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(Jean Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue</title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover-image.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - div.body { margin-left: 25%; - margin-right: 25%; } - - h1,h2,h3,h4 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -.center -{ - text-align: center; -} - -.spaced -{ - line-height: 1.5; -} - -.space-above - -{ - margin-top: 3em; -} - -.small -{ - font-size: small; -} - -.ph2 { text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; } -.ph2 { font-size: x-large; margin: .75em auto; } - -.border -{ - border: 1px solid; -} - -.pagebreak {page-break-after: always;} - -blockquote { - display: block; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - margin-left: 40px; - margin-right: 40px; -} - -table.centered { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; -} - -td.title { text-align: left; vertical-align: top; padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;} -td.page { text-align: right; vertical-align: top; padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} -hr.r5 {width: 20%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 40%;} - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; -} /* page numbers */ - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -/* Images */ -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; -} - -.covernote { - visibility: visible; - display: block; -} - -/* Footnotes */ -.footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} - -.footnote {margin-left: 8%; margin-right: 2%; font-size: 0.9em;} - -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 67%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} - -.poem br {display: none;} - -.poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} - -.poem span.i0 {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} -.poem span.i24 {display: block; margin-left: 12em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size: smaller; - padding: 0.5em; - margin-bottom: 5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif;} - - hr.full { width: 100%; - margin-top: 3em; - margin-bottom: 0em; - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - height: 4px; - border-width: 4px 0 0 0; /* remove all borders except the top one */ - border-style: solid; - border-color: #000000; - clear: both; } - </style> -</head> -<body> -<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Diplomatists of Europe, by M. (Jean -Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue, Edited by William Monteith, Translated -by William Monteith</h1> -<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States -and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no -restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook.</p> -<p>Title: The Diplomatists of Europe</p> -<p>Author: M. (Jean Baptiste Honoré Raymond) Capefigue</p> -<p>Editor: William Monteith</p> -<p>Release Date: December 17, 2016 [eBook #53748]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DIPLOMATISTS OF EUROPE***</p> -<p> </p> -<h4>E-text prepared by Chris Whitehead, Clarity,<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive<br /> - (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4> -<p> </p> -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td valign="top"> - Note: - </td> - <td> - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - <a href="https://archive.org/details/diplomatistsofeu00cape"> - https://archive.org/details/diplomatistsofeu00cape</a> - </td> - </tr> -</table> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<div class="body"> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img style="margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em;" src="images/cover-image.jpg" id="coverpage" width="500" height="731" alt="Cover for The Diplomatists" /> -<div class="transnote covernote"> -<p class="center" style="margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em;">The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div></div> - -<hr class="chap" style="page-break-after: always;" /> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 410px;"> -<img src="images/image1.jpg" width="410" height="618" alt="Title page for The Diplomatists" /> -</div> - -<hr class="chap" style="page-break-after: always;" /> - -<p class="center" style="margin-top: 8em; margin-bottom: 8em;">LONDON:<br /> -PRINTED BY GEORGE BARCLAY, 28 CASTLE STREET,<br /> -LEICESTER SQUARE.</p> - -<hr class="chap" style="page-break-after: always;" /> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;">CONTENTS.</h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<table class="centered" border="0" cellpadding="10" style="max-width: 100%;" summary="CONTENTS"> -<tr><td class="title"></td> <td class="page">PAGE</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#PRINCE_METTERNICH">PRINCE METTERNICH</a></td> <td class="page">1</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#M_DE_TALLEYRAND">M. DE TALLEYRAND</a></td> <td class="page">58</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#COUNT_POZZO_DI_BORGO">COUNT POZZO DI BORGO</a></td> <td class="page">109</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#M_PASQUIER">M. PASQUIER</a></td> <td class="page">172</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTON">THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON</a> </td> <td class="page">197</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#THE_DUC_DE_RICHELIEU">THE DUC DE RICHELIEU</a></td> <td class="page">223</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#PRINCE_HARDENBERG">PRINCE HARDENBERG</a></td> <td class="page">252</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#COUNT_NESSELRODE">COUNT NESSELRODE</a></td> <td class="page">289</td></tr> -<tr><td class="title"><a href="#LORD_CASTLEREAGH">LORD CASTLEREAGH</a></td> <td class="page">327</td></tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap" style="page-break-after: always;" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;">AUTHOR'S PREFACE.</h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">The</span> sketches now offered to the reader have -most of them been already published in parts, in -magazines and reviews. I have been advised to -collect them into one work, in order to make their -tendency and their spirit better understood.</p> - -<p>The end I proposed to myself at the time I -wrote them, was to efface the prejudices which -the decrepit schools of the Revolution, and of the -Empire, had cast over the vast intellects who -have had the direction of the government in -various countries, or who still continue to guide -the state. This end, I think, was partly gained -by the four sketches of the career of Prince Metternich, -Counts Pozzo di Borgo and Nesselrode, -and the Duke of Wellington. I have considered -it the more essential to complete this publication -at present, because, for some years past, people -appear only to take pleasure in extolling those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span> -who have been engaged in the work of destruction. -The most illustrious public bodies take -pleasure in listening to the praises of those who -have ruined the old state of society, and no man -is considered clever, learned, or virtuous, unless -he has been at least half a regicide. As for me -I request a little space for the politicians who -create, preserve, or add to a state,—for the men -whose works still endure, and survive all those -who declaimed against them. I would give all -the fame of the Radicals of 1791, of the year <span class="smcap">III.</span>, -or the year <span class="smcap">VIII.</span>, for the smallest portion of the -abilities of Cardinal Richelieu.</p> - -<p>It was not at random that I selected the -names of the statesmen of whom an account is -here to be met with; they each represent an -idea—a system—a policy. Prince Metternich -is the creator of the theory of the balance of -power and armed neutrality, which has obtained -a very exalted rank for Austria among European -powers; Prince Talleyrand brought back among -us the temperate diplomacy of the Empire, of the -first days of the Restoration, and of the Revolution -of 1830; Count Pozzo di Borgo personifies -the persevering tact of European policy and the -Russian system since the year 1814; the chancellor, -M. Pasquier, exhibits the administration<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span> -of the latter part of the reign of Napoleon, and -he was, also, the moderate minister of the -Restoration; the Duke of Wellington is England -under arms, and the active spirit of the -Tories; the Duc de Richelieu is the symbol of -probity in affairs, and of great unrequited services—he -is the man who delivered his country -from the dominion of a stranger, and yet with -whose name the present generation is, perhaps, -less acquainted than with that of any orator -at the hustings; Prince Hardenberg represents -Prussia at first holding a neutral course, then -advancing with her poetical universities; Count -Nesselrode has been Chancellor of Russia for the -last thirty years; and, finally, I have raised to -its proper exalted position the much-belied character -of Lord Castlereagh, the faithful interpreter -of the views of the Tory party, the worthy -successor of Mr. Pitt, and who preserved England -and added to her power. These sketches, therefore, -by their account of the different ministers, -form a vast history of the cabinets of Europe.</p> - -<p>Many new details will be found in these portraits, -and my admiration for intellectual and -powerful minds has made me strive to perfect -them. Being quite unconnected with the agitations -of the present times, I have not mentioned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span> -in these pages any name mixed up with the -dissensions of the press and the tribune. Some -of the politicians of the present day were, however, -the noble friends of the Duc de Richelieu, -and others afforded him the aid of their talents -and sagacity. May they continue their career, -without becoming weary and discouraged in the -difficult paths of Conservatism and order! May -they persevere, in spite of the misery of holding -office in changeful times! The heart of Pitt -was often deeply pained while arranging his magnificent -work, and England now pronounces him -the prince of statesmen. Toil and trouble are -the condition of man, and nothing strong or -durable ever was created, without raising a -clamour of opposition from beings of inferior -intellects, violent tempers, and disappointed ambition.</p> - -<p style="margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 3em;"><i>June 1843.</i></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p><span class="smcap">Note.</span>—The following pages being merely a translation, -the Editor has found it necessary to abstain from -any observations on the work of M. Capefigue, and from -offering any remarks upon the sentiments of this able -writer, even where he may materially differ with him.</p> - - -<p style="margin-left: 5%; margin-top: 1.5em;"><i>June 1845.</i></p> -</blockquote> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="PRINCE_METTERNICH" id="PRINCE_METTERNICH">PRINCE METTERNICH.</a></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">The</span> Austrian government, which is composed of old -hereditary states and conquests of a later date, a sort of -chequer-work of provincial privileges and immunities, -may be said to be the creation of a statesman, who must -be placed in a superior rank to all others.</p> - -<p>It is not only under the aspect of a long and brilliant -diplomatic career that we must regard the life of -Prince Metternich, we must also look upon him as the -head of the executive organisation, which includes so -many various interests, and such a diversity of national -characters and feelings, under the government of one -sceptre.</p> - -<p>Cast your eyes over the provinces which extend from -the centre of Germany into Poland, from the extremity -of Gallicia as far as Venice and Milan, from Zara on the -Adriatic to Mantua, the key of Lake Garda and of the -Tyrol, an assemblage of richer countries or more opulent -cities cannot be met with. To Metternich belongs -the honour of having already, for above thirty years, -maintained his hold upon these various nations; he has -realised the most difficult system of local administration -and of a central government, great domestic liberty, -with, at the same time, careful surveillance, an active -police with very indulgent toleration, the most extensive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span> -credit with the least oppressive taxation. One might -compare the Austrian government to the father of a -family, anxious and rather strict with his children; the -elder ones are tractable, the younger sometimes unruly, -over whom he keeps a tight rein, in order that it may -as seldom as possible be necessary to have recourse to -chastisement.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> - -<p>Railways and industrial establishments are becoming -numerous in Austria; her navy is increasing on the -Adriatic, and is a means of circulating her flourishing -manufactures. Metternich has thus caused the age of -labour to succeed to that of war and conquest. The -ancient constitution of Germany was destroyed at the -peace of Presburg, during the time of the contemptible -and fragile assembly of the Confederation of the Rhine. -The house of Austria then renounced the old imperial -crown; but a new existence has opened for it, and, -after innumerable reverses under the Republic and Napoleon, -it again reared its head with a new state of political -life and of military power. Since the year 1813, -Austria has been constantly called upon to play a great -part in the affairs of Europe, and Metternich has succeeded -in giving to her politics a character of perseverance, -or, rather, of immutability, the result of an idea -nobly conceived, and then worked out like a mission he -felt intrusted to accomplish.</p> - -<p>The political life of a statesman is bound up in the -work he has undertaken. It is not my habit as a historian -to adopt the narrow views inspired by party-spirit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span> -or worn-out declamation: when a minister has -achieved the greatness of an empire, resisted vassalage -under Napoleon, and furnished the most extensive field -for the page of history, I will not, from a weak patriotism, -raise my voice against this master-mind. We may -meet with enough men who destroy; we ought to -feel respect for those capable of creating, and then maintaining -their work.</p> - -<p>Clement Wenceslaus, Count of Metternich-Winneburg-Ochsenhausen, -was born at Coblentz, on the 13th of -May, 1773, of a good German family, whose ancestors -have served in former times against the Ottomans. I -also find there were several officers of the name of Metternich -in the company of Lanzknechts, in the time of -the Reformation and of the League. His father, Count -Metternich, a man of very moderate abilities, was greatly -in the confidence of Prince Kaunitz, and his name is -mentioned in all the business transacted concerning the -Low Countries. Young Metternich received the names -of Clement-Wenceslaus, after the Prince of Poland and -Lithuania, Duke of Saxony, who stood godfather to him. -At the age of fifteen he went to the university of Strasburg, -at that time very celebrated, and the most frequented -academy in Europe.</p> - -<p>The philosophy of Voltaire, Helvetius, and Rousseau, -was then in the ascendant—that empty sensualism which -filled young heads with effervescing fancies. The university -of Strasburg was under the direction of Koch, -the celebrated lecturer upon international law; and, by a -singular chance, another youth, whose name has since -been well known, was also pursuing his studies at the -same university; this was Benjamin Constant de Rebecque. -Some degree of friendship sprung up between -the students, and it is curious to observe what a different -career was opened by the caprices of Fortune to the two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> -pupils of Professor Koch. Count Metternich concluded -his philosophical studies in the year 1790; the rest of -his education was completed in Germany. When he -reached the age of twenty he visited England and Holland, -and afterwards went to live at Vienna, where he -married Maria Eleonora, of Kaunitz-Rietberg.</p> - -<p>Metternich's first entry into the diplomatic corps was -merely as a secretary at the Congress of Rahstadt,—a -singular negotiation, which had a most tragical termination;<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> -he afterwards accompanied Count Stadion in his -missions to Prussia and to St. Petersburg, and was at -the latter court at the time of the alliance between Russia -and Austria, which fell to the ground in consequence -of the rapidity of Napoleon's military investment of -Ulm, and the revolt of Bavaria,—an admirable campaign, -which at once placed the French emperor in the rank of -the greatest military commanders.</p> - -<p>Even at this early period it was the opinion of Metternich -that the triple alliance between Russia, Prussia, and -Germany, would not be too much to restrain the power -of Napoleon; and a striking evidence of the importance -of France and of her leader had just been afforded by -the battle of Austerlitz. Count Metternich was called -upon to take a part in all the treaties concluded at this -time; and, up to this period, his opinions appeared to -belong to the same school as those of Count Stadion, -who was shortly afterwards appointed minister for foreign -affairs. By him Metternich was proposed as ambassador -to the court of Russia; but, the treaty of Presburg -having completely altered the position of Austria -in Europe, Francis II. preferred sending the young diplomatist -to Napoleon; and, on the 15th of August,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> -1806, the day of the solemn national anniversary, the -ambassador presented his credentials, and first appeared -before the favourite of fortune and glory.