under my hand at Washington, this 22d day of January, -1809. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 28, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 18th was received in due time, -and the answer has been delayed as well by a pressure of business, -as by the expectation of your absence from Richmond. -</p> - -<p> -The idea of sending a special mission to France or England is -not entertained at all here. After so little attention to us from -the former, and so insulting an answer from Canning, such a -mark of respect as an extraordinary mission, would be a degradation -against which all minds revolt here. The idea was hazarded -in the House of Representatives a few days ago, by a member, -and an approbation expressed by another, but rejected indignantly -by every other person who spoke, and very generally in conversation -by all others; and I am satisfied such a proposition would -get no vote in the Senate. The course the Legislature means to -pursue, may be inferred from the act now passed for a meeting -in May, and a proposition before them for repealing the embargo -in June, and then resuming and maintaining by force our right -of navigation. There will be considerable opposition to this last -proposition, not only from the federalists, old and new, who oppose -everything, but from sound members of the majority. Yet -it is believed it will obtain a good majority, and that it is the -only proposition which can be devised that could obtain a majority -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_420'>[420]</a></span>of any kind. Final propositions will, therefore, be soon -despatched to both the belligerents through the resident ministers, -so that their answers will be received before the meeting in May, -and will decide what is to be done. This last trial for peace is -not thought desperate. If, as is expected, Bonaparte should be -successful in Spain, however every virtuous and liberal sentiment -revolts at it, it may induce both powers to be more accommodating -with us. England will see here the only asylum for her -commerce and manufactures, worth more to her than her orders of -council. And Bonaparte, having Spain at his feet, will look immediately -to the Spanish colonies, and think our neutrality -cheaply purchased by a repeal of the illegal parts of his decrees, -with perhaps the Floridas thrown into the bargain. Should a -change in the aspect of affairs in Europe produce this disposition -in both powers, our peace and prosperity may be revived and -long continue. Otherwise, we must again take the tented field, -as we did in 1776 under more inauspicious circumstances. -</p> - -<p> -There never has been a situation of the world before, in which -such endeavors as we have made would not have secured our -peace. It is probable there never will be such another. If we -go to war now, I fear we may renounce forever the hope of -seeing an end of our national debt. If we can keep at peace -eight years longer, our income, liberated from death, will be -adequate to any war, without new taxes or loans, and our position -and increasing strength put us <i>hors d'insulte</i> from any nation. I -am now so near the moment of retiring, that I take no part in -affairs beyond the expression of an opinion. I think it fair that -my successor should now originate those measures of which he -will be charged with the execution and responsibility, and that it -is my duty to clothe them with the forms of authority. Five -weeks more will relieve me from a drudgery to which I am no -longer equal, and restore me to a scene of tranquillity, amidst my -family and friends, more congenial to my age and natural inclinations. -In that situation, it will always be a pleasure to me to see -you, and to repeat to you the assurances of my constant friendship -and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_421'>[421]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEVIER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, January 31, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The extraordinary and critical situation of our foreign -relations rendering it necessary, in the opinion of the National -Legislature, that their next recess should be short, they have -passed an act for meeting on the fourth Monday of May, of which -I enclose you a copy. As the election of representatives for the -State of Tennessee would not, in the ordinary course, be in time -for this meeting, I have thought it my duty to make you a special -communication of this law. That every State should be represented -in the great council of the nation, is not only the -interest of each, but of the whole united, who have a right to be -aided by the collective wisdom and information of the whole, in -questions which are to decide on their future well-being. I trust -that your Excellency will deem it incumbent on you to call an -immediate meeting of your legislature, in order to put it in their -power to fulfil this high duty, by making special and timely provision -for the representation of their State at the ensuing meeting -of Congress; to which measures I am bound earnestly to exhort -yourself and them. I am not insensible of the personal inconvenience -of this special call to the members composing the legislature -of so extensive a State; but neither will I do them the -injustice to doubt their being ready to make much greater sacrifices -for the common safety, should the course of events still lead -to a call for them. I tender to your Excellency the assurances -of my high respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. AMELOT DE LA CROIX, BOSTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 3, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received in due time your favor of December 28th, -covering the tragedy of the unfortunate Louis XVI., and I am -sure you are too reasonable not to have ascribed the delay of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_422'>[422]</a></span>answer which has intervened, to its true cause, the never-ceasing -pressure of business which cannot be deferred. I have read the -piece with great satisfaction. I recognize in Louis that purity of -virtue and sincere patriotism which I knew made a part of his -real character. The sound good sense and exalted sentiments he -is made to utter, were proper to his character, whether actually a -part of it or not. I say nothing of style, not doubting its merit, -and conscious I am no judge of it in a foreign language. I believe -it impossible, in any but our native tongue, to be so -thoroughly sensible of the delicacy of style, which constitutes an -essential merit in poetical composition, as to criticise them with -correctness. -</p> - -<p> -I wish that, in the prefatory piece, the character which is the -subject of it, did not fall still further short of its representation -than that of the principal personage in the main piece. I have -never claimed any other merit than of good intentions, sensible -that in the choice of measures, error of judgment has too often -had its influence; and with whatever indulgence my countrymen -as well as yourself, have been so kind as to view my course, yet -they would certainly not know me in the picture here drawn, -and would, I fear, say in the words of the poet, "Praise undeserved -is satire in disguise." Were, therefore, the piece to be -prepared for the press, I should certainly entreat you to revise -that part with a severe eye. -</p> - -<p> -I believe I mentioned to you, on a former occasion, that the -late act of Congress for raising additional troops required that the -officers should all be citizens of the United States. Should there -be war, however, I am persuaded this policy must be abandoned, -and that we must avail ourselves of the experience of other nations, -in certain lines of service at least. In that expectation I -shall leave with my successor the papers in my possession, from -which he may be sensible of the benefits he may receive from -your aid. -</p> - -<p> -I pray you to accept my salutations and assurances of respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_423'>[423]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO CAPTAIN ARMISTEAD T. MASON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 3d, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of January 7th came to my hand on the -23d only of that month, since which the pressure of business -which could not be delayed, has prevented my sooner acknowledging -its receipt. The offer of service therein made by the -subscribing members of the troop of cavalry, attached to the -57th regiment of Virginia militia under your command, is worthy -of that ardent love of our country which, I am persuaded, will -distinguish its citizens, whenever its wrongs shall call them to -the field. I tender, therefore, to the subscribing officers and -members of the troop that acknowledgment of their merit which -is so justly due. At the same time, I must observe that, considering -their offer of service as made under the law of 1808, the -power of accepting it is thereby given to the governor of the -State, to whom their address for acceptance is of course to be -made. A bill for raising a body of volunteers is now on its progress -through Congress. Should that be passed, which will soon -be known, it may perhaps be more eligible for the subscribing -members to place themselves under the conditions of that law. -I pray you to accept, for them and yourself, the assurances of my -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CAPTAIN ARMISTEAD T. MASON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 3d, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I enclose you a letter in answer to that in which you -offer the services of the subscribing members of your troop of -cavalry. I make this separate and private answer to the very -friendly letter addressed to me in your own name only, and -which accompanied the former. The relation which you bear -to my most valued and worthy friend Stevens T. Mason, gives -you a just title to communicate your wishes to me, and will insure -to you any services I can render you. The time of my continuance -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_424'>[424]</a></span>in office is now so short, that it will scarcely fall to my -lot to be useful to you, but I shall leave your letter in the hands -of my successor, than whom nobody cherishes more the memory -of your father. If the bill mentioned in my other letter passes, -there will be little difficulty in your obtaining appointment. The -engagements that proposes are to be for one year from the time -the volunteers are called on, which will not be till war is declared, -or inevitable, and from that corps a transfer will be easy -into the regular troops, which in that case will be to be raised. -</p> - -<p> -I am happy in every testimony from my fellow citizens, that -my conduct in the discharge of my duties to them, has given -them satisfaction. Accept my thanks for the very kind terms in -which you have been pleased to express your dispositions towards -myself, and with a request that you will be so good as to -present my high respects to Mrs. Mason, with whom I have had -the happiness of some acquaintance, I salute you with friendship -and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 7, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I thought Congress had taken their ground firmly -for continuing their embargo till June, and then war. But a -sudden and unaccountable revolution of opinion took place -the last week, chiefly among the New England and New York -members, and in a kind of panic they voted the 4th of March for -removing the embargo, and by such a majority as gave all reason -to believe they would not agree either to war or non-intercourse. -This, too, was after we had become satisfied that the Essex -Junto had found their expectation desperate, of inducing the -people there to either separation or forcible opposition. The -majority of Congress, however, has now rallied to the removing -the embargo on the 4th of March, non-intercourse with <i>France</i> -and <i>Great Britain</i>, trade everywhere else, and continuing war -preparations. The further details are not yet settled, but I believe -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_425'>[425]</a></span>it is perfectly certain that the embargo will be taken off the -4th of March. Present my warmest affections to my dearest -Martha, and the young ones, and accept the assurances of them -to yourself. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR TYLER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 16, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of the 11th, covering -resolutions of the General Assembly of Virginia on our foreign -relations, and an address to myself, on my approaching retirement; -and I ask leave, through the same channel, to return the -enclosed answer. Nothing can give me more sincere satisfaction -than this kind and honorable testimony from the General Assembly -of my native State,—a State in which I have drawn my first -and shall draw my latest breath, and to which I retire with inexpressible -pleasure. I am equally sensible of your goodness, in -the approving terms in which you have made this communication. -The concurrence of a veteran patriot, who from the first -dawn of the revolution to this day has pursued unchangeably the -same honest course, cannot but be flattering to his fellow laborers. -I pray you to accept the assurances of my sincere esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. STODDART. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 18, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of January 25th had been duly received, and -I was waiting in the hope I might find a moment of less pressure -in which I might answer it somewhat in detail, when that -of the 14th inst. came to hand. Finding that, instead of any -relaxation of business, it crowds more on me as I approach my -departure, I can only indulge myself in a very brief reply. As -to the rights of the United States as a neutral power, our opinions -are very different, mine being that when two nations go to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_426'>[426]</a></span>war, it does not abridge the rights of neutral nations but in the -two articles of blockade and contraband of war. But on this -subject we have both probably read and thought so much as to -have made up our minds, and it is not likely that either can make -a convert of the other. With respect to the interests of the -United States in this exuberant commerce which is now bringing -war on us, we concur perfectly. It brings us into collision with -other powers in every sea, and will force us into every war of -the European powers. The converting this great agricultural -country into a city of Amsterdam,—a mere head-quarters for -carrying on the commerce of all nations with one another, is too -absurd. Yet this is the real object of the drawback system,—it -enriches a few individuals, but lessens the stock of native productions, -by withdrawing from them all the hands thus employed; -it is essentially interesting to us to have shipping and seamen -enough to carry our surplus produce to market; but beyond that, -I do not think we are bound to give it encouragement by drawbacks -or other premiums. I wish you may be right in supposing -that the trading States would now be willing to give up the drawbacks, -and to denationalize all ships taking foreign articles on -board for any other destination than the United States, on being -secured by discriminating duties, or otherwise in the exclusive -carryage of the produce of the United States. I should doubt it. -Were such a proposition to come <i>from them</i>, I presume it would -meet with little difficulty. Otherwise, I suppose it must wait -till peace, when the right of drawback will be less valued than -the exclusive carryage of our own produce. -</p> - -<p> -No apology was necessary for the letters you were so kind as -to write me on this subject. I have always received with thankfulness -the ideas of judicious persons on subjects interesting to -the public. In the present case, I thought I should better fulfil -your objects by communicating your letters to my successor, to -whose views I have thought it my duty to give the lead, ever -since his designation, as to all matters which he would have to -execute. Nothing will probably be done on this subject in the -few days between this and my retirement; and in that situation -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_427'>[427]</a></span>I shall certainly divorce myself from all part in political affairs. -To get rid of them is the principal object of my retirement, and -the first thing necessary to the happiness which, you justly observe, -it is in vain to look for in any other situation. I pray you -to accept my salutations, and assurances of respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN HOLLINS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 19, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—A little transaction of mine, as innocent a one as -I ever entered into, and where an improper construction was -never less expected, is making some noise, I observe, in your -city. I beg leave to explain it to you, because I mean to ask -your agency in it. The last year, the Agricultural Society of -Paris, of which I am a member, having had a plough presented -to them, which, on trial with a graduated instrument, did equal -work with half the force of their best ploughs, they thought it -would be a benefit to mankind to communicate it. They accordingly -sent one to me, with a view to its being made known -here, and they sent one to the Duke of Bedford also, who is one -of their members, to be made use of for England, although the -two nations were then at war. By the Mentor, now going to -France, I have given permission to two individuals in Delaware -and New York, to import two parcels of Merino sheep from France, -which they have procured there, and to some gentlemen in Boston, -to import a very valuable machine which spins cotton, wool, -and flax equally. The last spring, the Society informed me -they were cultivating the cotton of the Levant and other parts of -the Mediterranean, and wished to try also that of our southern -States. I immediately got a friend to have two tierces of seed -forwarded to me. They were consigned to Messrs. Falls and -Brown of Baltimore, and notice of it being given me, I immediately -wrote to them to re-ship them to New York, to be sent by -the Mentor. Their first object was to make a show of my letter, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_428'>[428]</a></span>as something very criminal, and to carry the subject into the -newspapers. I had, on a like request, some time ago, (but before -the embargo,) from the President of the Board of Agriculture of -London, of which I am also a member, to send them some of the -genuine May wheat of Virginia, forwarded to them two or three -barrels of it. General Washington, in his time, received from -the same Society the seed of the perennial succory, which Arthur -Young had carried over from France to England, and I have -since received from a member of it the seed of the famous turnip -of Sweden, now so well known here. I mention these things, -to show the nature of the correspondence which is carried on between -societies instituted for the benevolent purpose of communicating -to all parts of the world whatever useful is discovered in -any one of them. These societies are always in peace, however -their nations may be at war. Like the republic of letters, they -form a great fraternity spreading over the whole earth, and their -correspondence is never interrupted by any civilized nation. -Vaccination has been a late and remarkable instance of the liberal -diffusion of a blessing newly discovered. It is really painful, it -is mortifying, to be obliged to note these things, which are -known to every one who knows anything, and felt with approbation -by every one who has any feeling. But we have a faction, -to whose hostile passions the torture even of right into wrong -is a delicious gratification. Their malice I have long learned to -disregard, their censure to deem praise. But I observe that some -republicans are not satisfied (even while we are receiving liberally -from others) that this small return should be made. They will -think more justly at another day; but, in the meantime, I wish -to avoid offence. My prayer to you, therefore, is, that you will -be so good, under the enclosed order, as to receive these two -tierces of seed from Falls and Brown, and pay them their disbursements -for freight, &c., which I will immediately remit you -on knowing the amount. Of the seed, when received, be so -good as to make manure for your garden. When rotted with a -due mixture of stable manure or earth, it is the best in the world. -I rely on your friendship to excuse this trouble, it being necessary -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_429'>[429]</a></span>I should not commit myself again to persons of whose honor, -or the want of it, I know nothing. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurances of my constant esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. GREGOIRE, <span lang="fr_FR">EVEQUE ET SENATEUR A PARIS</span>. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 25, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have received the favor of your letter of August 17th, -and with it the volume you were so kind as to send me on the -"Literature of Negroes." Be assured that no person living -wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a complete refutation of -the doubts I have myself entertained and expressed on the grade -of understanding allotted to them by nature, and to find that in -this respect they are on a par with ourselves. My doubts were -the result of personal observation on the limited sphere of my -own State, where the opportunities for the development of their -genius were not favorable, and those of exercising it still less so. -I expressed them therefore with great hesitation; but whatever -be their degree of talent it is no measure of their rights. Because -Sir Isaac Newton was superior to others in understanding, -he was not therefore lord of the person or property of others. -On this subject they are gaining daily in the opinions of nations, -and hopeful advances are making towards their re-establishment -on an equal footing with the other colors of the human -family. I pray you therefore to accept my thanks for the many -instances you have enabled me to observe of respectable intelligence -in that race of men, which cannot fail to have effect in -hastening the day of their relief; and to be assured of the sentiments -of high and just esteem and consideration which I tender -to yourself with all sincerity. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_430'>[430]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO M. RUELLE, <span lang="fr_FR">ANCIEN AGENT DIPLOMATIQUE,</span> RUE D'ARGENTINE, -NO. 38, A PARIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 25, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favors of May 29th and July -11th, and with this last a copy of your Constitution with the -new augmentations. Our usages not permitting me to present it -formally to the Legislature of the nation, I have deposited it in -their library, where all its members will have an opportunity of -profiting of its truths, and it will be, as you desire, in a depôt -beyond the reach of violence. No interests are dearer to men -than those which ought to be secured to them by their form of -government, and none deserve better of them than those who -contribute to the amelioration of that form. The consciousness -of having deserved well of mankind for your endeavors to be -useful to them in this line, will be itself a high reward, to which -will be added the homage of those who shall have reaped the -benefits of them. I ask permission on my part to tender you -the assurances of my esteem and great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, February 28, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Sir</span>,—By yesterday's mail I learn that it would be -the desire of many of the good citizens of our country to meet -me on the road on my return home, as a manifestation of their -good will. But it is quite impossible for me to ascertain the day -on which I shall leave this. The accumulated business at the -close of a session will prevent my making any preparation for -my departure till after the 4th of March. After that, the arrangement -of papers and business to be delivered over to my successor, -the winding up my own affairs, and clearing out from this -place, will employ me for several days, (I cannot conjecture even -how many,) so as to render the commencement, and consequently -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_431'>[431]</a></span>the termination of my journey, altogether uncertain. But it is -a sufficient happiness to me to know that my fellow-citizens -of the country generally entertain for me the kind sentiments -which have prompted this proposition, without giving to so -many the trouble of leaving their homes to meet a single individual. -I shall have opportunities of taking them individually -by the hand at our court-house and other public places, and of -exchanging assurances of mutual esteem. Certainly it is the -greatest consolation to me to know, that in returning to the -bosom of my native country, I shall be again in the midst of -their kind affections: and I can say with truth that my return to -them will make me happier than I have been since I left them. -Nothing will be wanting on my part to merit the continuance -of their good will. The House of Representatives passed yesterday, -by a vote of 81 to 40, the bill from the Senate repealing -the embargo the 4th of March, except against Great Britain and -France and their dependencies, establishing a non-intercourse -with them, and having struck out the clause for letters of marque -and reprisal, which it is thought the Senate will still endeavor -to reinstate. I send you a paper containing the last Spanish -news. Yours affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MESSRS. GREGG AND LEIB, SENATORS OF PENNSYLVANIA.—MR. -SMILIE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 2, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Gentlemen</span>,—I have just received the enclosed with a request -that I would lay it before both Houses of Congress. But I have -never presumed to place myself between the Legislative Houses -and those who have a constitutional right to address them directly. -I take the liberty therefore of enclosing the paper to -you, that you may do therein what in your judgment shall best -comport with expediency and propriety. -</p> - -<p> -I pray you to be assured of my high consideration. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_432'>[432]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 2, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—My last to you was of May 2d; since which I -have received yours of May the 25th, June the 1st, July the 23d, -24th, and September the 5th, and distributed the two pamphlets -according to your desire. They are read with the delight which -everything from your pen gives. -</p> - -<p> -After using every effort which could prevent or delay our -being entangled in the war of Europe, that seems now our only -resource. The edicts of the two belligerents, forbidding us to be -seen on the ocean, we met by an embargo. This gave us time -to call home our seamen, ships and property, to levy men and -put our seaports into a certain state of defence. We have now -taken off the embargo, except as to France and England and -their territories, because fifty millions of exports, annually sacrificed, -are the treble of what war would cost us; besides, that by -war we should take something, and lose less than at present. But -to give you a true description of the state of things here, I must -refer you to Mr. Coles, the bearer of this, my secretary, a most -worthy, intelligent and well-informed young man, whom I recommend -to your notice, and conversation on our affairs. His -discretion and fidelity may be relied on. I expect he will find -you with Spain at your feet, but England still afloat, and a barrier -to the Spanish colonies. But all these concerns I am now leaving -to be settled by my friend Mr. Madison. Within a few days I -retire to my family, my books and farms; and having gained the -harbor myself, I shall look on my friends still buffeting the -storm with anxiety indeed, but not with envy. Never did a prisoner, -released from his chains, feel such relief as I shall on -shaking off the shackles of power. Nature intended me for the -tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme delight. -But the enormities of the times in which I have lived, -have forced me to take a part in resisting them, and to commit -myself on the boisterous ocean of political passions. I thank -God for the opportunity of retiring from them without censure, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_433'>[433]</a></span>and carrying with me the most consoling proofs of public approbation. -I leave everything in the hands of men so able to take -care of them, that if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will -be because no human wisdom could avert them. Should you -return to the United States, perhaps your curiosity may lead you -to visit the hermit of Monticello. He will receive you with affection -and delight; hailing you in the meantime with his -affectionate salutations and assurances of constant esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. If you return to us, bring a couple of pair of true-bred -shepherd's dogs. You will add a valuable possession to a country -now beginning to pay great attention to the raising sheep. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL ARMSTRONG. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 5, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—This will be handed you by Mr. Coles, the bearer -of public despatches, by an <i>aviso</i>. He has lived with me as -Secretary, is my wealthy neighbor at Monticello, and worthy of -all confidence. His intimate knowledge of our situation has induced -us to send him, because he will be a full supplement as -to all those things which cannot be detailed in writing. He -can possess you of our present situation much more intimately -than you can understand it from letters. The belligerent edicts -rendered our embargo necessary to call home our ships, our seamen, -and property. We expected some effect too from the coercion -of interest. Some it has had; but much less on account -of evasions, and domestic opposition to it. After fifteen months' -continuance it is now discontinued, because, losing $50,000,000 -of exports annually by it, it costs more than war, which might -be carried on for a third of that, besides what might be got by -reprisal. War therefore must follow if the edicts are not repealed -before the meeting of Congress in May. You have thought -it advisable sooner to take possession of adjacent territories. -But we know that they are ours the first moment that any war -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_434'>[434]</a></span>is forced upon us for other causes, that we are at hand to anticipate -their possession, if attempted by any other power, and, in -the meantime, we are lengthening the term of our prosperity, -liberating our revenues, and increasing our power. I suppose -Napoleon will get possession of Spain; but her colonies will deliver -themselves to any member of the Bourbon family. Perhaps -Mexico will choose its sovereign within itself. He will -find them much more difficult to subdue than Austria or Prussia; -because an enemy (even in peace an enemy) possesses the -element over which he is to pass to get at them; and a more -powerful enemy (climate) will soon mow down his armies after -arrival. This will be, without any doubt, the most difficult enterprise -the emperor has ever undertaken. He may subdue the small -colonies; he never can the old and strong; and the former will -break off from him the first war he has again with a naval power. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you for having procured for me the Dynamometer -which I have safely received, as well as the plough. Mr. Coles -will reimburse what you were so kind as to advance for me on -that account. The letters which will be written you by the -new Secretary of State (Mr. Smith) will say to you what is -meant to be official. For although I too have written on politics, -it is merely as a private individual, which I am now happily -become. Within two or three days I retire from scenes of -difficulty, anxiety, and of contending passions, to the elysium of -domestic affections, and the irresponsible direction of my own -affairs. Safe in port myself, I shall look anxiously at my friends -still buffeting the storm, and wish you all safe in port also. -With my prayers for your happiness and prosperity, accept the -assurances of my sincere friendship and great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. LE BARON HUMBOLDT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 6, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received safely your letter of May 30th, and -with it your astronomical work and Political essay on the kingdom -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_435'>[435]</a></span>of New Spain, for which I return you my sincere thanks. -I had before heard that this work had begun to appear, and the -specimen I have received proves that it will not disappoint the -expectations of the learned. Besides making known to us one -of the most singular and interesting countries on the globe, one -almost locked up from the knowledge of man hitherto, precious -additions will be made to our stock of physical science, in many -of its parts. We shall bear to you therefore the honorable testimony -that you have deserved well of the republic of letters. -</p> - -<p> -You mention that you had before written other letters to me. -Be assured I have never received a single one, or I should not -have failed to make my acknowledgments of it. Indeed I have -not waited for that, but for the certain information, which I had -not, of the place where you might be. Your letter of May 30th -first gave me that information. You have wisely located yourself -in the focus of the science of Europe. I am held by the cords of -love to my family and country, or I should certainly join you. -Within a few days I shall now bury myself in the groves of -Monticello, and become a mere spectator of the passing events. -On politics I will say nothing, because I would not implicate -you by addressing to you the republican ideas of America, -deemed horrible heresies by the royalism of Europe. You will -know before this reaches you, that Mr. Madison is my successor. -This ensures to us a wise and honest administration. I salute -you with sincere friendship and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SHORT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Washington</span>, March 8, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—It is with much concern I inform you that the -Senate has negatived your appointment. We thought it best -to keep back the nomination to the close of the session, that the -mission might remain secret as long as possible, which you -know was our purpose from the beginning. It was then sent -in with an explanation of its object and motives. We took for -granted, if any hesitation should arise, that the Senate would take -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_436'>[436]</a></span>time, and that our friends in that body would make inquiries of -us, and give us the opportunity of explaining and removing objections. -But to our great surprise, and with an unexampled -precipitancy, they rejected it at once. This reception of the last -of my official communications to them, could not be unfelt, nor -were the causes of it spoken out by them. Under this uncertainty, -Mr. Madison, on his entering into office, proposed another -person, (John Q. Adams.) He also was negatived, and -they adjourned <span lang="la"><i>sine die</i></span>. Our subsequent information was that, -on your nomination, your long absence from this country, and -their idea that you do not intend to return to it, had very sensible -weight; but that all other motives were superseded by an -unwillingness to extend our diplomatic connections, and a desire -even to recall the foreign ministers we already have. All -were sensible of the great virtues, the high character, the powerful -influence, and valuable friendship of the emperor. But riveted -to the system of unentanglement with Europe, they declined -the proposition. On this subject you will receive the official explanations -from Mr. Smith, the Secretary of State. I pray you -to place me <span lang="la"><i>rectus in curiâ</i></span> in this business with the emperor, -and to assure him that I carry into my retirement the highest -veneration for his virtues, and fondly cherish the belief that his -dispositions and power are destined by heaven to better, in some -degree at least, the condition of oppressed man. -</p> - -<p> -I have nothing new to inform you as to your private friends -or acquaintances. Our embargo has worked hard. It has in -fact federalized three of the New England States. Connecticut -you know was so before. We have substituted for it a non-intercourse -with France and England and their dependencies, -and a trade to all other places. It is probable the belligerents -will take our vessels under their edicts, in which case we shall -probably declare war against them. -</p> - -<p> -I write this in the midst of packing and preparing for my departure, -of visits of leave, and interruptions of every kind. I -must therefore conclude with my affectionate adieu to you, and -assurances of my constant attachment and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_437'>[437]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 17, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—On opening my letters from France, in the moment -of my departure from Washington, I found from their signatures -that they were from literary characters, except one from -Mr. Short, which mentioned in the outset that it was private, -and that his public communications were in the letter to the -Secretary of State, which I sent you. I find, however, on reading -his letter to me (which I did not do till I got home) a passage -of some length proper to be communicated to you, and -which I have therefore extracted. -</p> - -<p> -I had a very fatiguing journey, having found the roads excessively -bad, although I have seen them worse. The last three -days I found it better to be on horseback, and travelled eight -hours through as disagreeable a snow storm as I was ever in. -Feeling no inconvenience from the expedition but fatigue, I -have more confidence in my <span lang="la"><i>vis vitæ</i></span>, than I had before entertained. -The spring is remarkably backward. No oats sown, -not much tobacco seed, and little done in the gardens. Wheat -has suffered considerably. No vegetation visible yet but the red -maple, weeping willow and lilac. Flour is said to be at eight -dollars at Richmond, and all produce is hurrying down. -</p> - -<p> -I feel great anxiety for the occurrences of the ensuing four or -five months. If peace can be preserved, I hope and trust you -will have a smooth administration. I know no government -which would be so embarrassing in war as ours. This would -proceed very much from the lying and licentious character of -our papers; but much, also, from the wonderful credulity of the -members of Congress in the floating lies of the day. And in -this no experience seems to correct them. I have never seen a -Congress during the last eight years, a great majority of which I -would not implicitly have relied on in any question, could their -minds have been purged of all errors of fact. The evil, too, increases -greatly with the protraction of the session, and I apprehend, -in case of war, their session would have a tendency to become -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_438'>[438]</a></span>permanent. It is much, therefore, to be desired that war -may be avoided, if circumstances will admit. Nor in the present -maniac state of Europe, should I estimate the point of honor -by the ordinary scale. I believe we shall, on the contrary, have -credit with the world, for having made the avoidance of being -engaged in the present unexampled war, our first object. War, -however, may become a less losing business than unresisted -depredation. With every wish that events may be propitious to -your administration, I salute you with sincere affection and -every sympathy of the heart. -</p> - -<h3> -TO WILLIAM M'ANDLESS, ESQ., PITTSBURG. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 29, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received on the evening of the 1st of March the resolutions -enclosed in your letter of February 20th, for the purpose -of being laid before both Houses of Congress. Usage, and perhaps -sound principle, not permitting the President to place himself -between the representatives and their constituents, who have -a right to address their Legislature directly, I delivered the next -day a copy of your resolutions to a member of Pennsylvania in -each House of Congress. But as that body was to rise on the -day ensuing that, the mass of indispensable business crowding -on the last moments of the Session scarcely admitted the opportunity -of a compliance with your wishes. -</p> - -<p> -I avail myself of this occasion of returning sincere thanks for -the kind dispositions towards myself expressed in your letter, -and for the sentiments which it conveys, of approbation of my -conduct in the administration of the public affairs. If that conduct -has met the general approbation of my country, it is the -highest reward I can receive; and I shall ever feel towards them -that gratitude which the confidence they have favored me with -so eminently calls for. Accept for yourself the assurances of -my high respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_439'>[439]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE INHABITANTS OF ALBEMARLE COUNTY, IN VIRGINIA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -April 3, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -Returning to the scenes of my birth and early life, to the society -of those with whom I was raised, and who have been -ever dear to me, I receive, fellow citizens and neighbors, with inexpressible -pleasure, the cordial welcome you are so good as to -give me. Long absent on duties which the history of a wonderful -era made incumbent on those called to them, the pomp, -the turmoil, the bustle and splendor of office, have drawn but -deeper sighs for the tranquil and irresponsible occupations of -private life, for the enjoyment of an affectionate intercourse with -you, my neighbors and friends, and the endearments of family -love, which nature has given us all, as the sweetener of every -hour. For these I gladly lay down the distressing burthen of -power, and seek, with my fellow citizens, repose and safety under -the watchful cares, the labors and perplexities of younger -and abler minds. The anxieties you express to administer to -my happiness, do, of themselves, confer that happiness; and the -measure will be complete, if my endeavors to fulfil my duties in -the several public stations to which I have been called, have obtained -for me the approbation of my country. The part which -I have acted on the theatre of public life, has been before them; -and to their sentence I submit it; but the testimony of my native -county, of the individuals who have known me in private -life, to my conduct in its various duties and relations, is the more -grateful, as proceeding from eye witnesses and observers, from -triers of the vicinage. Of you, then, my neighbors, I may ask, -in the face of the world, "whose ox have I taken, or whom have -I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed, or of whose hand have -I received a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith?" On your -verdict I rest with conscious security. Your wishes for my -happiness are received with just sensibility, and I offer sincere -prayers for your own welfare and prosperity. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_440'>[440]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR JAMES JAY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 7, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of February 27th came to hand on -the 3d of March. The occupations of the moment and of those -which have followed must be my apology for this late acknowledgment. -The plan of civilizing the Indians is undoubtedly -a great improvement on the ancient and totally ineffectual one -of beginning with religious missionaries. Our experience has -shown that this must be the last step of the process. The following -is what has been successful: 1st, to raise cattle, &c., and -thereby acquire a knowledge of the value of property; 2d, arithmetic, -to calculate that value; 3d, writing, to keep accounts, and -here they begin to enclose farms, and the men to labor, the -women to spin and weave; 4th, to read "Æsop's Fables" and -"Robinson Crusoe" are their first delight. The Creeks and -Cherokees are advanced thus far, and the Cherokees are now -instituting a regular government. -</p> - -<p> -An equilibrium of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, is -certainly become essential to our independence. Manufactures, -sufficient for our own consumption, of what we raise the raw -material, (and no more.) Commerce sufficient to carry the surplus -produce of agriculture, beyond our own consumption, to a -market for exchanging it for articles we cannot raise, (and no -more.) These are the true limits of manufactures and commerce. -To go beyond them is to increase our dependence on -foreign nations, and our liability to war. -</p> - -<p> -These three important branches of human industry will then -grow together, and be really handmaids to each other. I salute -you with great respect and esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL LARKIN SMITH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 15, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have duly received your very friendly letter of -March 28th, and am extremely sensible to the kind spirit it -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_441'>[441]</a></span>breathes. To be praised by those who themselves deserve all -praise, is a gratification of high order. Their approbation who, -having been high in office themselves, have information and -talents to guide their judgment, is a consolation deeply felt. A -conscientious devotion to republican government, like charity in -religion, has obtained for me much indulgence from my fellow -citizens, and the aid of able counsellors has guided me through -many difficulties which have occurred. The troubles in the -East have been produced by English agitators, operating on the -selfish spirit of commerce, which knows no country, and feels -no passion or principle but that of gain. The inordinate extent -given it among us by our becoming the factors of the whole -world, has enabled it to control the agricultural and manufacturing -interests. When a change of circumstances shall reduce -it to an equilibrium with these, to the carrying <i>our</i> produce only, -to be exchanged for <i>our</i> wants, it will return to a wholesome -condition for the body politic, and that beyond which it should -never more be encouraged to go. The repeal of the drawback -system will either effect this, or bring sufficient sums into the -treasury to meet the wars we shall bring on by our covering -every sea with our vessels. But this must be the work of peace. -The correction will be after my day, as the error originated before -it. I thank you sincerely for your kind good wishes, and -offer my prayers for your health and welfare, with every assurance -of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. I thank you for the information of your letter of the -4th, this moment received. I sincerely wish the British orders -may be repealed. If they are, it will be because the nation will -not otherwise let the ministers keep their places. Their object -has unquestionably been fixed to establish the Algerine system, -and to maintain their possession of the ocean by a system of -piracy against all nations. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_442'>[442]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 19, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have to acknowledge your favor of the 9th, and -to thank you for the political information it contained. Reading -the newspapers but little and that little but as the romance of -the day, a word of truth now and then comes like the drop of -water on the tongue of Dives. If the British ministry are -changing their policy towards us, it is because their nation, or -rather the city of London, which is the nation to them, is shaken -as usual, by the late reverses in Spain. I have for some -time been persuaded that the government of England was -systematically decided to claim a dominion of the sea, and to -levy contributions on all nations, by their licenses to navigate, -in order to maintain that dominion to which their own resources -are inadequate. The mobs of their cities are unprincipled -enough to support this policy in prosperous times, but change -with the tide of fortune, and the ministers, to keep their places, -change with them. I wish Mr. Oakley may not embarrass you -with his conditions of revoking the orders of council. Enough -of the non-importation law should be reserved, 1st, to pinch -them into a relinquishment of impressments, and 2d, to support -those manufacturing establishments which their orders, and our -interests, forced us to make. -</p> - -<p> -I suppose the conquest of Spain will soon force a delicate -question on you as to the Floridas and Cuba, which will offer -themselves to you. Napoleon will certainly give his consent -without difficulty to our receiving the Floridas, and with some -difficulty possibly Cuba. And though he will disregard the obligation -whenever he thinks he can break it with success, yet it -has a great effect on the opinion of our people and the world to -have the moral right on our side, of his agreement as well as -that of the people of those countries. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Hackley's affair is really unfortunate. He has been -driven into this arrangement by his distresses, which are great. -He is a perfectly honest man, as is well known here where he -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_443'>[443]</a></span>was born, but unaccustomed to political subjects, he has not seen -it in that view. But a respect for the innocence of his views -cannot authorize the sanction of government to such an example. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 27, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 24th came to hand last night. The -correspondence between Mr. Smith and Mr. Erskine had been -received three days before. I sincerely congratulate you on the -change it has produced in our situation. It is the source of very -general joy here, and could it have arrived one month sooner -would have had important effects, not only on the elections of -other States, but of this also, from which it would seem that -wherever there was any considerable portion of federalism it has -been so much reinforced by those of whose politics the price of -wheat is the sole principle, that federalists will be returned from -many districts of this State. The British ministry has been -driven from its Algerine system, not by any remaining morality -in the people, but by their unsteadiness under severe trial. But -whencesoever it comes, I rejoice in it as the triumph of our forbearing -and yet persevering system. It will lighten your anxieties, -take from Cabal its most fertile ground of war, will give -us peace during your time, and by the complete extinguishment -of our public debt, open upon us the noblest application of revenue -that has ever been exhibited by any nation. I am sorry -they are sending a minister to attempt a treaty. They never -made an equal commercial treaty with any nation, and we have -no right to expect to be the first. It will place you between the -injunctions of true patriotism and the clamors of a faction devoted -to a foreign interest, in preference to that of their own -country. It will confirm the English too in their practice of -whipping us into a treaty. They did it in Jay's case, were near -it in Monroe's, and on failure of that, have applied the scourge -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_444'>[444]</a></span>with tenfold vigor, and now come on to try its effect. But it is -the moment when we should prove our consistence, by recurring -to the principles we dictated to Monroe, the departure from -which occasioned our rejection of his treaty, and by protesting -against Jay's treaty being ever quoted, or looked at, or even -mentioned. That form will forever be a millstone round our -necks unless we now rid ourselves of it once for all. The occasion -is highly favorable, as we never can have them more in -our power. -</p> - -<p> -As to Bonaparte, I should not doubt the revocation of his -edicts, were he governed by reason. But his policy is so crooked -that it eludes conjecture. I fear his first object now is to -dry up the sources of British prosperity by excluding her manufactures -from the continent. He may fear that opening the -ports of Europe to our vessels will open them to an inundation -of British wares. He ought to be satisfied with having forced -her to revoke the orders on which he pretended to retaliate, and -to be particularly satisfied with us, by whose unyielding adherence -to principle she has been forced into the revocation. -He ought the more to conciliate our good will, as we can be -such an obstacle to the new career opening on him in the -Spanish colonies. That he would give us the Floridas to withhold -intercourse with the residue of those colonies, cannot be -doubted. But that is no price; because they are ours in the -first moment of the first war; and until a war they are of no -particular necessity to us. But, although with difficulty, he will -consent to our receiving Cuba into our Union, to prevent our -aid to Mexico and the other provinces. That would be a price, -and I would immediately erect a column on the southernmost -limit of Cuba, and inscribe on it a <i>ne plus ultra</i> as to us in that -direction. We should then have only to include the north in -our Confederacy, which would be of course in the first war, and -we should have such an empire for liberty as she has never surveyed -since the creation; and I am persuaded no constitution -was ever before so well calculated as ours for extensive empire -and self-government. As the Mentor went away before this -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_445'>[445]</a></span>change, and will leave France probably while it is still a secret -in that hemisphere, I presume the expediency of pursuing her -by a swift sailing despatch was considered. It will be objected -to our receiving Cuba, that no limit can then be drawn to our -future acquisitions. Cuba can be defended by us without a -navy, and this develops the principle which ought to limit our -views. Nothing should ever be accepted which would require -a navy to defend it. -</p> - -<p> -Our Spring continues cold and backward, rarely one growing -day without two or three cold ones following. Wheat is of very -various complexions from very good to very bad. Fruit has not -suffered as much as was expected, except in peculiar situations. -Gardens are nearly a month behind their usual state. I thank -you for the squashes from Maine; they shall be planted to-day. -I salute you with sincere and constant affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SPAFFORD. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 14, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of April 3d, with the -copy of your "General Geography," for which I pray you to -accept my thanks. My occupations here have not permitted me -to read it through, which alone could justify any judgment expressed -on the work. Indeed, as it appears to be an abridgment -of several branches of science, the scale of abridgment must enter -into that judgment. Different readers require different scales -according to the time they can spare, and their views in reading, -and no doubt that the view of the sciences which you have -brought into the compass of a 12mo volume will be accommodated -to the time and object of many who may wish for but a -very general view of them. -</p> - -<p> -In passing my eye rapidly over parts of the book, I was struck -with two passages, on which I will make observations, not -doubting your wish, in any future edition, to render the work as -correct as you can. In page 186 you say the potatoe is a native -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_446'>[446]</a></span>of the United States. I presume you speak of the Irish potatoe. -I have inquired much into the question, and think I can assure -you that plant is not a native of North America. Zimmerman, -in his "Geographical Zoology," says it is a native of Guiana; -and Clavigero, that the Mexicans got it from South America, <i>its -native country</i>. The most probable account I have been able -to collect is, that a vessel of Sir Walter Raleigh's, returning from -Guiana, put into the west of Ireland in distress, having on board -some potatoes which they called earth-apples. That the season -of the year, and circumstance of their being already sprouted, -induced them to give them all out there, and they were no more -heard or thought of, till they had been spread considerably into -that island, whence they were carried over into England, and -therefore called the Irish potatoe. From England they came to -the United States, bringing their name with them. -</p> - -<p> -The other passage respects the description of the passage of -the Potomac through the Blue Ridge, in the Notes on Virginia. -You quote from Volney's account of the United States what his -words do not justify. His words are, "on coming from Fredericktown, -one does not see the rich perspective mentioned in -the Notes of Mr. Jefferson. On observing this to him a few -days after, he informed me he had his information from a French -engineer who, during the war of Independence, ascended the -height of the hills, and I conceive that at that elevation the perspective -must be as imposing as a wild country, whose horizon -has no obstacles, may present." That the scene described in -the "Notes" is not visible from any part of the road from Fredericktown -to Harper's ferry is most certain. That road passes -along the valley, nor can it be seen from the tavern after crossing -the ferry; and we may fairly infer that Mr. Volney did not ascend -the height back of the tavern from which alone it can be -seen, but that he pursued his journey from the tavern along the -high road. Yet he admits, that at the elevation of that height -the perspective may be as rich as a wild country can present. -But you make him "surprised to find, <i>by a view of the spot</i>, that -the description was <i>amazingly exaggerated</i>." But it is evident -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_447'>[447]</a></span>that Mr. Volney did not ascend the hill to <i>get a view of the spot</i>, -and that he supposed that that height may present as imposing a -view as such a country admits. But Mr. Volney was mistaken -in saying I told him I had received the description from a French -engineer. By an error of memory he has misapplied to this -scene what I mentioned to him as to the Natural Bridge. I told -him I received a <i>drawing</i> of that from a French engineer sent -there by the Marquis de Chastellux, and who has published -that drawing in his travels. I could not tell him I had the description -of the passage of the Potomac from a French engineer, -because I never heard any Frenchman say a word about -it, much less did I ever receive a description of it from any mortal -whatever. I visited the place myself in October 1783, wrote -the description some time after, and printed the work in Paris -in 1784-5. I wrote the description from my own view of the -spot, stated no fact but what I saw, and can now affirm that no -fact is exaggerated. It is true that the same scene may excite -very different sensations in different spectators, according to their -different sensibilities. The sensations of some may be much -stronger than those of others. And with respect to the Natural -Bridge, it was not a description, but a drawing only, which I -received from the French engineer. The description was written -before I ever saw him. It is not from any merit which I -suppose in either of these descriptions, that I have gone into -these observations, but to correct the imputation of having given -to the world as my own, ideas, and false ones too, which I had -received from another. Nor do I mention the subject to you -with a desire that it should be any otherwise noticed before the -public than by a more correct statement in any future edition of -your work. -</p> - -<p> -You mention having enclosed to me some printed letters announcing -a design in which you ask my aid. But no such letters -came to me. Any facts which I possess, and which may -be useful to your views, shall be freely communicated, and I -shall be happy to see you at Monticello, should you come this -way as you propose. You will find me engaged entirely in rural -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_448'>[448]</a></span>occupations, looking into the field of science but occasionally -and at vacant moments. -</p> - -<p> -I sowed some of the Benni seed the last year, and distributed -some among my neighbors; but the whole was killed by the -September frost. I got a little again the last winter, but it was -sowed before I received your letter. Colonel Fen of New York -receives quantities of it from Georgia, from whom you may -probably get some through the Mayor of New York. But I little -expect it can succeed with you. It is about as hardy as the -cotton plant, from which you may judge of the probability of -raising it at Hudson. -</p> - -<p> -I salute you with great respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN WYCHE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 19, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 19th came to hand but a few days -ago, and informs me of the establishment of the Westward -Mill Library Society, of its general views and progress. I always -hear with pleasure of institutions for the promotion of -knowledge among my countrymen. The people of every country -are the only safe guardians of their own rights, and are the -only instruments which can be used for their destruction. And -certainly they would never consent to be so used were they not -deceived. To avoid this, they should be instructed to a certain -degree. I have often thought that nothing would do more extensive -good at small expense than the establishment of a small -circulating library in every county, to consist of a few well-chosen -books, to be lent to the people of the county, under such -regulations as would secure their safe return in due time. These -should be such as would give them a general view of other history, -and particular view of that of their own country, a tolerable -knowledge of Geography, the elements of Natural Philosophy, -of Agriculture and Mechanics. Should your example lead to -this, it will do great good. Having had more favorable opportunities -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_449'>[449]</a></span>than fall to every man's lot of becoming acquainted -with the best books on such subjects as might be selected, I do -not know that I can be otherwise useful to your society than by -offering them any information respecting these which they might -wish. My services in this way are freely at their command, and -I beg leave to tender to yourself my salutations and assurances -of respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE HONORABLE JUDGE WOODWARD. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 27, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have received, very thankfully, the two copies of -your pamphlet on the constitution of the U. S., and shall certainly -read them with pleasure. I had formerly looked with -great interest to the experiment which was going on in France -of an executive Directory, while that of a single elective executive -was under trial here. I thought the issue of them might -fairly decide the question between the two modes. But the -untimely fate of that establishment cut short the experiment. -</p> - -<p> -I have not, however, been satisfied whether the dissensions of -that Directory (and which I fear are incident to a plurality) were -not the most effective cause of the successful usurpations which -overthrew them. It is certainly one of the most interesting -questions to a republican, and worthy of great consideration. I -thank you for the friendly expressions of your letter towards -myself personally, and the sincere happiness I enjoy here, satisfies -me that nothing personal or self-interested entered into my -motives for continuing in the public service. The actual experiment -proves to me that these were all in favor of returning -to my present situation. I salute you with great esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. W. LAMBERT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 28, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of March 14th was received in due time. -The apology for so late an acknowledgment of it must be the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_450'>[450]</a></span>multiplied occupations of my new situation after so long an absence -from it. Truth requires me to add, also, that after being -so long chained to the writing table, I go to it with reluctance, -and listen with partiality to every call from any other quarter. -I have not, however, been the less sensible of the kind sentiments -expressed in your letter, nor the less thankful for them. -Indeed I owe infinite acknowledgments to the republican portion -of my fellow citizens for the indulgence with which they have -viewed my proceedings generally. In the transaction of their -affairs I never felt an interested motive. The large share I have -enjoyed, and still enjoy of anti-republican hatred and calumny, -gives me the satisfaction of supposing that I have been some -obstacle to anti-republican designs; and if truth should find its -way into history, the object of these falsehoods and calumnies -will render them honorable to me. With sincere wishes for -your welfare and happiness, I tender you the assurances of my -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR ELIJAH GRIFFITH, PHILA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 28, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of Nov. 14th came to me in due time, -but much oppressed with business then and to the end of my -political term, I put it by as I did the civilities of my other -friends, till the leisure I expected here should permit me to acknowledge -them without the neglect of any public duty. I am -very sensible of the kindness of the sentiments expressed in -your letter, and of the general indulgence with which my republican -friends generally, and those of Pennsylvania particularly, -have received my public proceedings. I hope I may be allowed -to say that they were always directed by a single view to the -best interests of our country. In the electoral election, Pennsylvania -really spoke in a voice of thunder to the monarchists of -our country, and while that State continues so firm, with the -solid mass of republicanism to the South and West, such efforts -as we have lately seen in the anti-republican portion of our -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_451'>[451]</a></span>country cannot ultimately affect our security. Our enemies -may try their cajoleries with my successor. They will find him -as immovable in his republican principles as him whom they -have honored with their peculiar enmity. The late pacification -with England gives us a hope of eight years of peaceable and -wise administration, within which time our revenue will be -liberated from debt, and be free to commence that splendid course -of public improvement and wise application of the public contributions, -of which it remains for us to set the first example. I -salute you with real esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE HON. ROBERT SMITH, SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 10, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I enclose you a letter from Mr. Smith of Erie, -one of the members of Pennsylvania, which you will readily -perceive ought to have been addressed to you by himself; as it -is official and not personal opinion which can answer his views. -I am however gratified by his mistake in sending it to me, inasmuch -as it gives me an opportunity of abstracting myself from -my rural occupations, and of saluting one with whom I have -been connected in service and in society so many years, and to -whose aid and relief on an important portion of the public -cares, I have been so much indebted. I do it with sincere affection -and gratitude, and look back with peculiar satisfaction -on the harmony and cordial good will which, to ourselves and to -our brethren of the cabinet, so much sweetened our toils. From -the characters now associated in the administration, I have no -doubt of the continuance of the same cordiality so interesting to -themselves and to the public; and great as are the difficulties -and dangers environing our camp, I sleep with perfect composure, -knowing who are watching for us. I pray you to present me -respectfully to Mrs. Smith, and to accept my prayers that you -may long continue in the enjoyment of health and the public esteem -in return for your useful services past and to come. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_452'>[452]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 13, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I did not know till Mr. Patterson called on us, a -few days ago, that you had passed on to Washington. I had -recently observed in the debates of Congress, a matter introduced, -on which I wished to give explanations more fully in conversation, -which I will now do by abridgement in writing. Mr. -Randolph has proposed an inquiry into certain prosecutions at -common law in Connecticut, for libels on the government, and -not only himself but others have stated them with such affected -caution, and such hints at the same time, as to leave on every -mind the impression that they had been instituted either by my -direction, or with my acquiescence, at least. This has not been -denied by my friends, because probably the fact is unknown to -them. I shall state it for their satisfaction, and leave it to be disposed -of as they think best. -</p> - -<p> -I had observed in a newspaper, (some years ago, I do not recollect -the time exactly,) some dark hints of a prosecution in -Connecticut, but so obscurely hinted that I paid little attention -to it. Some considerable time after, it was again mentioned, so -that I understood that some prosecution was going on in the -federal court there, for calumnies uttered from the pulpit against -me by a clergyman. I immediately wrote to Mr. Granger, who, -I think, was in Connecticut at the time, stating that I had laid -it down as a law to myself, to take no notice of the thousand -calumnies issued against me, but to trust my character to my -own conduct, and the good sense and candor of my fellow citizens; -that I had found no reason to be dissatisfied with that -course, and I was unwilling it should be broke through by others -as to any matter concerning me; and I therefore requested him -to desire the district attorney to dismiss the prosecution. Some -time after this, I heard of subpœnas being served on General -Lee, David M. Randolph, and others, as witnesses to attend the -trial. I then for the first time conjectured the subject of the libel. -I immediately wrote to Mr. Granger, to require an immediate -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_453'>[453]</a></span>dismission of the prosecution. The answer of Mr. Huntington, -the district attorney, was, that these subpœnas had been -issued by the defendant without his knowledge, that it had been -his intention to dismiss all the prosecutions at the first meeting -of the court, and to accompany it with an avowal of his opinion, -that they could not be maintained, because the federal court had -no jurisdiction over libels. This was accordingly done. I did -not till then know that there were other prosecutions of the same -nature, nor do I now know what were their subjects. But all -went off together; and I afterwards saw in the hands of Mr. -Granger, a letter written by the clergyman, disavowing any personal -ill will towards me, and solemnly declaring he had never -uttered the words charged. I think Mr. Granger either showed -me, or said there were affidavits of at least half a dozen respectable -men, who were present at the sermon and swore no such expressions -were uttered, and as many equally respectable who -swore the contrary. But the clergyman expressed his gratification -at the dismission of the prosecution. I write all this from -memory, and after too long an interval of time to be certain of -the exactness of all the details; but I am sure there is no variation -material, and Mr. Granger, correcting small lapses of memory, -can confirm every thing substantial. Certain it is, that the -prosecution had been instituted, and had made considerable progress, -without my knowledge, that they were disapproved by me -as soon as known, and directed to be discontinued. The attorney -did it on the same ground on which I had acted myself in -the cases of Duane, Callendar, and others; to wit, that the sedition -law was unconstitutional and null, and that my obligation to -execute what was law, involved that of not suffering rights secured -by valid laws, to be prostrated by what was no law. I always -understood that these prosecutions had been invited, if not -instituted, by Judge Edwards, and the marshal being republican, -had summoned a grand jury partly or wholly republican; but -that Mr. Huntington declared from the beginning against the -jurisdiction of the court, and had determined to enter <span lang="la"><i>nolle prosequis</i></span> -before he received my directions. -</p> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_454'>[454]</a></span> -I trouble you with another subject. The law making my -letters post free, goes to those <i>to me</i> only, not those <i>from</i> me. -The bill had got to its passage before this was observed (and first -I believe by Mr. Dana), and the House under too much pressure -of business near the close of the session to bring in another bill. -As the privilege of freedom was given to the letters <i>from</i> as well -as <i>to</i> both my predecessors, I suppose no reason exists for making -a distinction. And in so extensive a correspondence as I am -subject to, and still considerably on public matters, it would be a -sensible convenience to myself, as well as those who have occasion -to receive letters from me. It happens too, as I was told at -the time, (for I have never looked into it myself,) that it was -done by two distinct acts on both the former occasions. Mr. -Eppes, I think, mentioned this to me. I know from the Post -Master General, that Mr. Adams franks all his letters. I state -this matter to you as being my representative, which must -apologize for the trouble of it. We have been seasonable since -you left us. Yesterday evening and this morning we have had -refreshing showers, which will close and confirm the business of -planting. Affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 14, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General</span>,—So entirely are my habits changed from -constant labor at my writing table, to constant active occupation -without door, that it is with difficulty I can resolve to take up -my pen. I must do it, however, as a matter of duty to thank -you for the dumb-fish you have been so kind as to have forwarded, -and which are received safely and are found to be excellent. -I do it with pleasure also, as it gives me an opportunity -of renewing to you the assurances of my esteem, and of the -friendship I shall ever bear you as a faithful fellow-laborer in the -duties of the Cabinet, the value of whose aid there has been always -justly felt and highly estimated by me. I sincerely congratulate -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_455'>[455]</a></span>you on the late pacification with England, which while it -gives facility and remuneration to your labors in your new functions, -restores calm in a great degree to the troubles of our country. -Our successors have deserved well of their country in -meeting so readily the first friendly advance ever made to us by -England. I hope it is the harbinger of a return to the exercise -of common sense and common good humor, with a country -with which mutual interests would urge a mutual and affectionate -intercourse. But her conduct hitherto has been towards us so -insulting, so tyrannical and so malicious, as to indicate a contempt -for our opinions or dispositions respecting her. I hope she is now -coming over to a wiser conduct, and becoming sensible how -much better it is to cultivate the good will of the government -itself, than of a faction hostile to it; to obtain its friendship gratis -than to purchase its enmity by nourishing at great expense a -faction to embarrass it, to receive the reward of an honest policy -rather than of a corrupt and vexatious one. I trust she has at -length opened her eyes to federal falsehood and misinformation, -and learnt, in the issue of the presidential election, the folly of -believing them. Such a reconciliation to the government, if real -and permanent, will secure the tranquillity of our country, and render -the management of our affairs easy and delightful to our -successors, for whom I feel as much interest as if I were still in -their place. Certainly all the troubles and difficulties in the -government during our time proceeded from England; at least -all others were trifling in comparison with them. -</p> - -<p> -Some time before I retired from office, I proposed to Mr. Smith -of the War Office, to place your son in the list of some nominations -for the new army. He called on me and stated that -Pickering had prepared materials for an opposition to his appointment, -which he was satisfied would be easily met with proper -information, but without it, might embarrass and endanger the -appointment. We concluded therefore that it was best to put it -off to the ensuing session of Congress, and in the meantime give -you notice of it. He promised to write and explain the delay -to you, and I stated the matter to Mr. Madison, who would attend -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_456'>[456]</a></span>to the nomination at the proper time. Perhaps late events -may supersede all further proceeding as to that army. -</p> - -<p> -Be so good as to present my affectionate respects to Mrs. -Dearborne. I hope that her health, as well as your own, may -be improved by a return to native climate; and that you may -both enjoy as many years as you desire of health and prosperity, -is the prayer of yours sincerely and affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, June 28, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The interruption of our commerce with England, -produced by our embargo and non-intercourse law, and the -general indignation excited by her barefaced attempts to make -us accessories and tributaries to her usurpations on the high seas, -have generated in this country an universal spirit for manufacturing -for ourselves, and of reducing to a minimum the number of -articles for which we are dependent on her. The advantages, -too, of lessening the occasions of risking our peace on the ocean, -and of planting the consumer in our own soil by the side of the -grower of produce, are so palpable, that no temporary suspension -of injuries on her part, or agreements founded on that, will now -prevent our continuing in what we have begun. The spirit of -manufacture has taken deep root among us, and its foundations -are laid in too great expense to be abandoned. The bearer of -this, Mr. Ronaldson, will be able to inform you of the extent -and perfection of the works produced here by the late state of -things; and to his information, which is greatest as to what is -doing in the cities, I can add my own as to the country, where -the principal articles wanted in every family are now fabricated -within itself. This mass of <i>household</i> manufacture, unseen by -the public eye, and so much greater than what is seen, is such -at present, that let our intercourse with England be opened when -it may, not one half the amount of what we have heretofore -taken from her will ever again be demanded. The great call -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_457'>[457]</a></span>from the country has hitherto been of coarse goods. These are -now made in our families, and the advantage is too sensible ever -to be relinquished. It is one of those obvious improvements in -our condition which needed only to be once forced on our attention, -never again to be abandoned. -</p> - -<p> -Among the arts which have made great progress among us is -that of printing. Heretofore we imported our books, and with -them much political principle from England. We now print a -great deal, and shall soon supply ourselves with most of the -books of considerable demand. But the foundation of printing, -you know, is the type-foundry, and a material essential to that is -antimony. Unfortunately that mineral is not among those as yet -found in the United States, and the difficulty and dearness of -getting it from England, will force us to discontinue our type-founderies, -and resort to her again for our books, unless some -new source of supply can be found. The bearer, Mr. Ronaldson, -is of the concern of Binney & Ronaldson, type-founders of -Philadelphia. He goes to France for the purpose of opening -some new source of supply, where we learn that this article is -abundant; the enhancement of the price in England has taught -us the fact, that its exportation thither from France must be -interrupted, either by the war or express prohibition. Our relations, -however, with France, are too unlike hers with England, -to place us under the same interdiction. Regulations for preventing -the transportation of the article to England, under the -cover of supplies to America, may be thought requisite. The -bearer, I am persuaded, will readily give any assurances which -may be required for this object, and the wants of his own type-foundry -here are a sufficient pledge that what he gets is <span lang="la"><i>bonâ -fide</i></span> to supply them. I do not know that there will be any -obstacle to his bringing from France any quantity of antimony -he may have occasion for; but lest there should be, I have taken -the liberty of recommending him to your patronage. I know -your enlightened and liberal views on subjects of this kind, and -the friendly interest you take in whatever concerns our welfare. -I place Mr. Ronaldson, therefore, in your hands, and pray you to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_458'>[458]</a></span>advise him, and patronize the object which carries him to Europe, -and is so interesting to him and to our country. His -knowledge of what is passing among us will be a rich source of -information for you, and especially as to the state and progress -of our manufactures. Your kindness to him will confer an obligation -on me, and will be an additional title to the high and affectionate -esteem and respect of an ancient and sincere friend. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 12, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your two letters of the 4th and 7th, were received -by the last mail. I now enclose you the rough draught of the -letter to the Emperor of Russia. I think there must be an exact -<span lang="la"><i>fac simile</i></span> of it in the office, from which Mr. Short's must have -been copied; because, that the one now enclosed has never been -out of my hands, appears by there being no fold in the paper -till now, and it is evidently a polygraphical copy. I send, for -your perusal, letters of W. Short, and of Warden; because, though -private, they contain some things and views perhaps not in the -public letters. Bonaparte's successes have been what we expected, -although Warden appears to have supposed the contrary possible. -It is fortunate for Bonaparte, that he has not caught his brother -Emperor; that he has left an ostensible head to the government, -who may sell it to him to secure a mess of pottage for himself. -Had the government devolved on the people, as it did in Spain, -they would resist his conquest as those of Spain do. I expect, -within a week or ten days, to visit Bedford. My absence will -be of about a fortnight. I know too well the pressure of business -which will be on you at Montpelier, to count with certainty -on the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Madison and yourself here; yet -my wishes do not permit me to omit the expression of them. In -any event, I shall certainly intrude a flying visit on you during -your stay in Orange. With my respectful devoirs to Mrs. Madison, -I salute you with constant friendship and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_459'>[459]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO SKELTON JONES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 28, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of June 19th, did not come to hand -till the 29th, and I have not been able to take it up till now. I -lent to Mr. Burke, my collection of newspapers from 1741 to -1760, and the further matter which I suggested I might be able -to furnish him after my return to Monticello, was the collection -of MS. laws of Virginia, which I expected would furnish some -proper and authentic materials for history, not extant anywhere -else. These I lent the last year to Mr. Hening, who is now in -possession of them and is printing them. But though this was -within Mr. Burke's period, it is entirely anterior to yours. The -collection of newspapers which I lent to Mr. Burke, I have -never been able to recover, nor to learn where they are. They -were all well bound, and of course have not probably been destroyed. -If you can aid me in the recovery, you will oblige me. -I consider their preservation as a duty, because I believe certainly -there does not exist another collection of the same period. I -have examined the sequel of my collection of newspapers, and -find that it has but one paper of 1778. That is one of Piordie's -of the month of May. But my not having them is no evidence -they were not printed; because I was so continually itinerant -during the revolution, that I was rarely in a situation to preserve -the papers I received. And although there were probably occasional -suspensions for want of paper, yet I do not believe there -was a total one at any time. I think, however, you might procure -a file for that or any other year, in Philadelphia or Boston. -These would furnish all the material occurrences of Virginia. -You ask, what has the historian to do with the latter part of -1776, the whole of 1777 and 1778, and a part of 1779? This -is precisely the period which was occupied in the reformation of -the laws to the new organization and principles of our government. -The committee was appointed in the latter part of 1776, -and reported in the spring or summer of 1779. At the first and -only meeting of the whole committee, (of five persons,) the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_460'>[460]</a></span>question was discussed whether we would attempt to reduce the -whole body of the law into a code, the text of which should become -the law of the land? We decided against that, because -every word and phrase in that text would become a new subject -of criticism and litigation, until its sense should have been settled -by numerous decisions, and that, in the meantime, the rights of -property would be in the air. We concluded not to meddle with -the common law, <i>i. e.</i>, the law preceding the existence of the -statutes, further than to accommodate it to our new principles -and circumstances; but to take up the whole body of statutes -and Virginia laws, to leave out everything obsolete or improper, -insert what was wanting, and reduce the whole within as moderate -a compass as it would bear, and to the plain language of -common sense, divested of the verbiage, the barbarous tautologies -and redundancies which render the British statutes unintelligible. -From this, however, were excepted the ancient statutes, -particularly those commented on by Lord Coke, the language of -which is simple, and the meaning of every word so well settled -by decisions, as so make it safest not to change words where the -sense was to be retained. After setting our plan, Col. Mason declined -undertaking the execution of any part of it, as not being -sufficiently read in the law. Mr. Lee very soon afterwards died, -and the work was distributed between Mr. Wythe, Mr. Pendleton -and myself. To me was assigned the common law, (so far -as we thought of altering it,) and the statutes down to the Reformation, -or end of the reign of Elizabeth; to Mr. Wythe, the -subsequent body of the statutes, and to Mr. Pendleton the Virginia -laws. This distribution threw into my part the laws concerning -crimes and punishments, the law of descents, and the -laws concerning religion. After completing our work separately, -we met, (Mr. W., Mr. P. and myself,) in Williamsburg, and held -a long session, in which we went over the first and second parts -in the order of time, weighing and correcting every word, and -reducing them to the form in which they were afterwards reported. -When we proceeded to the third part, we found that Mr. -Pendleton had not exactly seized the intentions of the committee, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_461'>[461]</a></span>which were to reform the language of the Virginia laws, and reduce -the matter to a simple style and form. He had copied the -acts <i>verbatim</i>, only omitting what was disapproved; and some -family occurrence calling him indispensably home, he desired -Mr. Wythe and myself to make it what we thought it ought to -be, and authorized us to report him as concurring in the work. -We accordingly divided the work, and re-executed it entirely, so -as to assimilate its plan and execution to the other parts, as well -as the shortness of the time would admit, and we brought the -whole body of British statutes and laws of Virginia into 127 acts, -most of them short. This is the history of that work as to its -execution. Its matter and the nature of the changes made, will -be a proper subject for the consideration of the historian. Experience -has convinced me that the change in the style of the laws -was for the better, and it has sensibly reformed the style of our -laws from that time downwards, insomuch that they have obtained, -in that respect, the approbation of men of consideration on both -sides of the Atlantic. Whether the change in the style and form -of the criminal law, as introduced by Mr. Taylor, was for the better, -is not for me to judge. The digest of that act employed me -longer than I believe all the rest of the work, for it rendered it -necessary for me to go with great care over Bracton, Britton, the -Saxon statutes, and the works of authority on criminal law; and -it gave me great satisfaction to find that in general I had only to -reduce the law to its ancient Saxon condition, stripping it of all -the innovations and rigorisms of subsequent times, to make it -what it should be. The substitution of the penitentiary, instead -of labor on the high road and of some other punishments truly -objectionable, is a just merit to be ascribed to Mr. Taylor's law. -When our report was made, the idea of a penitentiary had never -been suggested, the happy experiment of Pennsylvania we had -not then the benefit of. -</p> - -<p> -To assist in filling up those years of exemption from military -invasion, an inquiry into the exertions of Virginia in the common -cause during that period, would be proper for the patriotic -historian, because her character has been very unjustly impeached -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_462'>[462]</a></span>by the writers of other States, as having used no equal exertions -at that time. I know it to be false; because having all that -time been a member of the legislature, I know that our whole -occupation was in straining the resources of the State to the utmost, -to furnish men, money, provisions and other necessaries to -the common cause. The proofs of this will be found in the -journals and acts of the legislature, in executive proceedings -and papers, and in the auditor's accounts. Not that Virginia -furnished her quota of <i>requisitions</i> of either men or money; but -that she was always above par, in what was <i>actually</i> furnished -by the other States. A letter of mine written in 1779 or '80, if -still among the executive papers, will furnish full evidence of -these facts. It was addressed to our delegates in answer to a -formal complaint on the subject, and was founded in unquestionable -vouchers. -</p> - -<p> -The inquiries in your printed letter of August, 1808, would -lead to the writing the history of my whole life, than which -nothing could be more repugnant to my feelings. I have been -connected, as many fellow laborers were, with the great events -which happened to mark the epoch of our lives. But these belong -to no one in particular, all of us did our parts, and no one -can claim the transactions to himself. The most I could do -would be to revise, correct or supply any statements which should -be made respecting public transactions in which I had a part, or -which may have otherwise come within my knowledge. -</p> - -<p> -I have to apologize for the delay of this answer. The active -hours of the day are all devoted to employments without doors, -so that I have rarely an interval, and more rarely the inclination, -to set down to my writing table, the divorce from which is -among the greatest reliefs in my late change of life. Still, I will -always answer with pleasure any particular inquiries you may -wish to address to me, sincerely desiring for the public good as -well as your own personal concern, to contribute to the perfection -of a work from which I hope much to both; and I beg -leave to tender you the assurances of my great esteem and -respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_463'>[463]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO M. DASHKOFF. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 12, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of July 5th has been duly received, and, in -it, that of my friend Mr. Short. I congratulate you on your safe -arrival in the American hemisphere, after a voyage which must -have been lengthy in time, as it was in space. I hope you may -experience no unfavorable change in your health on so great a -change of climate, and that our fervid sun may be found as innocent -as our cloudless skies must be agreeable. I hail you with -particular pleasure, as the first harbinger of those friendly relations -with your country, so desirable to ours. Both nations being -in character and practice essentially pacific, a common interest in -the rights of peaceable nations, gives us a common cause in their -maintenance; and however your excellent Emperor may have -been led from the ordinary policy of his government, I trust that -the establishment of just principles will be the result, as I am -sure it is the object, of his efforts. -</p> - -<p> -When you shall have had time to accommodate yourself somewhat -to our climate, our manners and mode of living, you will -probably have a curiosity to see something of the country you -have visited, something beyond the confines of our cities. These -exhibit specimens of London only, our country is a different nation. -Should your journeyings lead you into this quarter of it, -I shall be happy to receive you at Monticello, and to renew to -you in person the assurances I now tender of my great respect -and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 17, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>, -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -I never doubted the chicanery of the Anglomen on whatsoever -measures you should take in consequence of the disavowal -of Erskine; yet I am satisfied that both the proclamations -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_464'>[464]</a></span>have been sound. The first has been sanctioned by universal -approbation; and although it was not literally the case -foreseen by the legislature, yet it was a proper extension of their -provision to a case similar, though not the same. It proved to -the whole world our desire of accommodation, and must have -satisfied every candid federalist on that head. It was not only -proper on the well-grounded confidence that the arrangement -would be honestly executed, but ought to have taken place even -had the perfidy of England been foreseen. Their dirty gain is -richly remunerated to us by our placing them so shamefully in -the wrong, and by the union it must produce among ourselves. -The last proclamation admits of quibbles, of which advantage -will doubtless be endeavored to be taken, by those for whom gain is -their god, and their country nothing. But it is soundly defensible. -The British minister assured us, that the orders of council -would be revoked before the 10th of June. The executive, -trusting in that assurance, declared by proclamation that the -revocation was to take place, and that on that event the law was -to be suspended. But the event did not take place, and the -consequence, of course, could not follow. This view is derived -from the former non-intercourse law only, having never read the -latter one. I had doubted whether Congress must not be called; -but that arose from another doubt, whether their second law had -not changed the ground, so as to require their agency to give -operation to the law. Should Bonaparte have the wisdom to -correct his injustice towards us, I consider war with England as -inevitable. Our ships will go to France and its dependencies, -and they will take them. This will be war on their part, and -leave no alternative but reprisal. I have no doubt you will -think it safe to act on this hypothesis, and with energy. The -moment that open war shall be apprehended from them, we -should take possession of Baton Rouge. If we do not, they will, -and New Orleans becomes irrecoverable, and the western country -blockaded during the war. It would be justifiable towards Spain -on this ground, and equally so on that of title to West Florida, -and reprisal extended to East Florida. Whatever turn our present -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_465'>[465]</a></span>difficulty may take, I look upon all cordial conciliation with -England as desperate during the life of the present king. I -hope and doubt not that Erskine will justify himself. My -confidence is founded in a belief of his integrity, and in the -* * * * * of Canning. I consider the present as the -most shameless ministry which ever disgraced England. Copenhagen -will immortalize their infamy. In general, their administrations -are so changeable, and they are obliged to descend to -such tricks to keep themselves in place, that nothing like honor -or morality can ever be counted on in transactions with them. I -salute you with all possible affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN W. CAMPBELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 3, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of July 29th came to hand some time since, -but I have not sooner been able to acknowledge it. In answer -to your proposition for publishing a complete edition of my -different writings, I must observe that no writings of mine, other -than those merely official, have been published, except the Notes -on Virginia and a small pamphlet under the title of a Summary -View of the rights of British America. The Notes on Virginia, -I have always intended to revise and enlarge, and have, from -time to time, laid by materials for that purpose. It will be long -yet before other occupations will permit me to digest them, and -observations and inquiries are still to be made, which will be -more correct in proportion to the length of time they are continued. -It is not unlikely that this may be through my life. I -could not, therefore, at present, offer anything new for that work. -</p> - -<p> -The Summary View was not written for publication. It was -a draught I had prepared for a petition to the king, which I -meant to propose in my place as a member of the convention of -1774. Being stopped on the road by sickness, I sent it on to the -Speaker, who laid it on the table for the perusal of the members. -It was thought too strong for the times, and to become the act of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_466'>[466]</a></span>the convention, but was printed by subscription of the members, -with a short preface written by one of them. If it had any -merit, it was that of first taking our true ground, and that which -was afterwards assumed and maintained. -</p> - -<p> -I do not mention the Parliamentary Manual, published for the -use of the Senate of the United States, because it was a mere -compilation, into which nothing entered of my own but the arrangement, -and a few observations necessary to explain that and -some of the cases. -</p> - -<p> -I do not know whether your view extends to official papers of -mine which have been published. Many of these would be like -old newspapers, materials for future historians, but no longer interesting -to the readers of the day. They would consist of reports, -correspondences, messages, answers to addresses; a few of -my reports while Secretary of State, might perhaps be read by -some as essays on abstract subjects. Such as the report on measures, -weights and coins, on the mint, on the fisheries, on commerce, -on the use of distilled sea-water, &c. The correspondences -with the British and French ministers, Hammond and Genet, -were published by Congress. The messages to Congress, which -might have been interesting at the moment, would scarcely be -read a second time, and answers to addresses are hardly read a -first time. -</p> - -<p> -So that on a review of these various materials, I see nothing -encouraging a printer to a re-publication of them. They would -probably be bought by those only who are in the habit of preserving -State papers, and who are not many. -</p> - -<p> -I say nothing of numerous draughts of reports, resolutions, declarations, -&c., drawn as a Member of Congress or of the Legislature -of Virginia, such as the Declaration of Independence, Report -on the Money Mint of the United States, the act of religious -freedom, &c., &c.; these having become the acts of public bodies, -there can be no personal claim to them, and they would no more -find readers now, than the journals and statute books in which -they are deposited. -</p> - -<p> -I have presented this general view of the subjects which might -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_467'>[467]</a></span>have been within the scope of your contemplation, that they -might be correctly estimated before any final decision. They -belong mostly to a class of papers not calculated for popular reading, -and not likely to offer profit, or even indemnification to the -re-publisher. Submitting it to your consideration, I tender you -my salutations and respects. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEN. WM. CLARKE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 10, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General</span>,—Your favor of June 2d came duly to hand -in July, and brought me a repetition of the proofs of your kindness -to me. Mr. Fitzhugh delivered the skin of the sheep of the -Rocky Mountains to the President, from whom I expect to receive -it in a few days at his own house. For this, as well as the blanket -of Indian manufacture of the same material, which you are so kind -as to offer me, accept my friendly thanks. Your donations, and -Governor Lewis', have given to my collection of Indian curiosities -an importance much beyond what I had ever counted on. -The three boxes of bones which you had been so kind as to send -to New Orleans for me, as mentioned in your letter of June 2d -arrived there safely, and were carefully shipped by the collector, -and the bill of lading sent to me. But the vessel put into the -Havana, under embargo distress, was there condemned as unseaworthy, -and her enrollment surrendered at St. Mary's. What -was done with my three boxes I have not learned, but have -written to Mr. Brown, the collector, to have inquiry made after -them. The bones of this animal are now in such a state of evanescence -as to render it important to save what we can of them. -Of those you had formerly sent me, I reserved a very few for -myself; I got Dr. Wistar to select from the rest every piece -which could be interesting to the Philosophical Society, and sent -the residue to the National Institute of France. These have enabled -them to decide that the animal was neither a mammoth nor -an elephant, but of a distinct kind, to which they have given the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_468'>[468]</a></span>name of Mastodont, from the protuberance of its teeth. These, -from their forms, and the immense mass of their jaws, satisfy me -this animal must have been arbonverous. Nature seems not to -have provided other food sufficient for him, and the limb of a tree -would be no more to him than a bough of a cotton tree to a horse. -You mention in your letter that you are proceeding with <i>your -family</i> to Fort Massac. This informs me that you have a family, -and I sincerely congratulate you on it, while some may think -it will render you less active in the service of the world, those -who take a sincere interest in your personal happiness, and who -know that, by a law of our nature, we cannot be happy without -the endearing connections of a family, will rejoice for your sake -as I do. The world has, of right, no further claims on yourself -and General Lewis, but such as you may voluntarily render according -to your convenience, or as they may make it your interest. -I wrote lately to the Governor, but be so good as to repeat -my affectionate attachments to him, and to be assured of the -same to yourself, with every sentiment of esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 12, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,— * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Canning's equivocations degrade his government as well as -himself. I despair of accommodation with them, because I believe -they are weak enough to intend seriously to claim the ocean -as their conquest, and think to amuse us with embassies and negotiations, -until the claim shall have been strengthened by time -and exercise, and the moment arrive when they may boldly avow -what hitherto they have only squinted at. Always yours, with -sincere affection. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_469'>[469]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR BARTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 21, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received last night your favor of the 14th, and -would with all possible pleasure have communicated to you any -part or the whole of the Indian vocabularies which I had collected, -but an irreparable misfortune has deprived me of them. I -have now been thirty years availing myself of every possible -opportunity of procuring Indian vocabularies to the same set of -words; my opportunities were probably better than will ever -occur again to any person having the same desire. I had collected -about fifty, and had digested most of them in collateral -columns, and meant to have printed them the last of my stay in -Washington. But not having yet digested Captain Lewis' collection, -nor having leisure then to do it, I put it off till I should -return home. The whole, as well digest as originals, were -packed in a trunk of stationery, and sent round by water with -about thirty other packages of my effects from Washington, and -while ascending James river, this package on account of its -weight and presumed precious contents, was singled out and -stolen. The thief being disappointed on opening it, threw into -the river all its contents, of which he thought he could make no -use. Among them were the whole of the vocabularies. Some -leaves floated ashore and were found in the mud; but these were -very few, and so defaced by the mud and water that no general -use can be made of them. On the receipt of your letter I turned -to them, and was very happy to find, that the only morsel of an -original vocabulary among them, was Captain Lewis' of the -Pani language, of which you say you have not one word. I -therefore enclose it to you as it is, and a little fragment of some -other, which I see is in his hand writing, but no indication remains -on it of what language it is. It is a specimen of the condition -of the little which was recovered. I am the more concerned -at this accident, as of the two hundred and fifty words -of my vocabularies, and the one hundred and thirty words of -the great Russian vocabularies of the languages of the other -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_470'>[470]</a></span>quarters of the globe, seventy-three were common to both, and -would have furnished materials for a comparison from which -something might have resulted. Although I believe no general -use can ever be made of the wrecks of my loss, yet I will ask -the return of the Pani vocabulary when you are done with it. -Perhaps I may make another attempt to collect, although I am -too old to expect to make much progress in it. -</p> - -<p> -I learn with pleasure your acquisition of the pamphlet on the -astronomy of the ancient Mexicans. If it be ancient and genuine, -or modern and rational, it will be of real value. It is one -of the most interesting countries of our hemisphere, and merits -every attention. -</p> - -<p> -I am thankful for your kind offer of sending the original -Spanish for my perusal. But I think it a pity to trust it to the -accidents of the post, and whenever you publish the translation, -I shall be satisfied to read that which shall be given by your -translator, who is, I am sure, a greater adept in the language than -I am. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurances of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JAMES FISHBACK. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 27, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of June 5th came to hand in due time, and -I have to acknowledge my gratification at the friendly sentiments -it breathes towards myself. We have been thrown into times of -a peculiar character, and to work our way through them has required -services and sacrifices from our countrymen generally, and -to their great honor, these have been generally exhibited, by -every one in his sphere, and according to the opportunities afforded. -With them I have been a fellow laborer, endeavoring to -do faithfully the part alloted to me, as they did theirs; and it is -a subject of mutual congratulation that, in a state of things such -as the world had never before seen, we have gotten on so far -well; and my confidence in our present high functionaries, as -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_471'>[471]</a></span>well as in my countrymen generally, leaves me without much -fear for the future. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you for the pamphlet you was so kind as to send me. -At an earlier period of life I pursued inquiries of that kind with -industry and care. Reading, reflection and time have convinced -me that the interests of society require the observation of those -moral precepts only in which all religions agree, (for all forbid us -to murder, steal, plunder, or bear false witness,) and that we -should not intermeddle with the particular dogmas in which all -religions differ, and which are totally unconnected with morality. -In all of them we see good men, and as many in one as another. -The varieties in the structure and action of the human mind as -in those of the body, are the work of our Creator, against which -it cannot be a religious duty to erect the standard of uniformity. -The practice of morality being necessary for the well-being of -society, he has taken care to impress its precepts so indelibly on -our hearts that they shall not be effaced by the subtleties of our -brain. We all agree in the obligation of the moral precepts of -Jesus, and nowhere will they be found delivered in greater -purity than in his discourses. It is, then, a matter of principle -with me to avoid disturbing the tranquillity of others by the expression -of any opinion on the innocent questions on which we -schismatize. On the subject of your pamphlet, and the mode of -treating it, I permit myself only to observe the candor, moderation -and ingenuity with which you appear to have sought truth. -This is of good example, and worthy of commendation. If all -the writers and preachers on religious questions had been of the -same temper, the history of the world would have been of much -more pleasing aspect. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you for the kindness towards myself which breathes -through your letter. The first of all our consolations is that of -having faithfully fulfilled our duties; the next, the approbation -and good will of those who have witnessed it; and I pray you -to accept my best wishes for your happiness and the assurances -of my respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_472'>[472]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MESSRS. BLOODGOOD AND HAMMOND. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 30, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Gentlemen</span>,—The very friendly sentiments which my republican -fellow citizens of the city and county of New York -have been pleased to express through yourselves as their organ, -are highly grateful to me, and command my sincere thanks; and -their approbation of the measures pursued, while I was entrusted -with the administration of their affairs, strengthens my hope that -they were favorable to the public prosperity. For any errors -which may have been committed, the indulgent will find some -apology in the difficulties resulting from the extraordinary state -of human affairs, and the astonishing spectacles these have presented. -A world in arms and trampling on all those moral principles -which have heretofore been deemed sacred in the intercourse -between nations, could not suffer us to remain insensible of all -agitation. During such a course of lawless violence, it was certainly -wise to withdraw ourselves from all intercourse with the -belligerent nations, to avoid the desolating calamities inseparable -from war, its pernicious effects on manners and morals, and the -dangers it threatens to free governments; and to cultivate our -own resources until our natural and progressive growth should -leave us nothing to fear from foreign enterprise. That the benefits -derived from these measures were lessened by an opposition -of the most ominous character, and that a continuance of injury -was encouraged by the appearance of domestic weakness which -that presented, will doubtless be a subject of deep and durable -regret to such of our well-intentioned citizens as participated in -it, under mistaken confidence in men who had other views than -the good of their own country. Should foreign nations, however, -deceived by this appearance of division and weakness, render -it necessary to vindicate by arms the injuries to our country, -I believe, with you, that the spirit of the revolution is unextinguished, -and that the cultivators of peace will again, as on that -occasion, be transformed at once into a nation of warriors, who -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_473'>[473]</a></span>will leave us nothing to fear for the natural and national rights -of our country. -</p> - -<p> -Your approbation of the reasons which induced me to retire -from the honorable station in which my fellow citizens had -placed me, is a proof of your devotion to the true principles of our -constitution. These are wisely opposed to all perpetuations of -power, and to every practice which may lead to hereditary establishments; -and certain I am that any services which I could -have rendered will be more than supplied by the wisdom and -virtues of my successor. -</p> - -<p> -I am very thankful for the kind wishes you express for my -personal happiness. It will always be intimately connected -with the prosperity of our country, of which I sincerely pray -that my fellow citizens of the city and county of New York -may have their full participation. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DON VALENTINE DE FORONDA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 4, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of August the 26th came to hand in -the succeeding month, and I have now to thank you for the -pamphlet it contained. I have read it with pleasure, and find -the constitution proposed would probably be as free as is consistent -with hereditary institutions. It has one feature which I -like much; that which provides that when the three co-ordinate -branches differ in their construction of the constitution, the opinion -of two branches shall overrule the third. Our constitution has -not sufficiently solved this difficulty. -</p> - -<p> -Among the multitude of characters with which public office -leads us to official intercourse, we cannot fail to observe many, -whose personal worth marks them as objects of particular esteem, -whom we would wish to select for our society in private -life. I avail myself gladly of the present occasion of assuring -you that I was peculiarly impressed with your merit and talents, -and that I have ever entertained for them a particular respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_474'>[474]</a></span>To those whose views are single and direct, it is a great comfort -to have to do business with frank and honorable minds. -And here give me leave to make an avowal, for which, in my -present retirement, there can be no motive but a regard for truth. -Your predecessor, soured on a question of etiquette against the -administration of this country, wished to impute wrong to them -in all their actions, even where he did not believe it himself. In -this spirit, he wished it to be believed that we were in unjustifiable -co-operation in Miranda's expedition. I solemnly, and on -my personal truth and honor, declare to you, that this was entirely -without foundation, and that there was neither co-operation, -nor connivance on our part. He informed us he was about -to attempt the liberation of his native country from bondage, and -intimated a hope of our aid, or connivance at least. He was at -once informed, that although we had great cause of complaint -against Spain, and even of war, yet whenever we should think -proper to act as her enemy, it should be openly and above board, -and that our hostility should never be exercised by such petty -means. We had no suspicion that he expected to engage men -here, but merely to purchase military stores. Against this there -was no law, nor consequently any authority for us to interpose -obstacles. On the other hand, we deemed it improper to betray -his voluntary communication to the agents of Spain. Although -his measures were many days in preparation at New York, we -never had the least intimation or suspicion of his engaging men -in his enterprise, until he was gone; and I presume the secrecy -of his proceeding kept them equally unknown to the Marquis -Yrujo at Philadelphia, and the Spanish consul at New York, -since neither of them gave us any information of the enlistment -of men, until it was too late for any measures taken at Washington -to prevent their departure. The officer in the Customs, who -participated in this transaction with Miranda, we immediately removed, -and should have had him and others further punished, -had it not been for the protection given them by private citizens -at New York, in opposition to the government, who, by their -impudent falsehoods and calumnies, were able to overbear the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_475'>[475]</a></span>minds of the jurors. Be assured, Sir, that no motive could induce -me, at this time, to make this declaration so gratuitously, -were it not founded in sacred truth; and I will add further, that -I never did, or countenanced, in public life, a single act inconsistent -with the strictest good faith; having never believed there -was one code of morality for a public, and another for a private man. -</p> - -<p> -I receive, with great pleasure, the testimonies of personal esteem -which breathes through your letter; and I pray you to accept -those equally sincere with which I now salute you. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BARLOW. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 8, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—It is long since I ought to have acknowledged -the receipt of your most excellent oration on the 4th of July. I -was doubting what you could say, equal to your own reputation, -on so hackneyed a subject; but you have really risen out of it -with lustre, and pointed to others a field of great expansion. A -day or two after I received your letter to Bishop Gregoire, a copy -of his diatribe to you came to hand from France. I had not before -heard of it. He must have been eagle-eyed in quest of -offence, to have discovered ground for it among the rubbish -massed together in the print he animadverts on. You have done -right in giving him a sugary answer. But he did not deserve it. -For, notwithstanding a compliment to you now and then, he -constantly returns to the identification of your sentiments with -the extravagances of the Revolutionary zealots. I believe him -a very good man, with imagination enough to declaim eloquently, -but without judgment to decide. He wrote to me also on the -doubts I had expressed five or six and twenty years ago, in the -Notes of Virginia, as to the grade of understanding of the negroes, -and he sent me his book on the literature of the negroes. -His credulity has made him gather up every story he could find -of men of color, (without distinguishing whether black, or of -what degree of mixture,) however slight the mention, or light -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_476'>[476]</a></span>the authority on which they are quoted. The whole do no -amount, in point of evidence, to what we know ourselves of Banneker. -We know he had spherical trigonometry enough to make -almanacs, but not without the suspicion of aid from Ellicot, who -was his neighbor and friend, and never missed an opportunity -of puffing him. I have a long letter from Banneker, which -shows him to have had a mind of very common stature indeed. -As to Bishop Gregoire, I wrote him, as you have done, a very -soft answer. It was impossible for doubt to have been more tenderly -or hesitatingly expressed than that was in the Notes of -Virginia, and nothing was or is farther from my intentions, than to -enlist myself as the champion of a fixed opinion, where I have -only expressed a doubt. St. Domingo will, in time, throw light -on the question. -</p> - -<p> -I intended, ere this, to have sent you the papers I had promised -you. But I have taken up Marshall's fifth volume, and mean to -read it carefully, to correct what is wrong in it, and commit to -writing such facts and annotations as the reading of that work -will bring into my recollection, and which has not yet been put -on paper; in this I shall be much aided by my memorandums -and letters, and will send you both the old and the new. But I -go on very slowly. In truth, during the pleasant season, I am -always out of doors, employed, not passing more time at my writing -table than will despatch my current business. But when the -weather becomes cold, I shall go out but little. I hope, therefore, -to get through this volume during the ensuing winter; but -should you want the papers sooner, they shall be sent at a moment's -warning. The ride from Washington to Monticello in the -stage, or in a gig, is so easy that I had hoped you would have -taken a flight here during the season of good roads. Whenever -Mrs. Barlow is well enough to join you in such a visit, it must -be taken more at ease. It will give us real pleasure whenever it -may take place. I pray you to present me to her respectfully, -and I salute you affectionately. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_477'>[477]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO ALBERT GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 11, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I do not know whether the request of Monsieur -Moussier, explained in the enclosed letter, is grantable or not. -But my partialities in favor of whatever may promote either the -useful or liberal arts, induce me to place it under your consideration, -to do in it whatever is right, neither more nor less. I would -then ask you to favor me with three lines, in such form as I may -forward him by way of answer. -</p> - -<p> -I have reflected much and painfully on the change of dispositions -which has taken place among the members of the cabinet, -since the new arrangement, as you stated to me in the moment -of our separation. It would be, indeed, a great public calamity -were it to fix you in the purpose which you seemed to think -possible. I consider the fortunes of our republic as depending, -in an eminent degree, on the extinguishment of the public debt -before we engage in any war: because, that done, we shall have -revenue enough to improve our country in peace and defend it in -war, without recurring either to new taxes or loans. But if the -debt should once more be swelled to a formidable size, its entire -discharge will be despaired of, and we shall be committed to the -English career of debt, corruption and rottenness, closing with -revolution. The discharge of the debt, therefore, is vital to the -destinies of our government, and it hangs on Mr. Madison and -yourself alone. We shall never see another President and Secretary -of the Treasury making all other objects subordinate to this. -Were either of you to be lost to the public, that great hope is -lost. I had always cherished the idea that you would fix on that -object the measure of your fame, and of the gratitude which our -country will owe you. Nor can I yield up this prospect to the -secondary considerations which assail your tranquillity. For sure -I am, they never can produce any other serious effect. Your -value is too justly estimated by our fellow citizens at large, as -well as their functionaries, to admit any remissness in their support -of you. My opinion always was, that none of us ever occupied -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_478'>[478]</a></span>stronger ground in the esteem of Congress than yourself, -and I am satisfied there is no one who does not feel your aid to -be still as important for the future as it has been for the past. -You have nothing, therefore, to apprehend in the dispositions of -Congress, and still less of the President, who, above all men, is -the most interested and affectionately disposed to support you. I -hope, then, you will abandon entirely the idea you expressed to -me, and that you will consider the eight years to come as essential -to your political career. I should certainly consider any -earlier day of your retirement, as the most inauspicious day our -new government has ever seen. In addition to the common interest -in this question, I feel particularly for myself the considerations -of gratitude which I personally owe you for your valuable -aid during my administration of public affairs, a just sense of the -large portion of the public approbation which was earned by -your labors and belongs to you, and the sincere friendship and -attachment which grew out of our joint exertions to promote the -common good; and of which I pray you now to accept the most -cordial and respectful assurances. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE CHEVALIER DE ONIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 4, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to his -Excellency the Chevalier de Onis, and congratulates him on his -safe arrival in the United States, and at a season so propitious -for the preservation of health against the effects of a sensible -and sudden change of climate. He hopes that his residence -here will be made agreeable to him, and that it will be useful in -cementing the friendship and intercourse of the two nations, so -advantageous to both. He would have been happy to have paid -his respects to the Chevalier de Onis in person, and to have had -the honor of forming his acquaintance; but the distance and -bad roads deny him that pleasure. He learns with great satisfaction -that his venerable and worthy friend, Mr. Yznardi, continues -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_479'>[479]</a></span>in life and health, and takes this occasion of bearing testimony -to his loyal and honorable conduct while in the United -States. He salutes the Chevalier de Onis with assurances of -his high respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GEORGE W. IRVING, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 23, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—An American vessel, the property of a respectable merchant -of Georgetown, on a voyage to some part of Europe for -general purposes of commerce, proposes to touch at some part -of Spain with the view of obtaining Merino sheep to be brought -to our country. The necessity we are under, and the determination -we have formed of emancipating ourselves from a dependence -on foreign countries for manufactures which may be advantageously -established among ourselves, has produced a very -general desire to improve the quality of our wool by the introduction -of the Merino race of sheep. Your sense of the duties -you owe to your station will not permit me to ask, nor yourself -to do any act which might compromit you with the government -with which you reside, or forfeit that confidence on their -part which can alone enable you to be useful to your country. -But as far as that will permit you to give aid to the procuring -and bringing away some of the valuable race, I take the liberty -of soliciting you to do so—it will be an important service rendered -to your country: to which you will be further encouraged -by the assurance that the enterprise is solely on the behalf of -agricultural gentlemen of distinguished character in Washington -and its neighborhood, with a view of disseminating the benefits -of their success as widely as they can. Without any interest in -it myself, other than the general one, I cannot help wishing a -favorable result, and therefore add my solicitations to the assurances -of my constant esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_480'>[480]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 26, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 6th was received from our -post office on the 24th, after my return from Bedford. I now -re-enclose the letters of Mr. Short and Romanzoff, and with -them a letter from Armstrong, for your perusal, as there may -be some matters in it not otherwise communicated. The infatuation -of the British government and nation is beyond every -thing imaginable. A thousand circumstances announce that -they are on the point of being blown up, and they still proceed -with the same madness and increased wickedness. With respect -to Jackson I hear but one sentiment, except that some think he -should have been sent off. The more moderate step was certainly -more advisable. There seems to be a perfect acquiescence -in the opinion of the Government respecting Onis. The public -interest certainly made his rejection expedient, and as that is a -motive which it is not pleasant always to avow, I think it fortunate -that the contending claims of Charles and Ferdinand furnished -such plausible embarrassment to the question of right; -for, on our principles, I presume, the right of the Junta to send -a Minister could not be denied. La Fayette, in a letter to me -expresses great anxiety to receive his formal titles to the lands -in Louisiana. Indeed, I know not why the proper officers have -not sooner sent on the papers on which the grants might issue. -It will be in your power to forward the grants or copies of them -by some safe conveyance, as La Fayette says that no negotiation -can be effected without them. -</p> - -<p> -I enclose you a letter from Major Neely, Chickasaw agent, -stating that he is in possession of two trunks of the unfortunate -Governor Lewis, containing public vouchers, the manuscripts of -his western journey, and probably some private papers. As he -desired they should be sent <i>to the President</i>, as the public vouchers -render it interesting to the public that they should be safely -received, and they would probably come most safely if addressed -to you, would it not be advisable that Major Neely should receive -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_481'>[481]</a></span>an order on your part to forward them to Washington addressed -to you, by the Stage, and if possible under the care of -some person coming on? When at Washington I presume the -papers may be opened and distributed; that is to say, the vouchers -to the proper offices where they are cognizable; the manuscript -voyage, &c., to General Clarke, who is interested in it, and -is believed to be now on his way to Washington; and his private -papers, if any, to his administrator—who is John Marks, his -half brother. It is impossible you should have time to examine -and distribute them; but if Mr. Coles could find time to do it, -the family would have entire confidence in his distribution. -The other two trunks, which are in the care of Capt. Russel at -the Chickasaw bluffs, and which Pernier (Gov. Lewis' servant) -says contain his private property, I write to Capt. Russel, at the -request of Mr. Marks, to forward to Mr. Brown at New Orleans, -to be sent on to Richmond under my address. Pernier says that -Gov. Lewis owes him $240 for his wages. He has received -money from Neely to bring him on here, and I furnish him to -Washington, where he will arrive penniless, and will ask for -some money to be placed to the Governor's account. He rides -a horse of the Governor's, which, with the approbation of the -administration, I tell him to dispose of and give credit for the -amount in his account against the Governor. He is the bearer -of this letter, and of my assurances of constant and affectionate -esteem. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 30, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received last night yours of the 27th, and rode -this morning to Col. Monroe's. I found him preparing to set out -to-morrow morning for London, from whence he will not return -till Christmas. I had an hour or two's frank conversation with -him. The catastrophe of poor Lewis served to lead us to the -point intended. I reminded him that in the letter I wrote to him -while in Europe, proposing the Government of Orleans, I also -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_482'>[482]</a></span>suggested that of Louisiana, if fears for health should be opposed -to the other. I said something on the importance of the post, -its advantages, &c.—expressed my regret at the curtain which -seemed to be drawn between him and his best friends, and my -wish to see his talents and integrity engaged in the service of -his country again, and that his going into any post would be a -signal of reconciliation, on which the body of republicans, who -lamented his absence from the public service, would again rally -to him. These are the general heads of what I said to him in -the course of our conversation. The sum of his answers was, -that to accept of that office was incompatible with the respect he -owed himself; that he never would act in any office where he -should be subordinate to any body but the President himself, or -which did not place his responsibility substantially with the President -and the nation; that at your accession to the chair, he -would have accepted a place in the cabinet, and would have exerted -his endeavors most faithfully in support of your fame and -measures; that he is not unready to serve the public, and especially -in the case of any difficult crisis in our affairs; that he is -satisfied that such is the deadly hatred of both France and England, -and such their self reproach and dread at the spectacle of -such a government as ours, that they will spare nothing to destroy -it; that nothing but a firm union among the whole body of republicans -can save it, and therefore that no schism should be indulged -on any ground; that in his present situation, he is sincere -in his anxieties for the success of the administration, and in his -support of it as far as the limited sphere of his action or influence -extends; that his influence to this end had been used with -those with whom the world had ascribed to him an interest he -did not possess, until, whatever it was, it was lost, (he particularly -named J. Randolph, who, he said, had plans of his own, on -which he took no advice;) and that he was now pursuing what -he believed his properest occupation, devoting his whole time -and faculties to the liberation of his pecuniary embarrassments, -which, three years of close attention, he hoped, would effect. In -order to know more exactly what were the kinds of employ he -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_483'>[483]</a></span>would accept, I adverted to the information of the papers, which -came yesterday, that Gen. Hampton was dead, but observed that -the military life in our present state, offered nothing which could -operate on the principle of patriotism; he said he would sooner -be shot than take a command under Wilkinson. In this sketch, -I have given truly the substance of his ideas, but not always his -own words. On the whole, I conclude he would accept a place -in the cabinet, or a military command dependent on the Executive -alone, and I rather suppose a diplomatic mission, because it -would fall within the scope of his views, and not because he said -so, for no allusion was made to anything of that kind in our conversation. -Everything from him breathed the purest patriotism, -involving, however, a close attention to his own honor and grade. -He expressed himself with the utmost devotion to the interests -of our own country, and I am satisfied he will pursue them with -honor and zeal in any character in which he shall be willing to -act. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus gone far beyond the single view of your letter, -that you may, under any circumstances, form a just estimate of -what he would be disposed to do. God bless you, and carry you -safely through all your difficulties. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. CHARLES F. WELLES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 3, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received, within a few days past, your favor of February -29th, (for September, I presume,) in either case it has been -long on the way. It covered the two pieces of poetry it referred -to. Of all the charges brought against me by my political adversaries, -that of possessing some science has probably done them -the least credit. Our countrymen are too enlightened themselves, -to believe that ignorance is the best qualification for their service. -If Mr. M. solicits a seat in Congress, I am sure he will be more -just to himself, and more respectful to his electors, than to claim -it on this ground. -</p> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_484'>[484]</a></span> -Without pretending to all the merits so kindly ascribed by the -more friendly and poetical answer, I feel the right of claiming -that of integrity of motives. Whether the principles of the majority -of our fellow citizens, or of the little minority still opposing -them, be most friendly to the rights of man, posterity will -judge; and to that arbiter I submit my own conduct with cheerfulness. -It has been a great happiness to me, to have received -the approbation of so great a portion of my fellow citizens, and -particularly of those who have opportunities of inquiring, reading -and deciding for themselves. It is on this view that I owe -you especial acknowledgments, which I pray you to accept with -the assurances of my respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 7, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The enclosed letter is from Father Richard, the -Director of a school at Detroit, being on a subject in which the -departments both of the Treasury and War are concerned, I -take the liberty of enclosing it to yourself as the centre which -may unite these two agencies. The transactions which it alludes -to took place in the months of December and January -preceding my retirement from office, and as I think it possible -they may not have been fully placed on the records of the War -office, because they were conducted verbally for the most part, -I will give a general statement of them as well as my recollection -will enable me. In the neighborhood of Detroit (two or -three miles from the town) is a farm, formerly the property of -one Earnest, a bankrupt Collector. It is now in the possession -of the Treasury department, as a pledge for a sum in which he -is in default to the government, much beyond the value of the -farm. As it is a good one, has proper buildings, and in a proper -position for the purpose contemplated, General Dearborne proposed -to purchase it for the War department at its real value. -Mr. Gallatin thought he should ask the sum for which it was -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_485'>[485]</a></span>hypothecated. I do not remember the last idea in which we all -concurred; but I believe it was that, as the Treasury must, in the -end, sell it for what it could get, the War department would -become a bidder as far as its real value, and in the meantime -would rent it. On this farm we proposed to assemble the following -establishments: 1st. Father Richards' school. He teaches -the children of the inhabitants of Detroit—but the part of the -school within our view was that of the young Indian girls instructed -by two French females, natives of the place, who devote -their whole time and their own property, which was not inconsiderable, -to the care and instruction of Indian girls in carding, -spinning, weaving, sewing, and the other household arts suited -to the condition of the poor, and as practiced by the white women -of that condition. Reading and writing were an incidental -part of their education. We proposed that the War department -should furnish the farm and the houses for the use of the school -gratis, and add $400 a year to the funds, and that the benefits -of the Institution should be extended to the boys also of the -neighboring tribes, who were to be lodged, fed, and instructed -there. -</p> - -<p> -2d. To establish there the farmer at present employed by the -United States, to instruct those Indians in the use of the plough -and other implements and practices of agriculture, and in the -general management of the farm. This man was to labor the -farm himself, and to have the aid of the boys through a principal -portion of the day, by which they would contract habits of -industry, learn the business of farming, and provide subsistence -for the whole Institution. Reading and writing were to be a -secondary object. -</p> - -<p> -3d. To remove thither the carpenter and smith at present employed -by the United States among the same Indians; with whom -such of the boys as had a turn for it should work and learn their -trades. -</p> - -<p> -This establishment was recommended by the further circumstance -that whenever the Indians come to Detroit on trade or -other business, they encamp on or about this farm. This would -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_486'>[486]</a></span>give them opportunities of seeing their sons and daughters, and -their advancement in the useful arts—of seeing and learning -from example all the operations and process of a farm, and of -always carrying home themselves some additional knowledge of -these things. It was thought more important to extend the civilized -arts, and to introduce a separation of property among the -Indians of the country around Detroit than elsewhere, because -learning to set a high value on their property, and losing by degrees -all other dependence for subsistence, they would deprecate -war with us as bringing certain destruction on their property, and -would become a barrier for that distant and isolated post against -the Indians beyond them. There are beyond them some strong -tribes, as the Sacs, Foxes, &c., with whom we have as yet had -little connection, and slender opportunities of extending to them -our benefits and influence. They are therefore ready instruments -to be brought into operation on us by a powerful neighbor, -which still cultivates its influence over them by nourishing -the savage habits which waste them, rather than by encouraging -the civilized arts which would soften, conciliate and preserve -them. The whole additional expense to the United States was -to be the price of the farm, and an increase of $400 in the annual -expenditures for these tribes. -</p> - -<p> -This is the sum of my recollections. I cannot answer for -their exactitude in all details, but General Dearborne could supply -and correct the particulars of my statement. Mr. Gallatin, -too was so often in consultation on the subject, that he must have -been informed of the whole plan; and his memory is so much -better than mine, that he will be able to make my statement -what it should be. Add to this that I think I generally informed -yourself of our policy and proceedings in the case, as we went -along; and, if I am not mistaken, it was one of the articles of a -memorandum I left with you of things still <span lang="la">in fieri</span>, and which -would merit your attention. I have thought it necessary to put -you in possession of these facts, that you might understand the -grounds of Father Richards' application, and be enabled to judge -for yourself of the expediency of pursuing the plan, or of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_487'>[487]</a></span>means of withdrawing from it with justice to the individuals employed -in its execution. How far we are committed with the -Indians themselves in this business will be seen in a speech of -mine to them, of January 31st, filed in the War office, and perhaps -something more may have passed to them from the Secretary -of War. Always affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DR. CHAPMAN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 11, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of November 10th did not come to hand till -the 29th of that month. The subject you have chosen for the -next anniversary discourse of the Linnean Society, is certainly a -very interesting and also a difficult one. The change which has -taken place in our climate, is one of those facts which all men -of years are sensible of, and yet none can prove by regular evidence, -they can only appeal to each other's general observation -for the fact. I remember that when I was a small boy, (say 60 -years ago,) snows were frequent and deep in every winter—to -my knee very often, to my waist sometimes—and that they covered -the earth long. And I remember while yet young, to have -heard from very old men, that in their youth, the winters had -been still colder, with deeper and longer snows. In the year -1772, (37 years ago,) we had a snow two feet deep in the champain -parts of this State, and three feet in the counties next below -the mountains. That year is still marked in conversation by the -designation of "the year of the deep snow." But I know of no -regular diaries of the weather very far back. In latter times, -they might perhaps be found. While I lived at Washington, I -kept a diary, and by recurring to that, I observe that from the -winter of 1802-3, to that of 1808-9, inclusive, the average fall -of snow of the seven winters was only fourteen and a half inches, -and that the ground was covered but sixteen days in each winter -on an average of the whole. The maximum in any one winter, -during that period, was twenty-one inches fall, and thirty-four -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_488'>[488]</a></span>days on the ground. The change in our climate is very shortly -noticed in the Notes on Virginia, because I had few facts to state -but from my own recollections, then only of thirty or thirty-five -years. Since that my whole time has been so completely occupied -in public vocations, that I have been able to pay but little -attention to this subject, and if I have heard any facts respecting -it, I made no note of them, and they have escaped my memory. -Thus, sir, with every disposition to furnish you with any information -in my possession, I can only express my regrets at the entire -want of them. Nor do I know of any source in this State, -now existing, from which anything on the subject can be derived. -Williams, in his History of Vermont, has an essay on -the change of climate in Europe, Asia and Africa, and has very -ingeniously laid history under contribution for materials. Doctor -Williamson has written on the change of our climate, in one of -the early volumes of our philosophical transactions. Both of -these are doubtless known to you. -</p> - -<p> -Wishing it had been in my power to have been more useful to -you, I pray you to accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO W. C. NICHOLAS, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 16, 1809. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I now enclose you the agricultural catalogue. I -do not know whether I have made it more or less comprehensive -than you wished; but in either case, you can make it what it -should be by reduction or addition—there are probably other -good books with which I am unacquainted. I do not possess the -Geoponica, nor Rozier's Dictionary. All the others I have, and -set them down on my own knowledge, except Young's Experimental -Agriculture, which I have not, but had the benefit of reading -your copy. I am sorry to address this catalogue to Warren, -instead of Washington. Never was there a moment when it -was so necessary to unite all the wisdom of the nation in its -councils. Our affairs are certainly now at their ultimate point -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_489'>[489]</a></span>of crisis. I understand the Eastern Republicans will agree to -nothing which shall render not-intercourse effectual, and that in -any question of that kind, the Federalists will have a majority. -There remains, then, only war or submission, and if we adopt -the former, they will desert us. Under these difficulties you -ought not to have left us. A temporary malady was not a just -ground for permanent withdrawing, and you are too young to be -entitled as yet to decline public duties. I think there never was -a time when your presence in Congress was more desirable. -However, the die is cast, and we have only to regret what we -cannot repair. You must indulge me a little in scolding on this -subject, and the rather as it is the effect of my great esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SAMUEL KERCHEVAL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 15, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of December 12th has been duly received, -as was also that of September 28th. With the blank subscription -paper for the academy of Frederic county, enclosed in your -letter of September, nothing has been done. I go rarely from -home, and therefore have little opportunity of soliciting subscriptions. -Nor could I do it in the present case in conformity with -my own judgment of what is best for institutions of this kind. -We are all doubtless bound to contribute a certain portion of our -income to the support of charitable and other useful public institutions. -But it is a part of our duty also to apply our contributions -in the most effectual way we can to secure their object. -The question then is whether this will not be better done by -each of us appropriating our whole contributions to the institutions -within our own reach, under our own eye; and over which -we can exercise some useful control? Or would it be better -that each should divide the sum he can spare among all the institutions -of his State, or of the United States? Reason, and -the interest of these institutions themselves, certainly decide in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_490'>[490]</a></span>favor of the former practice. This question has been forced on -me heretofore by the multitude of applications which have come -to me from every quarter of the Union on behalf of academies, -churches, missions, hospitals, charitable establishments, &c. Had -I parcelled among them all the contributions which I could -spare, it would have been for each too feeble a sum to be worthy -of being either given or received. If each portion of the State, -on the contrary, will apply its aids and its attentions exclusively -to those nearest around them, all will be better taken care of. -Their support, their conduct, and the best administration of their -funds, will be under the inspection and control of those most convenient -to take cognizance of them, and most interested in their -prosperity. With these impressions myself, I could not propose -to others what my own judgment disapproved, as to their duty -as well as my own. These considerations appear so conclusive -to myself, that I trust they will be a sufficient apology for my -not having fulfilled your wishes with respect to the paper enclosed. -They are therefore submitted to your candor, with assurances -of my best wishes for the success of the institution you -patronize, and of my respect and consideration for yourself. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. EPPES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 17, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 10th came safely to hand, and I -now enclose you a letter from Francis; he continues in excellent -health, and employs his time well. He has written to his mamma -and grandmamma. I observe that the H. of R. are sensible of -the ill effects of the long speeches in their house on their proceedings. -But they have a worse effect in the disgust they excite -among the people, and the disposition they are producing to -transfer their confidence from the legislature to the executive -branch, which would soon sap our constitution. These speeches, -therefore, are less and less read, and if continued will cease to be -read at all. The models for that oratory which is to produce -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_491'>[491]</a></span>the greatest effect by securing the attention of hearers and readers, -are to be found in Livy, Tacitus, Sallust, and most assuredly -not in Cicero. I doubt if there is a man in the world who can -now read one of his orations through but as a piece of task-work. -I observe the house is endeavoring to remedy the eternal -protraction of debate by setting up all night, or by the use of the -Previous Question. Both will subject them to the most serious -inconvenience. The latter may be turned upon themselves by -a trick of their adversaries. I have thought that such a rule as -the following would be more effectual and less inconvenient. -"Resolved that at [viii.] o'clock in the evening (whenever the -house shall be in session at that hour) it shall be the duty of the -Speaker to declare that hour arrived, whereupon all debate shall -cease. If there be then before the house a main question for -the reading or passing of a bill, resolution or order, such main -question shall immediately be put by the Speaker, and decided -by yeas and nays. -</p> - -<p> -"If the question before the house be secondary, as for amendment, -commitment, postponement, adjournment of the debate or -question, laying on the table, reading papers, or a previous question, -such secondary, [or any other which may delay the main -question,] shall stand <i>ipso facto</i> discharged, and the main question -shall then be before the house, and shall be immediately put -and decided by yeas and nays. But a motion for adjournment -of the house, may once and once only, take place of the main -question, and if decided in the negative, the main question shall -then be put as before. Should any question of order arise, it -shall be decided by the Speaker instanter, and without debate or -appeal; and questions of privilege arising, shall be postponed till -the main question be decided. Messages from the President or -Senate may be received but not acted on till after the decision -of the main question. But this rule shall be suspended during -the [three] last days of the session of Congress." -</p> - -<p> -No doubt this, on investigation, will be found to need amendment; -but I think the principle of it better adapted to meet the -evil than any other which has occurred to me. You can consider -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_492'>[492]</a></span>and decide upon it, however, and make what use of it you -please, only keeping the source of it to yourself. Ever affectionately -yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. SAMUEL KERCHEVAL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 19, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Yours of the 7th inst. has been duly received, with the -pamphlet enclosed, for which I return you my thanks. Nothing -can be more exactly and seriously true than what is there stated: -that but a short time elapsed after the death of the great reformer -of the Jewish religion, before his principles were departed from -by those who professed to be his special servants, and perverted -into an engine for enslaving mankind, and aggrandizing their -oppressors in Church and State: that the purest system of morals -ever before preached to man has been adulterated and sophisticated -by artificial constructions, into a mere contrivance to filch -wealth and power to themselves: that rational men, not being -able to swallow their impious heresies, in order to force them -down their throats, they raise the hue and cry of infidelity, while -themselves are the greatest obstacles to the advancement of the -real doctrines of Jesus, and do, in fact, constitute the real Anti-Christ. -</p> - -<p> -You expect that your book will have some effect on the prejudices -which the society of Friends entertain against the present -and late administrations. In this I think you will be disappointed. -The Friends are men formed with the same passions, and -swayed by the same natural principles and prejudices as others. -In cases where the passions are neutral, men will display their -respect for the religious <i>professions</i> of their sect. But where -their passions are enlisted, these <i>professions</i> are no obstacle. You -observe very truly, that both the late and present administration -conducted the government on principles <i>professed</i> by the Friends. -Our efforts to preserve peace, our measures as to the Indians, as -to slavery, as to religious freedom, were all in consonance with -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_493'>[493]</a></span>their <i>profession</i>. Yet I never expected we should get a vote -from them, and in this I was neither deceived nor disappointed. -There is no riddle in this to those who do not suffer themselves -to be duped by the <i>professions</i> of religions sectaries. The theory -of American Quakerism is a very obvious one. The mother -society is in England. Its members are English by birth and -residence, devoted to their own country as good citizens ought -to be. The Quakers of these States are colonies or filiations from -the mother society, to whom that society sends its yearly lessons. -On these, the filiated societies model their opinions, their conduct, -their passions and attachments. A Quaker is essentially an -Englishman, in whatever part of the earth he is born or lives. -The outrages of Great Britain on our navigation and commerce, -have kept us in perpetual bickerings with her. The Quakers -here have taken side against their own government, not on their -<i>profession</i> of peace, for they saw that peace was our object also; -but from devotion to the views of the mother society. In 1797-8, -when an administration sought war with France, the Quakers -were the most clamorous for war. Their principle of peace, -as a secondary one, yielded to the primary one of adherence to -the Friends in England, and what was patriotism in the original, -became treason in the copy. On that occasion, they obliged -their good old leader, Mr. Pemberton, to erase his name from a -petition to Congress against war, which had been delivered to a -Representative of Pennsylvania, a member of the late and present -administration; he accordingly permitted the old gentleman -to erase his name. You must not therefore expect that your -book will have any more effect on the Society of Friends here, -than on the English merchants settled among us. I apply this -to the Friends in general, not universally. I know individuals -among them as good patriots as we have. -</p> - -<p> -I thank you for the kind wishes and sentiments towards myself, -expressed in your letter, and sincerely wish to yourself the -blessings of heaven and happiness. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_494'>[494]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BALDWIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 19, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -Thomas Jefferson returns to Mr. Baldwin his thanks for the -copy of the letters of Cerus and Amicus just received from him. -He sincerely wishes its circulation among the Society of Friends -may have the effect Mr. Baldwin expects, of abating their prejudices -against the government of their country. But he apprehends -their disease is too deeply seated; that identifying themselves -with the mother society in England, and taking from them -implicitly their politics, their principles and passions, it will be -long before they will cease to be Englishmen in everything but -the place of their birth, and to consider that, and not America, as -their real country. He is particularly thankful to Mr. Baldwin -for the kind wishes and sentiments expressed in his letter, and -sincerely wishes to him the blessings of health and happiness. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. THOMAS T. HEWSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 21, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of the 8th inst., informing -me that the American Philosophical Society had been pleased -again unanimously to re-elect me their President. For these -continued testimonials of their favor, I can but renew the expressions -of my continued gratitude, and the assurances of my -entire devotion to their service. If, in my present situation, I -can in any wise forward their laudable pursuits for the information -and benefit of mankind, all other duties shall give place to -that. -</p> - -<p> -I pray you to be the channel of communicating these sentiments, -with the expressions of my dutiful respects to the Society, -and to accept, yourself, the assurance of my great esteem and -respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_495'>[495]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE HONORABLE PAUL HAMILTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 23, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The enclosed letter would have been more properly addressed -to yourself, or perhaps to the Secretary of War. I have -no knowledge at all of the writer; but suppose the best use I -can make of his letter, as to himself or the public, is to enclose -it to you for such notice only as the public utility may entitle it -to; perhaps I should ask the favor of you to communicate it, -with the samples, and with my friendly respects, to the Secretary -of War, who may know something of the writer. I recollect -that his predecessor made some trial of cotton tenting, and found -it good against the water. Its combustibility, however, must be -an objection to it for that purpose, and perhaps even on shipboard. -I avail myself of the occasion which this circumstance presents -of expressing my sincere anxieties for the prosperity of the administration -in all its parts, which indeed involves the prosperity -of us all, and of tendering to yourself in particular the assurances -of my high respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BARLOW. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 24, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 15th is received, and I am disconsolate -on learning my mistake as to your having a dynamometer. -My object being to bring a plough to be made here to the same -standard of comparison by which Guillaume's has been proved, -nothing less would be satisfactory than an instrument made by -the same standard. I must import one, therefore, but how, in -the present state of non-intercourse, is the difficulty. I do not -know * * * personally, but by character well. He is the -most red-hot federalist, famous, or rather infamous for the lying -and slandering which he vomited from the pulpit in the political -harangues with which he polluted the place. I was honored -with much of it. He is a man who can prove everything if -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_496'>[496]</a></span> -you will take his word for proof. Such evidence of Hamilton's -being a republican he may bring; but Mr. Adams, Edmund -Randolph, and myself, could repeat an explicit declaration of -Hamilton's against which * * proofs would weigh nothing. -</p> - -<p> -I am sorry to learn that your rural occupations impede so -much the progress of your much to be desired work. You owe -to republicanism, and indeed to the future hopes of man, a faithful -record of the <i>march</i> of this government, which may encourage -the oppressed to go and do so likewise. Your talents, your -principles, and your means of access to public and private sources -of information, with the leisure which is at your command, point -you out as the person who is to do this act of justice to those -who believe in the improvability of the condition of man, and -who have acted on that behalf, in opposition to those who consider -man as a beast of burthen made to be rode by him who -has genius enough to get a bridle into his mouth. The dissensions -between two members of the Cabinet are to be lamented. -But why should these force Mr. Gallatin to withdraw? They -cannot be greater than between Hamilton and myself, and yet -we served together four years in that way. We had indeed no -personal dissensions. Each of us, perhaps, thought well of the -other as a man, but as politicians it was impossible for two men -to be of more opposite principles. The method of separate consultation, -practised sometimes in the Cabinet, prevents disagreeable -collisions. -</p> - -<p> -You ask my opinion of Maine. I think him a most excellent -man. Sober, industrious, intelligent and conscientious. But, in -the difficulty of changing a nursery establishment, I suspect you -will find an insurmountable obstacle to his removal. Present me -respectfully to Mrs. Barlow, and be assured of my constant and -affectionate esteem. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. The day before yesterday the mercury was at 5½° with -us, a very uncommon degree of cold here. It gave us the first -ice for the ice house. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_497'>[497]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GIDEON GRANGER, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 24, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I was sorry, by a letter from Mr. Barlow the other -day, to learn the ill state of your health, and I sincerely wish -that this may find you better. Young, temperate and prudent -as you are, great confidence may be reposed in the provision -nature has made for the restoration of order in your system when -it has become deranged; she effects her object by strengthening -the whole system, towards which medicine is generally mischevous. -Nor are the sedentary habits of office friendly to it. -But of all this your own good understanding, instructed by your -experience, is the best judge. * * * * * -I cannot pass over this occasion of writing to you, the first -presented me since retiring from office, without expressing to -you my sense of the important aid I received from you in the -able and faithful direction of the office committed to your charge. -With such auxiliaries, the business and burthen of government -becomes all but insensible, and its painful anxieties are relieved -by the certainty that all is going right. In no department did I -feel this sensation more strongly than in yours, and though at -this time of little significance to yourself, it is a relief to my mind -to discharge the duty of bearing this testimony to your valuable -services. I must add my acknowledgments for your friendly -interference in setting the public judgment to rights with respect -to the Connecticut prosecutions, so falsely and maliciously -charged on me. I refer to a statement of the facts in the National -Intelligencer of many months past, which I was sensible -came from your hand. I pray you to be assured of my great and -constant attachment, esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. J. GARLAND JEFFERSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 25, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of December 12th was long coming -to hand. I am much concerned to learn that any disagreeable -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_498'>[498]</a></span>impression was made on your mind, by the circumstances which -are the subject of your letter. Permit me first to explain the -principles which I had laid down for my own observance. In a -government like ours, it is the duty of the Chief Magistrate, in -order to enable himself to do all the good which his station requires, -to endeavor, by all honorable means, to unite in himself -the confidence of the whole people. This alone, in any case -where the energy of the nation is required, can produce a union -of the powers of the whole, and point them in a single direction, -as if all constituted but one body and one mind, and this alone -can render a weaker nation unconquerable by a stronger one. -Towards acquiring the confidence of the people, the very first -measure is to satisfy them of his disinterestedness, and that he is -directing their affairs with a single eye to their good, and not to -build up fortunes for himself and family, and especially, that the -officers appointed to transact their business, are appointed because -they are the fittest men, not because they are his relations. So -prone are they to suspicion, that where a President appoints a relation -of his own, however worthy, they will believe that favor -and not merit, was the motive. I therefore laid it down as a -law of conduct for myself, never to give an appointment to a relation. -Had I felt any hesitation in adopting this rule, examples -were not wanting to admonish me what to do and what to avoid. -Still, the expression of your willingness to act in any office for -which you were qualified, could not be imputed to you as blame. -It would not readily occur that a person qualified for office ought -to be rejected merely because he was related to the President, -and the then more recent examples favored the other opinion. -In this light I considered the case as presenting itself to your -mind, and that the application might be perfectly justifiable on -your part, while, for reasons occurring to none perhaps, but the -person in my situation, the public interest might render it unadvisable. -Of this, however, be assured that I considered the proposition -as innocent on your part, and that it never lessened my -esteem for you, or the interest I felt in your welfare. -</p> - -<p> -My stay in Amelia was too short, (only twenty-four hours,) to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_499'>[499]</a></span>expect the pleasure of seeing you there. It would be a happiness -to me any where, but especially here, from whence I am -rarely absent. I am leading a life of considerable activity as a -farmer, reading little and writing less. Something pursued with -ardor is necessary to guard us from the <span lang="la"><i>tedium-vitæ</i></span>, and the active -pursuits lessen most our sense of the infirmities of age. That -to the health of youth you may add an old age of vigor, is the -sincere prayer of -</p> - -<p class="center"> -Yours, affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JUDGE DAVID CAMPBELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 28, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of November 5th, was two months on -its passage to me. I am very thankful for all the kind expressions -of friendship in it, and I consider it a great felicity, through -a long and trying course of life, to have retained the esteem of -my early friends unaltered. I find in old age that the impressions -of youth are the deepest and most indelible. Some friends, indeed, -have left me by the way, seeking, by a different political -path, the same object, their country's good, which I pursued with -the crowd along the common highway. It is a satisfaction to -me that I was not the first to leave them. I have never thought -that a difference in political, any more than in religious opinions, -should disturb the friendly intercourse of society. There are so -many other topics on which friends may converse and be happy, -that it is wonderful they would select, of preference, the only one -on which they cannot agree. I am sensible of the mark of esteem -manifested by the name you have given to your son. Tell him -from me, that he must consider as essentially belonging to it, -to love his friends and wish no ill to his enemies. I shall be -happy to see him here whenever any circumstance shall lead his -footsteps this way. You doubt, between law and physic, which -profession he shall adopt. His peculiar turn of mind, and your -own knowledge of things will best decide this question. Law -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_500'>[500]</a></span>is quite overdone. It is fallen to the ground, and a man must -have great powers to raise himself in it to either honor or profit. -The mob of the profession get as little money and less respect, -than they would by digging the earth. The followers of Esculapius -are also numerous. Yet I have remarked that wherever -one sets himself down in a good neighborhood, not pre-occupied, -he secures to himself its practice, and if prudent, is not long in -acquiring whereon to retire and live in comfort. The physician -is happy in the attachment of the families in which he practices. -All think he has saved some one of them, and he finds himself -everywhere a welcome guest, a home in every house. If, to the -consciousness of having saved some lives, he can add that of -having at no time, from want of caution, destroyed the boon he -was called on to save, he will enjoy, in age, the happy reflection -of not having lived in vain; while the lawyer has only to recollect -how many, by his dexterity, have been cheated of their right -and reduced to beggary. After all, I end where I began, with -the observation that your son's disposition and your prudence, are -the best arbiters of this question, and with the assurances of my -great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CÆSAR A. RODNEY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 10, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Sir</span>,—I have to thank you for your favor of the -31st ultimo, which is just now received. It has been peculiarly -unfortunate for us, personally, that the portion in the history of -mankind, at which we were called to take a share in the direction -of their affairs, was such an one as history has never before -presented. At any other period, the even-handed justice we -have observed towards all nations, the efforts we have made to -merit their esteem by every act which candor or liberality could -exercise, would have preserved our peace, and secured the unqualified -confidence of all other nations in our faith and probity. -But the hurricane which is now blasting the world, physical and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_501'>[501]</a></span>moral, has prostrated all the mounds of reason as well as right. -All those calculations which, at any other period, would have -been deemed honorable, of the existence of a moral sense in -man, individually or associated, of the connection which the -laws of nature have established between his duties and his interests, -of a regard for honest fame and the esteem of our fellow -men, have been a matter of reproach on us, as evidences of imbecility. -As if it could be a folly for an honest man to suppose -that others could be honest also, when it is their interest to be -so. And when is this state of things to end? The death of -Bonaparte would, to be sure, remove the first and chiefest apostle -of the desolation of men and morals, and might withdraw the -scourge of the land. But what is to restore order and safety on -the ocean? The death of George III? Not at all. He is only -stupid; and his ministers, however weak and profligate in morals, -are ephemeral. But his nation is permanent, and it is that -which is the tyrant of the ocean. The principle that force is -right, is become the principle of the nation itself. They would -not permit an honest minister, were accident to bring such an -one into power, to relax their system of lawless piracy. These -were the difficulties when I was with you. I know they are not -lessened, and I pity you. -</p> - -<p> -It is a blessing, however, that our people are reasonable; that -they are kept so well informed of the state of things as to judge -for themselves, to see the true sources of their difficulties, and to -maintain their confidence undiminished in the wisdom and integrity -of their functionaries. <span lang="la"><i>Macte virtute</i></span> therefore. Continue -to go straight forward, pursuing always that which is right, as -the only clue which can lead us out of the labyrinth. Let nothing -be spared of either reason or passion, to preserve the public -confidence entire, as the only rock of our safety. In times of -peace the people look most to their representatives; but in war, -to the executive solely. It is visible that their confidence is even -now veering in that direction; that they are looking to the executive -to give the proper direction to their affairs, with a confidence -as auspicious as it is well founded. -</p> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_502'>[502]</a></span> -I avail myself of this, the first occasion of writing to you, to -express all the depth of my affection for you; the sense I entertain -of your faithful co-operation in my late labors, and the debt -I owe for the valuable aid I received from you. Though separated -from my fellow laborers in place and pursuit, my affections -are with you all, and I offer daily prayers that ye love one another, -as I love you. God bless you. -</p> - -<h3> -TO REV. MR. KNOX. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 12, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of January 22d loitered on the way somewhere, -so as not to come to my hand until the 5th inst. The -title of the tract of Buchanan which you propose to translate, -was familiar to me, and I possessed the tract; but no circumstance -had ever led me to look into it. Yet I think nothing -more likely than that, in the free spirit of that age and state of -society, principles should be avowed, which were felt and followed, -although unwritten in the Scottish constitution. Undefined -powers had been entrusted to the crown, undefined rights -retained by the people, and these depended for their maintenance -on the spirit of the people, which, in that day was dependence -sufficient. I shall certainly, after what you say of it, give it a -serious reading. His latinity is so pure as to claim a place in -school reading, and the sentiments which have recommended -the work to your notice, are such as ought to be instilled into -the minds of our youth on their first opening. The boys of the -rising generation are to be the men of the next, and the sole -guardians of the principles we deliver over to them. That I -have acted through life on those of sincere republicanism I feel -in every fibre of my constitution. And when men who feel -like myself, bear witness in my favor, my satisfaction is complete. -The testimony of approbation implied in the desire -you express of coupling my name with Buchanan's work, and -your translation of it, cannot but be acceptable and flattering; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_503'>[503]</a></span>and the more so as coming from one of whom a small acquaintance -had inspired me with a great esteem. This I am now -happy in finding an occasion to express. The times which -brought us within mutual observation were awfully trying. But -truth and reason are eternal. They have prevailed. And they -will eternally prevail, however, in times and places they may be -overborne for a while by violence, military, civil, or ecclesiastical. -The preservation of the holy fire is confided to us by the -world, and the sparks which will emanate from it will ever serve -to rekindle it in other quarters of the globe, <span lang="la"><i>numinibus secundis</i></span>. -</p> - -<p> -Amidst the immense mass of detraction which was published -against me, when my fellow citizens proposed to entrust me -with their concerns, and the efforts of more candid minds to expose -their falsehood, I retain a remembrance of the pamphlet -you mention. But I never before learned who was its author; -nor was it known to me that Mr. Pechin had ever published a -copy of the Notes on Virginia. But had all this been known, I -should have seen myself with pride by your side. Wherever -you lead, we may all safely follow, assured that it is in the path -of truth and liberty. Mr. Pechin knew well that your introduction -would plead for his author, and only erred in not asking -your leave. Wishing every good effect which may follow your -undertaking, I tender you the assurances of my high esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO W. D. G. WORTHINGTON, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 24, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have to thank you for the pamphlet you have been so -kind as to send me, and especially for its contents so far as they -respect myself personally. I had before read your speech in the -newspapers, with great satisfaction, and the more, as, besides the -able defence of the government, I saw that an absent and retired -servant would still find, in the justice of the public counsellors, -friendly advocates who would not suffer his name to be maligned -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_504'>[504]</a></span>without answer or reproof. If, brooding over past calamities, the -attentions of federalism can, by abusing me, be diverted from -disturbing the course of government, they will make me useful -longer than I had expected to be so. Having served them faithfully -for a term of twelve or fourteen years, in the terrific station -of Rawhead and Bloodybones, it was supposed that, retired from -power, I should have been <span lang="la"><i>functus officio</i></span>, of course, for them -also. If, nevertheless, they wish my continuance in that awful -office, I yield, and the rather as it may be exercised at home, -without interfering with the tranquil enjoyment of my farm, my -family, my friends and books. In truth, having never felt a pain -from their abuse, I bear them no malice. Contented with our -government, elective as it is in three of its principal branches, I -wish not, on Hamilton's plan, to see two of them for life; and -still less, hereditary, as others desire. I believe that the yeomanry -of the Federalists think on this subject with me. They are -substantially republican. But some of their leaders, who get -into the public councils, would prefer Hamilton's government, -and still more the hereditary one. <span lang="la"><i>Hinc illæ lachrymæ</i></span>, I wish -them no harm, but that they may never get into power, not <i>for -their harm</i>, but for the good of our country. I hope the friends -of republican government will keep strict watch over them, and -not let them want, when they need it, the wholesome discipline -of which you have sent me a specimen. I commit them with -entire confidence to your care, and salute you with esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BURWELL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 25, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 16th, has given me real uneasiness. -I was certainly very unfortunate in the choice of my expression, -when I hit upon one which could excite any doubt of my unceasing -affections for you. In observing that you might use the -information as you should find proper, I meant merely that you -might communicate it to the President, the Secretaries of State -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_505'>[505]</a></span>or War, or to young Mr. Lee, as should be judged by yourself -most proper. I meant particularly, to permit its communication -to Mr. Lee, to enlighten his enquiries, for I do not know that his -father received the medal. I could only conduct the information -to the completion of the dye and striking off a proof. With -such assurances as I have of your affection, be assured that nothing -but the most direct and unequivocal proofs can ever make me -suspect its abatement, and conscious of as warm feelings towards -yourself, I hope you will ever be as unready to doubt them. Let -us put this, then, under our feet. -</p> - -<p> -I like your convoy bill, because although it does not assume -the maintenance of all our maritime rights, it assumes as much -as it is our interest to maintain. Our coasting trade is the first -and most important branch, never to be yielded but with our -existence. Next to that is the carriage of our own productions -in our own vessels, and bringing back the returns for our own -consumption; so far I would protect it, and force every part of -the Union to join in the protection at the point of the bayonet. -But though we have a right to the remaining branch of carrying -for other nations, its advantages do not compensate its risks. -Your bill first rallies us to the ground the constitution ought to -have taken, and to which we ought to return without delay; -the moment is the most favorable possible, because the Eastern -States, by declaring they will not protect that cabotage by war, -and forcing us to abandon it, have released us from every future -claim for its protection on that part. Your bill is excellent in -another view: it presents still one other ground to which we can -retire before we resort to war; it says to the belligerents, rather -than go to war, we will retire from the brokerage of other nations, -and confine ourselves to the carriage and exchange of our -own productions; but we will vindicate that in all its rights—if -you touch it, it is war. -</p> - -<p> -The present delightful weather has drawn us all into our farms -and gardens; we have had the most devastating rain which has -ever fallen within my knowledge. Three inches of water fell -in the space of about an hour. Every hollow of every hill presented -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_506'>[506]</a></span>a torrent which swept everything before it. I have never -seen the fields so much injured. Mr. Randolph's farm is the only -one which has not suffered; his horizontal furrows arrested the -water at every step till it was absorbed, or at least had deposited -the soil it had taken up. Everybody in this neighborhood is -adopting his method of ploughing, except tenants who have no -interest in the preservation of the soil. -</p> - -<p> -Present me respectfully to Mrs. Burwell, and be assured of my -constant affection. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, February 26, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear General and Friend</span>,—I have rarely written to -you; never but by safe conveyances; and avoiding everything -political, lest coming from one in the station I then held, it might -be imputed injuriously to our country, or perhaps even excite -jealousy of you. Hence my letters were necessarily dry. Retired -now from public concerns, totally unconnected with them, -and avoiding all curiosity about what is done or intended, what -I say is from myself only, the workings of my own mind, imputable -to nobody else. -</p> - -<p> -The anxieties which I know you have felt, on seeing exposed -to the justlings of a warring world, a country to which, in early -life, you devoted your sword and services when oppressed by -foreign dominion, were worthy of your philanthropy and disinterested -attachment to the freedom and happiness of man. Although -we have not made all the provisions which might be necessary -for a war in the field of Europe, yet we have not been -inattentive to such as would be necessary here. From the moment -that the affair of the Chesapeake rendered the prospect of -war imminent, every faculty was exerted to be prepared for it, -and I think I may venture to solace you with the assurance, that -we are, in a good degree, prepared. Military stores for many -campaigns are on hand, all the necessary articles (sulphur excepted), -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_507'>[507]</a></span>and the art of preparing them among ourselves, abundantly; -arms in our magazines for more men than will ever be -required in the field, and forty thousand new stand yearly added, -of our own fabrication, superior to any we have ever seen from -Europe; heavy artillery much beyond our need; an increasing -stock of field pieces, several foundries casting one every other -day each; a military school of about fifty students, which has -been in operation a dozen years; and the manufacture of -men constantly going on, and adding forty thousand young soldiers -to our force every year that the war is deferred; at all our -seaport towns of the least consequence we have erected works -of defence, and assigned them gunboats, carrying one or two -heavy pieces, either eighteen, twenty-four, or thirty-two pounders, -sufficient in the smaller harbors to repel the predatory attacks -of privateers or single armed ships, and proportioned in the larger -harbors to such more serious attacks as they may probably be -exposed to. All these were nearly completed, and their gunboats -in readiness, when I retired from the government. The -works of New York and New Orleans alone, being on a much -larger scale, are not yet completed. The former will be finished -this summer, mounting four hundred and thirty-eight guns, and, -with the aid of from fifty to one hundred gunboats, will be adequate -to the resistance of any fleet which will ever be trusted -across the Atlantic. The works for New Orleans are less advanced. -These are our preparations. They are very different -from what you will be told by newspapers, and travellers, even -Americans. But it is not to them the government communicates -the public condition. Ask one of them if he knows the exact -state of any particular harbor, and you will find probably that he -does not know even that of the one he comes from. You will -ask, perhaps, where are the proof of these preparations for one -who cannot go and see them. I answer, in the acts of Congress, -authorizing such preparations, and in your knowledge of me, -that, if authorized, they would be executed. -</p> - -<p> -Two measures have not been adopted, which I pressed on -Congress repeatedly at their meetings. The one, to settle the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_508'>[508]</a></span>whole ungranted territory of Orleans, by donations of land to -able-bodied young men, to be engaged and carried there at the -public expense, who would constitute a force always ready on the -spot to defend New Orleans. The other was, to class the militia -according to the years of their birth, and make all those from -twenty to twenty-five liable to be trained and called into service -at a moment's warning. This would have given us a force of -three hundred thousand young men, prepared by proper training, -for service in any part of the United States; while those who -had passed through that period would remain at home, liable to -be used in their own or adjacent States. These two measures -would have completed what I deemed necessary for the entire -security of our country. They would have given me, on my -retirement from the government of the nation, the consolatory -reflection, that having found, when I was called to it, not a single -seaport town in a condition to repel a levy of contribution -by a single privateer or pirate, I had left every harbor so prepared -by works and gunboats, as to be in a reasonable state of -security against any probable attack; the territory of Orleans acquired, -and planted with an internal force sufficient for its protection; -and the whole territory of the United States organized -by such a classification of its male force, as would give it the -benefit of all its young population for active service, and that of -a middle and advanced age for stationary defence. But these -measures will, I hope, be completed by my successor, who, to -the purest principles of republican patriotism, adds a wisdom and -foresight second to no man on earth. -</p> - -<p> -So much as to my country. Now a word as to myself. I am -retired to Monticello, where, in the bosom of my family, and -surrounded by my books, I enjoy a repose to which I have been -long a stranger. My mornings are devoted to correspondence. -From breakfast to dinner, I am in my shops, my garden, or on -horseback among my farms; from dinner to dark, I give to society -and recreation with my neighbors and friends; and from candle -light to early bed-time, I read. My health is perfect; and -my strength considerably reinforced by the activity of the course -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_509'>[509]</a></span>I pursue; perhaps it is as great as usually falls to the lot of near -sixty-seven years of age. I talk of ploughs and harrows, of seeding -and harvesting, with my neighbors, and of politics too, if -they choose, with as little reserve as the rest of my fellow citizens, -and feel, at length, the blessing of being free to say and -do what I please, without being responsible for it to any mortal. -A part of my occupation, and by no means the least pleasing, is -the direction of the studies of such young men as ask it. They -place themselves in the neighboring village, and have the use of -my library and counsel, and make a part of my society. In advising -the course of their reading, I endeavor to keep their attention -fixed on the main objects of all science, the freedom and -happiness of man. So that coming to bear a share in the councils -and government of their country, they will keep ever in view -the sole objects of all legitimate government. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -Instead of the unalloyed happiness of retiring unembarrassed -and independent, to the enjoyment of my estate, which is ample -for my limited views, I have to pass such a length of time in a -thraldom of mind never before known to me. Except for this, -my happiness would have been perfect. That yours may never -know disturbance, and that you may enjoy as many years of -life, as health and ease to yourself shall wish, is the sincere -prayer of your constant and affectionate friend. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR JONES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 5, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I received duly you favor of the 19th ultimo, and -I salute you with all ancient and recent recollections of friendship. -I have learned, with real sorrow, that circumstances have -arisen among our executive counsellors, which have rendered -foes those who once were friends. To themselves it will be a -source of infinite pain and vexation, and therefore chiefly I lament -it, for I have a sincere esteem for both parties. To the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_510'>[510]</a></span>President it will be really inconvenient; but to the nation I do -not know that it can do serious injury, unless we were to believe -the newspapers, which pretend that Mr. Gallatin will go out. -That indeed would be a day of mourning for the United States; -but I hope that the position of both gentlemen may be made so -easy as to give no cause for either to withdraw. The ordinary -business of every day is done by consultation between the -President and the Head of the department alone to which it belongs. -For measures of importance or difficulty, a consultation -is held with the Heads of departments, either assembled, or by -taking their opinions separately in conversation or in writing. -The latter is most strictly in the spirit of the constitution. Because -the President, on weighing the advice of all, is left free to -make up an opinion for himself. In this way they are not -brought together, and it is not necessarily known to any what -opinion the others have given. This was General Washington's -practice for the first two or three years of his administration, till -the affairs of France and England threatened to embroil us, and -rendered consideration and discussion desirable. In these discussions, -Hamilton and myself were daily pitted in the cabinet like -two cocks. We were then but four in number, and, according -to the majority, which of course was three to one, the President -decided. The pain was for Hamilton and myself, but the public -experienced no inconvenience. I practised this last method, because -the harmony was so cordial among us all, that we never -failed, by a contribution of mutual views on the subject, to form -an opinion acceptable to the whole. I think there never was -one instance to the contrary, in any case of consequence. Yet -this does, in fact, transform the executive into a directory, and I -hold the other method to be more constitutional. It is better -calculated too to prevent collision and irritation, and to cure it, -or at least suppress its effects when it has already taken place. It -is the obvious and sufficient remedy in the present ease, and will -doubtless be resorted to. -</p> - -<p> -Our difficulties are indeed great, if we consider ourselves -alone. But when viewed in comparison to those of Europe, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_511'>[511]</a></span>they are the joys of Paradise. In the eternal revolution of ages, -the destinies have placed our portion of existence amidst such -scenes of tumult and outrage, as no other period, within our -knowledge, had presented. Every government but one on the -continent of Europe, demolished, a conqueror roaming over the -earth with havoc and destruction, a pirate spreading misery and -ruin over the face of the ocean. Indeed, my friend, ours is a -bed of roses. And the system of government which shall keep -us afloat amidst the wreck of the world, will be immortalized in -history. We have, to be sure, our petty squabbles and heart -burnings, and we have something of the blue devils at times, as -to these raw heads and bloody bones who are eating up other -nations. But happily for us, the Mammoth cannot swim, nor -the Leviathan move on dry land; and if we will keep out of -their way, they cannot get at us. If, indeed, we choose to place -ourselves within the scope of their tether, a gripe of the paw, or -flounce of the tail, may be our fortune. Our business certainly -was to be still. But a part of our nation chose to declare against -this, in such a way as to control the wisdom of the government. -I yielded with others, to avoid a greater evil. But from -that moment, I have seen no system which could keep us entirely -aloof from these agents of destruction. If there be any, -I am certain that you, my friends, now charged with the care -of us all, will see and pursue it. I give myself, therefore, no -trouble with thinking or puzzling about it. Being confident in -my watchmen I sleep soundly. God bless you all, and send you -a safe deliverance. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR LANGDON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 5, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -Your letter, my dear friend, of the 18th ultimo, comes like the -refreshing dews of the evening on a thirsty soil. It recalls ancient -as well as recent recollections, very dear to my heart. For -five and thirty years we have walked together through a land of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_512'>[512]</a></span>tribulations. Yet these have passed away, and so, I trust, will -those of the present day. The toryism with which we struggled -in '77, differed but in name from the federalism of '99, with -which we struggled also; and the Anglicism of 1808, against -which we are now struggling, is but the same thing still in another -form. It is a longing for a King, and an English King rather -than any other. This is the true source of their sorrows and -wailings. -</p> - -<p> -The fear that Bonaparte will come over to us and conquer us -also, is too chimerical to be genuine. Supposing him to have -finished Spain and Portugal, he has yet England and Russia to -subdue. The maxim of war was never sounder than in this case, -not to leave an enemy in the rear; and especially where an insurrectionary -flame is known to be under the embers, merely -smothered, and ready to burst at every point. These two subdued, -(and surely the Anglomen will not think the conquest of -England alone a short work,) ancient Greece and Macedonia, the -cradle of Alexander, his prototype, and Constantinople, the seat -of empire for the world, would glitter more in his eye than our -bleak mountains and rugged forests. Egypt, too, and the golden -apples of Mauritania, have for more than half a century fixed the -longing eyes of France; and with Syria, you know, he has an -old affront to wipe out. Then come "Pontus and Galatia, Cappadocia, -Asia and Bithynia," the fine countries, on the Euphrates -and Tigris, the Oxus and Indus, and all beyond the Hyphasis, -which bounded the glories of his Macedonian rival; with the invitations -of his new British subjects on the banks of the Ganges, -whom, after receiving under his protection the mother country, -he cannot refuse to visit. When all this done and settled, and -nothing of the old world remains unsubdued, he may turn to the -new one. But will he attack us first, from whom he will get -but hard knocks and no money? Or will he first lay hold of -the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and the diamonds of -Brazil? A <i>republican</i> Emperor, from his affection to republics, -independent of motives of expediency, must grant to ours the -Cyclop's boon of being the last devoured. While all this is doing, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_513'>[513]</a></span>we are to suppose the chapter of accidents read out, and that nothing -can happen to cut short or to disturb his enterprises. -</p> - -<p> -But the Anglomen, it seems, have found out a much safer -dependence than all these chances of death or disappointment. -That is, that we should first let England plunder us, as she has -been doing for years, for fear Bonaparte should do it; and then -ally ourselves with her, and enter into the war. A conqueror, -whose career England could not arrest when aided by Russia, -Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Spain and Portugal, she is now to destroy, -with all these on his side, by the aid of the United States -alone. This, indeed, is making us a mighty people. And what -is to be our security, that when embarked for her in the war, she -will not make a separate peace, and leave us in the lurch? Her -good faith! The faith of a nation of merchants! The <span lang="la"><i>Punica -fides</i></span> of modern Carthage! Of the friend and protectress of Copenhagen! -Of the nation who never admitted a chapter of morality -into her political code! And is now boldly avowing that -whatever power can make hers, is hers of right. Money, and -not morality, is the principle of commerce and commercial nations. -But, in addition to this, the nature of the English Government -forbids, of itself, reliance on her engagements; and it is -well known she has been the least faithful to her alliances of any -nation of Europe, since the period of her history wherein she -has been distinguished for her commerce and corruption, that is -to say, under the houses of Stuart and Brunswick. To Portugal -alone she has steadily adhered, because, by her Methuen treaty, -she had made it a colony, and one of the most valuable to her. -It may be asked, what, in the nature of her government, unfits -England for the observation of moral duties? In the first place, -her King is a cypher; his only function being to name the oligarchy -which is to govern her. The parliament is, by corruption, -the mere instrument of the will of the administration. The -real power and property in the government is in the great aristocratical -families of the nation. The nest of office being too small -for all of them to cuddle into at once, the contest is eternal, which -shall crowd the other out. For this purpose, they are divided -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_514'>[514]</a></span>into two parties, the Ins and the Outs, so equal in weight that -a small matter turns the balance. To keep themselves in, when -they are in, every stratagem must be practised, every artifice used -which may flatter the pride, the passions or power of the nation. -Justice, honor, faith must yield to the necessity of keeping themselves -in place. The question whether a measure is moral, is -never asked; but whether it will nourish the avarice of their -merchants, or the piratical spirit of their navy, or produce any -other effect which may strengthen them in their places. As to -engagements, however positive, entered into by the predecessors -of the Ins, why, they were their enemies; they did everything -which was wrong; and to reverse everything which they did, -must, therefore, be right. This is the true character of the -English government in practice, however different its theory; and -it presents the singular phenomenon of a nation, the individuals -of which are as faithful to their private engagements and duties, -as honorable, as worthy, as those of any nation on earth, and -whose government is yet the most unprincipled at this day known. -In an absolute government there can be no such equiponderant -parties. The despot is the government. His power suppressing -all opposition, maintains his ministers firm in their places. What -he has contracted, therefore, through them, he has the power to -observe with good faith; and he identifies his own honor and -faith with that of his nation. -</p> - -<p> -When I observed, however, that the King of England was a -cypher, I did not mean to confine the observation to the mere -individual now on that throne. The practice of Kings marrying -only in the families of Kings, has been that of Europe for some -centuries. Now, take any race of animals, confine them in idleness -and inaction, whether in a stye, a stable or a state-room, -pamper them with high diet, gratify all their sexual appetites, immerse -them in sensualities, nourish their passions, let everything -bend before them, and banish whatever might lead them to think, -and in a few generations they become all body and no mind; -and this, too, by a law of nature, by that very law by which we -are in the constant practice of changing the characters and propensities -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_515'>[515]</a></span>of the animals we raise for our own purposes. Such is -the regimen in raising Kings, and in this way they have gone on -for centuries. While in Europe, I often amused myself with contemplating -the characters of the then reigning sovereigns of Europe. -Louis the XVI. was a fool, of my own knowledge, and -in despite of the answers made for him at his trial. The King -of Spain was a fool, and of Naples the same. They passed their -lives in hunting, and despatched two couriers a week, one thousand -miles, to let each other know what game they had killed -the preceding days. The King of Sardinia was a fool. All -these were Bourbons. The Queen of Portugal, a Braganza, was -an idiot by nature. And so was the King of Denmark. Their -sons, as regents, exercised the powers of government. The King -of Prussia, successor to the great Frederick, was a mere hog in -body as well as in mind. Gustavus of Sweden, and Joseph of -Austria, were really crazy, and George of England, you know, -was in a straight waistcoat. There remained, then, none but old -Catharine, who had been too lately picked up to have lost her -common sense. In this state Bonaparte found Europe; and it -was this state of its rulers which lost it with scarce a struggle. -These animals had become without mind and powerless; and so -will every hereditary monarch be after a few generations. Alexander, -the grandson of Catharine, is as yet an exception. He is -able to hold his own. But he is only of the third generation. -His race is not yet worn out. And so endeth the book of Kings, -from all of whom the Lord deliver us, and have you, my friend, -and all such good men and true, in his holy keeping. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ABBE SALIMANKIS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 14, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of February 27th and -am very thankful for the friendly sentiments therein expressed -towards myself, as well as for the pamphlet enclosed. That it -contains many serious truths and sound admonitions every reader -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_516'>[516]</a></span>will be sensible. At the same time it is a comfort that the -medal has two sides. I do not myself contemplate human nature -in quite so sombre a view. That there is much vice and -misery in the world, I know; but more virtue and happiness I -believe, at least in our part of it; the latter being the lot of those -employed in agriculture in a greater degree than of other callings. -That we are overdone with banking institutions, which have -banished the precious metals, and substituted a more fluctuating -and unsafe medium, that these have withdrawn capital from useful -improvements and employments to nourish idleness, that the -wars of the world have swollen our commerce beyond the wholesome -limits of exchanging our own productions for our own -wants, and that, for the emolument of a small proportion of our -society, who prefer these demoralizing pursuits to labors useful -to the whole, the peace of the whole is endangered, and all our -present difficulties produced, are evils more easily to be deplored -than remedied. They should lead us to direct our prayers, if -our philanthropy fails to do it, for the re-establishment of peace -in Europe, when our commerce must of course return to its -proper objects, and the idle to habits of industry. To these -prayers, in which you will not fail to join, let me add my best -wishes and respects for yourself. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. FULTON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 17, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have duly received your favor of February -24th covering one of your pamphlets on the Torpedo. I have -read it with pleasure. This was not necessary to give them -favor in my eye. I am not afraid of new inventions or improvements, -nor bigoted to the practices of our forefathers. It is that -bigotry which keeps the Indians in a state of barbarism in the -midst of the arts, would have kept us in the same state even -now, and still keeps Connecticut where their ancestors were when -they landed on these shores. I am much pleased that Congress -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_517'>[517]</a></span>is taking up the business. Where a new invention is supported -by well-known principles, and promises to be useful, it ought to -be tried. Your torpedoes will be to cities what vaccination has -been to mankind. It extinguishes their greatest danger. But -there will still be navies. Not for the destruction of cities, but -for the plunder of commerce on the high seas. That the tories -should be against you is in character, because it will curtail the -power of their idol, England. -</p> - -<p> -I am thankful to you for the trouble you have taken in thinking -of the <span lang="fr_FR">felier hydraulique</span>. To be put into motion by the -same power which was to continue the motion was certainly -wanting to that machine, as a better name still is. I would not -give you the trouble of having a model made, as I have workmen -who can execute from the drawing. I pray you to accept -the assurances of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO G. VOOLIF, PERPETUAL SECRETARY OF THE FIRST CLASS OF THE -ROYAL INSTITUTE OF SCIENCES, OF LITERATURE AND OF FINE -ARTS, AT AMSTERDAM. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 2d, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 10th of May of the last year came -but lately to my hands. I am duly sensible of the honor done -me by the first class of the Royal Institute of sciences, of literature, -and of fine arts, in associating me to their class, and by -the approbation which his majesty the king of Holland has condescended -to give to their choice. His patronage of institutions -for extending among mankind the boundaries of information, -proves his just sense of the cares devolved on him by his high -station, and commands the approving voice of all the sons of -men. If mine can be heard from this distance among them, it -will be through the benefit of the special communication which -your position may procure it, and which I am to request. I pray -you to present also my thanks to the first class for this mark of -their distinction, which I receive with due sensibility and gratitude. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_518'>[518]</a></span>Sincerely a friend to science, and feeling the fraternal relation -it establishes among the whole family of its votaries, -wheresoever dispersed through nations friendly or hostile, I shall -be happy at all times in fulfilling any particular views which the -society may extend to this region of the globe, and in being -made useful to them in any special services they will be pleased -to give me an opportunity of rendering. To yourself, Sir, I -tender the assurances of my particular respect and high consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 3d, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>, Your favor of February 1st lately came to my hands. -It brings me new proofs, in the resolutions it enclosed, of the indulgence -with which the legislature of Orleans has been pleased -to view my conduct in the various duties assigned to me by our -common country. The times in which we have lived have -called for all the services which any of its citizens could render, -and if mine have met approbation they are fully rewarded. -</p> - -<p> -The interposition noticed by the Legislature of Orleans was an -act of duty of the office I then occupied. Charged with the care of -the general interest of the nation, and among these with the preservation -of their lands from intrusion, I exercised, on their behalf, a -right given by nature to all men, individual or associated, that of -rescuing their own property wrongfully taken. In cases of forcible -entry on individual possessions, special provisions, both of the -common and civil law, have restrained the right of rescue by -private force, and substituted the aid of the civil power. But -no law has restrained the right of the nation itself from removing -by its own arm, intruders on its possessions. On the contrary, -a statute recently passed, had required that such removals -should be diligently made. The Batture of New Orleans, being -a part of the bed contained between the two banks of the river, -a naked shoal indeed at low water, but covered through the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_519'>[519]</a></span>whole season of its regular full tides, and then forming the -ground of the port and harbor for the upper navigation, over -which vessels ride of necessity when moored to the bank, I -deemed it public property, in which all had a common use. The -removal, too, of the force which had possessed itself of it, was -the more urgent from the interruption it might give to the commerce, -and other lawful uses, of the inhabitants of the city and -of the Western waters generally. -</p> - -<p> -If this aid from the public authority was particularly interesting -to the territory of Orleans, it certainly adds new satisfaction -to my consciousness of having done what was right. -</p> - -<p> -I ask the favor of you to convey to the Legislature of Orleans, -my gratitude for the interest they are so kind as to express in -my future happiness; and I pray to the Governor of the Universe, -that He may always have them and our country in his holy -keeping. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 3, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letters of January 12th and February 1st, -came to hand only a fortnight ago. The enclosed contains my -answer to the latter, for communication to the Legislature. So -many false views on the subject of the batture have been presented -in and out of Congress, that duty to myself, as well as -justice to the citizens of New Orleans and of the western country -generally, required that I should avail myself of the occasion -these resolutions presented, of stating, in the fewest words possible, -the true ground of my conduct, and, as I think, of the rights -of the western country. But the occasion also restricted me to -the limits of a short text only, every word of which would be -matter for copious commentary, in a dilated discussion of the -subject. Has Moreau de l'Isle's opinion ever been printed? I -wish it were possible to get a copy of it. Perhaps I might be -able to make good use of it. -</p> - -<p><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_520'>[520]</a></span> -Before the receipt of your letter of Jan. 12th, I had heard of -your great loss, and been impressed with the depth of it. Long -tried in the same school of affliction, no loss which can rend the -human heart is unknown to mine; and a like one particularly, at -about the same period of life, had taught me to feel the sympathies -of yours. The same experience has proved that time, -silence and occupation are its only medicines. Of occupation, -you have enough and of the highest order; that of continuing to -make a worthy people happy by a just and parental government, -and of protecting them from the wolves prowling around to devour -them. Your own example will be the best lesson for the -son which has been left to comfort you, to whose course in life I -hope it will give a shape which shall make him truly a comfort -and support to your latter days, protracted to your own wishes. -</p> - -<p> -I really wish effect to the hints in my letter to you for so laying -off the additions to the city of New Orleans, as to shield it -from yellow fever. My confidence in the idea is founded in the -acknowledged experience that we have never seen the <i>genuine</i> -yellow fever extend itself into the country, nor even to the outskirts -or open parts of a close-built city. In the plan I propose, -every square would be surrounded, on every side, by open and -pure air, and would, in fact, be a separate town with fields or -open suburbs around it. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MESSRS. HUGH L. WHITE, THOMAS M'CORRY, JAMES CAMPBELL, -ROBERT CRAIGHEAD, JOHN N. GAMBLE, TRUSTEES FOR THE LOTTERY -OF EAST TENNESSEE COLLEGE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 6, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Gentlemen</span>,—I received, some time ago, your letter of February -28th, covering a printed scheme of a lottery for the benefit of -the East Tennessee College, and proposing to send tickets to me -to be disposed of. It would be impossible for them to come to a -more inefficient hand. I rarely go from home, and consequently -see but a few neighbors and friends, who occasionally call on me. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_521'>[521]</a></span>And having myself made it a rule never to engage in a lottery or -any other adventure of mere chance, I can, with the less candor -or effect, urge it on others, however laudable or desirable its object -may be. No one more sincerely wishes the spread of information -among mankind than I do, and none has greater confidence -in its effect towards supporting free and good government. -I am sincerely rejoiced, therefore, to find that so excellent -a fund has been provided for this noble purpose in Tennessee. -Fifty-thousand dollars placed in a safe bank, will give -four thousand dollars a year, and even without other aid, must -soon accomplish buildings sufficient for the object in its early -stage. I consider the common plan followed in this country, but -not in others, of making one large and expensive building, as unfortunately -erroneous. It is infinitely better to erect a small and -separate lodge for each separate professorship, with only a hall -below for his class, and two chambers above for himself; joining -these lodges by barracks for a certain portion of the students, -opening into a covered way to give a dry communication between -all the schools. The whole of these arranged around an open -square of grass and trees, would make it, what it should be in -fact, an academical village, instead of a large and common den -of noise, of filth and of fetid air. It would afford that quiet retirement -so friendly to study, and lessen the dangers of fire, infection -and tumult. Every professor would be the police officer -of the students adjacent to his own lodge, which should include -those of his own class of preference, and might be at the head -of their table, if, as I suppose, it can be reconciled with the necessary -economy to dine them in smaller and separate parties, rather -than in a large and common mess. These separate buildings, -too, might be erected successively and occasionally, as the number -of professorships and students should be increased, or the -funds become competent. -</p> - -<p> -I pray you to pardon me if I have stepped aside into the province -of counsel; but much observation and reflection on these -institutions have long convinced me that the large and crowded -buildings in which youths are pent up, are equally unfriendly to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_522'>[522]</a></span>health, to study, to manners, morals and order; and, believing the -plan I suggest to be more promotive of these, and peculiarly -adapted to the slender beginnings and progressive growth of our -institutions, I hoped you would pardon the presumption, in consideration -of the motive which was suggested by the difficulty -expressed in your letter, of procuring funds for erecting the building. -But, on whatever plan you proceed, I wish it every possible -success, and to yourselves the reward of esteem, respect and -gratitude due to those who devote their time and efforts to render -the youths of every successive age fit governors for the next. -To these accept, in addition, the assurances of mine. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 13, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I thank you for your promised attention to my -portion of the Merinos, and if there be any expenses of transportation, -&c., and you will be so good as to advance my portion -of them with yours and notify the amount, it shall be promptly -remitted. What shall we do with them? I have been so disgusted -with the scandalous extortions lately practised in the sale -of these animals, and with the description of patriotism and -praise to the sellers, as if the thousands of dollars apiece they -have not been ashamed to receive were not reward enough, that -I am disposed to consider as right, whatever is the reverse of -what they have done. Since fortune has put the occasion upon -us, is it not incumbent upon us so to dispense this benefit to the -farmers of our country, as to put to shame those who, forgetting -their own wealth and the honest simplicity of the farmers, have -thought them fit objects of the shaving art, and to excite, by a -better example, the condemnation due to theirs? No sentiment -is more acknowledged in the family of Agriculturists than that the -few who can afford it should incur the risk and expense of all -new improvements, and give the benefit freely to the many of -more restricted circumstances. The question then recurs, What -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_523'>[523]</a></span>are we to do with them? I shall be willing to concur with you -in any plan you shall approve, and in order that we may have -some proposition to begin upon, I will throw out a first idea, to -be modified or postponed to whatever you shall think better. -</p> - -<p> -Give all the full-blooded males we can raise to the different -counties of our State, one to each, as fast as we can furnish -them. And as there must be some rule of priority for the -distribution, let us begin with our own counties, which are contiguous -and nearly central to the State, and proceed, circle after -circle, till we have given a ram to every county. This will take -about seven years, if we add to the full descendants those which -will have past to the fourth generation from common ewes, to -make the benefit of a single male as general as practicable to -the county, we may ask some known character in each county -to have a small society formed which shall receive the animal -and prescribe rules for his care and government. We should retain -ourselves all the full-blooded ewes, that they may enable us -the sooner to furnish a male to every county. When all shall have -been provided with rams, we may, in a year or two more, be in a -condition to give an ewe also to every county, if it be thought necessary. -But I suppose it will not, as four generations from their -full-blooded ram will give them the pure race from common ewes. -</p> - -<p> -In the meantime we shall not be without a profit indemnifying -our trouble and expense. For if of our present stock of -common ewes, we place with the ram as many as he may be -competent to, suppose fifty, we may sell the male lambs of every -year for such reasonable price as, in addition to the wool, will -pay for the maintenance of the flock. The first year they will -be half bloods, the second three-quarters, the third seven-eights, -and the fourth full-blooded, if we take care in selling annually -half the ewes also, to keep those of highest blood, this will be -a fund for kindnesses to our friends, as well as for indemnification -to ourselves; and our whole State may thus, from this small -stock, so dispersed, be filled in a very few years with this valuable -race, and more satisfaction result to ourselves than money -ever administered to the bosom of a shaver. There will be -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_524'>[524]</a></span>danger that what is here proposed, though but an act of ordinary -duty, may be perverted into one of ostentation, but malice -will always find bad motives for good actions. Shall we therefore -never do good? It may also be used to commit us with -those on whose example it will truly be a reproof. We may guard -against this perhaps by a proper reserve, developing our purpose -only by its execution. -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poem"> -<p><span lang="la">Vive, vale, et siquid novisti rectius istis</span></p> -<p><span lang="la">Candidus imperti sinon, his ulere mecum.</span></p> -</div> -</div> - -<h3> -TO GOVERNOR TYLER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 26, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your friendly letter of the 12th has been duly -received. Although I have laid it down as a law to myself, -never to embarrass the President with my solicitations, and have -not till now broken through it, yet I have made a part of your -letter the subject of one to him, and have done it with all my -heart, and in the full belief that I serve him and the public in -urging that appointment. We have long enough suffered under -the base prostitution of law to party passions in one judge, and -the imbecility of another. In the hands of one the law is nothing -more than an ambiguous text, to be explained by his sophistry -into any meaning which may subserve his personal malice. -Nor can any milk-and-water associate maintain his own dependence, -and by a firm pursuance of what the law really is, extend -its protection to the citizens or the public. I believe you will do -it, and where you cannot induce your colleague to do what is -right, you will be firm enough to hinder him from doing what -is wrong, and by opposing sense to sophistry, leave the juries -free to follow their own judgment. -</p> - -<p> -I have long lamented with you the depreciation of law science. -The opinion seems to be that Blackstone is to us what the -Alcoran is to the Mahometans, that everything which is necessary -is in him, and what is not in him is not necessary. I still lend -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_525'>[525]</a></span>my counsel and books to such young students as will fix themselves -in the neighborhood. Coke's institutes and reports are -their first, and Blackstone their last book, after an intermediate -course of two or three years. It is nothing more than an elegant -digest of what they will then have acquired from the real -fountains of the law. Now men are born scholars, lawyers, -doctors; in our day this was confined to poets. You wish to -see me again in the legislature, but this is impossible; my mind -is now so dissolved in tranquillity, that it can never again encounter -a contentious assembly; the habits of thinking and speaking -off-hand, after a disuse of five and twenty years, have given -place to the slower process of the pen. I have indeed two great -measures at heart, without which no republic can maintain itself -in strength. 1. That of general education, to enable every -man to judge for himself what will secure or endanger his freedom. -2. To divide every county into hundreds, of such size -that all the children of each will be within reach of a central -school in it. But this division looks to many other fundamental -provisions. Every hundred, besides a school, should have a -justice of the peace, a constable and a captain of militia. These -officers, or some others within the hundred, should be a corporation -to manage all its concerns, to take care of its roads, its poor, -and its police by patroles, &c., (as the select men of the Eastern -townships.) Every hundred should elect one or two jurors to -serve where requisite, and all other elections should be made in -the hundreds separately, and the votes of all the hundreds be -brought together. Our present Captaincies might be declared -hundreds for the present, with a power to the courts to alter them -occasionally. These little republics would be the main strength -of the great one. We owe to them the vigor given to our revolution -in its commencement in the Eastern States, and by them -the Eastern States were enabled to repeal the embargo in opposition -to the Middle, Southern and Western States, and their -large and lubberly division into counties which can never be assembled. -General orders are given out from a centre to the foreman -of every hundred, as to the sergeants of an army, and the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_526'>[526]</a></span>whole nation is thrown into energetic action, in the same direction -in one instant and as one man, and becomes absolutely irresistible. -Could I once see this I should consider it as the -dawn of the salvation of the republic, and say with old Simeon, -<span lang="la">"nune dimittas Domine."</span> But our children will be as wise as -we are, and will establish in the fulness of time those things -not yet ripe for establishment. So be it, and to yourself health, -happiness and long life. -</p> - -<h3> -TO HIS EXCELLENCY, COUNT PAHLEN, ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND -MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF RUSSIA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 13, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have been honored with your letter of the 25th ult., -and have to return you my thanks for those of Madame de Tessé -and General Lafayette, and for the print of Baron Humboldt, all -of which are come safely to hand, and present to me the proofs -and recollections of their much-valued friendships. To these -acknowledgments, permit me to add my congratulations on your -safe arrival in the United States, after journeys and voyages which, -from their length, cannot have been pleasant. If, after this, it -shall be found that a change of twenty degrees of latitude shall -have no unfavorable influence on your health, it will furnish -double cause of felicitation. -</p> - -<p> -I am much flattered by the kind notice of the Emperor, which -you have been so obliging as to communicate to me. The approbation -of the good is always consoling; but that of a sovereign -whose station and endowments are so pre-eminent, is received -with the sensibility which the veneration for his character inspires. -Among other motives of commiseration which the calamities -of Europe cannot fail to excite in every virtuous mind, the -interruption which these have given to the benevolent views of -the Emperor is prominent. The accession of a sovereign, with -the dispositions and qualifications to improve the condition of a -great nation, and to place its happiness on a permanent basis, is -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_527'>[527]</a></span>a phenomenon so rare in the annals of mankind, that, when the -blessing occurs, it is lamentable that any portion of it should be -usurped by occurrences of the character of those we have seen. -If, separated from these scenes by an ocean of a thousand leagues -breadth, they have required all our cares to keep aloof from their -desolating effects, I can readily conceive how much more they -must occupy those to whose territories they are contiguous. -</p> - -<p> -That the Emperor may be able, whenever a pacification takes -place, to show himself the father and friend of the human race, -to restore to nations the moral laws which have governed their -intercourse, and to prevent, forever, a repetition of those ravages -by sea and land, which will distinguish the present as an age of -Vandalism, I sincerely pray. -</p> - -<p> -I consider as a happy augury, the choice which the Emperor -has made of a person to reside near our government, so distinguished -by his dispositions and qualifications to cherish the -friendship and the interests of both nations. With my best -wishes that your residence among us may be rendered entirely -agreeable, and be accompanied with the blessing of health, accept -the assurances of my great respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BOTTA. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 15, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I am honored with your letter of the 12th of January, -and although the work you therein mention is not yet come to -hand, I avail myself of an occasion, now rendered rare and precarious -between our two countries, of anticipating the obligation -I shall owe for the pleasure I shall have in perusing it, and of -travelling over with you the important scenes, <span lang="la"><i>quorum pars minima -fui</i></span>, scenes which have given an impulsion to the world, -which, as to ourselves, has been a great blessing, but whether to -Europe or not, can only be estimated by him who sees the future -as well as the present and past. We are certainly indebted to -those who think our revolution worthy of their pen, and who will -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_528'>[528]</a></span>do justice to our actions and motives; and to yourself I have no -doubt we shall owe this obligation, and I now make you my acknowledgments -with confidence and pleasure. It will be a worthy -preface to the history of this age of revolutions, to be ended we -know not when nor how. I pray you to accept the assurances -of my great respect and consideration. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LAMBERT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 16, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—An indispensable piece of business which has occupied -me for a month past, obliged me to suspend all correspondence -during that time. This must apologize for my late acknowledgment -of your favor of May 19th, and for the tardy expression of -my thanks for so much of the papers you enclosed as respected -myself. The approbation of my political conduct by my republican -countrymen generally, is a pillow of sweet repose to me, -undisturbed by the noise of the enemies to our form of government. -The political sentiments expressed by your society are -in the pure spirit of the principles of our revolution; so long as -these prevail, we are safe from everything which can assail us -from without or within. -</p> - -<p> -Your several communications on the first meridian, have been -regularly handed to the Philosophical Society; not corresponding -regularly with any of the members, I have received no information -respecting them. I have formerly observed to you that -while I entertain no doubt of their accuracy, my own familiarity -with the subject had been too long suspended, to enable me to -render a critical opinion on them. My occupations here are almost -exclusively given to my farm and affairs. They furnish -me exercise, health and amusement, and with the recreations of -family and neighborly society, fill up most of my time, and give -a tranquillity necessary to my time of life. With my best wishes -for your prosperity, accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_529'>[529]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 16, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General and Friend</span>,—Your favor of May the 31st -was duly received, and I join in congratulations with you on the -resurrection of republican principles in Massachusetts and New -Hampshire, and the hope that the professors of these principles -will not again easily be driven off their ground. The federalists, -during their short-lived ascendency, have nevertheless, by -forcing us from the embargo, inflicted a wound on our interests -which can never be cured, and on our affections which will require -time to cicatrize. I ascribe all this to one pseudo-republican, -Story. He came on (in place of Crowningshield, I believe) -and staid only a few days; long enough, however, to get complete -hold of Bacon, who, giving in to his representations, became -panic-struck, and communicated his panic to his colleagues, -and they to a majority of the sound members of Congress. They -believed in the alternative of repeal or civil war, and produced -the fatal measure of repeal. This is the immediate parent of -all our present evils, and has reduced us to a low standing in the -eyes of the world. I should think that even the federalists themselves -must now be made, by their feelings, sensible of their -error. The wealth which the embargo brought home safely, has -now been thrown back into the laps of our enemies, and our navigation -completely crushed, and by the unwise and unpatriotic -conduct of those engaged in it. Should the orders prove genuine, -which are said to have been given against our fisheries, they too -are gone; and if not true as yet, they will be true on the first -breeze of success which England shall feel, for it has now been -some years that I am perfectly satisfied her intentions have been -to claim the ocean as her conquest, and prohibit any vessel from -navigating it, but on such a tribute as may enable her to keep up -such a standing navy as will maintain her dominion over it. She -has hauled in, or let herself out, been bold or hesitating, according -to occurrences, but has in no situation done anything which -might amount to a relinquishment of her intentions. I have -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_530'>[530]</a></span>ever been anxious to avoid a war with England, unless forced by -a situation more losing than war itself. But I did believe we -could coerce her to justice by peaceable means, and the embargo, -evaded as it was, proved it would have coerced her had it been -honestly executed. The proof she exhibited on that occasion, -that she can exercise such an influence in this country as to control -the will of its government and three-fourths of its people, -and oblige the three-fourths to submit to one-fourth, is to me the -most mortifying circumstance which has occurred since the establishment -of our government. The only prospect I see of lessening -that influence, is in her own conduct, and not from anything -in our power. Radically hostile to our navigation and commerce, -and fearing its rivalry, she will completely crush it, and force us -to resort to agriculture, not aware that we shall resort to manufactures -also, and render her conquests over our navigation and -commerce useless, at least, if not injurious to herself in the end, -and perhaps salutary to us, as removing out of our way the chief -causes and provocations to war. -</p> - -<p> -But these are views which concern the present and future generation, -among neither of which I count myself. You may live -to see the change in our pursuits, and chiefly in those of your -own State, which England will effect. I am not certain that the -change on Massachusetts, by driving her to agriculture, manufactures -and emigration, will lessen her happiness. But once more -to be done with politics. How does Mrs. Dearborne do? How -do you both like your situation? Do you amuse yourself with -a garden, a farm, or what? That your pursuits, whatever they -be, may make you both easy, healthy and happy, is the prayer -of your sincere friend. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JUDGE COOPER. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 6, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The tardiness of acknowledging the receipt of -your favor of May 10th will I fear induce a presumption that I -have been negligent of its contents, but I assure you I lost not a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_531'>[531]</a></span>moment in endeavoring to fulfil your wishes in procuring a good -geological correspondent in this State. I could not offer myself, -because of all the branches of science it was the one I had the -least cultivated. Our researches into the texture of our globe -could be but so superficial, compared with its vast interior construction, -that I saw no safety of conclusion from the one, as to -the other; and therefore have pointed my own attentions to other -objects in preference, as far as a heavy load of business would -permit me to attend to anything else. Looking about, therefore, -among my countrymen for some one who might answer your -views, I fixed on Mr. Joseph C. Cabell, not long since returned -from France, where he had attended particularly to chemistry, -and had also attended Mr. Maclure in some of his geological expeditions, -as best qualified. I wrote to him; unfortunately he -was from home, and did not return till the latter end of July. I -received his answer since our last post only. A diffidence in his -qualifications to be useful to you, has induced him to decline the -undertaking, having, as he assures me, paid no particular attention -to that branch of science. I have in vain looked over our -State for some other person who might contribute to your views. -As yet I can think of nobody; and whatever may be the result -of further inquiry, I have thought I ought not longer to delay -informing you of my unsuccessful efforts so far. Should I be -able to find a subject worthy of your correspondence, I shall not -fail to engage him in it, and to give you notice. I thank you -for the case of Dempsy <i>v.</i> the Insurers, which I have read with -great pleasure, and entire conviction. Indeed it is high time to -withdraw all respect from courts acting under the arbitrary orders -of governments who avow a total disregard to those moral -rules which have hitherto been acknowledged by nations, and -have served to regulate and govern their intercourse. I should -respect just as much the rules of conduct which governed Cartouche -or Blackbeard, as those now acted on by France or England. -If your argument is defective in anything, it is in having -paid to the antecedent decisions of the British courts of Admiralty, -the respect of examining them on grounds of reason; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_532'>[532]</a></span>and the not having rested the decision at once on the profligacy -of those tribunals, and openly declared against permitting their -sentences to be ever more quoted or listened to until those nations -return to the practice of justice, to an acknowledgment -that there is a moral law which ought to govern mankind, and -by sufficient evidences of contrition for their present flagitiousness, -make it safe to receive them again into the society of civilized -nations. I hope this will still be done on a proper occasion. -Yet knowing that religion does not furnish grosser bigots than -law, I expect little from old judges. Those now at the bar may -be bold enough to follow reason rather than precedent and may -bring that principle on the bench when promoted to it; but I -fear this effort is not for my day. It has been said that when -Harvey discovered the circulation of the blood, there was not a -physician of Europe of forty years of age, who ever assented to -it. I fear you will experience Harvey's fate. But it will become -law when the present judges are dead. Wishing you -health and happiness at all times, accept the assurances of my -constant and great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. DUANE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 12, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your letter of July 16th has been duly received, with -the paper it enclosed, for which accept my thanks, and especially -for the kind sentiments expressed towards myself. These testimonies -of approbation, and friendly remembrance, are the highest -gratifications I can receive from any, and especially from -those in whose principles and zeal for the public good I have -confidence. Of that confidence in yourself the military appointment -to which you allude was sufficient proof, as it was made, -not on the recommendations of others, but on our own knowledge -of your principles and qualifications. While I cherish with -feeling the recollections of my friends, I banish from my mind -all political animosities which might disturb its tranquillity, or -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_533'>[533]</a></span>the happiness I derive from my present pursuits. I have thought -it among the most fortunate circumstances of my late administration -that, during its eight years continuance, it was conducted -with a cordiality and harmony among all the members, which -never were ruffled on any, the greatest or smallest occasion. I -left my brethren with sentiments of sincere affection and friendship, -so rooted in the uniform tenor of a long and intimate intercourse, -that the evidence of my own senses alone ought to be -permitted to shake them. Anxious, in my retirement, to enjoy -undisturbed repose, my knowledge of my successor and late coadjutors, -and my entire confidence in their wisdom and integrity, -were assurances to me that I might sleep in security with such -watchmen at the helm, and that whatever difficulties and dangers -should assail our course, they would do what could be done -to avoid or surmount them. In this confidence I envelope myself, -and hope to slumber on to my last sleep. And should difficulties -occur which they cannot avert, if we follow them in phalanx, -we shall surmount them without danger. -</p> - -<p> -I have been long intending to write to you as one of the associated -company for printing useful works. -</p> - -<p> -Our laws, language, religion, politics and manners are so deeply -laid in English foundations, that we shall never cease to consider -their history as a part of ours, and to study ours in that as its -origin. Every one knows that judicious matter and charms of -style have rendered Hume's history the manual of every student. -I remember well the enthusiasm with which I devoured it when -young, and the length of time, the research and reflection which -were necessary to eradicate the poison it had instilled into my -mind. It was unfortunate that he first took up the history of -the Stuarts, became their apologist, and advocated all their enormities. -To support his work, when done, he went back to the -Tudors, and so selected and arranged the materials of their history -as to present their arbitrary acts only, as the genuine samples -of the constitutional power of the crown, and, still writing -backwards, he then reverted to the early history, and wrote the -Saxon and Norman periods with the same perverted view. Although -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_534'>[534]</a></span>all this is known, he still continues to be put into the -hands of all our young people, and to infect them with the -poison of his own principles of government. It is this book -which has undermined the free principles of the English government, -has persuaded readers of all classes that these were usurpations -on the legitimate and salutary rights of the crown, and -has spread universal toryism over the land. And the book will -still continue to be read here as well as there. Baxter, one of -Horne Tooke's associates in persecution, has hit on the only -remedy the evil admits. He has taken Hume's work, corrected -in the text his misrepresentations, supplied the truths which he -suppressed, and yet has given the mass of the work in Hume's -own words. And it is wonderful how little interpolation has -been necessary to make it a sound history, and to justify what -should have been its title, to wit, "Hume's history of England -abridged and rendered faithful to fact and principle." I cannot -say that his amendments are either in matter or manner in the -fine style of Hume. Yet they are often unperceived, and occupy -so little of the whole work as not to depreciate it. Unfortunately -he has <i>abridged</i> Hume, by leaving out all the less important -details. It is thus reduced to about one half its original size. -He has also continued the history, but very summarily, to 1801. -The whole work is of 834 quarto pages, printed close, of which -the continuation occupies 283. I have read but little of this -part. As far as I can judge from that little, it is a mere chronicle, -offering nothing profound. This work is so unpopular, so distasteful -to the present Tory palates and principles of England, -that I believe it has never reached a second edition. I have -often inquired for it in our book shops, but never could find a -copy in them, and I think it possible the one I imported may be -the only one in America. Can we not have it re-printed here? -It would be about four volumes 8vo. -</p> - -<p> -I have another enterprise to propose for some good printer. I -have in my possession a MS. work in French, confided to me by -a friend, whose name alone would give it celebrity were it permitted -to be mentioned. But considerations insuperable forbid -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_535'>[535]</a></span>that. It is a Commentary and Review of Montesquieu's Spirit -of Laws. The history of that work is well known. He had -been a great reader, and had commonplaced everything he read. -At length he wished to undertake some work into which he could -bring his whole commonplace book in a digested form. He -fixed on the subject of his Spirit of Laws, and wrote the book. -He consulted his friend Helvetius about publishing it, who strongly -dissuaded it. He published it, however, and the world did not -confirm Helvetius' opinion. Still, every man who reflects as he -reads, has considered it as a book of paradoxes; having, indeed, -much of truth and sound principle, but abounding also with inconsistencies, -apochryphal facts and false inferences. It is a correction -of these which has been executed in the work I mention, -by way of commentary and review; not by criticising words or -sentences, but by taking a book at a time, considering its general -scope, and proceeding to confirm or confute it. And much of -confutation there is, and of substitution of true for false principle, -and the true principle is ever that of republicanism. I will -not venture to say that every sentiment in the book will be approved, -because, being in manuscript, and the French characters, -I have not read the whole, but so much only as might enable me -to estimate the soundness of the author's way of viewing his -subject; and, judging from that which I have read, I infer with -confidence that we shall find the work generally worthy of our -high approbation, and that it everywhere maintains the preëminence -of representative government, by showing that its foundations -are laid in reason, in right, and in general good. I had expected -this from my knowledge of the other writings of the -author, which have always a precision rarely to be met with. -But to give you an idea of the manner of its execution, I translate -and enclose his commentary on Montesquieu's eleventh book, -which contains the division of the work. I wish I could have -added his review at the close of the twelve first books, as this -would give a more complete idea of the extraordinary merit of -the work. But it is too long to be copied. I add from it, however, -a few extracts of his reviews of some of the books, as specimens -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_536'>[536]</a></span>of his plan and principles. If printed in French, it would -be of about 180 pages 8vo, or 23 sheets. If any one will undertake -to have it translated and printed on their own account, I -will send on the MS. by post, and they can take the copyright as -of an original work, which it ought to be understood to be. I -am anxious it should be ably translated by some one who possesses -style as well as capacity to do justice to abstruse conceptions. -I would even undertake to revise the translation if required. -The original sheets must be returned to me, and I should -wish the work to be executed with as little delay as possible. -</p> - -<p> -I close this long letter with assurances of my great esteem and -respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ALBERT GALLATIN, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 16, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of July 14th, with the welcome paper it -covered, has been most thankfully received. I had before received -from your office and that of State, all the printed publications -on the subject of the batture, that is to say, the opinion of -the Philadelphia lawyers and of G. Livingston himself, the publications -of Derbigny, Thierry, Poydras, and the <span lang="fr_FR"><i>pièces probantes</i></span>. -I had been very anxious to get Moreau's memoire, which is only -in manuscript, having heard it was the best of all. After waiting -long and in vain for it, I was informed by my counsel that -they were ruled to plead, and must be furnished with the grounds -of defence. I was obliged, therefore, to take up the subject—had -got through it and put it into the hands of Mr. Hay, when -the observations you were so kind as to furnish, came to hand. -Although it was too late to give to everything its shape which -these, at an earlier stage, might have suggested, I was still enabled -to avail myself of them usefully. The question of the chancery -jurisdiction of the Orleans judges had particularly escaped -me, and entirely. When Mr. Hay returned the paper therefore, I -was enabled, by re-copying a sheet or two at the close, to introduce -this question in its proper place. I had also, till then, been -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_537'>[537]</a></span>uninformed of the circumstances under which Bertrand Gravier -left France, and therefore had not been aware of the reasons for -which John Gravier had chosen to come in by purchase. This -information enabled me to extend and strengthen much of what -I had before said on that subject; and by interleaving and recopying -a part, to get that also into its proper place. On the -whole, you will see, with the benefit of these amendments, what -I had conceived to be a true statement of the fact and law of the -case. But the paper is very voluminous, and I could not shorten -it. It is now in the hands of the President, who will enclose it -to you by the same post which carries this; when you shall have -perused it, be so good as to re-enclose it to me, as I wish to submit -it to our other fellow-laborers, after such amendments as Mr. -Madison and yourself will be so good as to suggest. I wish the -ground I take to meet all your approbations. The uninformed -state in which the debates of the last session proved Congress to -be, as to this case, makes me fear they may, at the next, under -the intrigues and urgency of Livingston, be induced to take some -step which might have an injurious effect on the opinion of a -jury. I think, therefore, to ask a member or two of each house -to read this statement, merely to make themselves masters of the -subject, and be enabled to prevent any unfavorable interference -of Congress. Perhaps, if they see the case in the light I do, -they may think of doing more—of having the Attorney General -desired to attend to the case as of public concern: for really it -is so. I have no concern at all in maintaining the title to the -batture. It would be totally unnecessary for me to employ counsel -to go into the question at all for my own defence. That is -solidly built on the simple fact, that if I were in error, it was -honest, and not imputable to that gross and palpable corruption or -injustice which makes a public magistrate responsible to a private -party. I know that even a federal jury could not find a verdict -against me on this head. But I go fully into the question of title, -because our characters are concerned in it, and because it involves -a most important right of the citizens, and one which, if decided -against them, would be a precedent of incalculable evil. The -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_538'>[538]</a></span>detention, too, has been so long the act of Congress itself, that for -this reason I have supposed they might think it entitled to their -attention, and direct the Attorney General to take care of the public -interest in it, as has lately been done by the House of Commons, -in the action of Sir Francis Burdett against their Speaker. -But on this subject I wish to be advised by yourself and my -other friends, rather than trust to my own judgment, too likely -to be under bias. If I send the case to be perused by two or -three members, it will be under a strong injunction not to let its -contents get into other hands, my counsel having strongly advised -against apprizing them of the topics of defence, as well from apprehensions -of subornation of witnesses as to material facts, as -from other considerations. Pray advise me on this head. My -counsel are Hay, Wist and Janewell. -</p> - -<p> -I have seen with infinite grief the set which is made at you -in the public papers, and with the more as my name has been so -much used in it. I hope we both know one another too well to -receive impression from circumstances of this kind. A twelve -years' intimate and friendly intercourse must be better evidence -to each of the dispositions of the other than the letters of -foreign ministers to their courts, or tortured influences from facts -true or false. I have too thorough a conviction of your cordial -good will towards me, and too strong a sense of the faithful and -able assistance I received from you, to relinquish them on any -evidence but of my own senses. With entire faith in your assurance -of these truths, I shall add those only of my constant affection -and high respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL WM. DUANE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 16, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of August 17th arrived the day after -I had left this place on a visit to one I have near Lynchburg, -from whence I am but lately returned. The history of England -you describe is precisely Baxter's, of which I wrote you; and if -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_539'>[539]</a></span>you compare him with Hume, you will find the text preserved -verbatim, with particular exceptions only. The French work -will accompany this letter. Since writing to you I have gone -over the whole, and can assure you it is the most valuable political -work of the present age. In some details we all may differ -from him or from one another, but the great mass of the work is -highly sound. Its title would be "A Commentary on Montesquieu's -Spirit of Laws;" perhaps the words "and Review" might -be inserted at the——. Helvetius' letter on the same work -should be annexed, if it can possibly be procured. It was contained -in a late edition of the works of Helvetius published by -the Abbé de la Roche. Probably that edition might be found. -I never before heard of Williams' lectures on Montesquieu, but -I am glad to hear of everything which reduces that author to -his just level, as his predilection for monarchy, and the English -monarchy in particular, has done mischief everywhere, and here -also, to a certain degree. With respect to the Notes on Virginia, -I do contemplate some day the making additions and corrections -to them; but I am inclined to take the benefit of my -whole life to make collections and observations, and let the editing -them be posthumous. The anecdote respecting the paper -put into my hands by Dr. Franklin has not been handed to you -with entire correctness. I returned from France in December -1789, and in March following I went on to New York to take -the post assigned me in the new government. On my way -through Philadelphia I called on Dr. Franklin, who was then -confined to his bed. As the revolution had then begun, indeed -was supposed to be closed by the completion of a constitution, -and he was anxious to know the part all his acquaintances had -taken, he plied me with questions for an hour or two with a vivacity -and earnestness which astonished me. When I had satisfied -his inquiries, I observed to him that I had heard, and with -great pleasure, that he had began the history of his own life, and -had brought it down to the revolution, (for so I had heard while -in Europe.) "Not exactly so," said he, "but I will let you see -the manner in which I do these things." He then desired one -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_540'>[540]</a></span>of his small grand-children who happened to be in the room, to -bring him such a paper from the table. It was brought, and he -put it into my hands and said, "there, put that into your pocket -and you will see the manner of my writing." I thanked him -and said "I should read it with great pleasure, and return it to -him safely." "No," said he, "keep it." I took it with me -to New York. It was, as well as I recollect, about a quire -of paper, in which he had given, with great minuteness, all the -details of his negotiations (informal) in England, to prevent -their pushing us to extremities. These were chiefly through -Lord Howe and a lady, I think the sister of Lord Howe, but of -this I am not certain; but I remember noting the particulars -of her conversation as marking her as a woman of very superior -understanding. He gave all the conversations with her and Lord -Howe, and all the propositions he passed through them to their -minister, the answers and conversations with the minister reported -through them, his endeavors used with other characters, -whether with the ministers directly I do not recollect; but I remember -well that it appeared distinctly from what was brought -to him from the ministers, that the real obstacle to their meeting -the various overtures he made was the prospect of great confiscations -to provide for their friends, and that this was the real -cause of the various shiftings and shufflings they used to evade -his propositions. Learning, on his death, which happened soon -after, that he had bequeathed all his unpublished writings to his -grandson, W. T. Franklin, with a view to the emolument he -might derive from their publication, I thought this writing was -fairly his property, and notified to him my possession of it, and -that I would deliver it to his order. He soon afterwards called -on me at New York, and I delivered it to him. He accepted it, -and, while putting it into his pocket, observed that his grandfather -had retained another copy which he had found among his papers. -I did not reflect on this till suspicions were circulated that -W. T. F. had sold these writings to the British Minister. I then -formed the belief that Dr. Franklin had meant to deposit this -spare copy with me in confidence that it would be properly taken -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_541'>[541]</a></span>care of, and sincerely repented the having given it up; and I -have little doubt that this identical paper was the principal object -of the purchase by the British government, and the unfortunate -cause of the suppression of all the rest. I do not think I have -any interesting papers or facts from Dr. Franklin. Should any occur -at any time, I will communicate them freely, nobody wishing -more ardently that the public could be possessed of everything -that was his or respected him, believing that a greater or -better character has rarely existed. I am happy to learn that his -blood shows itself in the veins of the two of his great grandchildren -whom you mention. But I should think medicine the -best profession for a genius resembling his, as that of the elder -is supposed to do. I have received information of Pestalozzi's -mode of education from some European publications, and from -Mr. Keefe's book which shows that the latter possesses both the -talents and the zeal for carrying it into effect. I sincerely wish -it success, convinced that the information of the people at large -can alone make them the safe, as they are the sole depository of -our political and religious freedom. The idea of antimony in -this neighborhood is, I believe, without foundation. Some -twenty or thirty years ago a mineral was found about ten miles -from this place, which one of those idle impostors, who call -themselves mine-hunters, persuaded the proprietor was gold ore. -The poor man lost a crop in digging after it. After fruitless assays -of the mineral, some other person, knowing as little of the -matter, fancied it must be antimony. A third idea was that it -was black lead. It was abandoned, and the mine hole filled up, -nor can we at this day hear of any piece of the mineral in possession -of any one. -</p> - -<p> -You say in your letter that you will send me the <i>proofs</i> of the -commentary on Montesquieu for revisal. It is only the <i>translation</i> -I should wish to revise. I feel myself answerable to the -author for a correct publication of his ideas. The translated -sheets may come by post as they are finished off; they shall be -promptly returned, the originals coming with them. Accept the -assurances of my esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_542'>[542]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO J. B. COLVIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 20, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of the 14th has been duly received, and I -have to thank you for the many obliging things respecting myself -which are said in it. If I have left in the breasts of my -fellow citizens a sentiment of satisfaction with my conduct in the -transaction of their business, it will soften the pillow of my repose -through the residue of life. -</p> - -<p> -The question you propose, whether circumstances do not sometimes -occur, which make it a duty in officers of high trust, to -assume authorities beyond the law, is easy of solution in principle, -but sometimes embarrassing in practice. A strict observance -of the written laws is doubtless <i>one</i> of the high duties of a good -citizen, but it is not <i>the highest</i>. The laws of necessity, of self-preservation, -of saving our country when in danger, are of higher -obligation. To lose our country by a scrupulous adherence to -written law, would be to lose the law itself, with life, liberty, -property and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus absurdly -sacrificing the end to the means. When, in the battle of -Germantown, General Washington's army was annoyed from -Chew's house, he did not hesitate to plant his cannon against it, -although the property of a citizen. When he besieged Yorktown, -he leveled the suburbs, feeling that the laws of property -must be postponed to the safety of the nation. While the army -was before York, the Governor of Virginia took horses, carriages, -provisions and even men by force, to enable that army to stay -together till it could master the public enemy; and he was justified. -A ship at sea in distress for provisions, meets another having -abundance, yet refusing a supply; the law of self-preservation -authorizes the distressed to take a supply by force. In all -these cases, the unwritten laws of necessity, of self-preservation, -and of the public safety, control the written laws of <span lang="la"><i>meum</i></span> and -<span lang="la"><i>tuum</i></span>. Further to exemplify the principle, I will state an hypothetical -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_543'>[543]</a></span>case. Suppose it had been made known to the Executive -of the Union in the autumn of 1805, that we might have the -Floridas for a reasonable sum, that that sum had not indeed been -so appropriated by law, but that Congress were to meet within -three weeks, and might appropriate it on the first or second day -of their session. Ought he, for so great an advantage to his country, -to have risked himself by transcending the law and making -the purchase? The public advantage offered, in this supposed -case, was indeed immense; but a reverence for law, and the probability -that the advantage might still be <i>legally</i> accomplished by -a delay of only three weeks, were powerful reasons against -hazarding the act. But suppose it foreseen that a John Randolph -would find means to protract the proceeding on it by Congress, -until the ensuing spring, by which time new circumstances would -change the mind of the other party. Ought the Executive, in -that case, and with that foreknowledge, to have secured the good -to his country, and to have trusted to their justice for the transgression -of the law? I think he ought, and that the act would -have been approved. After the affair of the Chesapeake, we -thought war a very possible result. Our magazines were illy provided -with some necessary articles, nor had any appropriations -been made for their purchase. We ventured, however, to provide -them, and to place our country in safety; and stating the -case to Congress, they sanctioned the act. -</p> - -<p> -To proceed to the conspiracy of Burr, and particularly to General -Wilkinson's situation in New Orleans. In judging this -case, we are bound to consider the state of the information, correct -and incorrect, which he then possessed. He expected Burr -and his band from above, a British fleet from below, and he -knew there was a formidable conspiracy within the city. Under -these circumstances, was he justifiable, 1st, in seizing notorious -conspirators? On this there can be but two opinions; -one, of the guilty and their accomplices; the other, that of all -honest men. 2d. In sending them to the seat of government, -when the written law gave them a right to trial in the territory? -The danger of their rescue, of their continuing their machinations, -the tardiness and weakness of the law, apathy of the -judges, active patronage of the whole tribe of lawyers, unknown -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_544'>[544]</a></span>disposition of the juries, an hourly expectation of the enemy, -salvation of the city, and of the Union itself, which would have -been convulsed to its centre, had that conspiracy succeeded; all -these constituted a law of necessity and self-preservation, and -rendered the <span lang="la"><i>salus populi</i></span> supreme over the written law. The -officer who is called to act on this superior ground, does indeed -risk himself on the justice of the controlling powers of the constitution, -and his station makes it his duty to incur that risk. But -those controlling powers, and his fellow citizens generally, are -bound to judge according to the circumstances under which he -acted. They are not to transfer the information of this place or -moment to the time and place of his action; but to put themselves -into his situation. We knew here that there never was -danger of a British fleet from below, and that Burr's band was -crushed before it reached the Mississippi. But General Wilkinson's -information was very different, and he could act on no -other. -</p> - -<p> -From these examples and principles you may see what I think -on the question proposed. They do not go to the case of persons -charged with petty duties, where consequences are trifling, -and time allowed for a legal course, nor to authorize them to -take such cases out of the written law. In these, the example -of overleaping the law is of greater evil than a strict adherence -to its imperfect provisions. It is incumbent on those only who -accept of great charges, to risk themselves on great occasions, -when the safety of the nation, or some of its very high interests -are at stake. An officer is bound to obey orders; yet he would -be a bad one who should do it in cases for which they were not -intended, and which involved the most important consequences. -The line of discrimination between cases may be difficult; but -the good officer is bound to draw it at his own peril, and throw -himself on the justice of his country and the rectitude of his -motives. -</p> - -<p> -I have indulged freer views on this question, on your assurances -that they are for your own eye only, and that they will -not get into the hands of newswriters. I met their scurrilities -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_545'>[545]</a></span>without concern, while in pursuit of the great interests with -which I was charged. But in my present retirement, no duty -forbids my wish for quiet. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 22, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have wanted the occasion of the present enclosure -to perform the duty of my thanks for the kind communication -of papers from your office in the question between -Livingston and myself. These have mainly enabled me to give -a correct statement of facts. I deferred proceeding to a particular -consideration of the case in hopes of the aid of Moreau's Memoire, -which I have understood to be the ablest which has been -written. But I was at length forced to proceed without it, my -counsel informing me they were ruled to plead, and must therefore -know the grounds of defence. You will see what I have -made of it by the enclosed, which I forward in the hope you -will consider and correct it. I have done this the rather because I -presume all my fellow laborers feel an interest in what all approved, -and because I think I should urge nothing which they -disapprove. Will you then do me the favor to put on paper such -corrections as you would advise, and forward them to me, handing -on the enclosed paper at the same time to Mr. Rodney? -I wrote him by this post that he may expect it from you, and I -ask the same favor of correction from him, and above all to delay -as little as possible, because time presses to give to this paper -its ultimate form. My counsel press me earnestly not to let the -topics of defence get out, so as to be known to the adversary. -Although I know Congress will be strongly urged, yet I hope -they will take no measure which may impress a jury unfavorably, -by inferences not intended. And were the case to be -thought to belong to the public, still I believe it better they -should let it come on, on the footing of a private action. I pray -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_546'>[546]</a></span>you to be assured of my constant affection and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -September 26th. Sent a P. S. verbatim, the same as that to -Mr. Rodney. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 25, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have to thank you for your kind letter of June -8th, and the suggestions it furnished on the question whether -Livingston could maintain an action in Richmond for a trespass -committed in Orleans. This being a question of common law, -I leave it to my counsel so much more recent than I am in that -branch of law. I have undertaken to furnish them with the -grounds of my defence under the <i>lex loci</i>. I wished for the aid -of Moreau's Memoire because it is understood to be the ablest of -any. However, my counsel being ruled to plead, and pressing -me for the grounds of defence, I proceeded to consider the case, -meaning at first only an outline, but I got insensibly into the -full discussion, which became very voluminous, and the more so -as it was necessary not only to enter all the authorities at large -in the text, because few possess them, but also translations of -them, because all do not understand all the languages in which -they are. Believing my late associates in the executive would -feel an interest in the justification of a conduct in which all concurred, -and also in the issue of it, I have thought it a duty -to consult them as to the grounds to be taken, and to take -none against their advice. My statement has therefore been -submitted to the President, Mr. Smith and Mr. Gallatin, and will -be forwarded to you by Mr. Smith as soon as he shall have read -it. I have to request your consideration and corrections of it, -and that you will be so good as to furnish them on a separate paper. -I am obliged also to ask an immediate attention to them, -because time presses to give to this paper its ultimate shape, to -plead, and collect the evidence. Its early return to me therefore -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_547'>[547]</a></span>is urging. I do not know whether my counsel (Hay, Wist and -Tazewell) have pleaded to the jurisdiction. * * * * * -The death of Cushing is opportune, as it gives an opening for at -length getting a republican majority on the supreme bench. Ten -years has the anti-civism of that body been bidding defiance to -the spirit of the whole nation, after they had manifested their -will by reforming every other branch of the government. I -trust the occasion will not be lost; Bidwell's disgrace withdraws -the ablest man of the section in which Cushing's successor must -be named. The pure integrity, unimpeachable conduct, talents -and republican firmness of Lincoln, leave him now, I think, -without a rival. He is thought not an able common lawyer. -But there is not and never was an able one in the New England -States. Their system is <span lang="la"><i>sui generis</i></span>, in which the <i>common</i> law -is little attended to. Lincoln is one of the ablest in their system, -and it is among them he is to execute the great portion of -his duties. Nothing is more material than to complete the reformation -of the government by this appointment, which may truly -be said to be putting the keystone into the arch. In my statement -of the law of Livingston's case, I do not pretend to consider -every argument as perfectly sound. I have, as is usual, -availed myself of some views, which may have a weight with -others which they have not with me. I have no right to assume -infallibility, and I present them, therefore, <span lang="la"><i>ut valcant ubi possint</i></span>. -Accept the assurances of my constant and affectionate esteem. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S., September 26. In my letter of yesterday, I have omitted -to observe, with respect to the arrangement of materials in -the paper it speaks of, that it is not such as counsel would employ -in pleading a cause. It was determined by other considerations. -I thought it very possible the case might be dismissed -out of court by a plea to the jurisdiction. I determined, on this -event, to lay it before the public, either directly or through Congress. -Respect for my associates, for myself, for our nation, -would not permit me to come forward, as a criminal under accusation, -to plead and argue a cause. This was not my situation. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_548'>[548]</a></span>This would naturally be by way of narrative or statement of the -facts in their order of time, establishing these facts as they occur, -and bringing forward the law arising on them, and pointing to the -Executive the course he was to pursue. I supposed it more dignified -to present it as a history and explanation of what had taken -place. It does not, indeed, in that form, display the subject in -one great whole, but it brings forward successively a number of -questions, solving themselves as they arise, and leaving no one -unexamined. And the mind, after travelling over the whole case, -and finding as it goes along that all has been considered and all -is right, rests in that state of satisfaction which it is our object to -produce. In truth, I have never known a case which presented -so many distinct questions, having no dependence on one another, -nor belonging even to the same branches of jurisprudence. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, September 27, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Yours of the 10th came safely to hand, and laid me -under new obligations for the valuable observations it contained. -The error of twelve feet instead of seven, for the rise of the batture, -really <span lang="fr_FR"><i>sautoit aux yeux</i></span>, and how I could have committed -it at first, or passed it over afterwards without discovery, and having -copied Pelletier's plan myself, is unaccountable. I have -adopted also most of your other corrections. You observe that -the arguments proving the batture public, yet prove it of such a -character that it could not be within the scope of the law of -March 4th, against squatters. I should so adjudge myself; yet I -observe many opinions otherwise, and in defence against a spadassin, -it is lawful to use all weapons. Besides, I have no pretensions -to be exclusively the judge of what arguments are sound -and what not. I give them, therefore, that they may weigh with -those who think they have weight and have a right to decide for -themselves. That act of Congress, moreover, was evidently respected, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_549'>[549]</a></span>particularly in the order under which the removal was -made. -</p> - -<p> -With respect to the arrangement of materials in my statement, -I know it is not such as counsel would employ in pleading such -a cause; it is not such as I would have made myself in that character; -it was determined by other considerations. I thought it -possible the case might be dismissed out of court by a plea to the -jurisdiction. I determined, on this event, to lay it before the -public, either directly or through Congress. Respect for my associates, -for myself, for our nation, would not permit me to come -forward, as a criminal under accusation, to plead and argue a -cause. This was not my situation. I had only to state to my -constituents a common transaction. This would naturally be by -way of narrative or statement of the facts, in their order of time, -establishing these facts as they occur, and bringing forward the -law arising on them and pointing to the Executive the course he -was to pursue. I suppose it more self-respectful to present it as -a history and explanation of what had taken place. It does not, -indeed, in that form, display the subject in one great whole, but -it brings forward successively a number of questions, solving -themselves as they arise, and leaving no one unexamined. And -the mind, after travelling over the whole case, and finding as it -goes along that all has been considered, and all is right, rests in -that state of satisfaction which it is our object to produce. In -truth, I have never known a case which presented so many distinct -questions, having no dependence on one another, nor belonging -even to the same branches of jurisprudence. After all, I -offer this as explanation, not justification of the order adopted. -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -At length, then, we have a chance of getting a republican majority -in the Supreme Judiciary. For ten years has that branch -braved the spirit and will of the nation, after the nation had manifested -its will by a complete reform in every branch depending -on them. The event is a fortunate one, and so timed as to be a -God-send to me. I am sure its importance to the nation will be -felt, and the occasion employed to complete the great operation -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_550'>[550]</a></span>they have so long been executing, by the appointment of a decided -republican, with nothing equivocal about him. But who -will it be? The misfortune of Bidwell removes an able man -from the competition. Can any other bring equal qualifications -to those of Lincoln? I know he was not deemed a profound -common lawyer; but was there ever a profound common lawyer -known in any of the Eastern States? There never was, nor -never can be one from those States. The basis of their law is -neither common nor civil; it is an original, if any compound can -so be called. Its foundation seems to have been laid in the spirit -and principles of Jewish law, incorporated with some words and -phrases of common law, and an abundance of notions of their own. -This makes an <i>amalgam <span lang="la">sui generis</span></i>, and it is well known that -a man, first and thoroughly initiated into the principles of one -system of law, can never become pure and sound in any other. -Lord Mansfield was a splendid proof of this. Therefore, I say, -there never was, nor can be a profound common lawyer from -those States. Sullivan had the reputation of preëminence there as -a common lawyer. But we have his history of land titles, which -gives us his measure. Mr. Lincoln is, I believe, considered as -learned in their laws as any one they have. Federalists say that -Parsons is better. But the criticalness of the present nomination -puts him out of question. As the great mass of the functions of -the new judge are to be performed in his own district, Lincoln -will be most unexceptionable and acceptable there; and on the -supreme bench equal to any one who can be brought from thence; -add to this his integrity, political firmness and unimpeachable -character, and I believe no one can be found to whom there will -not be more serious objections. -</p> - -<p> -You seem to think it would be best to ascertain the probable -result before making a proposition to Congress to defend Livingston's -suit. On mature consideration I think it better that no -such proposition should be made. The debates there would fix -the case as a party one, and we are the minority in the judiciary -department, and especially in the federal branch of it here. Till -Congress can be thoroughly put in possession of all the points in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_551'>[551]</a></span>the case, it is best they should let it lie. Livingston, by removing -it into the Judiciary, has fairly relinquished all claims on their -interference. I am confident that Congress will act soundly, -whenever we can give them a knowledge of the whole case. -But I tire you with this business, and end therefore with repeating -assurances of my constant attachment and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO CAPTAIN ISAAC HILLARD. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, October 9, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I duly received your letter of September 10th, and return -you thanks for that and the pamphlet you were so kind as -to enclose me. The health you enjoy at so good an old age, and -the strength of mind evidenced in your pamphlet, are subjects of -congratulation to yourself and of thankfulness to him who gives -them. I am sorry that a professor of religion should have given -occasion for such a censure. It proves he has much to conquer -in his own uncharitableness, and that it is not from him his flock -are to learn not to bear false witness against their neighbor. But -as to so much of his pulpit philippic as concerns myself I freely -forgive him; for I feel no falsehood and fear no truth. That -you may long continue to enjoy health, happiness and a sound -mind, is my sincere prayer. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL DUANE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, November 13, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your third packet is received before the second -had been returned. It is now enclosed, and the other shall go -by the next post. I find, as before, nothing to correct but those -errors of the copyist which you would have corrected yourself -before committed to the press. If it were practicable to send me -the original sheets with the translated, perhaps my equal familiarity -with both languages might enable me sometimes to be of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_552'>[552]</a></span>some advantage; but I presume that might be difficult, and of -little use, scarcely perhaps of any. I thank you for the copy of -Williams. I have barely dipped into it a little. Enough, however, -to see he is far short of the luminous work you are printing. -Indeed I think that the most valuable work of the present -age. I received from Williams, some years ago, his book on the -claims of authors. I found him to be a man of sound and true -principles, but not knowing how to go at them, and not able to -trace or develop them for others. I believe with you that the -crisis of England is come. What will be its issue it is vain to -prophesy; so many thousand contingencies may turn up to affect -its direction. Were I to hazard a guess, it would be that -they will become a military despotism. Their recollections of -the portion of liberty they have enjoyed will render force necessary -to retain them under pure monarchy. Their pressure upon -us has been so severe and so unprincipled, that we cannot deprecate -their fate, though we might wish to see their naval power -kept up to the level of that of the other principal powers separately -taken. But may it not take a very different turn? Her -paper credit annihilated, the precious metals must become her -circulating medium. The taxes which can be levied on her people -in these will be trifling in comparison with what they could -pay in paper money; her navy then will be unpaid, unclothed, -unfed. Will such a body of men suffer themselves to be dismissed -and to starve? Will they not mutiny, revolt, embody -themselves under a popular Admiral, take possession of Western -and Bermuda islands, and act on the Algerine system? If they -should not be able to act on this broad scale, they will become -individual pirates; and the modern Carthage will end as the old -one has done. I am sorry for her people, who are individually -as respectable as those of other nations—it is her government -which is so corrupt, and which has destroyed the nation—it -was certainly the most corrupt and unprincipled government on -earth. I should be glad to see their farmers and mechanics come -here, but I hope their nobles, priests, and merchants will be -kept at home to be moralized by the discipline of the new -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_553'>[553]</a></span>government. The young stripling whom you describe is, probably, -as George Nicholas used to say, "in the plenitude of -puppyism." Such coxcombs do not serve even as straws to -show which way the wind blows. Alexander is unquestionably -a man of an excellent heart, and of very respectable strength of -mind; and he is the only sovereign who cordially loves us. -Bonaparte hates our government because it is a living libel on -his. The English hate us because they think our prosperity -filched from theirs. Of Alexander's sense of the merits of our -form of government, of its wholesome operation on the condition -of the people, and of the interest he takes in the success of -our experiment, we possess the most unquestionable proofs; and -to him we shall be indebted if the rights of neutrals, to be settled -whenever peace is made, shall be extended beyond the present -belligerents; that is to say, European neutrals, as George and -Napoleon, of mutual consent and common hatred against us, -would concur in excluding us. I thought it a salutary measure -to engage the powerful patronage of Alexander at conferences -for peace, at a time when Bonaparte was courting him; and although -circumstances have lessened its weight, yet it is prudent -for us to cherish his good dispositions, as those alone which will -be exerted in our favor when that occasion shall occur. He, -like ourselves, sees and feels the atrociousness of both the belligerents. -I salute you with great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JAMES RONALDSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 3, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I now return you the paper you were so kind as to enclose -to me. The hint to the two belligerents of disarming -each other of their auxiliaries, by opening asylums to them and -giving them passages to this country, is certainly a good one. -Bonaparte has mind enough to adopt it, but not the means. England, -again, has the means but not mind enough; she would prefer -losing an advantage over her enemy to giving one to us. It -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_554'>[554]</a></span>is an unhappy state of mind for her, but I am afraid it is the true -one. She presents a singular phenomenon of an honest people -whose constitution, from its nature, must render their government -forever dishonest; and accordingly, from the time that Sir Robert -Walpole gave the constitution that direction which its defects -permitted, morality has been expunged from their political code. -I think the paper might do good if published, and could do no -harm. It cannot lessen our means of availing ourselves of the -same resource in case of our being at war with either belligerent. -The only difficulty in these cases (and in the revolutionary war -we found it a great one) is the conveying the invitation to the -adverse troops. Accept my salutations and assurances of respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO DAVID HOWELL, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, December 15, 1810. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Our last post brought me your friendly letter of -November 27th. I learn with pleasure that republican principles -are predominant in your State, because I conscientiously believe -that governments founded in these are more friendly to the happiness -of the people at large, and especially of a people so capable -of self-government as ours. I have been ever opposed to the -party so falsely called federalists, because I believe them desirous -of introducing into our government authorities hereditary or -otherwise independent of the national will. These always consume -the public contributions, and oppress the people with labor -and poverty. No one was more sensible than myself, while Governor -Fenner was in the Senate, of the soundness of his political -principles, and rectitude of his conduct. Among those of my -fellow laborers of whom I had a distinguished opinion, he was -one, and I have no doubt those among whom he lives, and who -have already given him so many proofs of their unequivocal confidence -in him, will continue so to do. It would be impertinent -in me, a stranger to them, to tell them what they all see daily. -My object too, at present, is peace and tranquillity, neither doing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_555'>[555]</a></span>nor saying anything to be quoted, or to make me the subject of -newspaper disquisitions. I read one or two newspapers a week, -but with reluctance give even that time from Tacitus and Horace, -and so much other more agreeable reading; indeed, I give more -time to exercise of the body than of the mind, believing it wholesome -to both. I enjoy, in recollection, my ancient friendships, -and suffer no new circumstances to mix alloy with them. I do -not take the trouble of forming opinions on what is passing -among them, because I have such entire confidence in their integrity -and wisdom as to be satisfied all is going right, and that -every one is doing his best in the station confided to him. Under -these impressions, accept sincere assurances of my continued -esteem and respect for yourself personally, and my best wishes -for your health and happiness. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LAW. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 15, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—An absence from home of some length has prevented -my sooner acknowledging the receipt of your letter, covering -the printed pamphlet, which the same absence has as yet prevented -me from taking up, but which I know I shall read with -great pleasure. Your favor of December the 22d, is also received. -</p> - -<p> -Mr. Wagner's malignity, like that of the rest of his tribe of -brother printers, who deal out calumnies for federal readers, gives -me no pain. When a printer cooks up a falsehood, it is as easy -to put it into the mouth of a Mr. Fox, as of a smaller man, and -safer into that of a dead than a living one. Your sincere attachment -to this country, as well as to your native one, was never -doubted by me; and in that persuasion, I felt myself free to express -to you my genuine sentiments with respect to England. -No man was more sensible than myself of the just value of the -friendship of that country. There are between us so many of -those circumstances which naturally produce and cement kind -dispositions, that if they could have forgiven our resistance to -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_556'>[556]</a></span>their usurpations, our connections might have been durable, and -have insured duration to both our governments. I wished, therefore, -a cordial friendship with them, and I spared no occasion of -manifesting this in our correspondence and intercourse with -them; not disguising, however, my desire of friendship with -their enemy also. During the administration of Mr. Addington, -I thought I discovered some friendly symptoms on the part of -that government; at least, we received some marks of respect -from the administration, and some of regret at the wrongs we -were suffering from their country. So, also, during the short interval -of Mr. Fox's power. But every other administration since -our Revolution has been equally wanton in their injuries and insults, -and have manifested equal hatred and aversion. Instead, -too, of cultivating the government itself, whose principles are -those of the great mass of the nation, they have adopted the -miserable policy of teazing and embarrassing it, by allying themselves -with a faction here, not a tenth of the people, noisy and -unprincipled, and which never can come into power while republicanism -is the spirit of the nation, and that must continue to be -so, until such a condensation of population shall have taken place -as will require centuries. Whereas, the good will of the government -itself would give them, and immediately, every benefit -which reason or justice would permit it to give. With respect -to myself, I saw great reason to believe their ministers were weak -enough to credit the newspaper trash about a supposed personal -enmity in myself towards England. This wretched party imputation -was beneath the notice of wise men. England never -did me a personal injury, other than in open war; and for numerous -individuals there, I have great esteem and friendship. And -I must have had a mind far below the duties of my station, to -have felt either national partialities or antipathies in conducting -the affairs confided to me. My affections were first for my own -country, and then, generally, for all mankind; and nothing but -minds placing themselves above the passions, in the functionaries -of this country, could have preserved us from the war to which -their provocations have been constantly urging us. The war interests -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_557'>[557]</a></span>in England include a numerous and wealthy part of their -population; and their influence is deemed worth courting by ministers -wishing to keep their places. Continually endangered by -a powerful opposition, they find it convenient to humor the popular -passions at the expense of the public good. The shipping -interest, commercial interest, and their janizaries of the navy, all -fattening on war, will not be neglected by ministers of ordinary -minds. Their tenure of office is so infirm that they dare not -follow the dictates of wisdom, justice, and the well-calculated interests -of their country. This vice in the English constitution, -renders a dependence on that government very unsafe. The -feelings of their King, too, fundamentally adverse to us, have -added another motive for unfriendliness in his ministers. This -obstacle to friendship, however, seems likely to be soon removed; -and I verily believe the successor will come in with fairer and -wiser dispositions towards us; perhaps on that event their conduct -may be changed. But what England is to become on the -crush of her internal structure, now seeming to be begun, I cannot -foresee. Her monied interest, created by her paper system, -and now constituting a baseless mass of wealth equal to that of -the owners of the soil, must disappear with that system, and the -medium for paying great taxes thus failing, her navy must be -without support. That it shall be supported by permitting her -to claim dominion of the ocean, and to levy tribute on every flag -traversing that, as lately attempted and not yet relinquished, every -nation must contest, even <span lang="la"><i>ad internecionem</i></span>. And yet, that retiring -from this enormity, she should continue able to take a fair -share in the necessary equilibrium of power on that element, -would be the desire of every nation. -</p> - -<p> -I feel happy in withdrawing my mind from these anxieties, -and resigning myself, for the remnant of life, to the care and -guardianship of others. Good wishes are all an old man has to -offer to his country or friends. Mine attend yourself, with sincere -assurances of esteem and respect, which, however, I should -be better pleased to tender you in person, should your rambles -ever lead you into the vicinage of Monticello. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_558'>[558]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 16, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I had been considering for some days, whether it -was not time by a letter, to bring myself to your recollection, -when I received your welcome favor of the 2d instant. I had -before heard of the heart-rending calamity you mention, and had -sincerely sympathized with your afflictions. But I had not made -it the subject of a letter, because I knew that condolences were -but renewals of grief. Yet I thought, and still think, this is one -of the cases wherein we should "not sorrow, even as others who -have no hope." -</p> - -<p class="center"> -* * * * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -You ask if I have read Hartley? I have not. My present -course of life admits less reading than I wish. From breakfast, -or noon at latest, to dinner, I am mostly on horseback, attending -to my farm or other concerns, which I find healthful to my body, -mind and affairs; and the few hours I can pass in my cabinet, -are devoured by correspondences; not those with my intimate -friends, with whom I delight to interchange sentiments, but with -others, who, writing to me on concerns of their own in which I -have had an agency, or from motives of mere respect and approbation, -are entitled to be answered with respect and a return of -good will. My hope is that this obstacle to the delights of retirement, -will wear away with the oblivion which follows that, -and that I may at length be indulged in those studious pursuits, -from which nothing but revolutionary duties would ever have -called me. -</p> - -<p> -I shall receive your proposed publication and read it with the -pleasure which everything gives me from your pen. Although -much of a sceptic in the practice of medicine, I read with pleasure -its ingenious theories. -</p> - -<p> -I receive with sensibility your observations on the discontinuance -of friendly correspondence between Mr. Adams and myself, -and the concern you take in its restoration. This discontinuance -has not proceeded from me, nor from the want of sincere -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_559'>[559]</a></span>desire and of effort on my part, to renew our intercourse. -You know the perfect coincidence of principle and of action, in -the early part of the Revolution, which produced a high degree -of mutual respect and esteem between Mr. Adams and myself. -Certainly no man was ever truer than he was, in that day, to -those principles of rational republicanism which, after the necessity -of throwing off our monarchy, dictated all our efforts in -the establishment of a new government. And although he -swerved, afterwards, towards the principles of the English constitution, -our friendship did not abate on that account. While -he was Vice President, and I Secretary of State, I received a -letter from President Washington, then at Mount Vernon, desiring -me to call together the Heads of departments, and to invite -Mr. Adams to join us (which, by-the-bye, was the only instance -of that being done) in order to determine on some measure which -required despatch; and he desired me to act on it, as decided, -without again recurring to him. I invited them to dine with -me, and after dinner, sitting at our wine, having settled our question, -other conversation came on, in which a collision of opinion -arose between Mr. Adams and Colonel Hamilton, on the merits of -the British constitution, Mr. Adams giving it as his opinion, that, -if some of its defects and abuses were corrected, it would be the -most perfect constitution of government ever devised by man. -Hamilton, on the contrary, asserted, that with its existing vices, -it was the most perfect model of government that could be -formed; and that the correction of its vices would render it an -impracticable government. And this you may be assured was -the real line of difference between the political principles of -these two gentlemen. Another incident took place on the same -occasion, which will further delineate Mr. Hamilton's political -principles. The room being hung around with a collection of -the portraits of remarkable men, among them were those of Bacon, -Newton and Locke, Hamilton asked me who they were. -I told him they were my trinity of the three greatest men the -world had ever produced, naming them. He paused for some -time: "the greatest man," said he, "that ever lived, was Julius -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_560'>[560]</a></span>Cæsar." Mr. Adams was honest as a politician, as well as a -man; Hamilton honest as a man, but, as a politician, believing -in the necessity of either force or corruption to govern men. -</p> - -<p> -You remember the machinery which the federalists played off, -about that time, to beat down the friends to the real principles -of our constitution, to silence by terror every expression in their -favor, to bring us into war with France and alliance with England, -and finally to homologize our constitution with that of -England. Mr. Adams, you know, was overwhelmed with feverish -addresses, dictated by the fear, and often by the pen, of the -<i>bloody buoy</i>, and was seduced by them into some open indications -of his new principles of government, and in fact, was so -elated as to mix with his kindness a little superciliousness towards -me. Even Mrs. Adams, with all her good sense and prudence, -was sensibly flushed. And you recollect the short suspension -of our intercourse, and the circumstance which gave -rise to it, which you were so good as to bring to an early explanation, -and have set to rights, to the cordial satisfaction of us all. -The nation at length passed condemnation on the political principles -of the federalists, by refusing to continue Mr. Adams in the -Presidency. On the day on which we learned in Philadelphia -the vote of the city of New York, which it was well known -would decide the vote of the State, and that, again, the vote of -the Union, I called on Mr. Adams on some official business. He -was very sensibly affected, and accosted me with these words: -"Well, I understand that you are to beat me in this contest, and -I will only say that I will be as faithful a subject as any you -will have." "Mr. Adams," said I, "this is no personal contest -between you and me. Two systems of principles on the subject -of government divide our fellow citizens into two parties. With -one of these you concur, and I with the other. As we have -been longer on the public stage than most of those now living, -our names happen to be more generally known. One of these -parties, therefore, has put your name at its head, the other mine. -Were we both to die to-day, to-morrow two other names would -be in the place of ours, without any change in the motion of the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_561'>[561]</a></span>machinery. Its motion is from its principle, not from you or myself." -"I believe you are right," said he, "that we are but passive -instruments, and should not suffer this matter to affect our -personal dispositions." But he did not long retain this just view -of the subject. I have always believed that the thousand -calumnies which the federalists, in bitterness of heart, and mortification -at their ejection, daily invented against me, were carried -to him by their busy intriguers, and made some impression. -When the election between Burr and myself was kept in -suspense by the federalists, and they were meditating to place -the President of the Senate at the head of the government, I -called on Mr. Adams with a view to have this desperate measure -prevented by his negative. He grew warm in an instant, and -said with a vehemence he had not used towards me before, "Sir, -the event of the election is within your own power. You have -only to say you will do justice to the public creditors, maintain -the navy, and not disturb those holding offices, and the government -will instantly be put into your hands. We know it is the -wish of the people it should be so." "Mr. Adams," said I, "I -know not what part of my conduct, in either public or private -life, can have authorized a doubt of my fidelity to the public engagements. -I say, however, I will not come into the government -by capitulation. I will not enter on it, but in perfect freedom -to follow the dictates of my own judgment." I had before -given the same answer to the same intimation from Gouverneur -Morris. "Then," said he, "things must take their course." -I turned the conversation to something else, and soon took my -leave. It was the first time in our lives we had ever parted with -anything like dissatisfaction. And then followed those scenes -of midnight appointment, which have been condemned by all -men. The last day of his political power, the last hours, and -even beyond the midnight, were employed in filling all offices, -and especially permanent ones, with the bitterest federalists, and -providing for me the alternative, either to execute the government -by my enemies, whose study it would be to thwart and defeat -all my measures, or to incur the odium of such numerous removals -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_562'>[562]</a></span>from office, as might bear me down. A little time and -reflection effaced in my mind this temporary dissatisfaction with -Mr. Adams, and restored me to that just estimate of his virtues -and passions, which a long acquaintance had enabled me to fix. -And my first wish became that of making his retirement easy -by any means in my power; for it was understood he was not rich. -I suggested to some republican members of the delegation from -his State, the giving him, either directly or indirectly, an office, -the most lucrative in that State, and then offered to be resigned, -if they thought he would not deem it affrontive. They were -of opinion he would take great offence at the offer; and moreover, -that the body of republicans would consider such a step -in the outset as arguing very ill of the course I meant to pursue. -I dropped the idea, therefore, but did not cease to wish for some -opportunity of renewing our friendly understanding. -</p> - -<p> -Two or three years after, having had the misfortune to lose a -daughter, between whom and Mrs. Adams there had been a considerable -attachment, she made it the occasion of writing me a -letter, in which, with the tenderest expressions of concern at this -event, she carefully avoided a single one of friendship towards -myself, and even concluded it with the wishes "of her who <i>once</i> -took pleasure in subscribing herself your friend, Abigail Adams." -Unpromising as was the complexion of this letter, I determined -to make an effort towards removing the cloud from between us. -This brought on a correspondence which I now enclose for your -perusal, after which be so good as to return it to me, as I have -never communicated it to any mortal breathing, before. I send -it to you, to convince you I have not been wanting either in the -desire, or the endeavor to remove this misunderstanding. Indeed, -I thought it highly disgraceful to us both, as indicating minds -not sufficiently elevated to prevent a public competition from affecting -our personal friendship. I soon found from the correspondence -that conciliation was desperate, and yielding to an intimation -in her last letter, I ceased from further explanation. I -have the same good opinion of Mr. Adams which I ever had. I -know him to be an honest man, an able one with his pen, and he -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_563'>[563]</a></span>was a powerful advocate on the floor of Congress. He has been -alienated from me, by belief in the lying suggestions contrived -for electioneering purposes, that I perhaps mixed in the activity -and intrigues of the occasion. My most intimate friends can -testify that I was perfectly passive. They would sometimes, indeed, -tell me what was going on; but no man ever heard me -take part in such conversations; and none ever misrepresented -Mr. Adams in my presence, without my asserting his just character. -With very confidential persons I have doubtless disapproved -of the principles and practices of his administration. This was -unavoidable. But never with those with whom it could do him -any injury. Decency would have required this conduct from -me, if disposition had not; and I am satisfied Mr. Adams' conduct -was equally honorable towards me. But I think it part of -his character to suspect foul play in those of whom he is jealous, -and not easily to relinquish his suspicions. -</p> - -<p> -I have gone, my dear friend, into these details, that you might -know everything which had passed between us, might be fully -possessed of the state of facts and dispositions, and judge for -yourself whether they admit a revival of that friendly intercourse -for which you are so kindly solicitous. I shall certainly not be -wanting in anything on my part which may second your efforts, -which will be the easier with me, inasmuch as I do not entertain -a sentiment of Mr. Adams, the expression of which could give -him reasonable offence. And I submit the whole to yourself, -with the assurance, that whatever be the issue, my friendship and -respect for yourself will remain unaltered and unalterable. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN LYNCH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 21, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—You have asked my opinion on the proposition of Mrs. -Mifflin, to take measures for procuring, on the coast of Africa, -an establishment to which the people of color of these States -might, from time to time, be colonized, under the auspices of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_564'>[564]</a></span>different governments. Having long ago made up my mind on -this subject, I have no hesitation in saying that I have ever -thought it the most desirable measure which could be adopted, -for gradually drawing off this part of our population, most advantageously -for themselves as well as for us. Going from a country -possessing all the useful arts, they might be the means of -transplanting them among the inhabitants of Africa, and would -thus carry back to the country of their origin, the seeds of civilization -which might render their sojournment and sufferings here -a blessing in the end to that country. -</p> - -<p> -I received, in the first year of my coming into the administration -of the General Government, a letter from the Governor of -Virginia, (Colonel Monroe,) consulting me, at the request of the -Legislature of the State, on the means of procuring some such -asylum, to which these people might be occasionally sent. I proposed -to him the establishment of Sierra Leone, to which a private -company in England had already colonized a number of negroes, -and particularly the fugitives from these States during the -Revolutionary War; and at the same time suggested, if this could -not be obtained, some of the Portuguese possessions in South -America, as next most desirable. The subsequent Legislature -approving these ideas, I wrote, the ensuing year, 1802, to Mr. -King, our Minister in London, to endeavor to negotiate with the -Sierra Leone company a reception of such of these people as -might be colonized thither. He opened a correspondence with -Mr. Wedderburne and Mr. Thornton, secretaries of the company, -on the subject, and in 1803 I received through Mr. King the result, -which was that the colony was going on, but in a languishing -condition; that the funds of the company were likely to fail, -as they received no returns of profit to keep them up; that they -were therefore in treaty with their government to take the establishment -off their hands; but that in no event should they be -willing to receive more of these people from the United States, -as it was exactly that portion of their settlers which had gone -from hence, which, by their idleness and turbulence, had kept -the settlement in constant danger of dissolution, which could not -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_565'>[565]</a></span>have been prevented but for the aid of the Maroon negroes from -the West Indies, who were more industrious and orderly than the -others, and supported the authority of the government and its -laws. I think I learned afterwards that the British Government -had taken the colony into its own hands, and I believe it still -exists. The effort which I made with Portugal, to obtain an -establishment for them within their claims in South America, -proved also abortive. -</p> - -<p> -You inquire further, whether I would use my endeavors to -procure for such an establishment security against violence from -other powers, and particularly from France? Certainly, I shall -be willing to do anything I can to give it effect and safety. But -I am but a private individual, and could only use endeavors with -private individuals; whereas, the National Government can address -themselves at once to those of Europe to obtain the desired -security, and will unquestionably be ready to exert its influence -with those nations for an object so benevolent in itself, and so -important to a great portion of its constituents. Indeed, nothing -is more to be wished than that the United States would themselves -undertake to make such an establishment on the coast of -Africa. Exclusive of motives of humanity, the commercial advantages -to be derived from it might repay all its expenses. But -for this, the national mind is not yet prepared. It may perhaps -be doubted whether many of these people would voluntarily consent -to such an exchange of situation, and very certain that few -of those advanced to a certain age in habits of slavery, would be -capable of self-government. This should not, however, discourage -the experiment, nor the early trial of it; and the proposition -should be made with all the prudent cautions and attentions requisite -to reconcile it to the interests, the safety and the prejudices -of all parties. -</p> - -<p> -Accept the assurances of my respect and esteem. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_566'>[566]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO M. DESTUTT TRACY. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, January 26, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—The length of time your favor of June the 12th, 1809 -was on its way to me, and my absence from home the greater -part of the autumn, delayed very much the pleasure which -awaited me of reading the packet which accompanied it. I cannot -express to you the satisfaction which I received from its perusal. -I had, with the world, deemed Montesquieu's work of -much merit; but saw in it, with every thinking man, so much -of paradox, of false principle and misapplied fact, as to render its -value equivocal on the whole. Williams and others had nibbled -only at its errors. A radical correction of them, therefore, was a -great desideratum. This want is now supplied, and with a depth -of thought, precision of idea, of language and of logic, which -will force conviction into every mind. I declare to you, Sir, in -the spirit of truth and sincerity, that I consider it the most precious -gift the present age has received. But what would it have -been, had the author, or would the author, take up the whole -scheme of Montesquieu's work, and following the correct analysis -he has here developed, fill up all its parts according to his sound -views of them? Montesquieu's celebrity would be but a small -portion of that which would immortalize the author. And with -whom? With the rational and high-minded spirits of the present -and all future ages. With those whose approbation is both -incitement and reward to virtue and ambition. Is then the hope -desperate? To what object can the occupation of his future life -be devoted so usefully to the world, so splendidly to himself? -But I must leave to others who have higher claims on his attention, -to press these considerations. -</p> - -<p> -My situation, far in the interior of the country, was not favorable -to the object of getting this work translated and printed. -Philadelphia is the least distant of the great towns of our States, -where there exists any enterprise in this way; and it was not till -the spring following the receipt of your letter, that I obtained an -arrangement for its execution. The translation is just now completed. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_567'>[567]</a></span>The sheets came to me by post, from time to time, for -revisal; but not being accompanied by the original, I could not -judge of verbal accuracies. I think, however, it is substantially -correct, without being an adequate representation of the excellences -of the original; as indeed no translation can be. I found -it impossible to give it the appearance of an original composition -in our language. I therefore think it best to divert inquiries -after the author towards a quarter where he will not be found; -and with this view, propose to prefix the prefatory epistle now -enclosed. As soon as a copy of the work can be had, I will send -it to you by duplicate. The secret of the author will be faithfully -preserved during his and my joint lives; and those into -whose hands my papers will fall at my death, will be equally -worthy of confidence. When the death of the author, or his -living consent shall permit the world to know their benefactor, -both his and my papers will furnish the evidence. In the meantime, -the many important truths the work so solidly establishes, -will, I hope, make it the political rudiment of the young, and -manual of our older citizens. -</p> - -<p> -One of its doctrines, indeed, the preference of a plural over a -singular executive, will probably not be assented to here. When -our present government was first established, we had many doubts -on this question, and many leanings towards a supreme executive -counsel. It happened that at that time the experiment of -such an one was commenced in France, while the single executive -was under trial here. We watched the motions and effects -of these two rival plans, with an interest and anxiety proportioned -to the importance of a choice between them. The experiment -in France failed after a short course, and not from any circumstance -peculiar to the times or nation, but from those internal -jealousies and dissensions in the Directory, which will ever arise -among men equal in power, without a principal to decide and -control their differences. We had tried a similar experiment in -1784, by establishing a committee of the States, composed of a -member from every State, then thirteen, to exercise the executive -functions during the recess of Congress. They fell immediately -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_568'>[568]</a></span>into schisms and dissensions, which became at length so -inveterate as to render all co-operation among them impracticable, -they dissolved themselves, abandoning the helm of government, -and it continued without a head, until Congress met the ensuing -winter. This was then imputed to the temper of two or three -individuals; but the wise ascribed it to the nature of man. The -failure of the French Directory, and from the same cause, seems -to have authorized a belief that the form of a plurality, however -promising in theory, is impracticable with men constituted with -the ordinary passions. While the tranquil and steady tenor of -our single executive, during a course of twenty-two years of the -most tempestuous times the history of the world has ever presented, -gives a rational hope that this important problem is at -length solved. Aided by the counsels of a cabinet of heads of -departments, originally four, but now five, with whom the President -consults, either singly or altogether, he has the benefit of -their wisdom and information, brings their views to one centre, -and produces an unity of action and direction in all the branches -of the government. The excellence of this construction of the -executive power has already manifested itself here under very -opposite circumstances. During the administration of our first -President, his cabinet of four members was equally divided by as -marked an opposition of principle as monarchism and republicanism -could bring into conflict. Had that cabinet been a directory, -like positive and negative quantities in algebra, the opposing -wills would have balanced each other and produced a state of -absolute inaction. But the President heard with calmness the -opinions and reasons of each, decided the course to be pursued, -and kept the government steadily in it, unaffected by the agitation. -The public knew well the dissensions of the cabinet, but -never had an uneasy thought on their account, because they knew -also they had provided a regulating power which would keep the -machine in steady movement. I speak with an intimate knowledge -of these scenes, <span lang="la"><i>quorum pars fui</i></span>; as I may of others of a -character entirely opposite. The third administration, which -was of eight years, presented an example of harmony in a cabinet -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_569'>[569]</a></span>of six persons, to which perhaps history has furnished no parallel. -There never arose, during the whole time, an instance of -an unpleasant thought or word between the members. We sometimes -met under differences of opinion, but scarcely ever failed, -by conversing and reasoning, so to modify each other's ideas, as to -produce an unanimous result. Yet, able and amicable as these -members were, I am not certain this would have been the case, had -each possessed equal and independent powers. Ill-defined limits -of their respective departments, jealousies, trifling at first, but nourished -and strengthened by repetition of occasions, intrigues without -doors of designing persons to build an importance to themselves -on the divisions of others, might, from small beginnings, -have produced persevering oppositions. But the power of decision -in the President left no object for internal dissension, and -external intrigue was stifled in embryo by the knowledge which -incendiaries possessed, that no division they could foment would -change the course of the executive power. I am not conscious -that my participations in executive authority have produced any -bias in favor of the single executive; because the parts I have -acted have been in the subordinate, as well as superior stations, -and because, if I know myself, what I have felt, and what I -have wished, I know that I have never been so well pleased, as -when I could shift power from my own, on the shoulders of others; -nor have I ever been able to conceive how any rational -being could propose happiness to himself from the exercise of -power over others. -</p> - -<p> -I am still, however, sensible of the solidity of your principle, -that, to insure the safety of the public liberty, its depository -should be subject to be changed with the greatest ease possible, -and without suspending or disturbing for a moment the movements -of the machine of government. You apprehend that a -single executive, with eminence of talent, and destitution of -principle, equal to the object, might, by usurpation, render his -powers hereditary. Yet I think history furnishes as many examples -of a single usurper arising out of a government by a plurality, -as of temporary trusts of power in a single hand rendered -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_570'>[570]</a></span>permanent by usurpation. I do not believe, therefore, that this -danger is lessened in the hands of a plural executive. Perhaps -it is greatly increased, by the state of inefficiency to which they -are liable from feuds and divisions among themselves. The -conservative body you propose might be so constituted, as, while -it would be an admirable sedative in a variety of smaller cases, -might also be a valuable sentinel and check on the liberticide -views of an ambitious individual. I am friendly to this idea. -But the true barriers of our liberty in this country are our State -governments; and the wisest conservative power ever contrived -by man, is that of which our Revolution and present government -found us possessed. Seventeen distinct States, amalgamated -into one as to their foreign concerns, but single and independent -as to their internal administration, regularly organized with a -legislature and governor resting on the choice of the people, and -enlightened by a free press, can never be so fascinated by the -arts of one man, as to submit voluntarily to his usurpation. Nor -can they be constrained to it by any force he can possess. -While that may paralyze the single State in which it happens to -be encamped, sixteen others, spread over a country of two thousand -miles diameter, rise up on every side, ready organized for -deliberation by a constitutional legislature, and for action by their -governor, constitutionally the commander of the militia of the -State, that is to say, of every man in it able to bear arms; and -that militia, too, regularly formed into regiments and battalions, -into infantry, cavalry and artillery, trained under officers general -and subordinate, legally appointed, always in readiness, and to -whom they are already in habits of obedience. The republican -government of France was lost without a struggle, because the -party of <span lang="fr_FR">"<i>un et indivisible</i>"</span> had prevailed; no provincial organizations -existed to which the people might rally under authority -of the laws, the seats of the directory were virtually vacant, -and a small force sufficed to turn the legislature out of their -chamber, and to salute its leader chief of the nation. But with -us, sixteen out of seventeen States rising in mass, under regular -organization, and legal commanders, united in object and action -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_571'>[571]</a></span>by their Congress, or, if that be in <span lang="fr_FR"><i>duresse</i></span>, by a special convention, -present such obstacles to an usurper as forever to stifle ambition -in the first conception of that object. -</p> - -<p> -Dangers of another kind might more reasonably be apprehended -from this perfect and distinct organization, civil and military, -of the States; to wit, that certain States from local and occasional -discontents, might attempt to secede from the Union. This -is certainly possible; and would be befriended by this regular organization. -But it is not probable that local discontents can -spread to such an extent, as to be able to face the sound parts of -so extensive an Union; and if ever they should reach the majority, -they would then become the regular government, acquire -the ascendency in Congress, and be able to redress their own -grievances by laws peaceably and constitutionally passed. And -even the States in which local discontents might engender a commencement -of fermentation, would be paralyzed and self-checked -by that very division into parties into which we have fallen, into -which all States must fall wherein men are at liberty to think, -speak, and act freely, according to the diversities of their individual -conformations, and which are, perhaps, essential to preserve -the purity of the government, by the censorship which -these parties habitually exercise over each other. -</p> - -<p> -You will read, I am sure, with indulgence, the explanations of -the grounds on which I have ventured to form an opinion differing -from yours. They prove my respect for your judgment, and -diffidence in my own, which have forbidden me to retain, without -examination, an opinion questioned by you. Permit me now -to render my portion of the general debt of gratitude, by acknowledgments -in advance for the singular benefaction which is -the subject of this letter, to tender my wishes for the continuance -of a life so usefully employed, and to add the assurances -of my perfect esteem and respect. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_572'>[572]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 8, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—On my return from a journey of five weeks to -Bedford I found here the two letters now enclosed, which though -directed to me, belong, in their matter, to you. I never before -heard of either writer, and therefore leave them to stand on their -own grounds. -</p> - -<p> -I congratulate you on the close of your campaign. Although -it has not conquered your difficulties, it leaves you more at leisure -to consider and provide against them. Our only chance as -to England is the accession of the Prince of Wales to the throne. -If only to the regency, himself and his ministers may be less -bold and strong to make a thorough change of system. It will -leave them, too, a pretext for doing less than right, if so disposed. -He has much more understanding and good humor than principle -or application. But it seems difficult to understand what -Bonaparte means towards us. I have been in hopes the consultations -with closed doors were for taking possession of East -Florida. It would give no more offence anywhere than taking -the Western province, and I am much afraid the Percival ministry -may have given orders for taking possession of it before they -were put out of power. -</p> - -<p> -We have had a wretched winter for the farmer. Great consumption -of food by the cattle, and little weather for preparing -the ensuing crop. During my stay in Bedford we had seven -snows, that of February 22, which was of 15 inches about -Richmond, was of 6 inches here, and only 3½ in Bedford. Ever -affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL WILKINSON. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 10, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of January 21st has been received, -and with it the 2d volume of your Memoirs, with the appendices -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_573'>[573]</a></span>to the 1st, 2d and 4th volumes, for which accept my thanks. I -shall read them with pleasure. The expression respecting myself, -stated in your letter to have been imputed to you by your -calumniators, had either never been heard by me, or, if heard, -had been unheeded and forgotten. I have been too much the -butt of such falsehoods myself to do others the injustice of permitting -them to make the least impression on me. My consciousness -that no man on earth has me under his thumb is evidence -enough that you never used the expression. Daniel Clarke's -book I have never seen, nor should I put Tacitus or Thucydides -out of my hand to take that up. I am even leaving off the -newspapers, desirous to disengage myself from the contentions of -the world, and consign to entire tranquillity and to the kinder -passions what remains to me of life. I look back with commiseration -on those still buffeting the storm, and sincerely wish -your argosy may ride out, unhurt, that in which it is engaged. -My belief is that it will, and I found that belief on my own -knowledge of Burr's transactions, on my view of your conduct -in encountering them, and on the candor of your judges. I salute -you with my best wishes and entire respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. JOHN MELISH. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 10, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I thank you for your letter of February 16th, and the -communication of that you had forwarded to the President. In -his hands it may be turned to public account; in mine it is only -evidence of your zeal for the general good. My occupations are -now in quite a different line, more suited to my age, my interests -and inclinations. Having served my tour of duty, I leave -public cares to younger and more vigorous minds, and repose my -personal well-being under their guardianship, in perfect confidence -of its safety. Our ship is sound, the crew alert at their -posts, and our ablest steersman at its helm. That she will make -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_574'>[574]</a></span>a safe port I have no doubt; and that she may, I offer to heaven -my daily prayers, the proper function of age, and add to yourself -the assurance of my respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, March 28, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I learn with sincere concern, from yours of the -15th received by our last mail, the difficulties into which you -are brought by the retirement of particular friends from the accommodations -they had been in the habit of yielding you. That -one of those you name should have separated from the censor of -John Randolph, is consonant with the change of disposition -which took place in him at Washington. That the other, far -above that bias, should have done so, was not expected. I have -ever looked to Mr. Lieper as one of the truest republicans of our -country, whose mind, unaffected by personal incidents, pursues -its course with a steadiness of which we have rare examples. -Looking about for a motive, I have supposed it was to be found -in the late arraignments of Mr. Gallatin in your papers. However -he might differ from you on that subject, as I do myself, -the indulgences in difference of opinion which we all owe to -one another, and every one needs for himself, would, I thought, -in a mind like his, have prevented such a manifestation of it. I -believe Mr. Gallatin to be of a pure integrity, and as zealously -devoted to the liberties and interests of our country as its most -affectionate native citizen. Of this his courage in Congress in -the days of terror, gave proofs which nothing can obliterate from -the recollection of those who were witnesses of it. These are -probably the opinions of Mr. Lieper, as I believe they are of -every man intimately acquainted with Mr. Gallatin. An intercourse, -almost daily, of eight years with him, has given me opportunities -of knowing his character more thoroughly than perhaps -any other man living; and I have ascribed the erroneous -estimate you have formed of it to the want of that intimate -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_575'>[575]</a></span>knowledge of him which I possessed. Every one, certainly, -must form his judgment on the evidence accessible to himself; -and I have no more doubt of the integrity of your convictions -than I have of my own. They are drawn from different materials -and different sources of information, more or less perfect, -according to our opportunities. The zeal, the disinterestedness, -and the abilities with which you have supported the great principles -of our revolution, the persecutions you have suffered, and -the firmness and independence with which you have suffered -them, constitute too strong a claim on the good wishes of every -friend of elective government, to be effaced by a solitary ease of -difference in opinion. Thus I think, and thus I believed my -much-esteemed friend Lieper would have thought; and I am -the more concerned he does not, as it is so much more in his -power to be useful to you than in mine. His residence, and his -standing at the great seat of the monied institutions, command -a credit with them, which no inhabitant of the country, -and of agricultural pursuits only, can have. The two or three -banks in our uncommercial State are too distant to have any relations -with the farmers of Albemarle. We are persuaded you -have not overrated the dispositions of this State to support yourself -and your paper. They have felt its services too often to be -indifferent in the hour of trial. They are well aware that the -days of danger are not yet over. And I am sensible that if -there were any means of bringing into concert the good will of -the friends of the "Aurora" scattered over this State, they would -not deceive your expectations. One month sooner might have -found such an opportunity in the assemblage of our legislature in -Richmond. But that is now dispersed not to meet again under -a twelvemonth. We, here, are but one of a hundred counties, -and on consultation with friends of the neighborhood, it is their -opinion that if we can find an endorser resident in Richmond, -(for that is indispensable,) ten or twelve persons of this county -would readily engage, as you suggest, for their $100 each, -and some of them for more. It is believed that the republicans -in that city can and will do a great deal more; and perhaps -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_576'>[576]</a></span>their central position may enable them to communicate with -other counties. We have written to a distinguished friend to -the cause of liberty there to take the lead in the business, as far -as concerns that place; and for our own, we are taking measures -for obtaining the aid of the bank of the same place. In all -this I am nearly a cypher. Forty years of almost constant absence -from the State have made me a stranger in it, have left -me a solitary tree, from around which the axe of time has felled -all the companions of its youth and growth. I have, however, -engaged some active and zealous friends to do what I could not. -Their personal acquaintance and influence with those now in -active life can give effect to their efforts. But our support can -be but partial, and far short, both in time and measure, of your -difficulties. They will be little more than evidences of our friendship. -The truth is that farmers, as we all are, have no command -of money. Our necessaries are all supplied, either from -our farms, or a neighboring store. Our produce, at the end of -the year, is delivered to the merchant, and thus the business of -the year is done by barter, without the intervention of scarcely -a dollar; and thus also we live with a plenty of everything except -money. To raise that negociations and time are requisite. -I sincerely wish that greater and prompter effects could have -flowed from our good will. On my part, no endeavors or sacrifices -shall be withheld. But we are bound down by the laws -of our situation. -</p> - -<p> -I do not know whether I am able at present to form a just -idea of the situation of our country. If I am, it is such as, during -the <span lang="la"><i>bellum omnium in omnia</i></span> of Europe, will require the -union of all its friends to resist its enemies within and without. -If we schismatize on either men or measures, if we do not act -in phalanx, as when we rescued it from the satellites of monarchism, -I will not say our <i>party</i>, the term is false and degrading, -but our <i>nation</i> will be undone. For the republicans are the <i>nation</i>. -Their opponents are but a faction, weak in numbers, but -powerful and profuse in the command of money, and backed by -a nation, powerful also and profuse in the use of the same means; -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_577'>[577]</a></span>and the more profuse, in both cases, as the money they thus employ -is not their own but their creditors, to be paid off by a bankruptcy, -which whether it pays a dollar or a shilling in the pound -is of little concern with them. The last hope of human liberty -in this world rests on us. We ought, for so dear a state, to sacrifice -every attachment and every enmity. Leave the President -free to chose his own coadjutors, to pursue his own measures, -and support him and them, even if we think we are wiser than -they, honester than they are, or possessing more enlarged information -of the state of things. If we move in mass, be it ever -so circuitously, we shall attain our object; but if we break into -squads, every one pursuing the path he thinks most direct, we -become an easy conquest to those who can now barely hold us -in check. I repeat again, that we ought not to schismatize on -either men or measures. Principles alone can justify that. If -we find our government in all its branches rushing headlong, -like our predecessors, into the arms of monarchy, if we find -them violating our dearest rights, the trial by jury, the freedom -of the press, the freedom of opinion, civil or religious, or opening -on our peace of mind or personal safety the sluices of terrorism, -if we see them raising standing armies, when the absence -of all other danger points to these as the sole objects on which -they are to be employed, then indeed let us withdraw and call -the nation to its tents. But while our functionaries are wise, and -honest, and vigilant, let us move compactly under their guidance, -and we have nothing to fear. Things may here and there go a -little wrong. It is not in their power to prevent it. But all will -be right in the end, though not perhaps by the shortest means. -</p> - -<p> -You know, my dear Sir, that this union of republicans has -been the constant theme of my exhortations, that I have ever -refused to know any subdivisions among them, to take part in -any personal differences; and therefore you will not give to the -present observations any other than general application. I may -sometimes differ in opinion from some of my friends, from those -whose views are as pure and sound as my own. I censure none, -but do homage to every one's right of opinion. If I have indulged -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_578'>[578]</a></span>my pen, therefore, a little further than the occasion called -for, you will ascribe it to a sermonizing habit, to the anxieties of -age, perhaps to its garrulity, or to any other motive rather than -the want of the esteem and confidence of which I pray you to -accept sincere assurances. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Absorbed in a subject more nearly interesting, I had -forgotten our book on the heresies of Montesquieu. I sincerely -hope the removal of all embarrassment will enable you to go on -with it, or so to dispose of it as that our country may have the -benefit of the corrections it will administer to public opinion. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. LATROBE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 14, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I feel much concern that suggestions stated in -your letter of the 5th instant, should at this distance of time be -the subject of uneasiness to you, and I regret it the more as they -make appeals to memory, a faculty never strong in me, and now -too sensibly impaired to be relied on. It retains no trace of the -particular conversations alluded to, nor enables me to say that -they are or are not correct. The only safe appeal for me is to -the general impressions received at the time, and still retained -with sufficient distinctness. These were that you discharged the -duties of your appointment with ability, diligence and zeal, but -that in the article of expense you were not sufficiently guarded. -You must remember my frequent cautions to you on this head, -the measures I took, by calling for frequent accounts of expenditures -and contracts, to mark to you, as well as to myself, when -they were getting beyond the limits of the appropriations, and -the afflicting embarrassments of a particular occasion where these -limits had been unguardedly and greatly transcended. These -sentiments I communicated to you freely at the time, as it was -my duty to do. Another principle of conduct with me was to -admit no innovations on the established plans, but on the strongest -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_579'>[579]</a></span>grounds. When, therefore, I thought first of placing the floor -of the Representative chamber on the level of the basement of -the building, and of throwing into its height the cavity of the -dome, in the manner of the <span lang="fr_FR">Halle aux Bleds</span> at Paris, I deemed it -due to Dr. Thornton, author of the plan of the Capitol, to consult -him on the change. He not only consented, but appeared -heartily to approve of the alteration. For the same reason, as -well as on motives of economy, I was anxious, in converting the -Senate chamber into a Judiciary room, to preserve its original -form, and to leave the same arches and columns standing. On -your representation, however, that the columns were decayed and -incompetent to support the incumbent weight, I acquiesced in -the change you proposed, only striking out the addition which -would have made part of the middle building, and would involve -a radical change in that which had not been sanctioned. I have -no reason to doubt but that in the execution of the Senate and -Court rooms, you have adhered to the plan communicated to me -and approved; but never having seen them since their completion, -I am not able to say so expressly. On the whole, I do not -believe any one has ever done more justice to your professional -abilities than myself. Besides constant commendations of your -taste in architecture, and science in execution, I declared on -many and all occasions that I considered you as the only person -in the United States who could have executed the Representative -chamber, or who could execute the middle buildings on any -of the plans proposed. There have been too many witnesses of -these declarations to leave any doubt as to my opinion on this -subject. Of the value I set on your society, our intercourse before -as well as during my office, can have left no doubt with you; -and I should be happy in giving further proofs to you personally -at Monticello, of which you have sometimes flattered me with -the hope of an opportunity. -</p> - -<p> -I have thus, Sir, stated general truths without going into the -detail of particular facts or expressions, to which my memory -does not enable me to say yea or nay. But a consciousness of -my consistency in private as well as public, supports me in affirming -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_580'>[580]</a></span>that nothing ever passed from me contradictory to these -general truths, and that I have been misapprehended if it has -ever been so supposed. I return you the plans received with -your letter, and pray you to accept assurances of my continued -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO BARON HUMBOLDT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 14, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear Baron</span>,—The interruption of our intercourse with -France for some time past, has prevented my writing to you. A -conveyance now occurs, by Mr. Barlow or Mr. Warden, both of -them going in a public capacity. It is the first safe opportunity -offered of acknowledging your favor of September 23d, and the -receipt at different times of the IIId part of your valuable work, -2d, 3d, 4th and 5th livraisons, and the IVth part, 2d, 3d, and 4th -livraisons, with the <span lang="fr_FR"><i>Tableaux de la nature</i></span>, and an interesting map -of New Spain. For these magnificent and much esteemed favors, -accept my sincere thanks. They give us a knowledge of -that country more accurate than I believe we possess of Europe, -the seat of the science of a thousand years. It comes out, too, -at a moment when those countries are beginning to be interesting -to the whole world. They are now becoming the scenes of -political revolution, to take their stations as integral members of -the great family of nations. All are now in insurrection. In -several, the Independents are already triumphant, and they will -undoubtedly be so in all. What kind of government will they -establish? How much liberty can they bear without intoxication? -Are their chiefs sufficiently enlightened to form a well-guarded -government, and their people to watch their chiefs? -Have they mind enough to place their domesticated Indians on a -footing with the whites? All these questions you can answer -better than any other. I imagine they will copy our outlines of -confederation and elective government, abolish distinction of -ranks, bow the neck to their priests, and persevere in intolerantism. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_581'>[581]</a></span>Their greatest difficulty will be in the construction of -their executive. I suspect that, regardless of the experiment of -France, and of that of the United States in 1784, they will begin -with a directory, and when the unavoidable schisms in that -kind of executive shall drive them to something else, their great -question will come on whether to substitute an executive elective -for years, for life, or an hereditary one. But unless instruction -can be spread among them more rapidly than experience -promises, despotism may come upon them before they are qualified -to save the ground they will have gained. Could Napoleon -obtain, at the close of the present war, the independence of all -the West India islands, and their establishment in a separate confederacy, -our quarter of the globe would exhibit an enrapturing -prospect into futurity. You will live to see much of this. I -shall follow, however, cheerfully my fellow laborers, contented -with having borne a part in beginning this beatific reformation. -</p> - -<p> -I fear, from some expressions in your letter, that your personal -interests have not been duly protected, while you were devoting -your time, talents and labor for the information of mankind. I -should sincerely regret it for the honor of the governing powers, -as well as from affectionate attachment to yourself and the sincerest -wishes for your felicity, fortunes and fame. -</p> - -<p> -In sending you a copy of my Notes on Virginia, I do but obey -the desire you have expressed. They must appear chetif enough -to the author of the great work on South America. But from -the widow her mite was welcome, and you will add to this indulgence -the acceptance of my sincere assurances of constant friendship -and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. PAGANEL. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 15, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I received, through Mr. Warden, the copy of your -valuable work on the French revolution, for which I pray you -to accept my thanks. That its sale should have been suppressed -is no matter of wonder with me. The friend of liberty is too -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_582'>[582]</a></span>feelingly manifested, not to give umbrage to its enemies. We -read in it, and weep over, the fatal errors which have lost to nations -the present hope of liberty, and to reason the fairest prospect -of its final triumph over all imposture, civil and religious. -The testimony of one who himself was an actor in the scenes -he notes, and who knew the true mean between rational liberty -and the frenzies of demagogy, are a tribute to truth of inestimable -value. The perusal of this work has given me new views -of the causes of failure in a revolution of which I was a witness -in its early part, and then augured well of it. I had no means, -afterwards, of observing its progress but the public papers, and -their information came through channels too hostile to claim confidence. -An acquaintance with many of the principal characters, -and with their fate, furnished me grounds for conjectures, -some of which you have confirmed, and some corrected. Shall -we ever see as free and faithful a tableau of subsequent acts of -this deplorable tragedy? Is reason to be forever amused with -the <i>hochets</i> of physical sciences, in which she is indulged merely -to divert her from solid speculations on the rights of man, and -wrongs of his oppressors? it is impossible. The day of deliverance -will come, although I shall not live to see it. The art of -printing secures us against the retrogradation of reason and information, -the examples of its safe and wholesome guidance in -government, which will be exhibited through the wide-spread -regions of the American continent, will obliterate, in time, the -impressions left by the abortive experiment of France. With -my prayers for the hastening of that auspicious day, and for the -due effect of the lessons of your work to those who ought to -profit by them, accept the assurances of my great esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 15, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letters -of January 20 and September 14, 1810, and, with the latter, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_583'>[583]</a></span>your observations on the subject of taxes. They bear the -stamps of logic and eloquence which mark everything coming -from you, and place the doctrines of the Economists in their -strongest points of view. My present retirement and unmeddling -disposition make of this <span lang="fr_FR"><i>une question viseuse pour moi</i></span>. -But after reading the observations with great pleasure, I forwarded -them to the President and Mr. Gallatin, in whose hands they -may be useful. Yet I do not believe the change of our system -of taxation will be forced on us so early as you expect, if war -be avoided. It is true we are going greatly into manufactures; -but the mass of them are household manufactures of the coarse -articles worn by the laborers and farmers of the family. These -I verily believe we shall succeed in making to the whole extent -of our necessities. But the attempts at fine goods will probably -be abortive. They are undertaken by company establishments, -and chiefly in the towns; will have little success and short continuance -in a country where the charms of agriculture attract -every being who can engage in it. Our revenue will be less -than it would be were we to continue to import instead of manufacturing -our coarse goods. But the increase of population and -production will keep pace with that of manufactures, and maintain -the quantum of exports at the present level at least; and the -imports need be equivalent to them, and consequently the revenue -on them be undiminished. I keep up my hopes that if war -be avoided, Mr. Madison will be able to complete the payment -of the national debt within his term, after which one-third of -the present revenue would support the government. Your information -that a commencement of excise had been again made, is -entirely unfounded. I hope the death blow to that most vexatious -and unproductive of all taxes was given at the commencement -of my administration, and believe its revival would give -the death blow to any administration whatever. In most of the -middle and southern States some land tax is now paid into the -State treasury, and for this purpose the lands have been classed -and valued, and the tax assessed according to that valuation. In -these an excise is most odious. In the eastern States land taxes -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_584'>[584]</a></span>are odious, excises less unpopular. We are all the more reconciled -to the tax on importations, because it falls exclusively on the -rich, and with the equal partition of intestate's estates, constitute -the best agrarian law. In fact, the poor man in this country -who uses nothing but what is made within his own farm or -family, or within the United States, pays not a farthing of tax to -the general government, but on his salt; and should we go into -that manufacture as we ought to do, we will pay not one cent. -Our revenues once liberated by the discharge of the public debt, -and its surplus applied to canals, roads, schools, &c., and the -farmer will see his government supported, his children educated, -and the face of his country made a paradise by the contributions -of the rich alone, without his being called on to spare a -cent from his earnings. The path we are now pursuing leads -directly to this end, which we cannot fail to attain unless our -administration should fall into unwise hands. -</p> - -<p> -Another great field of political experiment is opening in our -neighborhood, in Spanish America. I fear the degrading ignorance -into which their priests and kings have sunk them, has -disqualified them from the maintenance or even knowledge of -their rights, and that much blood may be shed for little improvement -in their condition. Should their new rulers honestly lay -their shoulders to remove the great obstacles of ignorance, and -press the remedies of education and information, they will still -be in jeopardy until another generation comes into place, and -what may happen in the interval cannot be predicted, nor shall -you or I live to see it. In these cases I console myself with the -reflection that those who will come after us will be as wise as -we are, and as able to take care of themselves as we have been. -I hope you continue to preserve your health, and that you may -long continue to do so in happiness, is the prayer of yours affectionately. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_585'>[585]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 13, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>My Dear General and Friend</span>,—My last letter to you was -of the 26th of February of the last year. Knowing of no particular -conveyance, I confided it to the department of State, to -be put under the cover of their public despatches to General -Armstrong or Mr. Warden. Not having been able to learn whether -it ever got to hand, I now enclose a duplicate. -</p> - -<p> -Knowing your affections to this country, and the interest you -take in whatever concerns it, I therein gave you a tableau of -its state when I retired from the administration. The difficulties -and embarrassments still continued in our way by the two great -belligerent powers, you are acquainted with. In other times, -when there was some profession of regard for right, some respect -to reason, when a gross violation of these marked a deliberate -design of pointed injury, these would have been causes -of war. But when we see two antagonists contending <span lang="la"><i>ad internecionem</i></span>, -so eager for mutual destruction as to disregard all -means, to deal their blows in every direction regardless on whom -they may fall, prudent bystanders, whom some of them may -wound, instead of thinking it cause to join in the maniac contest, -get out of the way as well as they can, and leave the cannibals -to mutual ravin. It would have been perfect Quixotism in -us to have encountered these Bedlamites, to have undertaken the -redress of all wrongs against a world avowedly rejecting all regard -to right. We have, therefore, remained in peace, suffering -frequent injuries, but, on the whole, multiplying, improving, prospering -beyond all example. It is evident to all, that in spite of -great losses much greater gains have ensued. When these -gladiators shall have worried each other into ruin or reason, instead -of lying among the dead on the bloody arena, we shall -have acquired a growth and strength which will place us <i>hors -d'insulte</i>. Peace then has been our principle, peace is our interest, -and peace has saved to the world this only plant of free and -rational government now existing in it. If it can still be preserved, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_586'>[586]</a></span>we shall soon see the final extinction of our national -debt, and liberation of our revenues for the defence and improvement -of our country. These revenues will be levied entirely on -the rich, the business of household manufacture being now so -established that the farmer and laborer clothes himself entirely. -The rich alone use imported articles, and on these alone the -whole taxes of the general government are levied. The poor -man who uses nothing but what is made in his own farm or -family, or within his own country, pays not a farthing of tax to -the general government, but on his salt; and should we go into -that manufacture also, as is probable, he will pay nothing. Our -revenues liberated by the discharge of the public debt, and its -surplus applied to canals, roads, schools, &c., the farmer will see -his government supported, his children educated, and the face of -his country made a paradise by the contributions of the rich -alone, without his being called on to spend a cent from his earnings. -However, therefore, we may have been reproached for -pursuing our Quaker system, time will affix the stamp of wisdom -on it, and the happiness and prosperity of our citizens will -attest its merit. And this, I believe, is the only legitimate object -of government, and the first duty of governors, and not the -slaughter of men and devastation of the countries placed under -their care, in pursuit of a fantastic honor, unallied to virtue or -happiness; or in gratification of the angry passions, or the pride -of administrators, excited by personal incidents, in which their -citizens have no concern. Some merit will be ascribed to the -converting such times of destruction into times of growth and -strength for us. And behold! another example of man rising -in his might and bursting the chains of his oppressor, and in the -same hemisphere. Spanish America is all in revolt. The insurgents -are triumphant in many of the States, and will be so in -all. But there the danger is that the cruel arts of their oppressors -have enchained their minds, have kept them in the ignorance -of children, and as incapable of self-government as children. -If the obstacles of bigotry and priest-craft can be surmounted, -we may hope that common-sense will suffice to do everything -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_587'>[587]</a></span>else. God send them a safe deliverance. As to the private -matter explained in my letter of February 26, the time I shall -have occasion for your indulgence will not be longer than there -stated, and may be shortened if either your convenience or will -should require it. God bless you, and give you many years of -health and happiness, and that you may live to see more of the -liberty you love than present appearances promise. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Mr. Barnes is now looking out for bills for your usual -annual remittance. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BARLOW. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 16, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I felicitate you sincerely on your destination to -Paris, because I believe it will contribute both to your happiness -and the public good. Yet it is not unmixed with regret. What -is to become of our past revolutionary history? Of the antidotes -of truth to the misrepresentations of Marshall? This example -proves the wisdom of the maxim, never to put off to to-morrow -what can be done to-day. But, putting aside vain regrets, -I shall be happy to hear from you in your new situation. -I cannot offer you in exchange the minutiæ of the Cabinet, the -workings in Congress, or under-workings of those around them. -General views are all which we at a distance can have, but general -views are sometimes better taken at a distance than nearer. -The working of the whole machine is sometimes better seen -elsewhere than at its centre. In return you can give me the true -state of things in Europe, what is its real public mind at present, -its disposition towards the existing authority, its secret purposes -and future prospects, seasoned with the literary news. I do not -propose this as an equal barter, because it is really asking you to -give a dollar for a shilling. I must leave the difference to be -made up from other motives. I have been long waiting for a -safe opportunity to write to some friends and correspondents in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_588'>[588]</a></span>France. I troubled Mr. Warden with some letters, and he kindly -offered to take all I could get ready before his departure. But -his departure seems not yet definitely settled, and should he no -go with you, what is in your hands will be less liable to violation -than in his. I therefore take the liberty of asking your care -of the letters now enclosed, and their delivery through confidential -hands. Most of them are of a complexion not proper for -the eye of the police, and might do injury to those to whom -they are addressed. Wishing to yourself and Mrs. Barlow a -happy voyage, and that the execution of the duties of your mission -may be attended with all agreeable circumstances, I salute -you with assurance of my perfect esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. GALLATIN. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 24, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—A book confided to me by a friend for translation -and publication has for a twelvemonth past kept me in correspondence -with Colonel Duane. We undertook to have it translated -and published. The last sheets had been revised, and in -a late letter to him, I pressed the printing. I soon afterwards -received one from him informing me that it would be much retarded -by embarrassments recently brought on him by his friends -withdrawing their aid who had been in the habit of lending -their names for his accommodation in the banks. He painted -his situation as truly distressing, and intimated the way in which -relief would be acceptable. The course I pursued on the occasion -will be explained to you in a letter which I have written to -the President, and asked the favor of him to communicate to -you. -</p> - -<p> -A difference of quite another character gives me more uneasiness. -No one feels more painfully than I do, the separation of -friends, and especially when their sensibilities are to be daily -harrowed up by cannibal newspapers. In these cases, however, -I claim from all parties the privilege of neutrality, and to be permitted -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_589'>[589]</a></span>to esteem all as I ever did. The harmony which made -me happy while at Washington, is as dear to me now as then, -and I should be equally afflicted, were it, by any circumstance, -to be impaired as to myself. I have so much confidence in the -candor and good sense of both parties, as to trust that the misunderstanding -will lead to no sinister effects, and my constant -prayer will be for blessings on you all. -</p> - -<h3> -TO ROBERT SMITH, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 30, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have learnt, with sincere concern, the circumstances -which have taken place at Washington. Some intimations -had been quoted from federal papers, which I had supposed -false, as usual. Their first confirmation to me was from the -National Intelligencer. Still my hopes and confidence were that -your retirement was purely a matter of choice on your part. A -letter I have received from Mr. Hollins makes me suppose there -was a more serious misunderstanding than I had apprehended. -The newspapers indeed had said so, but I yield little faith to -them. No one feels more painfully than I do the separation of -friends, and especially when their sensibilities are to be daily -harrowed up by cannibal newspapers. Suffering myself under -whatever inflicts sufferance on them, I condole with them mutually, -and ask the mutual permission to esteem all, as I ever did; -not to know their differences nor ask the causes of them. The -harmony which made me happy at Washington, is as dear to -me now as it was then, and I should be equally afflicted were it -by any circumstance to be impaired as to myself. I have so -much confidence in the candor and liberality of both parties, as -to trust that the misunderstanding will not be permitted to lead -to any sinister effects, and my constant prayer will be for blessings -on you all. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_590'>[590]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL WILLIAM DUANE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, April 30, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—When I wrote you my letter of March 28, I had -great confidence that as much at least could have been done for -you as I therein supposed. The friend to whom I confided the -business here, and who was and is zealous, had found such -readiness in those to whom he spoke, as left no other difficulty -than to find the bank responsible. But the Auroras which came -on while this was in transaction, changed the prospect altogether, -and produced a general revulsion of sentiment. The President's -popularity is high through this State, and nowhere higher than -here. They considered these papers as a denunciation of war -against him, and instantly withdrew their offers. I cannot give -you a better account of the effect of the same papers in -Richmond than by quoting the letter of a friend who there undertook -the same office, and with great cordiality. In a letter -to me of April 17, he says, "yours of the 15th, in reply to mine -of the 10th inst., has been brought to me from the office this -instant. On showing it to —— the effect of it was to dispose -him to lend $500, and I wrote my letter of the 10th to you in a -persuasion produced by that incident, as well as by its effect on -my own feelings, that something important might be done for -D. in spite of the adverse spirit, or at least distrust, which the -equivocal character of his paper has lately excited, equivocal in -relation to Mr. Madison. But D.'s three or four last papers contain -such paragraphs in relation to Mr. Madison, that even your -letter cannot now serve him. The paper is now regarded as an -opposition one, and the republicans here have no sympathy with -any one who carries opposition colors. Every gentleman who -mentions this subject in my hearing, speaks with the warmest -resentment against D. Believe me, Sir, it is impossible to do -anything for him here now; and any further attempts would -only disable me from rendering any service to the cause hereafter. -I am persuaded that you will see this subject in its true -light, and be assured that it is the impracticability of serving -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_591'>[591]</a></span>him, produced by himself, as well as the violation which I feel -it would be of my sentiments for Mr. Madison, that prevents me -from proceeding." The firm, yet modest character of the writer -of this letter gives great weight to what he says, and I have -thought it best to state it in his own terms, because it will be -better evidence to you than any general description I could give -of the impression made by your late papers. Indeed I could -give none, for going little from home, I cannot personally estimate -the public sentiment. The few I see are very unanimous -in support of their Executive and legislative functionaries. I -have thought it well, too, that you should know exactly the feelings -here, because if you get similar information from other respectable -portions of the union, it will naturally beget some suspicion -in your own mind that finding such a mass of opinion variant -from your own, you may be under erroneous impressions, meriting -re-examination and consideration. I think an Editor should -be independent, that is, of personal influence, and not be moved -from his opinions on the mere authority of any individual. But, -with respect to the general opinion of the political section with -which he habitually accords, his duty seems very like that of a -member of Congress. Some of these indeed think that independence -requires them to follow always their own opinion, -without respect for that of others. This has never been my -opinion, nor my practice, when I have been of that or any other -body. Differing, on a particular question, from those whom I -knew to be of the same political principles with myself, and -with whom I generally thought and acted, a consciousness of -the fallibility of the human mind, and of my own in particular, -with a respect for the accumulated judgment of my friends, has -induced me to suspect erroneous impressions in myself, to suppose -my own opinion wrong, and to act with them on theirs. -The want of this spirit of compromise, or of self-distrust, proudly, -but falsely called independence, is what gives the federalists -victories which they could never obtain, if these brethren could -learn to respect the opinions of their friends more than of their -enemies, and prevents many able and honest men from doing -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_592'>[592]</a></span>all the good they otherwise might do. I state these considerations -because they have often quieted my own conscience in -voting and acting on the judgment of others against my own; -and because they may suggest doubts to yourself in the present -case. Our Executive and legislative authorities are the choice -of the nation, and possess the nation's confidence. They are -chosen because they possess it, and the recent elections prove it -has not been abated by the attacks which have for some time -been kept up against them. If the measures which have been -pursued are approved by the majority, it is the duty of the minority -to acquiesce and conform. It is true indeed that dissentients -have a right to go over to the minority, and to act with them. -But I do not believe your mind has contemplated that course, -that it has deliberately viewed the strange company into which -it may be led, step by step, unintended and unperceived by -itself. The example of John Randolph is a caution to all -honest and prudent men, to sacrifice a little of self-confidence, -and to go with their friends, although they may sometimes think -they are going wrong. After so long a course of steady adherence -to the general sentiments of the republicans, it would afflict -me sincerely to see you separate from the body, become -auxiliary to the enemies of our government, who have to you -been the bitterest enemies, who are now chuckling at the prospect -of division among us, and, as I am told, are subscribing for -your paper. The best indication of error which my experience -has tested, is the approbation of the federalists. Their conclusions -necessarily follow the false bias of their principles. I claim, -however, no right of guiding the conduct of others; but have -indulged myself in these observations from the sincere feelings -of my heart. Retired from all political interferences I have been -induced into this one by a desire, first of being useful to you personally, -and next of maintaining the republican ascendency. -Be its effect what it may, I am done with it, and shall look on -as an inactive, though not an unfeeling, spectator of what is to -ensue. As far as my good will may go, for I can no longer act, I -shall adhere to my government executive and legislative, and, as -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_593'>[593]</a></span>long as they are republican, I shall go with their measures, -whether I think them right or wrong; because I know they are -honest, and are wiser and better informed than I am. In doing -this, however, I shall not give up the friendship of those who -differ from me, and who have equal right with myself to shape -their own course. In this disposition be assured of my continued -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Be so good as to consider the extract from my friend's -letter as confidential, because I have not his permission to make -this use of it. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. WIRT. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 3, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—The interest you were so kind as to take, at my -request, in the case of Duane, and the communication to you of -my first letter to him, entitles you to a communication of the 2d, -which will probably be the last. I have ventured to quote your -letter in it, without giving your name, and even softening some -of its expressions respecting him. It is possible Duane may be -reclaimed as to Mr. Madison. But as to Mr. Gallatin, I despair -of it. That enmity took its rise from a suspicion that Mr. Gallatin -interested himself in the election of their governor against -the views of Duane and his friends. I do not believe Mr. Gallatin -meddled in it. I was in conversation with him nearly every -day during the contest, and never heard him express any bias in -the case. The ostensible grounds of the attack on Mr. Gallatin -are all either false or futile. 1st. They urge his conversations -with John Randolph. But who has revealed these conversations? -What evidence have we of them? merely some oracular sentences -from J. R., uttered in the heat of declamation, and never -stated with all their circumstances. For instance, that a cabinet -member informed him there was no cabinet. But Duane himself -has always denied there could be a legal one. Besides, the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_594'>[594]</a></span>fact was true at that moment, to-wit: early in the session of Congress. -I had been absent from Washington from the middle of -July to within three weeks of their meeting. During the separation -of the members there could be no consultation, and between -our return to Washington and the meeting of Congress, -there really had arisen nothing requiring general consultation, -nothing which could not be done in the ordinary way by consultation -between the President and the head of the department -to which the matter belonged, which is the way everything is -transacted which is not difficult as well as important. Mr. Gallatin -might therefore have said this as innocently as truly, and a -malignant perversion of it was perfectly within the character of -John Randolph. But the story of the two millions. Mr. Gallatin -satisfied us that this affirmation of J. R. was as unauthorized -as the fact itself was false. It resolves itself, therefore, into his -inexplicit letter to a committee of Congress. As to this, my own -surmise was that Mr. Gallatin might have used some hypothetical -expression in conversing on that subject, which J. R. made a -positive one, and he being a duellist, and Mr. Gallatin with a -wife and children depending on him for their daily subsistence, -the latter might wish to avoid collision and insult from such a -man. But they say he was hostile to me. This is false. I was -indebted to nobody for more cordial aid than to Mr. Gallatin, nor -could any man more solicitously interest himself in behalf of -another than he did of myself. His conversations with Erskine -are objected as meddling out of his department. Why, then, do -they not object Mr. Smith's with Rose? the whole, nearly, of -that negotiation, as far as it was transacted verbally, was by Mr. -Smith. The business was in this way explained informally, and -on understandings thus obtained, Mr. Madison and myself shaped -our formal proceedings. In fact, the harmony among us was so -perfect, that whatever instrument appeared most likely to effect -the object, was always used without jealousy. Mr. Smith happened -to catch Mr. Rose's favor and confidence at once. We -perceived that Rose would open himself more frankly to him -than to Mr. Madison, and we therefore made him the medium of -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_595'>[595]</a></span>obtaining an understanding of Mr. Rose. Mr. Gallatin's support -of the bank has, I believe, been disapproved by many. He was -not in Congress when that was established, and therefore had -never committed himself, publicly, on the constitutionality of that -institution, nor do I recollect ever to have heard him declare himself -on it. I know he derived immense convenience from it, because -they gave the effect of ubiquity to his money wherever deposited. -Money in New Orleans or Maine was at his command, -and by their agency transformed in an instant into money in -London, in Paris, Amsterdam or Canton. He was, therefore, cordial -to the bank. I often pressed him to divide the public deposits -among all the respectable banks, being indignant myself -at the open hostility of that institution to a government on whose -treasuries they were fattening. But his repugnance to it prevented -my persisting. And if he was in favor of the bank, what -is the amount of that crime or error in which he had a majority -save one in each House of Congress as participators? yet on these -facts, endeavors are made to drive from the administration the -ablest man except the President, who ever was in it, and to beat -down the President himself, because he is unwilling to part with -so able a counseller. I believe Duane to be a very honest man -and sincerely republican; but his passions are stronger than his -prudence, and his personal as well as general antipathies render -him very intolerant. These traits lead him astray, and require -his readers, even those who value him for his steady support of -the republican cause, to be on their guard against his occasional -aberrations. He is eager for war against England, hence his -abuse of the two last Congresses. But the people wish for peace. -The re-elections of the same men prove it. And indeed, war -against bedlam would be just as rational as against Europe in its -present condition of total demoralization. When peace becomes -more losing than war, we may prefer the latter on principles of -pecuniary calculation. But for us to attempt, by war, to reform -all Europe, and bring them back to principles of morality and a -respect for the equal rights of nations, would show us to be only -maniacs of another character. We should, indeed, have the -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_596'>[596]</a></span>merit of the good intentions as well as of the folly of the hero -of La Mancha. But I am getting beyond the object of my letter, -and will therefore here close it with assurances of my great -esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. WIRT. -</h3> - -<p> -I have rejoiced to see Ritchie declare himself in favor of the -President on the late attack against him, and wish he may do -the same as to Mr. Gallatin. I am sure he would if his information -was full. I have not an intimacy with him which might -justify my writing to him directly, but the enclosed letter to you -is put into such a form as might be shown to him, if you think -proper to do so. Perhaps the facts stated in it, probably unknown -to him, may have some effect. But do in this as you think best. -Be so good as to return the letter to Duane, being my only copy, -and to be assured of my affectionate esteem and respect. -</p> - -<p class="letter_head"> -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 3, 1811. -</p> - -<h3> -TO JOHN HOLLINS, ESQ. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 5, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of April 17th came duly to hand. -Nobody has regretted more sincerely than myself, the incidents -which have happened at Washington. The early intimations -which I saw quoted from federal papers were disregarded by me, -because falsehood is their element. The first confirmation was -from the National Intelligencer, soon followed by the exultations -of other papers whose havoc is on the feelings of the virtuous. -Sincerely the friend of all the parties, I ask of none why they -have fallen out by the way, and would gladly infuse the oil and -wine of the Samaritan into all their wounds. I hope that time, -the assuager of all evils, will heal these also; and I pray from -them all a continuance of their affection, and to be permitted to -bear to all the same unqualified esteem. Of one thing I am certain, -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_597'>[597]</a></span>that they will not suffer personal dissatisfactions to endanger -the republican cause. Their principles, I know, are far above all -private considerations. And when we reflect that the eyes of -the virtuous all over the earth are turned with anxiety on us, as -the only depositories of the sacred fire of liberty, and that our -falling into anarchy would decide forever the destinies of mankind, -and seal the political heresy that man is incapable of self-government, -the only contest between divided friends should be -who will dare farthest into the ranks of the common enemy. -With respect to Mr. Foster's mission, it cannot issue but as Rose's -and Jackson's did. It can no longer be doubted that Great -Britain means to claim the ocean as her conquest, and to suffer -not even a cock-boat, as they express it, to traverse it but on paying -them a transit duty to support the very fleet which is to keep -the nations under tribute, and to rivet the yoke around their -necks. Although their government has never openly avowed this, -yet their orders of council, in their original form, were founded -on this principle, and I have observed for years past, that however -ill success may at times have induced them to amuse by negotiation, -they have never on any occasion dropped a word disclaiming -this pretension, nor one which they would have to retract -when they shall judge the times ripe for openly asserting -it. Protraction is therefore the sole object of Foster's mission. -They do not wish war with us, but will meet it rather than relinquish -their purpose. -</p> - -<p> -With earnest prayers to all my friends to cherish mutual good -will, to promote harmony and conciliation, and above all things -to let the love of our country soar above all minor passions, I -tender you the assurance of my affectionate esteem and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL MONROE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 5, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor on your departure from Richmond, -came to hand in due time. Although I may not have been -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_598'>[598]</a></span>among the first, I am certainly with the sincerest, who congratulate -you on your entrance into the national councils. Your -value there has never been unduly estimated by those whom personal -feelings did not misguide. The late misunderstandings at -Washington have been a subject of real concern to me. I know -that the dissolutions of personal friendship are among the most -painful occurrences in human life. I have sincere esteem for all -who have been affected by them, having passed with them eight -years of great harmony and affection. These incidents are rendered -more distressing in our country than elsewhere, because -our printers ravin on the agonies of their victims, as wolves do -on the blood of the lamb. But the printers and the public are -very different personages. The former may lead the latter a -little out of their track, while the deviation is insensible; but the -moment they usurp their direction and that of their government, -they will be reduced to their true places. The two last Congresses -have been the theme of the most licentious reprobation -for printers thirsting after war, some against France and some -against England. But the people wish for peace with both. -They feel no incumbency on them to become the reformers of -the other hemisphere, and to inculcate, with fire and sword, a return -to moral order. When, indeed, peace shall become more -losing than war, they may owe to their interests what these -Quixotes are clamoring for on false estimates of honor. The -public are unmoved by these clamors, as the re-election of their -legislators shows, and they are firm to their executive on the subject -of the more recent clamors. -</p> - -<p> -We are suffering here, both in the gathered and the growing -crop. The lowness of the river, and great quantity of produce -brought to Milton this year, render it almost impossible to get our -crops to market. This is the case of mine as well yours, and the -Hessian fly appears alarmingly in our growing crops. Everything -is in distress for the want of rain. -</p> - -<p> -Present me respectfully to Mrs. Monroe, and accept yourself -assurances of my constant and affectionate esteem. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_599'>[599]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO M. JOHN SEVERIN VATER, PROFESSOR AT KONIGSBERG. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 11, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—Your favor of November 4, 1809, did not get to my -hands till a twelvemonth after its date. Be pleased to accept my -thanks for the publication your were pleased to send me. That -for Dr. Barton I forwarded to him. His researches into the Indian -languages of our continent being continued, I hope it will -be in his power to make to you communications useful to the -object you are pursuing. This will lessen to me the regret that -my retirement into an interior part of the country, as well as my -age and little intercourse with the world, will scarcely afford me -opportunities of contributing to your information. It is extremely -to be desired that your researches should receive every aid and -encouragement. I have long considered the filiation of languages -as the best proof we can ever obtain of the filiation of nations. -With my best wishes for the success of your undertaking, accept -the assurances of my high consideration and respect. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COUNT POTOCKI. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, May 12, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Sir</span>,—I have received your letter of August 19th, and with it -the volume of chronology you were so kind as to send me, for -which be pleased to accept my thanks. It presents a happy combination -of sparse and unconnected facts, which, brought together -and fitted to each other, forms a whole of symmetry as well as -of system. It is as a gleam of light flashed over the dark abyss -of times past. Nothing would be more flattering to me than to -give aid to your inquiries as to this continent, and to weave its -ancient history into the web of the old world; and with this -view, to accept the invitation to a correspondence with you on -the subject. But time tells me I am nearly done with the -history of the world; that I am now far advanced in the last -chapter of my own, and that its last verse will be read out ere a -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_600'>[600]</a></span>few letters could pass between St. Petersburg and Monticello. I -shall serve you therefore more permanently, by bequeathing to -you another correspondent, more able, more industrious, and more -likely to continue in life than myself. Dr. Benjamin S. Barton, -one of the Professors of the college of Philadelphia, is learned in -the antiquities of this country, has employed much time and -attention on researches into them, is active and punctual, and will, -I think, better fulfil your wishes than any other person in the -United States. If you will have the goodness to address a letter -to him on the subject, with the inquiries you wish to make, he -will, I am sure, set a just value on the correspondence proposed, -for which I shall take care to prepare him, and in committing to -better hands an honor which in earlier life I should have taken a -pleasure in endeavoring to merit, I make a sacrifice of my own -self-love, which is the strongest proof I can give you of the high -respect and consideration of which I now tender you the assurance. -</p> - -<h3> -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 3d, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I have seen with very great concern the late address -of Mr. Smith to the public. He has been very ill-advised, -both personally and publicly. As far as I can judge from what I -hear, the impression made is entirely unfavorable to him. Every -man's own understanding readily answers all the facts and insinuations, -one only excepted, and for that they look for explanations -without any doubt that they will be satisfactory. What -is Irving's case? I have answered the inquiries of several on -this head, telling them at the same time what was really the truth, -that the failure of my memory enabled me to give them rather -conjectures than recollections. For in truth, I have but indistinct -recollections of the case. I know that what was done was -on a joint consultation between us, and I have no fear that what -we did will not have been correct and cautious. What I retain -of the case, on being reminded of some particulars, will reinstate -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_601'>[601]</a></span>the whole firmly in my remembrance, and enable me to state -them to inquirers with correctness, which is the more important -from the part I bore in them. I must therefore ask the favor of -you to give me a short outline of the facts, which may correct as -well as supply my own recollections. But who is to give an explanation -to the public? not yourself, certainly. The Chief -Magistrate cannot enter the arena of the newspapers. At least -the occasion should be of a much higher order. I imagine there -is some pen at Washington competent to it. Perhaps the best -form would be that of some one personating the friend of Irving, -some one apparently from the North. Nothing labored is requisite. -A short and simple statement of the case will, I am sure, -satisfy the public. We are in the midst of a so-so harvest, probably -one-third short of the last. We had a very fine rain on Saturday -last. Ever affectionately yours. -</p> - -<h3> -TO MR. BARLOW. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 22, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I had not supposed a letter would still find you -at Washington. Yours by late post tells me otherwise. Those -of May 2d and 15th had been received in due time. With respect -to my books, lodged at the President's house, if you should -see Mr. Coles, the President's Secretary, and be so good as to -mention it, he will be so kind as to have them put on board some -vessel bound to Richmond, addressed to the care of Gibson & -Jefferson there, whom he knows. Your doubts whether any -good can be effected with the emperor of France are too well -grounded. He has understanding enough, but it is confined to -particular lines. Of the principles and advantages of commerce -he appears to be ignorant, and his domineering temper deafens -him moreover to the dictates of interest, of honor and of morality. -A nation like ours, recognizing no arrogance of language -or conduct, can never enjoy the favor of such a character. The -impression, too, which our public has been made to receive from -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_602'>[602]</a></span>the different styles of correspondence used by two of our foreign -agents, has increased the difficulties of steering between the bristling -pride of the two parties. It seems to point out the Quaker -style of plain reason, void of offence:—the suppression of all -passion, and chaste language of good sense. Heaven prosper -your endeavors for our good, and preserve you in health and -happiness. -</p> - -<h3> -TO COLONEL DUANE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, July 25, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter of the 5th, with the volume of Montesquieu -accompanying it, came to hand in due time; the latter -indeed in lucky time, as, enclosing it by the return of post, I was -enabled to get it into Mr. Warden's hands before his departure, -for a friend abroad to whom it will be a most acceptable offering. -Of the residue of the copies I asked, I would wish to receive -one well bound for my own library, the others in boards as that -before sent. One of these in boards may come to me by post, -for use until the others are received, which I would prefer having -sent by water, as vessels depart almost daily from Philadelphia -for Richmond. Messrs. Gibson & Jefferson of that place -will receive and forward the packet to me. Add to it, if you -please, a copy of Franklin's works, bound, and send me by post -a note of the amount of the whole, and of my newspaper account, -which has been suffered to run in arrear by the difficulty -of remitting small and fractional sums to a distance, from a canton -having only its local money, and little commercial intercourse -beyond its own limits. -</p> - -<p> -I learnt with sincere regret that my former letters had given -you pain. Nothing could be further from their intention. What -I had said and done was from the most friendly dispositions towards -yourself, and from a zeal for maintaining the republican -ascendency. Federalism, stripped as it now nearly is, of its -landed and laboring support, is monarchism and Anglicism, and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_603'>[603]</a></span>whenever our own dissensions shall let these in upon us, the last -ray of free government closes on the horizon of the world. I -have been lately reading Komarzewski's <span lang="fr_FR">coup d'œil</span> on the history -of Poland. Though without any charms of style or composition, -it gives a lesson which all our countrymen should study; -the example of a country erased from the map of the world by -the dissensions of its own citizens. The papers of every day -read them the counter lesson of the impossibility of subduing a -people acting with an undivided will. Spain, under all her -disadvantages, physical and mental, is an encouraging example -of this. She proves too, another truth not less valuable, that a -people having no king to sell them for a mess of pottage for himself, -no shackles to restrain their powers of self-defence, find resources -within themselves equal to every trial. This we did -during the revolutionary war, and this we can do again, let who -will attack us, if we act heartily with one another. This is my -creed. To the principles of union I sacrifice all minor differences -of opinion. These, like differences of face, are a law -of our nature, and should be viewed with the same tolerance. -The clouds which have appeared for some time to be gathering -around us, have given me anxiety lest an enemy, always on the -watch, always prompt and firm, and acting in well-disciplined -phalanx, should find an opening to dissipate hopes, with the loss -of which I would wish that of life itself. To myself personally -the sufferings would be short. The powers of life have declined -with me more in the last six months than in as many -preceding years. A rheumatic indisposition, under which your -letter found me, has caused this delay in acknowledging its receipt, -and in the expressions of regret that I had inadvertently -said or done anything which had given you uneasiness. I pray -you to be assured that no unkind motive directed me, and that -my sentiments of friendship and respect continue the same. -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_604'>[604]</a></span></p> - -<h3> -TO MR. OGILVIE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 4, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—Your favor of May 24th was very long on its -passage to me. It gave us all pleasure to learn from yourself -the progress of your peregrination, and your prospect of approaching -rest for awhile, among our Western brethren—of -"rest for the body some, none for the mind." So that action -is said to be all its joy; and we have no more remarkable -proof of it than in yourself. The newspapers have kept -us informed of the splendid course you have run, and of the -flattering impressions made on the public mind, and which -must have been so grateful to yourself. The new intellectual -feast you are preparing for them in your Western retirement, will -excite new appetites, and will be hailed like the returning sun, -when he re-appears in the East. Your peripatetic enterprise, -when first made known to us, alarmed our apprehensions for you, -lest the taste of the times, and of our country, should not be up -to the revival of this classical experiment. Much to their credit, -however, unshackled by the prejudices which chain down the -minds of the common mass of Europe, the experiment has proved -that, where thought is free in its range, we need never fear to -hazard what is good in itself. This sample of the American -mind is an additional item for the flattering picture your letter -presents of our situation, and our prospects. I firmly believe in -them all; and that human nature has never looked forward, -under circumstances so auspicious, either for the sum of happiness, -or the spread of surface provided to receive it. Very -contrary opinions are inculcated in Europe, and in England especially, -where I much doubt if you would be tolerated in presenting -the views you propose. The English have been a wise, -a virtuous and truly estimable people. But commerce and a -corrupt government have rotted them to the core. Every generous, -nay, every just sentiment, is absorbed in the thirst for gold. -I speak of their cities, which we may certainly pronounce to be -ripe for despotism, and fitted for no other government. Whether -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_605'>[605]</a></span>the leaven of the agricultural body is sufficient to regenerate -the residuary mass, and maintain it in a sound state, under any -reformation of government, may well be doubted. Nations, like -individuals, wish to enjoy a fair reputation. It is therefore desirable -for us that the slanders on our country, disseminated by -hired or prejudiced travellers, should be corrected; but politics, -like religion, hold up the torches of martyrdom to the reformers -of error. Nor is it in the theatre of Ephesus alone that tumults -have been excited when the crafts were in danger. You must -be cautious, therefore, in telling unacceptable truths beyond the -water. You wish me to suggest any subject which occurs to -myself as fit for the rostrum. But your own selection has -proved you would have been aided by no counsel, and that you -can best judge of the topics which open to your own mind a -field for development, and promise to your hearers instruction -better adapted to the useful purposes of society, than the weekly -disquisitions of their hired instructors. All the efforts of these -people are directed to the maintenance of the artificial structure -of their craft, viewing but as a subordinate concern the inculcation -of morality. If we will be but Christians, according to -their schemes of Christianity, they will compound good-naturedly -with our immoralities. -</p> - -<p> -Cannot your circuit be so shaped as to lead you through our -neighborhood on your return? It would give us all great pleasure -to see you, if it be only <span lang="fr_FR"><i>en passant</i></span>, for after such a survey -of varied country, we cannot flatter ourselves that ours would -be the selected residence. But whether you can visit us or not, -I shall always be happy to hear from you, and to know that you -succeed in whatever you undertake. With these assurances accept -those of great esteem and respect from myself and all the -members of my family. -</p> - -<p class="p2"> -P. S. Since writing the above, an interesting subject occurs. -What would you think of a discourse on the benefit of the -union and miseries which would follow a separation of the States, -to be exemplified in the eternal and wasting wars of Europe, in -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_606'>[606]</a></span>the pillage and profligacy to which these lead, and the abject -oppression and degradation to which they reduce its inhabitants? -Painted by your vivid pencil, what could make deeper -impressions, and what impressions could come more home -to our concerns, or kindle a livelier sense of our present blessings? -</p> - -<h3> -TO JUDGE STEWART. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Monticello</span>, August 8, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear Sir</span>,—I ask the favor of you to purchase for me as -much fresh timothy seed as the enclosed bill will pay for, pack -and forward, and that you will have the goodness to direct it to -be lodged at Mr. Leitch's store in Charlottesville by the waggoner -who brings it. You see how bold your indulgencies -make me in intruding on your kindness. -</p> - -<p> -I do not know that the government means to make known -what has passed between them and Foster before the meeting of -Congress; but in the meantime individuals, who are in the way, -think they have a right to fish it out, and in this way the sum -of it has become known. Great Britain has certainly come forward -and declared to our government by an official paper, that -the conduct of France towards her during this war has obliged -her to take possession of the ocean, and to determine that no -commerce shall be carried on with the nations connected with -France; that, however, she is disposed to relax in this determination -so far as to permit the commerce which may be carried on -through the British ports. I have, for three or four years, been -confident that, knowing that her own resources were not adequate -to the maintenance of her present navy, she meant with it -to claim the conquest of the ocean, and to permit no nation to -navigate it, but on payment of a tribute for the maintenance of -the fleet necessary to secure that dominion. A thousand circumstances -brought together left me without a doubt that that -policy directed all her conduct, although not avowed. This is -the first time she has thrown off the mask. The answer and -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_607'>[607]</a></span>conduct of the government have been what they ought to have -been, and Congress is called a little earlier, to be ready to act on -the receipt of the reply, for which time has been given. -</p> - -<p> -God bless you. From yours affectionately. -</p> - -<h3> -TO GENERAL DEARBORNE. -</h3> -<p class="letter_head"> - -<span class='smcap'>Poplar Forest</span>, August 14, 1811. -</p> - -<p> -<span class='smcap'>Dear General and Friend</span>,— * * * * * -</p> - -<p> -I am happy to learn that your own health is good, and I hope it -will long continue so. The friends we left behind us have fallen -out by the way. I sincerely lament it, because I sincerely esteem -them all, and because it multiplies schisms where harmony -is safety. As far as I have been able to judge, however, it has -made no sensible impression against the government. Those who -were murmuring before are a little louder now; but the mass of -our citizens is firm and unshaken. It furnishes, as an incident, -another proof that they are perfectly equal to the purposes of -self-government, and that we have nothing to fear for its stability. -The spirit, indeed, which manifests itself among the tories of -your quarter, although I believe there is a majority there sufficient -to keep it down in peaceable times, leaves me not without some -disquietude. Should the determination of England, now formally -expressed, to take possession of the ocean, and to suffer no -commerce on it but through her ports, force a war upon us, I -foresee a possibility of a separate treaty between her and your -Essex men, on the principles of neutrality and commerce. Pickering -here, and his nephew Williams there, can easily negotiate -this. Such a lure to the quietists in our ranks with you, might -recruit theirs to a majority. Yet, excluded as they would be -from intercourse with the rest of the Union and of Europe, I -scarcely see the gain they would propose to themselves, even for -the moment. The defection would certainly disconcert the other -States, but it could not ultimately endanger their safety. They -are adequate, in all points, to a defensive war. However, I hope -<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_608'>[608]</a></span>your majority, with the aid it is entitled to, will save us from this -trial, to which I think it possible we are advancing. The death -of George may come to our relief; but I fear the dominion of -the sea is the insanity of the nation itself also. Perhaps, if some -stroke of fortune were to rid us at the same time from the Mammoth -of the land as well as the Leviathan of the ocean, the -people of England might lose their fears, and recover their sober -senses again. Tell my old friend, Governor Gerry, that I gave -him glory for the rasping with which he rubbed down his herd -of traitors. Let them have justice and protection against personal -violence, but no favor. Powers and preëminences conferred -on them are daggers put into the hands of assassins, to be -plunged into our own bosoms in the moment the thrust can go -home to the heart. Moderation can never reclaim them. They -deem it timidity, and despise without fearing the tameness from -which it flows. Backed by England, they never lose the hope -that their day is to come, when the terrorism of their earlier -power is to be merged in the more gratifying system of deportation -and the guillotine. Being now <i>hors de combat</i> myself, I -resign to others these cares. A long attack of rheumatism has -greatly enfeebled me, and warns me that they will not very long -be within my ken. But you may have to meet the trial, and in -the focus of its fury. God send you a safe deliverance, a happy -issue out of all afflictions, personal and public, with long life, -long health, and friends as sincerely attached as yours affectionately. -</p> - -<h2><span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_609'></a></span> -INDEX TO VOL. V. -</h2> - -<ul class="idx"> -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Adams, John</span>—His relations with Jefferson, <a href="#Page_559">559</a>, <a href="#Page_560">560</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Difference between his political opinions and Hamilton's, <a href="#Page_559">559</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Agriculture</span>—The science of, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Implement of, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> -<li>Products of, adapted to U. S., <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Alexander, Emperor</span>—Bust of, presented to Jefferson, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His character, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.</li> -<li>His intervention in favor of neutral rights, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Arms</span>—When loaned by Government, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Astronomy</span>—Its application to navigation, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Banks</span>—Excess of, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Bank of United States</span>—Question of its constitutionality, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Barlow, Joel</span>—His Columbiad, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His History of U. S., <a href="#Page_496">496</a>.</li> -<li>His departure for Paris, <a href="#Page_587">587</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Bastrop's Case</span>—<a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Bloodworth</span>—His bankruptcy, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Bonaparte</span>—His great victories, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His plans of conquest, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.</li> -<li>His character, <a href="#Page_601">601</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Botta, M.</span>—His history of revolution, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Brazil, Emperor of</span>—<a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Burr, Aaron</span>—His conspiracy, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His accomplices, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li> -<li>Efforts in Ohio to suppress conspiracy, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> -<li>His arrest and trial, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> -<li>His views and objects, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> -<li>Federalists come to his rescue, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> -<li>Proofs and witnesses against, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li> -<li>His forgeries, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> -<li>His acquittal, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Cabinet, Executive</span>—Mode of transacting business in, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Of Washington and Jefferson, <a href="#Page_568">568</a>, <a href="#Page_569">569</a>.</li> -</ul></li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Chesapeake, The</span>—Capture of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>. - -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Executive action relative to, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> -<li>Preparations for war, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Chesapeake Bay</span>—Defence of mouth of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>China</span>—Chinese mandarin relieved from Embargo, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Claiborne, Gov.</span>—Wounded in duel, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Clay, Henry</span>—His opposition to Jefferson, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Climate</span>—Changes of, in U. S., <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Colleges</span>—How should be arranged, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Colonization</span>—Of negroes, <a href="#Page_564">564</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Commerce</span>—Impulse to, by Embargo, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Coasting and carrying trade, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Contracts</span>—Should not be given to members of legislature, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Cuba</span>—Acquisition of, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Dearborne, Gen.</span>—Urged by Mr. Jefferson to continue in office, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Debt</span>—Evils of National debt, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Decius</span>—His false statements, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Delaware River</span>—Defense of, against English, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Deserters</span>—Should not be enlisted, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Dickinson, John</span>—His death, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Drawbacks</span>—<a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Duane, William</span>—His opposition to Madison's administration, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His embarrassments, <a href="#Page_574">574</a>, <a href="#Page_590">590</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Editors</span>—Their duties, <a href="#Page_591">591</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Education</span>—<a href="#Page_225">225</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Plan of popular education, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>.<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_610'>[610]</a></span></li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Embargo, The</span>—<a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>War preferable to continuance of, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> -<li>Our citizens allowed to withdraw property from foreign countries, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li> -<li>Draft of law by Gallatin, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> -<li>Measures to enforce, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li> -<li>Its operation, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> -<li>Cases arising under, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> -<li>When to be suspended, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> -<li>Evasions of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>.</li> -<li>Construction of, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</li> -<li>Resistance to, in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> -<li>Cases arising under, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>.</li> -<li>Its unpopularity in the east, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li> -<li>Its popularity elsewhere, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li> -<li>Bonaparte's position relative to, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li> -<li>War the only alternative, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li> -<li>Views in Congress relative to, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</li> -<li>A temporary measure, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</li> -<li>Action of Congress relative to, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> -<li>Repeal of, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'><a id="England"></a>England</span>—Treaty with, objectionable, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Its ratification suspended, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> -<li>Hostilities commenced by, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> -<li>Hull retires from Hampton Roads, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li> -<li>Probability of war with, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> -<li>Relative to certain captives, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li> -<li>The conduct of the English in our waters, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> -<li>Relations with, during this quasi state of war, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> -<li>Notice to our merchant vessels of danger of war, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> -<li>Her violations of maritime law, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_551">551</a>.</li> -<li>Her orders in council, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</li> -<li>Repeal of, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</li> -<li>Relations of peace restored, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</li> -<li>Domination on the Ocean, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>.</li> -<li>Condition of, <a href="#Page_552">552</a>, <a href="#Page_557">557</a>.</li> -<li>Relations with, <a href="#Page_556">556</a>.</li> -<li>War with, inevitable, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</li> -<li>Character of Kings of, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Enlistments</span>—When binding on infants, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Europe</span>—Not to be permitted to interfere in American affairs, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Condition of, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>.</li> -<li>Insignificancy of Kings of, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Executive</span>—Question between a single and plural executive, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_567">567</a>, <a href="#Page_581">581</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Executives should be removable, <a href="#Page_569">569</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Federalists</span>—Their disorganization as a party, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Their conduct in reference to Embargo, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li> -<li>Their bitterness of feeling, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Floridas, The</span>—Necessity of their acquisition, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'><a id="France"></a>France</span>—Views of her revolution, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Our relations with, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> -<li>War with England, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> -<li>Berlin and Milan decrees, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Franklin, Benjamin</span>—His last autobiography, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Gallatin, Albert</span>—His character, <a href="#Page_574">574</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Jefferson dissuades him from leaving Madison's cabinet, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>.</li> -<li>False imputations against, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>.</li> -<li>His views on U. S. Bank, <a href="#Page_595">595</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Government</span>—Best works on, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Gun-Boats</span>—As means of defence, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Improvements in, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Hamilton, Alexander</span>—Difference between his political principles and J. Adams', <a href="#Page_559">559</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Harper's Ferry</span>—The scenery there, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>History, Natural</span>—Fossil remains, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Holland, King of</span>—Congratulations on his accession to the throne, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Humboldt, Baron de</span>—His work on Spain, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Hundreds</span>—Division of counties into, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Impressment</span>—Efforts to suppress by treaty, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Refusal to sign treaty not providing for suppression of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Incorporation</span>—The power of, not granted by constitution, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Indians</span>—Improvement of, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Their languages, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>.</li> -<li>Best articles of trade with, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> -<li>Relations with, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li> -<li>Danger of war with, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> -<li>Policy towards, in a war with England, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li> -<li>Trade with, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> -<li>General policy towards, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li> -<li>How to proceed in case of murders by, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> -<li>Settlement of boundaries with Kickapoos, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>.</li> -<li>Efforts to prevent the use of spirituous liquors by, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</li> -<li>Best mode of civilizing, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>.</li> -<li>Efforts to civilize, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Irving's Case</span>—<a href="#Page_600">600</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Jefferson, Thomas</span>—<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_611'>[611]</a></span>Efforts to alienate his cabinet from him, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>His retirement at end of second term, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> -<li>Calumnies against, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</li> -<li>Resigns Presidency of American Philosophical Society, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li> -<li>Is re-elected, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>.</li> -<li>Refuses all presents while President, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li> -<li>Resolution to retire at end of second term, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</li> -<li>Reception of, by people, on his retirement, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.</li> -<li>His pleasure at retiring, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>.</li> -<li>Letter to people of Albemarle at end of Presidential term, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.</li> -<li>All prosecutions for libels against him dismissed, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.</li> -<li>Franking privilege allowed him, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>.</li> -<li>His writings, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>.</li> -<li>Relations with Hamilton, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>.</li> -<li>His habits, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_558">558</a>.</li> -<li>Made member of Royal Institute of Amsterdam, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>.</li> -<li>Relations with Adams, <a href="#Page_559">559</a>, <a href="#Page_560">560</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Judiciary</span>—Always federal, <a href="#Page_549">549</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Latrobe, Mr.</span>—Relations with Jefferson, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Lands, Public</span>—Intrusions on, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Laws</span>—Rules for construing, by executive, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Degeneracy of law, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.</li> -<li>Some cases above law, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>.</li> -<li>Law of New England not common law, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Lawyers</span>—Of New England not good common law lawyers, <a href="#Page_547">547</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Lewis, Gov.</span>—His papers, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Libraries, Public</span>—Benefit of, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Logwood, Thomas</span>—Pardon of, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Louis XVI.</span>—His character, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Louisiana</span>—Boundaries of, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Madison, James</span>—Divisions in his cabinet, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_589">589</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>, <a href="#Page_600">600</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Mail</span>—Robberies of, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Manufactures</span>—Impulse to from embargo, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>How far should be protected, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>.</li> -<li>Condition of, in U. S., <a href="#Page_583">583</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Marshall, John</span>—His life of Washington, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Notes on, by Jefferson, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Marque, Letters of</span>—Their character, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Medicine</span>—Views of science of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Meteoric Stones</span>—<a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Militia</span>—Organization of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Called out to defend Norfolk and Hampton, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> -<li>Disbanded, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> -<li>Militia of Ohio, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> -<li>When to be called out, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Mines</span>—Rent of Indiana lead mines, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Silver mines of La Platte, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Mints</span>—Appointment of assistant engraver to, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Miranda's Expedition</span>—Not countenanced by our government, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Mississippi Territory</span>—British claims in, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Monroe, James</span>—His relations to Madison's administration, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Offered government of Orleans or Louisiana, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li> -<li>Explanations in relation to English treaty, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws</span>—Commentary on, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_566">566</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Moose Island</span>—Within jurisdiction of U. States, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Museum</span>—Foundation of one at Williamsburg, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Negroes</span>—Their capacity relative to white races, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Neutrality</span>—No breach of, to assist vessels in distress, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Invasions of, by France and England, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> -<li>Frauds on our flag, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> -<li>We determine to side with the party which shall respect our neutrality, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> -<li>What the rights of neutral vessels, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>.</li> -<li>Wisdom of our neutral policy, <a href="#Page_585">585</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Nicholas, Wilson C.</span>—Sent on special mission to France, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Declines it, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> -<li>Mr. Jefferson wishes him to take leadership of House of Representatives, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Offices</span>—Should not be given to relations, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Principles on which conferred, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Orleans, New</span>—Claim to public common, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Scheme for defence of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> -<li>Public property there, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> -<li>Canal at, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> -<li>Title to Batture, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a>.</li> -<li>Conspiracies against U. States, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Orleans, Territory of<span class='pagenum'><a id='Page_612'>[612]</a></span></span>—Discontents in, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Patents</span>—Interpretation of patent law, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>What should be duration of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Ploughs</span>—Improved model of, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Poland</span>—Partition of, <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Polygraph, The</span>—Its value, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>President</span>—Presidential tour objectionable, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Not bound to obey <span lang="la">subpœna duces tecum</span>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> -<li>Cannot present memorial to Congress from State legislature, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> -<li>Candidates for Presidency in 1808, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Printing</span>—Extension of, in U. States, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Press</span>—Liberty of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Its falsehoods, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> -<li>Its license, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Quakers</span>—Their English affinities, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Quarantine</span>—Views on, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Randolph, John</span>—Turns against Jefferson's administration, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Randolph, T. J.</span>—Letter of advice to, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Religion</span>—President no right to prescribe day for prayer and fasting, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Views on, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Republican Party</span>—Split in, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Massachusetts Republicanised, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> -<li>Increase of, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</li> -<li>Importance of union in, <a href="#Page_577">577</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Rice</span>—Upland, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Ritchie, Thomas</span>—Relations to Madison's administration, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Rivers</span>—Rights of all nations inhabiting its banks to free navigation, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Russia</span>—Emperor of, his character, and policy, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Mission to, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li> -<li>Negatived by Senate, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Seamen</span>—Employment of foreigners in Navy, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Secession</span>—Not to be apprehended, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Sheep</span>—Introduction of Merino breed, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>South American States</span>—Revolt of, against Spain, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Spain</span>—Our relations with, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Questions of navigation and boundary with, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> -<li>Plan to seize our territory in possession of, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> -<li>Conquest of, by Spain, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</li> -<li>Defense against French, <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>States</span>—Sovereignty of, a high conservative feature in our government, <a href="#Page_560">560</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Tariff</span>—On wines, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Taxes</span>—Of United States how imposed, <a href="#Page_586">586</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Tombigbee</span>—Memorial from, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Torpedoes</span>—Invented by Fulton, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Truxton, Commodore</span>—Medal for, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>United States</span>—Condition of parties in Senate and House of Representatives, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Relations with England, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li> -<li>Political revolution of 1800, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> -<li>Conduct of, in relations with European powers, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</li> -<li>Prosperity of, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>Veterinary College</span>—Policy of, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Vincennes</span>—Loyalty of French inhabitants of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Virginia</span>—Collection of laws of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Defence of seaboard and against English in 1807, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> -<li>Her exertions in Revolutionary war, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>.</li> -<li>Revision of her Code, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Volunteers</span>—<a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Construction of law relative to, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li> -<li>Offers of, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li class="padded"><span class='smcap'>War</span>—Prospect of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Preparations for, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</li> -<li>Feeling of eastern States relative to, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_607">607</a>.</li> -<li>Jefferson opposed to, <a href="#Page_598">598</a>.</li> -<li>(See <a href="#France">France</a> and <a href="#England">England</a>.)</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Washington, Gen.</span>—Mode of doing business in his cabinet, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Washington City</span>—Improvement of, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>. -<ul class="sub-idx"> -<li>Sale of certain city lots, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</li> -</ul></li> - -<li><span class='smcap'>Waterhouse, Dr.</span>—His appointment to Marine Hospital, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Weights and Measures</span>—Improvements proposed, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>West Point</span>—Complaint of Cadets of, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Western Road</span>—The route of, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> -<li><span class='smcap'>Wirt, William</span>—Urged by Mr. Jefferson to accept seat in Congress, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> -</ul> - -<div class='footnotes'> -<h2 class="fntitle">FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class='footnote'> -<p><a id='FN_1'></a> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_1'>[1]</a></span> The term Claret should be abolished, because unknown in the country where it is made, and because indefinite here. The four crops should be enumerated -here instead of Claret, and all other wines to which that appellation has been applied, should fall into the <span lang="la">ad valorem</span> class. The four crops are Lafitte, Latour -and Margaux, in Medoc, and Hautbrion, in Grave.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote'> -<p><a id='FN_2'></a> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_2'>[2]</a></span> Blanquefort, Oalon, Leoville, Cantenac, &c., are wines of Medoc. Barsac, Sauterne, Beaume, Preignac, St. Bris, Carbonien, Langon, Podensac, &c., are of -Grave. All these are of the second order, being next after the four crops.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote'> -<p><a id='FN_3'></a> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_3'>[3]</a></span> Repeal of the orders of council.</p> -</div> - -<div class='footnote'> -<p><a id='FN_4'></a> -<span class='label'><a href='#FA_4'>[4]</a></span> Repeal of the embargo.</p> -</div> - -</div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson Vol -5 (of 9), by Thomas Jefferson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF JEFFERSON *** - -***** This file should be named 53767-h.htm or 53767-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/7/6/53767/ - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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