</p> - -<p>The political system of which Count Metternich was -the representative at Paris was very complicated. Since -the first coalition against France, Austria had suffered -the most severe reverses, having been twice deprived of -the Milanese by Buonaparte, general and consul; then -driven back on the banks of the Danube by Moreau, -and having a second time entered the lists, after the -alliance with Russia, this new coalition was dissolved by -the battle of Austerlitz, and the Austrian cabinet was -obliged to sign the treaty of Presburg,—a covenant submitted -to through necessity alone, which broke up the -old empire of Germany, and, in some measure, made an -end of that of Austria.</p> - -<p>It was the politics of this treaty, so fatal to the interests -of the emperor, that Metternich was deputed to -represent at Paris. The Confederation of the Rhine -had overturned all the German system of affairs, which -was as ancient as the Golden Bull. Wirtemberg and -Bavaria, instead of being mere electorates, became kingdoms; -when Bavaria received, at the expense of Austria, -a territory of more than 12,000 square miles, a population -of above 3,000,000 of souls, and a revenue of -above 17,000,000 florins; and the aggrandisement of -Wirtemberg, also prejudicial to Austria, though, no -doubt, in a less degree, cost her about 150 square miles. -Austria also lost the Venetian states, the Tyrol, the five -cities of the Danube, Venetian Dalmatia, and the mouths -of the Cattaro.</p> - -<p>The act of the Confederation of the Rhine, which was -the work of Talleyrand, Otto, and Reinhard, tore away -the last remains of the old imperial mantle: and Francis -II. was obliged to lay aside this ancient dignity, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> -would have been, in time to come, nothing but an -empty title. Napoleon's system was to invade every -thing, and a treaty was to him but an opportunity of -launching out into fresh conquests. He had planted his -family in Germany by instituting the kingdom of Westphalia; -and, by means of marriages, he connected himself -with Wirtemberg and Bavaria: all the stipulations in -the treaty of Presburg had been insisted upon with the -most inflexible haughtiness.</p> - -<p>After these terrible reverses, Metternich considered -the best means of regaining a little influence in Europe -was to keep on good terms with Napoleon, or rather to -preserve a strict neutrality, which might allow Austria -to trace out an advantageous line of conduct for herself, -should any decisive circumstance occur, as it could hardly -fail to do sooner or later. The diplomatic system of -Metternich was consequently one of expectation and inquiry; -his special mission was, to become intimately -acquainted with the most trifling peculiarities of this -new and singularly constructed court, and to discover -the thoughts and even the caprices of the powerful -Emperor of the French.</p> - -<p>Fresh successes had just crowned the arms of Napoleon. -After some unfortunate hesitation, Prussia had -cast herself headlong into the Russian alliance; and, -after her subsequent defeat at Jena, the peace of Tilsit -had laid the foundation of a temporary truce, for treaties -with Napoleon could only possess that transitory character. -Metternich received orders from his court to -endeavour, by means of a respectful deference, to conciliate -the favour of the great sovereign. The almost -magical influence which Napoleon had obtained over the -mind of Alexander at Tilsit had excited great apprehensions -at Vienna: an interview was about to take -place at Erfurt, and the probable consequences that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> -might result from it were a source of serious alarm to -Austria. Metternich was constantly seen at the Tuileries. -He was the representative of a very ancient -European court; himself a man of good birth, and with -aristocratic manners, every thing was in his favour, and -he was perfectly successful in his mission. At the court -of Napoleon there existed much formality, a tone of -society combining at once a degree of constraint with -the blunt manners of the camp. It was a mere collection -of puerile ceremonies; and a man of good family -enjoyed an incontestable superiority there from the good -taste and ease communicated by education, and the -constant habit of society. The ambassador was then -thirty-four years of age, his countenance was noble and -intelligent; he went to all the court entertainments, -and attracted universal attention by the elegance of his -equipage and his expensive habits. Young, brilliant, -gifted with a ready wit and an easy flow of language, -with a slightly emphatic manner of speaking, Count -Metternich had the reputation of being a successful -gallant, and highly in favour with the Parisian ladies.</p> - -<p>The ambassador had recourse to the pleasing species -of politics which reaches the secrets of the cabinet—through -the heart. His fascinating manners had gained -him the good-will of Napoleon, who took pleasure in -distinguishing him in the crowd of foreign ministers, -and liked to converse with him, though with an occasional -observation that he was very young to be the -representative of one of the oldest courts of Europe. -"At the battle of Austerlitz you were scarcely older -than I am now!" was one day the reply of the ambassador. -The Emperor was never hasty in his language to -Metternich, for he considered him as the means by which -an idea of the French system could be conveyed into -Austria; and more than once the subject of their debate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> -was the question of the balance of power in Europe, -which assumed in the mind of Napoleon such gigantic -proportions. Metternich's scheme was to represent the -alliance between France and Austria as indispensable; -and he spoke of the treaty of 1736, concluded under the -influence of the Duc de Choiseul, as the basis of all -political grandeur in Europe. The conference of Erfurt -was, however, a source of constant uneasiness to him, -and Napoleon had just departed for the meeting which -was to reconcile the two empires of the North and the -South. Promises had been exchanged between the emperors, -and in these plans the sacrifice of Austria was -determined upon. They were not ignorant of this at -Vienna: had, then, all the efforts of Metternich in Paris -been in vain? The Spanish war had just broken out, -and another sovereign had been hurled from his throne. -Was not this a fresh warning to the House of Austria? -The alarms it inspired were confessed at the court of -London, and England fed their fears in order to induce -them to take a vigorous part in the war; for which -purpose a report was circulated of a projected change of -succession in the Austrian dynasty, favoured by Napoleon.</p> - -<p>The peace of Presburg, by placing every where in the -Germanic Confederation French principles, and almost -French administration, had excited strong dissatisfaction, -and the general detestation had been increased by large -military contributions, and numerous vexatious oppressions -indulged in by the generals and their subordinates. -In every direction burst forth the anti-Gallic spirit in -favour of the liberty of Germany, especially among the -nobility and the secret associations, which had become -formidable as early as 1808. The liberal impulse against -Napoleon had been awakened in Europe, and it was not -one of the least influential causes of his downfall. England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span> -encouraged these views; subsidies were promised to -a government deeply involved in debt; the resistance of -the Peninsula was pointed out to Austria, and the difficulties -thereby opposed to the military power of Napoleon, -especially after the capitulation of Baylen. Why -should they not take advantage of this opportunity to -burst through the conditions imposed by the treaty of -Presburg? England engaged to subsidise the Austrian -army, if, uniting their efforts to the common cause, they -would seize that moment for declaring against France; -and she also promised a simultaneous diversion in Holland -and Spain. These warlike propositions soon found -friends among the German nobility, and Count Stadion -entered completely into the English views. The levies -were immense, for the fate of the empire was at stake.</p> - -<p>At this period the business of the young ambassador -was to mask by flattering promises the military preparations -that were making in Austria. His papers were full -of protestations of confidence: and how could he act -otherwise? Is it not the duty of a diplomatist to -soften the course of events, and to moderate the first -bursts of anger and vengeance of one nation against -another? Austria did not wish to engage in war until -Napoleon should be completely absorbed in his Spanish -expedition. But as soon as the Emperor and the Old -Guard had left Paris, to raise the puppet throne of -Joseph at Madrid, she no longer dissembled her warlike -preparations; hostilities were commenced against Bavaria, -the close ally of Napoleon, and the Austrian standard -was unfurled at Ulm. Napoleon, informed of this -unexpected movement, made but one step back to Paris. -Metternich was still there.</p> - -<p>The ambassador was now placed in a very delicate -position, for the Austrian war had really been a surprise. -Napoleon thought himself the dupe of Metternich, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span> -he commanded Fouché, the Minister of Police, to cause -him to be seized, and marched from one military station -to another, until he reached the frontier. The order -was harsh, brutal, and contrary to all diplomatic usages. -Is not an ambassador bound to obey the instructions of -his government, and to serve its interests? and is it not -his duty to conceal every thing that may injure his -court? Fouché, with his usual regard to his own interest, -and who considered what the future might bring -forth, executed the orders of Napoleon with delicacy and -politeness. He went to the ambassador's house, told him -the occasion of his visit, and expressed the most lively -regret for it. A degree of dissatisfaction had already -begun to arise in the mind of this minister, who looked -forward to the time when the insatiable ambition of -Napoleon must have a limit, and he and Metternich -expressed to each other, in mutual confidence, their feelings -on the miseries of war and the rapacious spirit of -Napoleon; and Fouché, whose disposition was generally -communicative and incautious, went so far as to give utterance -to most singular opinions concerning the probable -downfall, or even death, of his master. In order as far -as possible to soften the rigorous orders he had received, -a single captain of gendarmerie, chosen by Marshal -Moncey, accompanied the travelling-carriage of the -ambassador to the frontier. Prince Metternich takes -pleasure in relating the curious occurrences of this journey, -which, like that of the aide-de-camp Czernicheff in -1812, was not devoid of peril.</p> - -<p>Then the earth was shaken! The Austrian army, -under the Archduke Charles, fought valiantly for the -defence of their country and their sovereign, and the -battle of Essling menaced the fortunes of Napoleon. -The disastrous event of this day was never fully published -in France; but elsewhere it was perfectly known.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span> -Preussisch-Eylau, the capitulation of Baylen, and the -battle of Essling on the Danube, appear to me to be the -three culminating points, which first taught the world -that the armies of Napoleon were no longer invincible: -these battles had a great moral influence upon the affairs -of Europe, and Wagram was necessary to restore the -powerful effect of the Emperor's name; the field of -battle on this occasion was doubtful, but nothing could -be more decisive than the result; great discouragement -was manifested in the councils of Vienna, and the party -in favour of peace carried the day.</p> - -<p>Victory had then decided between France and Austria, -proving the star of Napoleon to be utterly irresistible. -The two parties which divided the court of Vienna now -became more marked, the opinion in favour of peace, -represented by Count Bubna, prevailed in the Emperor's -council, and Count Stadion, who had hitherto had the -direction of affairs under the influence of the English -system, was obliged to retire from the cabinet. The -ministry for foreign affairs having thus become vacant, -Francis II. thought to conciliate France by the appointment -of Metternich, who had displayed great abilities -during his embassy to that country. The count, -having been reconciled with Napoleon, had since then -carefully maintained a middle course between peace and -war, and he had also begun to adopt in politics the attitude -of armed neutrality, which, ever since 1813, has -been the characteristic of Austrian policy. This was a -period of deep humiliation for the old imperial crown. -The <i>Moniteur</i> had announced that <i>the House of Lorraine -had ceased to reign</i>; the Austrian monarchy had been -vanquished in the struggle, its armies had experienced -terrible reverses; but there still remained to the -Emperor Francis the devoted affection of his people,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span> -and the indignation they felt at the prospect of French -domination.</p> - -<p>Count Metternich was sent as minister plenipotentiary -to Napoleon, together with Count Bubna, and interviews -took place for the purpose of treating of peace. The -victor was excessively irritated at the vigorous conduct -of Austria, and never were conferences attended with -more violence or more fiery disputes; so that Metternich -was obliged to apply all the powers of his mind towards -inspiring the haughty conqueror with more moderate -sentiments. If Napoleon bore in mind his silent and -skilful conduct in 1809, he knew, that by favouring his -elevation at the court of the Emperor of Austria, he -should secure to himself an ally and a representative of -his system. These motives, joined to dark hints of -assassination, and to the uneasiness caused by the religious -brotherhoods among the people, which were -already beginning to stir for independence, all contributed -to hasten the conclusion of the treaty of Vienna. -Is it necessary to remind the reader that the French -every where made use of their victories with the inflexible -right of the conqueror?</p> - -<p>On the occasion of this treaty, Count Metternich -received the title of Chancellor of the State, with the -direction of foreign affairs,—an office of immense responsibility -under existing circumstances. The population -was exhausted by the war; the treasury without -resources, having been completely drained by the contributions -levied by the French; and the monarchy was -deprived of all influence in Germany, the treaty of -Vienna having robbed it of the last remains of importance -towards the south; so that, as I have elsewhere<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span> -remarked, beside her was the Confederation of the Rhine, -that is to say, Napoleon; in front the Helvetic Confederation, -again Napoleon; to the south the kingdom of -Italy, still Napoleon. There remained but a choice of -two plans to Austria, either again to try the chance of -war, or to appease the Emperor of the French by the -most profound submission to all his wishes. Such was -the idea of Metternich, when he suggested the marriage -of the archduchess, when, as it was said by the implacable -Lady Castlereagh, it was necessary to deliver up -a daughter of the house of Austria to satisfy the -Minotaur.</p> - -<p>If the French emperor were to choose a wife among -the grand-duchesses of the house of Romanoff, the plan -proposed at Erfurt would be quickly accomplished, that -is to say, the formation of two great empires, around -which there would be a number of small intermediate -kingdoms, in some degree dependent upon them; and, -to avoid this peril, Metternich hastened the marriage -between Napoleon and Maria Louisa: by this means the -house of Austria would secure a real protector in the -French emperor, and the suit of a brilliant adventurer, -at the feet of the daughter of a royal line, might be -advantageous to the future prospects of the German -crown. It is allowable in politics to calculate to what -extent human passions may affect the course of affairs, -and therefore the new chancellor of the state, when -negotiating the union of the archduchess with Napoleon, -looked forward, by means of a family arrangement, to -recovering the position of which Austria had been -deprived by the fortune of war. The marriage of the -archduchess was arranged and concluded entirely by -Metternich.</p> - -<p>Still, however, he carefully pursued the course -towards which there appeared at that time to be a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span> -general bent in Europe. In the beginning of the year -1811, certain symptoms appeared to indicate to the court -of Vienna that a rupture was about to take place -between France and Russia, and these suspicions were -changed ere long into certainty: M. Otto, the French -ambassador at Vienna, opened his mind completely to -Metternich, and, acting on the principle of the late -alliance, he proposed they should form a kind of league -of offence and defence in the war Napoleon was about to -commence against Russia. The French emperor only -required a detached corps of 40,000 Austrian auxiliaries -as an active force, who were to attack the eastern -extremity of Gallicia, at the same time that the French -army should proceed to the Vistula. This treaty -farther stipulated that the Austrian possessions in -Poland should remain untouched, and certain territorial -cessions in favour of Austria were agreed upon, in the -event of the war against Russia proving successful; -thus Metternich began to reap the advantages of the -French alliance.</p> - -<p>The campaign of 1812 began. The Austrian corps of -30,000 auxiliaries was posted on the Vistula, and, if not -required to take an active part in the operations, it still -was a check upon the Russian army, which already -threatened the flanks of Napoleon's troops. Metternich -watched with extreme anxiety the movements of the -invading army in Russia; its disastrous retreat was an -appalling and unlooked-for catastrophe, and Prince -Schwartzenberg went to oppose the Russian troops.</p> - -<p>A new train of ideas, a new series of negotiations were -now to be entertained. The retreat from Moscow had -been so calamitous, that it had not spared to the French -enough troops to protect the line of the Oder, far less to -retain possession of that of the Vistula. If Prussia and -Austria had been faithful to their alliance with Napoleon,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span> -they ought immediately to have combined their forces, -and opposed all their strength to the Russians, who were -already making incursions on every side. The situation -of the two courts was very difficult, for the whole German -nation was so unanimous in their dislike to the French, -that it would have been impossible for the cabinets of -Berlin and Vienna to take any steps in their favour, -without placing themselves in direct opposition to the -people they governed; and, besides, after the deep -humiliation they had both endured at the hands of -Napoleon, was it not natural they should seek some -motive, or, if the expression be preferred, some pretext, -for delivering themselves from a state of subjection so -fatal to them? Prussia, who was foremost, had no hesitation -in abandoning an alliance that was so dishonourable -to her. Metternich did not immediately follow her -contagious example, but, a cessation of hostilities having -taken place between the Russian and Austrian armies, -the eyes of France fell upon the cabinet of Vienna, as -the mediatorial power which was to prepare a peace, on a -foundation in better keeping with the general equilibrium -of Europe. In his conferences with M. Otto, the imperial -chancellor gave him clearly to understand, that -the Austrian government would not depart from the -principles of the French alliance, but that the nature of -their situation had been altered by the late military -events, and, as the frontier of Austria might become the -theatre of war, the cabinet of Vienna would naturally -assume a more decided attitude, in order to bring to a -conclusion a struggle which would for the future so -closely affect the empire.</p> - -<p>The mission of Prince Schwartzenberg and Count -Bubna, at Paris, was conducted in the same spirit. Without -giving up the alliance, the Austrian government signified -that it could no longer rest upon the same basis, in fact,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> -that they must take a more decided part in the approaching -military crisis. Metternich's object in this new negotiation -was to lay the foundation for a general peace. -Such a resolution was by no means disinterested on his -part, for, in the new settlement of the boundaries of the -different states of Europe which must ensue, Austria -would obtain an accession of territory, as a consequence -of the position in which the course of events had placed -her. The English party was gaining ground at Vienna, -and Lord Walpole had arrived with offers of subsidies -and augmentation of territory; in proportion, also, as -the French army met with fresh reverses, the popular -feeling of Germany assumed a more decided character; -still Metternich persisted in his mediatorial system, from -the conviction that it would be for the real advantage of -his country.</p> - -<p>These negotiations continued all through the winter -of 1812-13. In the meanwhile, M. Otto had been -replaced by Count Louis de Narbonne, the representative -of the family alliance. He had been appointed by Napoleon, -in the hope that his presence would remind -Austria that an archduchess sat upon the throne of -France; and, by the decree of the senate and the -emperor, this same archduchess had just been officially -proclaimed regent during the absence of Napoleon: the -government being placed in her hands was a fresh guarantee -to Austria of the personal feelings of the emperor's -son-in-law. In politics alliances are formed upon positive -interests, and Napoleon had too greatly abused his -victories; the decree had gone forth, the empire, which -extended from Hamburg to Venice—the protectorate, -which pressed heavily upon Germany, Prussia, Italy, -Switzerland, and Holland—the diplomatic oppression -which burdened Sweden and Denmark—all must have -an end: after action, a reaction must be expected.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span></p> - -<p>During this time considerable levies took place in -every part of the Austrian territory, for it was determined -the army should be made up to its full complement -of 300,000 men. Metternich justified these warlike -preparations by the natural position in which Austria -was placed: when the belligerents came so closely in -contact with the territory of a neuter party, it appeared -quite natural that the neuter should take precautions to -preserve its own independence. The position which -Metternich had given to Austria had made her a predominant -power, with the right of insisting upon real -advantages, by way of indemnity; this was an admirable -change of circumstances, which left Austria at liberty to -come to a definitive decision.</p> - -<p>Baron Weissemberg then started for London, under -the official pretext of bringing about a general peace, -but in reality for the purpose of sounding the English -cabinet upon the advantages likely to be offered to -Austria, in the way of subsidies and accession of territory, -in case she should declare openly in favour of the -coalition, and should be willing to furnish so considerable -a force as 450,000 men. Now all this occurred in -the month of March 1813, and the armaments of -Austria received a fresh augmentation, when the -thunders of the artillery were heard at Lutzen and -Bautzen; 200,000 men were already located in Bohemia: -against whom could these immense bodies of troops -be intended to act? At this juncture, Metternich again -appeared in his mediatorial capacity, to prepare the -armistice of Plesswitz, afterwards definitively settled at -Nieumarch: Austria constantly declared that, as the -conflicting armies occupied four hundred leagues of her -frontiers, it was impossible she should any longer refrain -from taking an active part in the struggle, if the -belligerent powers would not agree to terms of reconciliation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span> -A step was thus taken, from a state of alliance -with Napoleon, towards a condition of armed neutrality, -and how could so powerful a country as Austria long -continue in this situation? In the heated state of the -public mind in Germany, how was it possible to calculate -the exact point where the mediation would stop for the -<i>casus belli</i>?</p> - -<p>It was the interest of Russia and Prussia to keep on -good terms with a court capable of drawing up a body -of excellent troops 200,000 strong. After some bitter -and ill-advised observations, Napoleon also accepted the -mediation; it was a sort of break in the military operations, -an expression of the weariness felt by an army -now worn out with battles. We may see how great a -part Metternich had created for Austria in these negotiations, -for, on former occasions, the plenipotentiaries -could treat the Austrian interests as a separate concern, -while in her new position Vienna became the indispensable -intermediate agent in any treaty that might be -contemplated. The question was, Did Austria offer her -mediation in good faith, with a sincere wish for peace? -or was it merely as a lure, to enable her to render her -military establishment more complete? This becomes -an important question for history.</p> - -<p>It must be remembered that, after the battles of -Lutzen and Bautzen, the desire for peace was universal, -even in France, and in the tent of Napoleon, in the -military night-watch, as well as on the morning of -battle; the troops still fought, but it was no longer with -the willingness, the enthusiasm of the victories of Austerlitz -and Jena. Napoleon submitted to the powerful -voice of public opinion, but could his iron disposition bend -to circumstances? Until that time as general and consul, -and afterwards as emperor, he had been accustomed to -say to the vanquished states, "These are my conditions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> -you have no choice but to accept them; and, if there are -any alleviating circumstances, it is to my clemency -alone that you will owe them." In 1813, the tables -were turned: cabinets now appeared with powers quite -equal to that of France, animated, too, with the ardour -of battle, and burning with the desire of repairing their -former humiliation, and reconquering their independence. -The allied powers had signed the armistice of Nieumarch, -one great inducement being the opportunity -gained for carrying on a secret negotiation with the -crown prince of Sweden, and also for the sake of persuading -Austria to join the league. I think their -anxiety for peace was less than their wish to gain the -time necessary to complete their vast military arrangements, -by detaching Austria from her part of mediator, -and inducing her to join them in the war against the -common enemy; pious Germany, having gained her -feet, now wanted to make an end of her oppressor. -Now, would Metternich continue to preserve this -neutral position? would not the Austrian government -be inclined for a change of system?</p> - -<p>Let us not forget how Austria was at that time situated. -Had she not a right to obtain, by diplomatic means, all the -advantages offered by her present position? We know the -heavy losses she had sustained in Italy; the Milanese, the -Tyrol, and the Illyrian provinces, had been successively -torn from her: and was it not natural she should take -advantage of her armed mediation, a favourable position -in which Metternich had contrived to place her? Had -she derived the expected advantages from the general -peace, she would not have joined the coalition against -Napoleon; failing in that, she must endeavour to -recover by force of arms all she had been deprived of -during the war. It was for the purpose of justifying<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> -this delicate situation that Metternich first introduced -the elegant system of high and noble diplomatic language, -a style of which Baron Gentz has since been the -most distinguished organ—Gentz, whose life has been so -busy, and so full of disappointments, who, in his old age, -came to utter soft love speeches at the feet of Miss Fanny -Elssler.</p> - -<p>Metternich unfolds in his papers his ideas upon the -balance of power in Europe, which tended to diminish -the prodigious influence of Napoleon, to the benefit of -the allied states. I am not aware of any thing written in -a more remarkable style than these despatches; they are, -perhaps, rather loose in their details, but all the expressions -are so carefully guarded, that they never compromised -either the cabinet or the writer.</p> - -<p>After signing the armistice of Nieumarch, Napoleon -had fixed his head-quarters at Dresden. Successive -despatches, from the French cabinet, requested the -Emperor Francis II. to affix his signature to the preliminaries -of a treaty of peace; at last, Metternich, -bearing an autograph letter from his sovereign, in answer -to the overtures that had been made to him, repaired to -Dresden, commissioned to find out what might be the -definitive intentions of Napoleon with regard to peace. -The conference lasted nearly half a day; the emperor, in -his military dress, strode hastily up and down the room, -with flashing eyes, and sharp, hurried gestures: he took -up his hat, then laid it down again, and threw himself -into a large easy chair, while the perspiration started on -his brow; he was evidently disturbed in mind, for he -burst forth, in no measured terms, to Metternich: -"Your government," said he, "wants to take advantage -of my perplexed situation; and the question with you is, -whether you can exact so much from me without fighting,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span> -or whether you must decide in ranging yourselves -among my enemies? Well, let us see! Let us negotiate—I -am perfectly willing. What do you want?"</p> - -<p>To this abrupt sally, to this demand so little in accordance -with the usual diplomatic forms, Metternich merely -replied, "That Austria was desirous of establishing an -order of things, which, by the wise distribution of power, -should place the preservation of peace under the protection -of an association of independent states; that the -object of the cabinet of Vienna must be to destroy the -sole predominancy of the Emperor Napoleon, by substituting -to his colossal influence a balance of power, which -should establish Austria, Russia, and Prussia, on a footing -completely independent of the French empire." As a -summary of these conditions, Austria claimed Illyria, -and a more extended frontier towards Italy; the Pope -was to be reinstated in his dominions; Poland to be subjected -to another partition; Spain and Holland were to -be evacuated by the French army; and the Confederation -of the Rhine and the mediation of Switzerland were -to be given up by the Emperor, who was already overwhelmed -with ill-fortune.</p> - -<p>Thus was to be accomplished the dismemberment of -the gigantic work erected by the toils and victories of -Napoleon. Shall I venture to describe this scene as it -has been depicted to me by the sole eye-witness, Prince -Metternich himself? As the Austrian plenipotentiary unfolded -the views of his cabinet, the sallow complexion of -Napoleon gradually assumed a crimson hue; at last he -exclaimed, "Metternich, do you attempt to impose such -conditions upon me without drawing a sword? These -demands are most insulting! And it is my father-in-law -who agrees to such a plan! What kind of position -does he wish to place me in with regard to the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span> -people? Ah, Metternich! how much has England -given you to play this part against me?"</p> - -<p>To this offensive language, Metternich, retaining his -calm and dignified demeanour, replied not a word; and -Napoleon, in the violence of his gestures, having let fall -his hat, the Austrian minister did not stoop to pick it -up, as politeness would have induced him to do under -any other circumstances. There was a silence of half an -hour.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Afterwards the conversation was resumed in a -cooler and calmer tone; and, in dismissing Metternich, -the Emperor, taking his hand, said to him, "After all, -Illyria is not my last word, and we may be able to arrange -better conditions."</p> - -<p>This dialogue is of importance to history, for it -decided the fate of Napoleon.</p> - -<p>The Emperor's habits of command made his language -hasty and his summons for an answer abrupt; and, when -he addressed himself thus to a person in an elevated -position, it naturally gave great offence. Metternich retained -the strongest resentment for his behaviour—he -had been deeply insulted; and, besides, so experienced -a minister could not fail to discover the secret thoughts -of the Emperor, and must have been well convinced that, -with such a character as his, there was but little reason -to hope for the re-establishment of the balance of power -in Europe.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, Austria consented to the conferences at -Prague, and, by a fresh agreement, the suspension of -hostilities was prolonged till the 10th of August. Metternich, -as the representative of the mediatorial power, -was by right president of the congress, in the same -manner as it had fallen to the Swedish minister at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> -the congresses of Nimeguen and Ryswick. M. Maret -first raised difficulties on the score of etiquette, because -Baron Humboldt and Baron d'Anstett, the representatives -of Russia and Prussia, were only ministers of the -second rank, while M. de Caulaincourt and M. Maret -belonged to the first. They next discussed the order of -precedence and little questions of detail; they considered -whether the negotiation should be carried on in writing -or <i>viva voce</i>, and the forms of the congresses of Nimeguen -and Ryswick were called for. The object of each -party was to gain time, in order that hostilities might -recommence. At last, Metternich, seeing the indefinite -turn affairs were taking, resolved to join the military -Congress of Trachenberg, where the Crown Prince of -Sweden, Bernadotte, was employed in tracing out the -vast plan of the campaign of the allied armies against -Napoleon. They decided upon marching straight upon -Paris, without a moment's hesitation, and making an -appeal to the people, dissatisfied with the Emperor. At -Trachenberg, Russia and Prussia received all the propositions -of the Austrian minister without the slightest -difficulty; they agreed, whatever might be the personal -pretensions of the Emperor Alexander, that the general -command of the allied troops should be conferred upon -Prince Schwartzenberg. The importance of securing -the co-operation of the Austrian army was fully appreciated, -and no sacrifice was spared to attach an additional -force of 200,000 men to the coalition.</p> - -<p>With a view to avoid this immense co-operation, Napoleon -had addressed himself at once to the Emperor -Francis II., recalling to his mind the alliance of their -families. Maria Louisa had gone to Mayence, and her -husband, taking advantage of one or two days which the -armistice still left at his disposal, went to meet her there, -to give his last instructions to the daughter of the Cæsars,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span> -and to confirm to her all the powers of the regency. -France then would be governed by an archduchess, and, -according to all dynastic ideas, could Austria fight -against a country ruled by the daughter of her emperor? -They were mistaken; the cabinets no longer stood in -awe of Napoleon, and this was a circumstance which the -French plenipotentiaries at Prague had not understood. -M. Maret, in particular, had shewn his insufficiency, or, -at all events, an inferior capacity, unable to bear a comparison -with a statesman of the school and character of -Prince Metternich. One of the greatest misfortunes of -the Emperor Napoleon was, that he was surrounded by -a crowd of people constantly at his feet, and dazzled -with his glory: these were clerks, not statesmen.</p> - -<p>Thus the negotiations continued to assume the character -of indecision and ill-humour, which had marked -their origin. The slightest proposal called forth anger, -the most trifling insinuation gave offence. Metternich -retained the character of mediator, which had been recognised -by the other powers; he resisted all idea of -overturning the French government, and, when General -Moreau arrived on the Continent, the first words the -Austrian minister said to M. Maret were, "Austria has -nothing to do with this intrigue; she will never approve -of the proceedings of General Moreau." At last, the -ultimatum of the allied powers, communicated by Metternich, -was as follows. The dissolution of the duchy -of Warsaw, which was to be divided between Russia, -Prussia, and Austria (Dantzic was given to Prussia); -the cities of Lubech and Hamburg were to be reinstated -in their independence, the kingdom of Prussia was to be -remodelled, and one frontier was to extend to the Elbe; -all the Illyrian provinces, including Trieste, were to be -ceded to Austria, and a reciprocal guarantee was to be -given, that the condition of the sovereignties, both small<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> -and great, should not be subject to alteration, except by -common consent, but should continue such as they might -be settled by the peace. The Emperor of the French at -first refused to accede to these terms, which were afterwards -modified, and at last received a reluctant and -tardy assent; for Austria was then entering with all her -strength into the coalition.</p> - -<p>I have consulted upon the events of this period the -two men who played the principal parts in the diplomatic -transactions of the war, Count Pozzo di Borgo and -Prince Metternich. I asked them, "Was there really -a sincere desire for peace at Prague?" They both answered -in the affirmative. Pozzo di Borgo, in his hatred -for Napoleon, described to me the anxiety he felt at -witnessing the hesitation of Austria; and Metternich -justified himself to Europe for the indecision of his conduct -by his desire to bring his diplomatic mediation to a -happy issue, for the interests of Napoleon, Austria, and -the general peace.</p> - -<p>A notification from the court of Vienna announced to -Count Nesselrode and Prince Hardenberg, that, for the -future, Austria, as a member of the coalition, would locate -200,000 men, in large bodies, behind the mountains of -Bohemia. The joy of the Allies was not to be expressed; -one should have heard Count Pozzo di Borgo -recount the magical effect produced by this letter of -Metternich; it arrived in the middle of the night at a -barn, in which were reposing the Emperor Alexander, -the King of Prussia, Count Nesselrode, Prince Hardenberg, -and all the staff of the allied troops. They arose -and embraced each other, as if the salvation of Europe -were achieved, and Napoleon tumbled from his throne. -The manifesto of Austria, which was the work of Metternich, -appeared ten days later. In spite, however, of -this rupture, Caulaincourt remained at Prague, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span> -chancellor of state still assured him he was ready to -proceed with the negotiation if France would agree to -the independence of the Germanic Confederation and of -Switzerland, and to the reconstruction of the dominions -of Prussia on a scale of greater importance. Napoleon, -still unwilling to give in, applied to Count Bubna, in -the persuasion that he would be able to exercise a favourable -influence over his father-in-law, the emperor; -at last, on the 14th of August, he gave his consent to -the proposals of the Austrian cabinet, and his answer -was despatched to Prague; but it was too late. Metternich -declared the impossibility of entering into a separate -treaty, and said it would be necessary to refer simultaneously -to the three courts whose political interests -were henceforth inseparable.</p> - -<p>Still Napoleon did not abandon all hope of drawing -Austria over to his interests, and he proposed entering -into a negotiation, even after the commencement of hostilities, -when the Austrian army was actually in motion. -200,000 Austrians came forth from the mountains of -Bohemia, and turned the flank of the French army. -Then the general rising in Germany took place; a -transitory lustre was conferred by the admirable battle -of Dresden, but Leipsic witnessed the last expiring gleam -of the French glory. By the end of 1813, the line of the -Elbe was lost, and even that of the Rhine was compromised. -All Germany was in arms, and the whole of -Europe had assumed a threatening posture.</p> - -<p>Austria had hardly joined the coalition before difficulties -arose in this vast body, agitated by so many different -interests. Some jealous feelings had already been -entertained concerning the title of generalissimo of the -armies, which had been conferred upon Prince Schwartzenberg, -and other questions were subsequently started -as to the object of the campaign. As long as the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> -occupied Germany, the most pressing anxiety was to get -rid of this heavy yoke. Having once reached the Rhine, -there was no confederation, no imminent danger; the -soil was covered with the wrecks of Napoleon's empire, -and Germany had recovered her ancient independence. -The sole remaining possessions of the French in that -country were some fortresses, which, after a siege of -longer or shorter duration, must revert to their ancient -sovereign. The house of Austria had ceased to be -afraid of France, but had begun to entertain some apprehensions -with regard to Russia. The Russians had -been taught the road towards the south of Europe, and -they were likely to remember it.</p> - -<p>In the opinion of Metternich, France, with a certain -degree of power and a definite extent of territory, was -necessary to the balance of power in Europe; and he -took care this should be mentioned in the manifesto -published by the allied armies on the Rhine. This -manifesto, of which the idea belonged to Metternich, -was executed by Gentz. Austria, being now free from -danger in Germany, could, without risk, lend assistance -to the threatened empire of France. The family connexion -with Napoleon was not yet broken; his moral -influence, it is true, was greatly weakened; but his -powerful mind was in its pristine vigour, and he was -still capable of making some daring attempt. These -long-sighted views were clearly displayed in the conversation -between Metternich and M. de St. Aignan. -Austria, already embarrassed by her position with regard -to France and Russia, would gladly have withdrawn -from a war which no longer closely affected her own -interests; but a principle, fatal to Napoleon, had been -admitted,—the allied powers were no longer at liberty -to enter into a treaty the one without the other. When -Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent, he gave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span> -additional solidity to this tendency to unite in a common -cause; and the implacable enemy of Napoleon, -Count Pozzo di Borgo, had been despatched to London -to request the presence of the prime minister of England -on the Continent. They were desirous of rendering the -alliance incapable of future alteration, for the first successes -beyond the Rhine had naturally given birth to two -separate questions: one relating to territory in the new -settlement of the boundaries in Europe; the other, a -moral question, as to the form of government which -should be established in France in case the allied armies -should take possession of Paris. The interests of England -and Austria were differently affected from those of -Russia and Prussia by the arrangements that might be -entered into.</p> - -<p>In the first place, what would they do with the most -important conquests? Russia was in possession of Poland, -Prussia of Saxony, and Austria of a great portion of -Italy. Should the Emperor Alexander attempt to set up -a sort of kingdom in Poland, the interests of Austria -would suffer. Again, could Prussia be permitted to enlarge -her dominions by the addition of Saxony? All -these questions were already subjects of debate in the -diplomatic body, which, to all outward appearance, was -still perfectly united; the most unlimited confidence in -each other was expressed by all parties, but, in reality, -interest and selfishness were the prevailing feelings. -Lord Castlereagh shewed great ability at this juncture -by constituting himself the general bond of union of the -coalition.</p> - -<p>With regard to the questions connected with the government -of France, it was hardly possible to suppose -Austria would agree to a project of a change of dynasty, -when an archduchess held the reins of government as -regent. The Emperor Alexander had entered into a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span> -private contract with Bernadotte, whose feelings against -Napoleon were very bitter. Alexander would agree to -any form of government that might be proposed, but in -the conference at Abo all possibilities had been discussed, -even one which might place Bernadotte at the head of -affairs in France. England, though well inclined towards -the Bourbons, did not make their restoration so -indispensable a condition as to render debates upon matters -of more personal interest subordinate to it. Lord -Castlereagh had explained this to the exiled princes; -they had not yet been permitted to land upon the Continent, -and the Comte d'Artois did not arrive at Dole -until January, 1814.</p> - -<p>It is particularly in this point of view that the history -of the Congress of Chatillon is deserving of a serious -study. At this meeting there was still an evident desire -on the part of Austria to conclude a treaty on the basis -of the balance of power in Europe; but, from the very -commencement, Metternich must have discovered that -the position of Austria was no longer the same as at the -beginning of the campaign. All moral influence had -now passed over to the side of the Emperor Alexander, -who had become the arbiter of the destinies of the coalition; -Prussia and Austria only appeared in the light of -useful auxiliaries, the principal influence and popularity -rested with the czar; he alone was talked of, and the -negotiations were especially addressed to his cabinet. -The military treaty of Chaumont, which fixed the number -of troops to be furnished by the coalition, was dictated -by Lord Castlereagh, who was afraid of a dissolution -of the alliance. It was then declared that the allied -powers would never sheathe the sword till they had -reduced France within the limits it occupied in 1792; -and, for this purpose, each cabinet promised a contingent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> -of 150,000 men under arms, England agreeing to furnish -a subsidy.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> - -<p>From this period Metternich found himself in a very -delicate position. As the events of the war gradually -brought the allies nearer to Paris, the Emperor of -Austria could not with any degree of propriety take a -part in military operations whose object was the capture -of a metropolis governed by the archduchess. Metternich, -who was in correspondence with Maria Louisa, -could no longer control the course of events, and, -perhaps, this princess, weary of seeing herself surrounded -by so much littleness of mind, avidity, and -folly, as were exhibited by the relations and supporters -of Napoleon, when the regency was at Blois, -might not have been sorry to get rid of her fictitious -dignity. The Emperor Francis II. remained at Dijon, -while the bold advance of Schwartzenberg laid Paris -at the mercy of the allies.</p> - -<p>A reproach has constantly been cast upon Metternich -for his conduct upon this occasion; how, it is said, could -he sanction a proceeding which rent the imperial crown -from the brow of Maria Louisa? I believe, at this time, -all idea of the continuance of the empire had been -abandoned, its time had passed away: there are seasons -when the force of public opinion carries every thing -before it, and now there was a sort of weariness of mind, -people were tired of Napoleon and his military system, -the string drawn too tight had snapped asunder. A -retrospect must be taken of that time, and it will explain -the resolution of the allies. It would have been difficult -to maintain even the regency of the empress, and at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span> -the same time carry out the military engagements -entered into at Chaumont. In France all were tired of -the war, a general rising had taken place in Europe, nor -would Napoleon have submitted to the degradation of -a kingdom bounded by narrower limits than the Rhine. -No doubt the regency would have been the most complete -triumph of the Austrian system, but what would -have become of Napoleon under the regency? would he -have resigned himself to so humiliating a situation? -would he not have been stifled in the small kingdom of -France? The proceedings in Paris were quite independent -of Metternich, who was not even present at -them. The Emperor Alexander had acquired so overwhelming -an influence in the senate with the patriots of -1789, that no cabinet, even of the first order, would -have contended with it. The archduchess had been -conducted from Blois to her father, Francis II., -without any discussion taking place concerning the -regency or the empire. Talleyrand had said, "The -restoration of the Bourbons is a principle; every thing -else is an intrigue:" and this expression put an end to -all negotiations that had not the return of Louis XVIII. -for their object. The diplomatic corps were occupied -with the Treaty of Paris, which produced the re-establishment -of order, the general peace, the restoration of -the Bourbons, and the settlement of the boundaries of -the French territory, which had been the principal -object and most important result of the campaign. But -this was not all; the immense empire of Napoleon was -in ruins, and how should these important fragments -with which the world was overspread be divided? -Might Francis II. resume the old imperial crown, -which he had resigned at the treaty of Presburg? In -spite of the strong predilection then entertained for -ancient customs, Metternich felt that the crown of Charlemagne<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span> -would be merely an empty title unsupported -by any real influence, and it would have been a cause of -offence to Prussia, whose jealousy would have been -roused by the existence of a German empire in close -contiguity with her own kingdom, which embraced -nearly a third of the population of Germany. With the -strong instinct which forms part of his character, Metternich -felt that, for the future, Austria, while retaining -a great general influence over Germany, had better -strive to become a southern sovereignty, having Gallicia -at one extremity, and Dalmatia at the other, and including -the Lombardo-Venetian territories, under the -ancient and magnificent iron crown. He carried this -idea into the Congress of Vienna, when the new constitution -of the European sovereignties was to be established -on a general basis, and he took care to bring it forward -again upon every occasion in which the diplomatic -system of Austria was displayed. This alone affords an -explanation of the extreme and constant solicitude -evinced for the possession of the Lombardo-Venetian -kingdom, and the constant tendency, both by means of -conquest and commerce, towards the shores of the -Adriatic.</p> - -<p>At the Congress of Vienna, Metternich exercised a -prodigious influence. The Emperor Francis had made a -great family sacrifice, by abandoning the cause of Maria -Louisa, and, in honour of this conduct, Europe fixed -the assemblage of the sovereigns at Vienna. In the -midst of balls, elegant amusements, and entertainments, -Europe was to be remodelled on a different basis; the -long conferences, which were to decide the fate of nations, -were intermingled with flowers and pleasure. Prince -Metternich, then in his forty-first year, saw the object -of his anxieties and wishes fully accomplished; Vienna -afforded the most brilliant spectacle; the sovereigns<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> -were assembled there, accompanied by a myriad of persons -of princely rank, with their families, their courts, and -their numerous suites. Love intrigues contended with -the more serious business of this Congress, which had -become the rendezvous of all the most distinguished -characters in Europe. In the evening people assembled -at the Royal Theatre, or in the brilliantly illuminated -saloons, where, at the gaming-table, Blucher was employed -in completing the ruin of his affairs, which he -had begun in Paris.</p> - -<p>Prince Metternich had the direction of the diplomatic -party, while the empress, wife of Francis II., received the -august strangers with the grace and dignity she was so -well known to possess. The splendours of the Congress -of Vienna left a strong impression upon the minds of -the diplomatic characters who were present at it; they -are associated in their memory with the fresh and -pleasing recollection of the days of their youth, and, -when you converse upon the subject with those whom -death has spared, they speak in enthusiastic terms of -the chivalric entertainments, the fancy balls of the -empress, and the <i>galanteries</i> of the sovereigns. What -brilliant parties were those of Lady Castlereagh, a -female diplomatist, as active as the English prime -minister in all negotiations relating to the management -of the world!</p> - -<p>In walking through the streets of Vienna, it was no -uncommon sight to meet the three sovereigns of Russia, -Prussia, and Austria, shaking hands, and giving each -other marks of mutual confidence, and yet the most -serious dissensions already prevailed in the Congress -concerning the territorial arrangement of Europe. The -quadruple alliance, as it had been settled in the treaty of -Chaumont, was nothing but a military convention, intended -to overturn the power of Napoleon; more a kind<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> -of plan of battle, or strategic stipulation, than a regular -and political negotiation. After the fall of Napoleon, -the allied powers resumed their natural interests. Thus, -on the question of German supremacy, Prussia would -naturally be inclined to side with Russia, and draw off -from Austria; England, to oppose Russia in every thing -relating to the sovereignty of Poland, which the Czar -had already appropriated to himself; and France, though -so terribly shaken by the late invasion, must endeavour -to regain some degree of credit in Europe, by keeping -on good terms with England and Austria. I must say, -to the honour of the eldest branch of the Bourbons, -that it always exhibited the most perfect dignity in its -foreign relations, and perhaps the critical situation of our -internal affairs was only produced by a fatal reaction of -foreign dissatisfaction upon ourselves. From the first -assembling of the Congress, private conferences had taken -place between Lord Castlereagh, Metternich, and Talleyrand, -to take into consideration the conditions of a treaty -which might afford a counterpoise to the immense -ascendancy Russia had obtained during the invasion of -France and the events of 1814. By this treaty, which -was signed in the month of March 1815, subsidies were -agreed upon in the event of certain occurrences, and an -engagement was entered into, that a fixed number of -troops should always be in readiness for the <i>casus belli</i>, -should Russia and Prussia attempt to disturb the equilibrium -established among the European powers, and, -according to a despatch of M. de Talleyrand, France was -to maintain a half war establishment.</p> - -<p>Metternich was the principal author of this secret -treaty, because, after things had been replaced in their -original state by the restoration of Louis XVIII., he -began to be afraid of Russia and her immense weight: -the question of Poland was the pretext. France manifested<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span> -particular anxiety for the re-establishment of the -King of Saxony, whose territory Prussia was desirous to -absorb; while England, on the other hand, but little -inclined to favour Russia, considered it indispensably -necessary that Prussia should possess very extensive -territorial strength, that she might serve as a constant -barrier against northern invasion. It was necessary -Metternich should combat this opinion for the sake of -Saxony, and he did so in a series of papers opposed to -those of Prince Hardenberg and Baron Humboldt. On -the Polish question he perfectly agreed with England: -at the bottom of Alexander's good-will towards the -Poles, there lurked an idea of political aggrandisement; -for, by making a kingdom of Poland, he well knew that -the portion of that country that had accrued to Austria, -as well as what had fallen to the share of Prussia, would -sooner or later all unite under one sceptre. On no -account would Alexander resign his paramount influence<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> -over Warsaw. Things reached such a pitch, that Metternich -issued orders that the Austrian armies should be -maintained upon a war establishment, while Russia kept -her troops in readiness, and appealed to the Poles to -stand by their country. Whilst Metternich warmly -opposed the establishment of Russian Poland as a kingdom -under any circumstances, England was desirous it -should be placed on so firm a foundation, as to serve -as an obstacle to the encroachments of the Russian -cabinet.</p> - -<p>Serious events already obliged Metternich to turn his -attention towards Italy, and here we must look back -upon events of a rather earlier date. As far back as the -month of February 1813, England had taken advantage -of some dissatisfaction entertained by Murat, and still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> -more by Caroline, Napoleon's own sister, to hasten the -downfall of the French empire. All the good people of -Buonaparte's family appear to have taken their royalty -in good earnest, and to have fancied they possessed some -consequence of their own, and might remain kings and -queens independent of the great emperor. England, -clever at taking advantage of these little absurdities, -reminded Murat of the example of Bernadotte, and suggested -the possibility of his becoming king of all Italy. -While Napoleon was abusing his brother-in-law in his -haughty and violent letters, reminding him that "the -lion was not dead," the English cabinet soothed with -the most flattering hopes the imagination of Murat, -who had but a poor head for politics, and every thing -was brought into play that could flatter the vanity -of the most theatrical soldier of the imperial era.</p> - -<p>At the close of the year 1813, Murat was already in -the occupation of the Roman States, making an appeal -to the patriots, for it was the custom of Europe at that -time to march forward invoking the liberty of the -people. To detach him from a bad cause, Metternich -had particularly recourse to a gentle and tender influence, -a pleasing reminiscence of his embassy in Paris, -and he guaranteed to Murat the peaceable possession of -the kingdom of Naples. After the re-establishment of -the Bourbons in France gave rise to the strongest -uneasiness in his astonished mind, King Joachim deputed -the Duke of Serra Capriola to the Congress of Vienna, -pleading his treaties with Austria and England; but his -envoy was not admitted to the assembly, for a negotiation -was on foot to replace the old dynasty of Sicily -upon the throne, a negotiation conducted by Prince -Talleyrand. Louis XVIII. had recommended the -interests of his family to the Congress of Vienna, and -M. de Talleyrand was to receive from the Neapolitan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> -branch of the Bourbons a rich equivalent for his sadly -compromised principality of Benevento. Austria was a -little unmindful of her promises, and defended her -engagements with Murat but very feebly; indeed, the -general bent towards the restoration of the former order -of things was so strong, that he who had usurped the -crown of Naples was actually declared guilty of treason. -In the English House of Commons, Lord Castlereagh -read a private correspondence, carried on with Napoleon -at the very moment when Murat was negotiating with -the Alliance, which afforded evidence of a double policy -having been pursued. Having become uneasy concerning -the resolutions of the Congress of Vienna, he made -vast military preparations, in concert with the patriots -and the secret societies, with the intention of assuming -the great crown of Italy. Metternich caused the -Austrian armies to assemble <i>en masse</i> in the Lombardo-Venetian -kingdom, where they awaited under arms the -coming events.</p> - -<p>The storm soon burst.</p> - -<p>Napoleon then landed in the Gulf of Juan to attempt -his heroic exploit of the Hundred Days. Matters -were in a strangely complicated state at the Congress of -Vienna, and Napoleon, looking at the affairs of Europe -under one point of view only, had formed a fair judgment -of the condition of the allied powers with regard to -each other, without, however, comprehending that his -presence on the Continent would unite them all in a -terrible coalition. The very name of Buonaparte filled -the old European sovereignties with so much alarm, that -they recovered themselves with the utmost haste, in -order to take measures for the general safety.</p> - -<p>They owed to the activity of Talleyrand and Metternich -the official declaration of the Congress of Vienna, -which placed Buonaparte at the ban of Europe, simultaneously<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span> -roused against the common enemy. The -mystic spirit of Alexander entered willingly into the -idea of a Christian alliance and a European crusade, -and Metternich, after the system he had adopted ever -since the rupture in 1813, could not depart from the -military agreement entered into at Chaumont. Napoleon -was declared at the ban of the empire by a revived -custom of the ancient assemblies of the German Diet.</p> - -<p>The pretended agreement between Napoleon, Austria, -and England, at the time of his landing in the Gulf of -Juan, was a romance invented afterwards by the -imperialist party. Napoleon, who was well informed -concerning the diplomatic state of things, might imagine -a separation of interests among the cabinets a probable -thing, but beyond this there was nothing. One of his -first steps was to endeavour to place himself in communication -with Metternich, and we again find Fouché in -correspondence with the chief of the Austrian cabinet: -they had never lost sight of each other since their -memorable conference in 1809, and their acquaintance -was renewed in 1813, when Fouché was appointed -Governor-General of Illyria. I have reason to believe, -that they had even then spoken to each other in confidence -concerning the decline of power of <i>that man</i>, as -the disaffected called Napoleon, and of the possibility of -a regency under Maria Louisa; in 1813 the subject they -would select for their conversation would probably be -the abdication of the Emperor, which was one of the -favourite ideas of the senatorial party. At the same -time Napoleon wrote to Maria Louisa, he despatched, -by means of some secret agents, confidential letters from -intimate friends of the minister, and even from a -princess of the imperial blood, between whom and -Prince Metternich a tender feeling had existed: and -finally, in order to sow dissension throughout the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span> -whole of Europe, he transmitted to the Emperor -Alexander a copy of the treaty of the triple alliance, -concluded against Russia in the month of March 1815, -and signed by Lord Castlereagh, Talleyrand, and Metternich: -his primary object was to break the powerful -union among the sovereigns.</p> - -<p>At this period, the Austrian armies had marched into -Italy against Murat and the Neapolitans, and General -Bianchi had obtained the most brilliant victories over -the wavering and ill-organised troops of Joachim. -Metternich caused all the fortresses of the kingdom of -Naples and the Roman States to be garrisoned by -Austrian troops; for he had decided, in concert with -the French legation, upon the re-establishment of the -House of Bourbon at Naples as completing the scheme of -the government of Europe.</p> - -<p>While Fouché was negotiating with Metternich a plan -for substituting the regency under Maria Louisa to the -empire, organised as it had been during the hundred days, -French agents were contriving means of carrying off the -child who had been saluted in his cradle with the title of -King of Rome. A great deal of mystification went on in -all this; there was even one of these gentlemen, otherwise, -too, a man in good society, who received a large sum of -money, but who had in reality no other object than that -of joining M. de Talleyrand at Vienna. Napoleon had -promised that his wife and son would be present at the -Champ de Mai, but Metternich's police baffled the intentions -of the French agents, and, with the politeness which -characterises all his actions, the minister conducted the -daughter of the emperor and the Duke de Reichstadt to -the palace of Schönbrunn, under an escort of the most -trustworthy servants of the house of Austria. It was -one of the most delicate circumstances that occurred -during the life of Metternich, a man, too, always remarkable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span> -for his attention to propriety; for Maria -Louisa did not at that time feel the cold indifference for -Napoleon which she afterwards exhibited, and she was a -party to the project formed for carrying her off, by -some attendants who had remained with her, but who -now all received an order to quit Schönbrunn.</p> - -<p>The Austrian armies proceeded from Italy across the -Alps, and took a part in the melancholy invasion of the -south of France; they afterwards occupied Provence -and Languedoc as far as Auvergne, their head-quarters -being at Lyons and Dijon. On the dissolution of the -Congress of Vienna, after the second fall of Napoleon, -Metternich repaired to Paris, to be present at the conferences -which were to precede the treaty of November -1815. Prussia and England had been victorious at -Waterloo, and their interest had proportionally increased. -In the negotiations of Paris, the two cabinets of Berlin -and Vienna acted in concert to represent the interests of -Germany, which were very hostile to the French nation. -The German population had been greatly irritated -during the gigantic efforts that Europe had made against -Napoleon; the secondary princes on the banks of the -Rhine demanded Alsace and a portion of Lorraine, -marked upon a map drawn in 1815 (which now lies -before me), under the name of Germania, as the representation -of Germany. There was a terrible reaction in -that country against France, one of those refluxes of -the people and the national feeling by which various -periods of our history have been distinguished.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, what organisation, exterior or interior, -did they intend to establish, to form a general constitution -in Germany? How could they restore to the Emperor -Francis the influence in that country which he -formerly possessed, but of which he had been deprived -by Napoleon? Germany had arisen with the double<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> -cry of liberty and unity on her lips. Unity! how was -it to be established among principalities of which the -power and the population varied so greatly, and who still -maintained the feudal principle in the midst of civilised -Europe? And liberty! it was an indefinite expression; -how could it be applied to so many different systems of -government, and to so many various localities whose -interests were so distinct from each other? The scheme -of the Confederation of the Rhine had been formed by -Napoleon solely with a view of increasing the importance -of all the petty states, and of inducing them to enter into a -coalition hostile to Austria and Prussia. Now circumstances -were altered; Austria and Prussia were the -great predominant powers, whose business it was to establish -their own influence, and govern the whole confederation -by means of a protectorate, more or less clearly -defined; Prussia assuming the power in the northern provinces, -Austria to the south. It was necessary, when -the fatherland should be threatened, that its mixed population -should be capable of being called forth to serve -indifferently in the armies of Prussia and Austria. The -unity of the German states was thus opposed as a -barrier against Russia and France, and served equally -as a protection against both those nations.</p> - -<p>Metternich, when he gave up the old imperial mantle -in the name of the emperor, obtained for him a more -real advantage as president of the diet; a number of -votes were awarded to Austria and Prussia, in proportion -to the importance of their position; and either by -means of their command of the army of the confederation, -or by their influence in the diet, these two countries -held undisputed sway over the deliberations and the -employment of the troops. No doubt, many little acts -of injustice were committed, and some caprice was exhibited -in the repartition of the states and of the contingents.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span> -Sovereignties were sometimes aggrandised because -they were protected by the Emperor Alexander, -and, sometimes, even by Metternich; but where are the -human operations over which perfect justice presides? -Since they were desirous of unity, this sacrifice of some -to the cause of all was the natural consequence of it; -and should it now be asked, what is to be the result of this -confederation, I reply, that Austria has reason to fear -lest Prussia should assume a constantly increasing importance -in Germany. The destiny of Austria henceforth -is elsewhere, her future lies in the south; Prussia -is too singularly situated not to strive to agglomerate her -dominions; she will undoubtedly do so, either in point -of fact, by means of conquest, or morally, by the influence -she will exercise. It is towards the shores of the -Adriatic that Austria will find herself indemnified for -the diminution of her influence in central Germany.</p> - -<p>The cry of liberty had been raised in Germany when -it roused itself against Napoleon; and the secret societies -of Schill and Stein still had representatives in old -Blucher and General Gniesenau. What did the government -propose doing for the liberty they demanded? -Constitutions had been promised, and representative -states were granted to some principalities, but, the victory -being once obtained, there was hesitation about proceeding -any farther.</p> - -<p>Now that experience has made us perfectly acquainted -with the spirit of revolutions, it is easy to understand -how, in the rapid alteration of political situations, the -promises of to-day are violated to-morrow. It is in -vain to imagine that these periods of transition, when -the people struggle for crochets of sovereignty, can bear -a comparison with seasons when the proceedings of the -government are calm and regular; after victory the -popular excitement shews itself unreasonable, and wants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> -to insist upon promises the government is no longer -able to perform.</p> - -<p>In 1813, during the period of battles and revolutions, -many things had been promised to Germany; but was -it possible to perform them in 1815 and 1816? Suppose -that in Germany, that country of excitement and mystical -spirit, the utopias of the secret societies had been -realised,—a political existence given to the universities, -and a turbulent representation to all the states,—that -they had granted them the liberty of the press and an -organised democracy,—would Germany ever have -reached the high degree of prosperity and public tranquillity -she now enjoys? We must take customs as -they exist, and minds with the habits they have formed; -we must not give a people institutions which would be a -torment to their existence without increasing their well-being. -I do not say that the governments of Austria -and Prussia acted rightly in not fulfilling their promises—I -merely say, that time alone can shew whether this -conduct proceeded from prudence, or from a calculating -spirit of selfishness. The events of 1814 and 1815 had -considerably increased the possessions of Austria in -Italy, and, as this was really a country obtained by conquests, -it was natural and necessary that an armed -surveillance should be established in the Lombardo-Venetian -territory, as well as a police capable of controlling -the provinces united to the Austrian empire. -The utmost ability will be required to slacken successively -the springs of this police, in proportion as the -victors may be more firmly established in their foreign -possessions. To have granted free constitutions to the -people would have been an imprudent generosity, for -this conquest, like those of Napoleon, could only be -maintained by military occupation, which it was desirable -to render as little oppressive as circumstances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span> -would permit. The Italians, a hot and enthusiastic -people, had driven out the French in the day of their -calamity; the Austrians should endeavour to avoid a -similar misfortune, and keep carefully upon their guard.</p> - -<p>Here begins the melodrama which has been cast -around the person of Prince Metternich, with the picture -of the cruel prisons and Piombi of Venice. I appeal to -the Christian sincerity and good faith of Silvio Pellico, -whether there be one word of real truth in his book, -<i>Le mie Prigioni</i>. Does he call to mind the terrible -Piombi of Venice, which, in his case, consisted of a room -on the fourth floor in the ducal palace, commanding a -most extensive view over the Great Canal, and for -which Lord Byron would have paid some hundreds of -sequins? He was deprived of his liberty, it is true; and -this is, no doubt, a deplorable misfortune: but had he -engaged in a conspiracy?—had he attempted to overturn -the established government? He avows that he -had done so, and in attempts of this kind a man sets his -liberty and</p> - -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i24">"Life upon a cast,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And he must stand the hazard of the die."</span> -</div></div> - -<p>The Austrian cabinet, no doubt, takes ample precautionary -measures, but there is no cruelty or oppression -in its system; and whoever has had an opportunity of -conversing with Prince Metternich ought to ask himself, -whether it is possible a man of so calm and reasonable -an intellect should be guilty of an act of barbarity -without even a motive for his conduct?</p> - -<p>The strict repressive measures upon which the system -of Prince Metternich in Germany and Italy is founded -occasioned a movement of reaction; for liberty, that -master passion of the mind, does not allow itself to be -crushed without making some despairing efforts. Far<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span> -from the secret societies having been dissolved in Germany, -they were regularly organised in the universities -among the students, and the heated state of their minds -was encouraged by the influence of poetry and the political -writings, which called upon the courage and patriotism -of all those who possessed noble hearts to lend -their assistance to the German unity. This unity, so -loudly appealed to by the young generation, was in -reality only a sort of federative republic, in which all -the states, while enjoying their individual freedom, were -to be united by the practice of virtue, and would thus -tend to the general happiness of mankind. The old -German sovereignties were obliged to curb these associations, -which burst forth in the assassination of Kotzebue.</p> - -<p>Metternich had just been travelling in Italy when -the universities distinguished themselves by this sanguinary -crime. He was loaded with the benefits of his -sovereign; he now bore the title of prince, and stars of -almost all the orders of knighthood in Europe glittered -on his breast. The state of fermentation which existed -in Germany had not escaped his statesmanlike penetration, -and it was solely at his suggestion that a congress -took place at Carlsbad, where severe and distrustful measures -were adopted against the organisation of the public -schools in Germany. The conduct of the universities, -the repression of seditious writings, the establishment of -a political police,—nothing was neglected in this regular -crusade, undertaken by the government against the revolutionary -feelings by which the heated imaginations -were then inflamed. After great disturbances have -taken place in a state, the sole anxiety of the government -is to check any disposition to disorder, and they -are excited to do so by public opinion, and by the -middle classes, who entertain a dread of fresh revolutions, -and with good reason.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the year of the Congress of Carlsbad, the Propaganda -menaced the kingdoms of Europe with a fresh -revolution. Let us observe accurately their situation in -1820. Towards the south there was the insurrection of -Spain and the Cortes, and the proclamation of a government -more liberal than even that of England; at Naples, -almost by a magical echo, the constitution was also proclaimed; -from Naples the cry of liberty was heard in -Piémont, and the king was deprived of his throne. In -Paris the disturbances were so great that the government -was exposed every evening to a change in its political -system. This year of 1820 might be considered as the -first edition of the stupendous event of July, which -took place ten years later with all the fracas of an insurrection.</p> - -<p>Austria was particularly endangered by these revolutions, -for the extremities of the kingdom of Naples -and Piémont came in close contact with her Italian -possessions. The people had declared themselves; the -sovereigns then became aware of the danger, and roused -themselves for their defence; congresses were held at -Troppau and at Laybach, and Metternich, without -hesitation, urged the adoption of powerful measures to -quell the revolutionary spirit now manifested; he was -so deeply convinced of their indispensable necessity, -that he opposed every kind of delay, and only required -the moral support of Prussia and Russia, declaring at -once that an Austrian army was about to march into -Italy and occupy Naples and Piémont. The Emperor -Alexander, whose mind was full of the dread of secret -societies and plots in Europe, lent his support to Metternich. -There was but one single instance of opposition -with regard to Piémont, and it is known from whence -proceeded these objections. To such a degree has history -been disfigured! It proceeded from the dignity of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span> -Louis XVIII., and the despatches of the Duc de Richelieu -and M. Pasquier. The revolutionary spirit was -breaking out in the streets of Paris in 1820, and the restored -sovereign declared to Metternich, that if the -Austrian army entered Piémont their occupation could -not be of long continuance, as France could not allow of -the Austrians upon the Alps.</p> - -<p>In this <i>wrestling</i>, to use the old expression of M. -Bignon, the cabinets had the advantage over the people. -Naples was overcome in a few marches, and Piémont was -occupied by the Austrian troops. The repressive impulse -being once given, a combined system was every -where manifested with the design of suspending political -liberty. War was declared by the cabinets against -all forms of government which owed their birth to military -excitement or to an exclusively revolutionary -spirit. Metternich was present at the Congress of Verona, -a meeting which appears to me to have been the -final expression of the will of Europe regarding the -spirit of insurrection. France was charged with -the suppression of the Spanish Cortes, as Metternich -had executed by force of arms the will of the allied -powers against Naples and Piémont. Here the cabinets -were again successful, the revolution was completely -suppressed, as far as regarded its power of action, and -only kept a place in the disordered imagination.</p> - -<p>All these acts of government, and all the proclamations -which followed the assembly of the Congress, were -the especial work of Prince Metternich. The Chancellor -of Austria possesses a remarkable flow of language, a -pure taste, and a noble manner of expressing his ideas, -even in a diplomatic despatch, where the sense is almost -always hidden under technical, and, it may be added, -heavy modes of speech. To him is owing the style distinguished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> -by the elevation of ideas, which always appeals -to posterity and to the justice of future times, -from the opinion formed by contemporary passions. He -even allows himself to be carried on too far by his -anxiety to express his meaning, and by the literary ornament -he is desirous of conferring upon the most -trifling despatch that leaves his cabinet; he takes the -principal part in their composition, he writes in French -with extreme elegance and precision, and he reads all -the newspapers regularly, even to the part which contains -merely literary and theatrical critiques. Those who -saw him in 1825, when the unfortunate illness of his -wife obliged him to visit Paris, were surprised to find -him possessed of the most exquisite literary taste. He -was acquainted with all our good authors, and shewed -remarkable sagacity in the judgment he formed of the -writers of our own times. One could hardly imagine -how a politician, whose life had been spent in affairs of -so much importance, could have found time to study -the most trifling productions of literature.</p> - -<p>Affairs were now settled in Europe. The governments -began to emerge a little from the undecided political condition -proclaimed by the Holy Alliance. From the beginning -of the year 1827, Metternich had felt some uneasiness -concerning the proceedings of Russia with regard -to the Ottoman Porte, which was likely to be productive -of extreme danger to the Austrian influence. -If the Russian projects were realised, Austria would see -herself deprived of her ascendancy over the Porte, which -was nearly as old as that of France. At this time Metternich -caused the French ministry to be sounded, but -he was hardly listened to, for the most decided negotiations -were in progress between the three cabinets of -Russia, London, and Paris, on the Greek question; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span> -here it is well to explain the refusal of Metternich to interfere -with the transactions which led to the treaty of -July 1827.</p> - -<p>Since the year 1824, the cause of the Greeks had -assumed a degree of consistency and a European character. -Every era has its policy of sentiments, and -people were now infatuated with a classic fanaticism for -the Greeks. No doubt there was something glorious in -the heroism which strove to burst the chain of the barbarians; -but the enthusiastic declarations of Russia, her -strong and pressing despatches in favour of the Greeks, -were, in their main object, less the expression of a religious -sympathy than the proceedings of a skilful policy, -which sought to abase the Ottoman Porte, in order -subsequently to reduce it into a state of vassalage. -Russia, therefore, applied to Charles X., by speaking of -the cross which had brought salvation to the world. -In England it roused into action the Greek committee, -and it was under the influence of these philanthropic -prepossessions that the treaty of July 1827, and the -battle of Navarino, which was the consequence of it, led -to serious uneasiness on the part of Metternich. This -minister instantly divined the full consequences of this -shortsighted policy. The battle of Navarino, by crippling -the power of the Porte, killed it, in a political -sense, for the advantage of Russia: it was the prelude to -the campaign of 1828 to the Balkan. Russia had succeeded -in getting M. de la Ferronays placed at the head -of foreign affairs in France: he was an honest man, but -rather Russian in his inclinations and habits; consequently, -Metternich could not draw France into a -scheme of confederation and armed league against -Russia. He was more fortunate in England with the -Duke of Wellington, who acknowledged the mistake -into which Mr. Canning had fallen, and pronounced the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span> -battle of Navarino <i>an untoward event</i>. England had -thus returned to a perfect understanding of which were -her real interests.</p> - -<p>People may ask, why did not Metternich at this -time decide upon war? how came it that he did not -at once take part with the Ottoman Porte? It was -in consequence of the fixed system of the Austrian chancellor; -he has gained every thing through peace. The -conquests of Austria are owing to her pacific principles—to -the species of armed neutrality which is always -ready at the proper moment to obtain some advantage. -A war would have compromised its general position in -Europe. Being on good terms with England, and in -concert with that nation, the Austrian cabinet stayed -the victory; it was gaining something during the Russian -expedition of 1829, but it was not enough.</p> - -<p>During this time events were advancing in France -towards an unavoidable crisis; the ministry of M. de -Polignac had just been formed. Under a merely political -point of view, this was an advantage for Austria, -for the Russian system had been abandoned, and they -had entered into all the English ideas concerning the -Eastern question; still a mind possessed of so much -penetration could not fail to entertain great anxiety -while watching so earnest a struggle between the political -powers in a country like France, which had been -accustomed to give an impulse to the rest of Europe. -It is said that Metternich advised a <i>coup-d'état</i>: does -this idea evince an acquaintance with the spirit of moderation -and the capacity of the prime minister of Austria? -A <i>coup-d'état</i> is too decided and too noisy a step ever to -enter into the mind of Prince Metternich: when a difficult -situation occurs, he does not attack it in front—he -turns it; and, when he shews himself very determined in a -strong and firm resolution, it is because people's minds are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span> -already made up, and there is no longer any risk in having -recourse to it. The Chancellor of the Empire was -too well aware of the folly of M. de Polignac, and -of the want of firmness of Charles X., to be ignorant -that they were incapable of conducting a perilous undertaking -to a prosperous termination. In the Foreign -Office there is a despatch on this subject from M. de -Rayneval, then ambassador at Vienna, who details one -of his conversations with Prince Metternich, precisely -upon these <i>coups-d'état</i>; it was much the subject of -conversation at Vienna, and the uneasiness entertained -concerning the system followed by M. de Polignac is -revealed in more than one despatch addressed to M. -d'Appony, the Austrian ambassador at Paris.</p> - -<p>Then broke out the revolution of July, an event of -prodigious importance. Europe had never been in so -much danger; for what were the ideas that led to the -eruption? Was it not the spirit of the secret societies?—republicanism -again triumphant in France, the country -which, for the last forty years, had been accustomed to -give the general impulse to continental Europe? The -Propaganda principles had for their leader that old and -obstinate spirit, General Lafayette, who again went to -make an appeal to the independence of the people, as he -had done in 1792. A few Frenchmen, and the tricoloured -flag displayed every where, might have caused a -general conflagration. What was to be done? A -young, ardent, and inexperienced minister would, perhaps, -have engaged in a war; what a happiness it was -for the friends of peace that Prussia was governed by a -wise king, whose mind was rendered moderate by age, -and Austria by a minister who had witnessed so many -storms without being frightened by them! One of the -principal traits of Metternich's character is his perfect -freedom from prejudice, either against or in favour of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span> -persons or events, so that he forms a judgment of them -all with a degree of superiority. He therefore awaited -the event of the revolution in a posture of defence; -Austria merely held herself in readiness, and military -precautions, combined with the renewal of political alliances, -enabled her to oppose a barrier to all the invasions -of a revolutionary spirit. This moderation was -carried so far, that, as soon as a regular government was -established in France, Metternich hastened to recognise -it, without expressing either dislike or predilection, -solely upon the principle that a regular government is -always a protection to order and public peace. Since -this time, Metternich has appeared to follow three rules -of conduct, which govern the whole tenour of his political -life. First, to enter into a close alliance with -Russia and Austria for the suppression of all disturbances -in Europe, and, consequently, to renew all the military -contracts entered into at Chaumont in 1814, -and Vienna in 1815; secondly, to combat the spirit of -Propaganda, under whatever form it may appear; and -this was a very laborious task, for the revolution of -July had not only dispersed mischievous principles in -Europe, but its money, its emissaries, its flag, and its -hopes, had been circulated in every direction; and, -thirdly, the Propaganda spirit having been every where -diffused, Metternich had felt the necessity of augmenting -both the military forces of Austria, and also her vigorous -police establishment. The executive government -has every where become more severe, because it was exposed -to more danger. Liberty has sometimes been confounded -with a revolutionary spirit in the system of -strict repression that has been adopted; and it was unavoidable, -perhaps, even necessary, in the complete overthrow -of every thing that had been contemplated.</p> - -<p>The empire of Austria is composed of so many different<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> -nations, that political unity would be as impossible in -that empire as in the Russian, which extends over the -half of two hemispheres. All that can be looked for -is liberty in their local constitutions, and in establishments -quite in accordance with the spirit of the States, -and more especially with their situation with regard to -the Austrian government. The most prejudiced people -agree that no country can be more peaceably governed -than the hereditary states; the other provinces which -have been successively attached to it require more active -precautions and a more watchful police; but civil -liberty, which is, indeed, the first of all, is even there -complete and entire. Let us not exaggerate; I do not -propose the Austrian government as a model—I am too -great an admirer of liberty and of the institutions of my -country not to remain deeply attached to them, but I -also give their due to the manners and customs of the -people; and we well know that there are some countries -that require to be governed, because they are utterly incapable -of governing themselves. When travelling in -Italy, I have often asked myself whether all these nations, -indolently at variance with each other, who possess -more genius than national vigour, more liveliness and -intelligence than strength and reason, could ever aspire -to a laborious liberty under the dominion of the greatly -extolled Unity, which must have been obtained sword -in hand—in fact, if this rich and lovely Italy, like a -charming coquette, was not under the necessity of submitting -to the rule of some one, because she has not -sufficient energy to master either her love or her hatred.</p> - -<p>The administration of Prince Metternich appears to -be deeply imbued with this sentiment, which has been -severely put to the proof by him, that if civil liberty is -necessary to all, political liberty is only desirable for a -few, so far as it does not affect the character and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> -safety of government. Protection should be granted -to talent, but it ought to be serious talent, which will -not evaporate in pamphlets; improvement, no doubt, is -desirable, but it should take place without turbulence. -The house of Austria has a great dread of noise, she is -afraid of being talked of; never striving after <i>éclat</i> or -clamorous liberty, she resembles those German professors -who amass a store of erudition and science in some dusty -corner of the university, and who only publish a few -scarce copies of their works for the use of the learned.</p> - -<p>The private life of Prince Metternich has been repeatedly -visited with domestic affliction. Mourning has -darkened his dwelling, and the distractions of the busy -world have not always been able to mitigate his grief. -In private society his manners are affable, and he enjoys -the repose of home after the fatigues of his vast -ministerial duties. A clever writer has observed that he -spends great part of his time in conversation; it is a -propensity indulged in by men who have seen every -thing—they take pleasure in <i>talking history</i> in their fireside -conversations, which are carefully preserved by -their auditors. And who has not listened with delight -to M. Talleyrand, when he used to give vent to his recollections? -Prince Metternich has written long and -curious memoirs, full of justificatory notes, for he considers -himself at the bar of posterity. His work is a -great one, and, as I said at the commencement of this -sketch, all the glory and all the responsibility of it will -rest with him. When we look back upon what Austria -was after the peace of Presburg, and that we contemplate -her now, greater than she had ever been, with her -public credit, her ascendancy among the European -states, the peace and the government of her provinces, -her civil and military organisation, and then consider -that all this is the work of <i>one</i> minister, who has governed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span> -the empire for the last thirty years, we may -easily form an idea of some of the judgments of posterity. -We are ourselves surrounded by ruins, both of men and -things; government, administration, ministry, every -thing, has fallen to pieces, and when, from the midst of -the wreck the revolutions have brought upon us, we -turn our eyes upon a countenance which has remained -unmoved among all the ravages of time, it appears as if -it did not belong to the present period; we look back -upon Richelieu, upon those ministers who laid down a -system, and then carried it onward to its completion.</p> - -<p>Prince Metternich has reached an advanced age, yet -he preserves all his faculties perfectly, with a ready wit -that is admirable, and a freshness of recollection, which -turns with extreme pleasure to the time of the French -Empire and his embassy to Paris during the reign of -Napoleon. We have all some favourite period of -our lives, and we love particularly to dwell upon the -days of our youth, before the illusions which charmed -us had entirely faded away. He always speaks with -great respect of the Emperor Napoleon, whose noble -countenance exercised an unspeakable influence over his -future life. Wherever that great genius passed, it left an -indelible impression; and it was by the desire of Metternich -that the remains of the Duke de Reichstadt were -placed beside those of Maria Theresa and Francis -II. in the vault of the Capuchin Church. It is a -fine idea of the emperors of Austria to choose their last -abode in the church of the most lowly of religious orders, -to humble their greatness before the poorest brethren of -the Christian church. The Capuchins have every thing -in common, among them there is no property, no distinction -between mine and thine. Babœuf was only a -plagiary from them without the moral idea of heaven, -which purifies and sanctifies every thing.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span></p> - -<p>The house of Austria is accustomed to be governed -by old ministers, and its traditionary spirit takes pleasure -in it. In politics it is often better to do well than -to do a great deal, to act after due deliberation than to -act hastily, and then return to deliberate. Prince Metternich -is not an enemy to any form of government that -has order for its basis; and this offers an explanation of -his conduct since the revolution. When the Propaganda -was heard every where, he decided strongly in favour -of war, and his expression to the French ambassador -at Vienna is well known: "If we must perish, it is -just as well to die of apoplexy as to be suffocated with a -slow fire; we will declare for war."</p> - -<p>The wisdom of the French government, its salutary -repression of every Propaganda spirit, maintained peace. -Since that period the Austrian minister, in all questions -of any importance, has preserved the position of an -armed mediator, with the invariable desire of preserving -peace, and what he terms the European <i>status quo</i>. He -does not consider the present time requires agitation, -war, or conquest. According to him, it is a season of -organisation, and, by the position he gives to his monarchy, -he holds the balance even, so as to prevent any conflict -between the north and south of Europe. He said to -me wittily one day: "I am, to a certain degree, the -confessor of all the cabinets; I give absolution to those -who have committed the fewest sins, and I thus maintain -peace in their souls."</p> - -<p>In this situation it is easier for Metternich to employ -himself in particular improvements. Austria is in a remarkable -state of prosperity; we ought to be proud of -our France, and it undoubtedly is a fine country, but, with -our national pride, we form singular ideas upon the state -of other people; and yet, among them also, we may -every where observe signs of very forward civilisation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> -commerce, industry, railroads, with pleasing and kind -hospitality, all are to be met with in the Austrian -states; without speaking of the intellectual movement -more sober, and as far advanced as in our country -of little romances, novels, theatrical, and literary -critiques.</p> - -<p>Men who like to bring circumstances together have -sometimes instituted a comparison between Prince -Metternich and Prince Kaunitz, who was so long at the -head of the Austrian government. Although these -parallels are always rather arbitrary, and that the -different shades in the human character are innumerable, -we may safely affirm in this instance, that there never -existed two minds more completely opposed to each -other; the only point of resemblance consists in the -duration of their administration. Prince Kaunitz, -altogether weakened by the ideas of the eighteenth -century, allowed the Austrian empire to degenerate into -a state of supineness and indolence. Prince Metternich, -on the contrary, has reconstructed and consolidated this -monarchy; he has retained nothing of Prince Kaunitz's -system, except its extreme moderation, and the traditions -of <i>status quo</i>, adopted after the great reign of -Maria Theresa. After Metternich, will Austria follow -a different system? Will the statesman that appears -likely to succeed him adopt a less prudent and more -advanced plan? We do not believe it. It is in -Austria with the ministers as with the heirs of the -throne in England; before their accession they aim at -popularity, and, when once at the head of the government, -they continue the proceedings of the former -reign, because reason and experience are of some value, -and that the magnificent part of Austria is to place -itself as an idea of pacification between empires which -would strike against each other with too much violence.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="M_DE_TALLEYRAND" id="M_DE_TALLEYRAND">M. DE TALLEYRAND.</a><small><a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></small></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p><span class="smcap">One</span> of the torments of a statesman who has played a -great part in politics is to see his conduct subjected to -the judgment of ignoble minds and the discussions of -people incapable of forming a just estimate of it. How -much has been written concerning M. de Talleyrand! -how many <i>bons mots</i>, and how many rude sayings have -been attributed to him! His biography has been made -a sort of <i>Ana</i>, for the amusement of idle people; he has -been represented as a kind of facetious personage, almost -a mountebank, abounding in all the little wit of society, -and of provincial towns. Few men have pierced through -the mysteries of that long existence; still fewer have -read in the wrinkles of this old man, and in his eyes, -still sparkling under his slightly contracted brows, the -secret thoughts, the powerful motives that swayed his -life, which was one of unity and system.</p> - -<p>If you have ever travelled in the southern part of -France, you must have lingered in the Périgord, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> -province which still comprehends the best and the most -numerous nobility of very ancient descent in the whole -kingdom. There you will on every side meet with -memorials of the Bosons and the Talleyrands, the -sovereign princes of the province of Quercy: the -keepers of the old records will recount to you the -exploits of the Bosons of Périgord, under the Wolf -dukes during the Carlovingian dynasty, who received -this name from their wild exploits in the forests. The -families of Talleyrand and Montesquiou-Fezensac disputed -with each other the precedence over all the -southern nobility. M. de Talleyrand sprang from the -younger branch of the Grignols, who were of the stock -of André de Talleyrand, Comte de Grignols, the youngest -branch of the Périgord family; the eldest branch became -extinct upon the death of Marie Francoise, Princess of -Chalais, and Marchioness of Exideuil.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> - -<p>I have been particular in dwelling upon the high -nobility of his origin, because it greatly assisted his position -in diplomatic affairs. Noble birth, however people -may declaim against it, facilitates negotiations with -European powers. Be it a weakness, be it a habit, when -a man takes his place as a titled nobleman, among so -many foreigners of illustrious birth, it is an advantage to -his position; he treats on a footing of equality, he -obtains more because he is among his peers, misfortune -does not upset him, because he preserves his name in -spite of every thing; he cannot be degraded, for revolutions -no more deprive him of the nobility of his race, -than the royal confiscations that formerly took place -could destroy the old family coat-of-arms.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span></p> - -<p>Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord was born at -Paris in the year 1754; his maternal grandmother was -the clever and witty Princess des Ursins, that eminent -person who directed the councils of Philip V. of Spain, -as her friend Madame de Maintenon governed the -mind of Louis XIV. M. de Talleyrand, being the -youngest of the family, was intended for holy orders, -according to the custom of the nobility, who devoted -themselves to the profession of arms, to the church, or -the manor; an active life was necessary to men of -family. There had always been a high prelate of the -house of Talleyrand, and this ecclesiastical dignity was -intended for the young Abbé of Périgord, who was -accordingly sent at the age of fourteen to the seminary -of Saint-Sulpice. One ought to have heard Talleyrand -himself, in his hours of gaiety and unreserve, recount -the pranks and first love-affair of the young abbé; his -scaling the walls, his visits to the roof of the house,—all -of them things little suitable to the serious profession for -which he was intended by his family. I think that in -reading his Memoirs in the year 1827-28, at which time -he was out of favour, he made some concessions to the -little philosophers of the eighteenth century, who surrounded -him under the Restoration.</p> - -<p>His ecclesiastical studies were limited; he occupied -himself but little with theology, but already very much -with business. The situation of general agent for the -clergy was given him by the custom of his family, which -was a very lucrative appointment, for he might be considered -as the <i>chargé d'affaires</i> of that great body, and he -exhibited great method and remarkable judgment in the -skilful application of the revenues of the church, which -amounted to above one hundred and thirty-six millions -of livres. The clergy met in a chapter every year, and -the Abbé de Talleyrand gave an account of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> -revenues, of the steps he had taken, and the duties he -had performed with regard to the court; his reports are -remarkably exact, with a clearness of style that is very -uncommon.</p> - -<p>At the age of five-and-thirty, after having attained -the majority required by the Church, he was raised to the -bishopric of Autun,—a fine appointment, which would -afterwards lead to the archbishopric of Rheims and a -cardinal's hat. The revenue of the see amounted to -60,000 francs, a magnificent situation for a young bishop, -but such was the custom of the nobility; nevertheless, -the bent of his inclinations led him to belong to the -philosophical society, and the followers of the English -school, which began to appear upon the horizon in 1789; -among these were Mirabeau, Cabanis, Lally-Tollendal, -and Mounier, in fact all the men who were dreaming of -a reform in France. People said wittily that M. de -Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, with his prebend and his -bishopric, looked upon himself as an abuse. At this -time people were animated with a glorious passion for -suppressing themselves; and when one recollects that -the proposal to abolish the titles of nobility was made by -De Montmorency, De Montesquiou, La Rochefoucauld, -De Talleyrand, and Clermont-Tonnerre, those illustrious -elders of the French nobility, one must honestly confess -that an incomprehensible spirit of vertigo had taken -possession of the French society. There was in this -something so insane, so eccentric, that I imagine the -ancient nobility must have been led by an interested -motive towards the suppression of titles: during the last -three centuries so many patents of nobility had been -conferred, that the really illustrious families were no -longer distinguished: there were too many titled plebeians. -Now, if all titles were abolished by a decree, all -this nobility of a modern date would be entirely suppressed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> -for it depended solely upon royal grants and -letters patent written according to the caprice of the -sovereign; whilst those who bore a historical name, as -the Rochefoucaulds, the Montmorencys, and the Montesquious, -had no need of deeds to prove their genealogy; -it was part of the soil.</p> - -<p>The Abbé de Talleyrand was in possession of his rich -bishopric of Autun when the States-General were convened, -and he was appointed deputy of the clergy of his -diocese to the Constituent Assembly, so remarkable -from its adventurous spirit, the boldness of its conceptions, -and its total want of connexion, and absence of all -kind of unity or method, either moral or political. The -Constituent Assembly was a great chaos, where the -opinions of men of talent clashed with each other, where -all sorts of extravagances were proposed in the executive -government, and all the ideas most fitted to overturn the -monarchy and the society of France were encouraged; -Rousseau's social contract was applied to a people -already old in its customs and civilisation.</p> - -<p>The Bishop of Autun shewed himself the most -zealous protector of all these innovations; he proposed -the abolition of titles, and vehemently advocated the -civil constitution of the clergy; he also introduced into -the public system of education all the ideas of false and -mischievous philosophy which the eighteenth century -had diffused in human minds. Along with the Marquis -of Condorcet, and Cabanis, he was one of the adepts, -and of the friends of Mirabeau, whom that statesman -and popular orator used to employ for the furtherance -of the interests of his intellectual dictatorship. They -were accustomed to meet in the evening at Mirabeau's -house, to prepare the projects which would resound the -next day from the tribune of the assembly. Without -being very well educated, the Bishop of Autun was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> -gifted with an extremely fluent style, and a mode of -expression remarkable for its clearness, and its elegant -precision: the ancient high nobility certainly always -possessed great natural talents; they had but little -information, and yet they were eminently gifted with the -power of expressing what they wished to say.</p> - -<p>The solemn festival of the confederation took place at -this period, a singular proceeding of which the spirit -has been greatly misrepresented: it was theatrical, for -such is always necessary in France. In the Champ de -Mars an altar was erected, surmounted by tricoloured -flags, upon a scaffolding fifty feet high, ornamented with -ribands, also of the national colours. Then came M. de -Lafayette, at that time a very handsome man, with his -courteous and somewhat hypocritical countenance beaming -with smiles, mounted upon his snow-white, slender, -prancing steed, and wearing the uniform of the National -Guard with long skirts and a three-cornered hat on his -head, as it was the fashion at the time of the American -War. He was then trying on his royal dignity. -Around him crowded the deputations from the Departments -with their flags; there were many drunken -people, as it was natural there should be, and others -tired with having wheeled earth from the Champ de -Mars; and there was a plentiful exchange of kisses and -embraces, according to the system so approved by -Lamourette. At the foot of the altar of which I have -spoken appeared M. de Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, -dressed in his pontifical habits, his mitre on his head, a -crosier in his hand, and with manners as elegant, as -much refinement, and as studiously dignified a demeanour, -as he afterwards discovered when carrying his crutch -stick into the assembly of the corps diplomatique: -kneeling beside him was the Abbé Louis (afterwards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span> -Minister of Finance) one of the curates, in his alb and -surplice.</p> - -<p>The mass was celebrated with due solemnity by the -Bishop of Autun; but there is a tradition which, for the -honour and character of Talleyrand, we will believe to -be unfounded, that when Mirabeau passed beside the -altar the officiating pontiff addressed to him some expressions -of mockery and irreligion, which must have -weighed heavily upon his conscience on his death-bed. -There are, unfortunately, seasons of youth and evil -passions, when people give way to anti-Christian ideas, -and at that time a degree of impiety was the fashion. -Was it not then considered good taste to ridicule the -holy and noble ceremonies of the Catholic religion? -Talleyrand took a part in all the anti-religious proceedings -of the Constituent Assembly upon the situation of -the clergy in France, and he was commissioned to apply -the civil constitution to his diocese, but the powerful -opposition of his clergy did not permit him to accomplish -his purpose, for the greater part of the parish -priests refused to take the oath. He was present at the -consecration of the first constitutional bishops, and, if -this devoted conduct was considered deserving of praise -by the assembly, it was regarded in a very different light -elsewhere, and drew upon him the excommunication of -the holy see. Pope Pius VI. published a bull against -the Bishop of Autun, in which he declared him out of -the pale of the Church, for having become an adherent -of the civil constitution of the clergy. This step needs -no explanation, such a constitution being in its very -essence subversive of all Catholic faith. It was a work -of the ultra-Jansenist party, and so thoroughly overstepped -all the established rules, that it allowed the Jews -and Protestants belonging to various districts and corporations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span> -to participate in the election of the Catholic -clergy. A bishop or a schoolmaster was appointed in -the same manner that a deputy was elected for the -National Assembly, for the whole electoral body discharged -their duties in the same manner. An absurd -principle of equality had levelled every thing; the people -appointed the mayors, the bishops, the parish priests, -the deputies, and the municipal officers. It was disorder -in equality; the levelling principle had trampled -down society.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand was the intimate friend of Mirabeau, or, to -speak with more precision, the great tribune made a tool -of him. They had lived together, and together had -prepared their works for the Assembly. The popular -orator had just been attacked by the mortal disease -which carried him off in so rapid and mysterious a manner, -and the Bishop of Autun was present when his -friend breathed his last. It was not as a ghostly comforter -affording him the consolations of his ministry, it -was not as a Catholic bishop pointing to a world beyond -the grave when those eloquent lips were about to be -sealed in death; M. de Talleyrand sat by the bedside of -the dying man as the depository of his last thoughts -and of his political labours, which led to the destruction -of the monarchy. Mirabeau had committed to writing a -work upon the equal division of inheritance among the -different members of a family, and on the right of making -testamentary dispositions, it being the object of the -Revolutionists to overturn civil rights as they had -already destroyed political ones, because it was well -known they were intimately connected. The Bishop of -Autun undertook to read the discourse of Mirabeau in -the name of his friend at the National Assembly, and -excited the most lively enthusiasm while repeating the -last words of the orator whose career was now at an end.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span> -The life of Mirabeau had been, in some respects, the reaction -of a mind filled with strong passions against the -persecutions he had endured as a son from the hand of -a severe and inflexible father, and his discourse upon -limiting the right of making a will and on the equal division -of inheritance affords the most certain proof of -it. The gift of eloquence was held in the most enthusiastic -estimation by the Constituent Assembly, it resolved -the greatest part of its business into brilliant oratorical -theories, resting upon the ideas of demolition, which -were the offspring of the eighteenth century, and as -Talleyrand had some difficulty in ascending the tribune, -he played but a secondary part at that time. He excited -attention principally by his management of business -and by his assiduous attendance on committees; it -does not appear that he had attained, even at this period, -to the reputation of taciturn ability enjoyed by the -Abbé Siéyès, and I seldom meet with his name in important -and brilliant discussions.</p> - -<p>When the Constituent Assembly had concluded their -work, Talleyrand quitted France for England. M. de -Chauvelin was ambassador there from the unfortunate -Louis XVI., and the Bishop of Autun received a commission, -of which the object was to draw the two -governments of France and England into a nearer -resemblance to each other, by establishing a system of -two legislative chambers exactly upon the model of the -English houses of parliament. There was already some -idea of a revolution like that of 1688, and Talleyrand -might serve as an agent for the attempt, for there was a -good understanding between him and M. de Chauvelin, -and a still better between him and the clubs of England. -But opinions travelled too fast to allow proper consideration -being given to the due balance of power, and the -sovereignty of the people had given rise to the scheme of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span> -a single chamber. Diplomatic business now went on in -a singular manner; instead of the clever and prudent -system, which since the commencement of the reign of -Louis XVI. had secured so many advantages to France, -so many favourable treaties, so many important annexations -of territory, the diplomatic corps now amused -themselves in encouraging the propaganda and spreading -every where the spirit of Jacobinism. M. de Talleyrand -had some interviews with the principal leaders of the -Whigs, and his intimacy with Earl Grey began from -this date. Shortly after this, being concerned in the -intrigues of Danton, he returned to Paris on the 11th of -August, and he always took pleasure in saying that his -not having perished on the 2d of September was owing -to the efforts of that singularly energetic man, as well -as his having been able to obtain a passport for England.</p> - -<p>As the course of events was progressing towards war, -and that the trial of Louis XVI. was considered by the -Tories as a total subversion of every thing, Talleyrand -received an order to quit Great Britain in virtue of the -alien act, and was only allowed twenty-four hours to -make his arrangements. In the year 1793 people were -in the midst of revolutionary excitements; he, therefore, -did not return to France, but embarked for the -United States, the country that was then pointed out as -a model, a pattern government, which the republican -party in the Legislative Assembly always cited as the -most perfect that political ideas could conceive, and -which M. de la Fayette never ceased to extol. At that -time two schools prevailed, the American system and -the revolution of 1688, both of which have been since -renewed and perpetuated both in men and events.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand settled in the United States, and during -some years he devoted himself to commerce, and engaged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> -in speculations with a considerable degree of -activity. There always was something adventurous and -bold in his disposition in money matters; to use a -familiar expression, no one ever made his fortune oftener -than M. de Talleyrand, without being particularly -scrupulous as to the means he employed. His property -in France was sequestered, it was, therefore, with very -limited funds that he commenced his mercantile operations -in the United States; and it was certainly singular -enough to see a bishop of 1789, afterwards a -popular orator, then a secret diplomatist acting as a spy -for a party of the National Assembly, finally transforming -himself into a merchant in a counting-house at -Boston or New York. The shades of the ancient -Bosons of Périgord, those great feudal barons, must -have been horrified and have indignantly grasped their -lances and their coats of arms when they contemplated -their descendant seated amid bales of cotton in a republic -of shopkeepers. In this manner do revolutions take -hold of a man's destiny, play with it, and raise and abase -it by turns; but the nobility had already accustomed -France to still more extraordinary courses: had not men -of noble birth in Brittany and Gascony become freebooters -and buccaneers under Henry IV., Louis XIII., -and Louis XIV.?</p> - -<p>A commercial profession in a country so distant from -important events did not suit Talleyrand's inclination, -and when order was a little restored, he lost no time in -soliciting permission to return to France, the scene of -his earliest days. He had left many friends there, -among the partisans of what was called the moderate -republic and constitutional system; such were Chenier -and Madame de Staël, belonging to the literary and -philosophical portion of society under the Directory, -who had regained some degree of importance after the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span> -Reign of Terror was past, for in calmer times the -different shades of a party become more evident.</p> - -<p>It was particularly to the earnest solicitations of -Madame de Staël that Talleyrand owed his return, and -we know that her influence was at that time very great. -Chenier undertook the report, and a decree was passed -revoking the rigorous measures that had been adopted in -1793 against the late Bishop of Autun; it was also declared -that he had not emigrated. Talleyrand had at -that time entirely left off the ecclesiastical habit, and -appeared every where as a layman. He enjoyed in the -world a great reputation for wit and talent; there was -something noble in his countenance, without its being -exactly striking; he carried his head remarkably well, -and his hair fell in curls upon his shoulders. He was -no longer a young man, still his reputation for gallantry -and for agreeableness in society had procured for him a -great ascendancy over some women of that period, in -the midst of that most singular society in the time of -Barras and the Directory, in which were jumbled together -men of high rank, contractors, renowned characters, -and courtesans. Talleyrand had brought with -him Madame Grand, with whom he had become acquainted -at Hamburg, and, by a whimsical contrast, it -was said no woman ever was possessed of less sense -or less intelligence. We know how many capital stories -were told of her in the Fauxbourg St. Germain, of which -even the republic was so much afraid. The reason is, -that the spirit of good society possesses great influence at -the time that a bad state of society prevails. Jests were -uttered, and the most charming <i>naïvetés</i> were attributed -to Madame Talleyrand, of which that regarding <i>M. -Denon and Robinson Crusoe</i> is, perhaps, the most inimitable.</p> - -<p>As soon as he arrived in Paris, Talleyrand joined the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span> -Constitutional Club, which used to meet at the Hôtel -de Salm. Many thinking people saw the republic was -gradually coming to an end, it had then but very little -root in France. It was no longer possible to maintain -a feeble and violent democracy, which gave way to the -most fantastic and extraordinary paroxysms in the public -assembly; people returned to the system of the balance -of power, and to the English ideas that the school -of Mounier and Lally-Tollendal had been desirous of -rendering prevalent in the Constituent Assembly, and -that Talleyrand had been commissioned to represent in -London, in his secret mission, in which, as I before -observed, there was mingled some idea of a revolution -like that of 1688.</p> - -<p>The institution of an executive directory had been -the first step towards an oligarchic system, where, in -default of an unity of power, a centre of action, reduced to -five persons, had been established. Talleyrand applied all -his credit to the support of the Directory, for, not being -strong enough at that time to resist or to try to overturn the -government, his only object was to draw some advantage -from it. He refused steadily to join the royalist party, -which, before the 18th Fructidor, was preparing the -downfall of the Directory; still less would he belong -to the Jacobin faction, for which he felt a strong antipathy, -on account of its construction and its inclinations; -accordingly, when the 18th Fructidor burst over -France, with the proscription of the councils and the -press, he was appointed to the ministry for foreign -affairs; and the <i>Moniteur</i> announced that citizen Talleyrand, -devoted to the interests of the republic, was about -to give a powerful impulse to our relations with foreign -powers. To accept office under a republic was a singular -employment for the heir of the Bosons of Périgord; but -then was not the heir of the Barras, a family as old as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span> -the rocks of Provence, the chief of the five directors? -A curious history might be written by following the -career of the old nobility during the French revolution; -they assumed the position that men of gentle blood had -done in former times during civil disturbances, every -thing adventurous suited the younger branches of a -noble family.</p> - -<p>We must now consider what was the state of France -with regard to foreign affairs. The Directory was at -war with Austria, Russia, and England; Belgium was -ours, we occupied part of Italy, and the rest was transformed -into little republics, after the model of the executive -directory; for there was at that time, as during -all revolutions, a great propaganda mania. Money was -the principal instrument of the Directory, every thing -was accomplished by means of bribery, and people made -haste to achieve a fortune, that they might afterwards -spend it in miserable debauchery. When a negotiation -was opened with a foreign power, the first step was to -impose contributions, and to demand secret presents; and -the minister for foreign affairs was a sort of agent commissioned -to receive all this <i>spolia opima</i>, which afterwards -went to fatten the friends of Barras and Siéyès, or -some women who invaded the saloons of the Luxembourg, -and presided over their sensual rites. It was -a time when modesty was banished; the state of society -resembled the Greek courtesans of the Directory, who, -while they almost dispensed with clothing, covered even -their feet with precious stones. Talleyrand began afresh -to work at his fortune, but, no doubt, he manœuvred -with too little discretion, for at the end of some months -he was openly denounced by Charles de Lacroix, and -was obliged to give in his resignation, after having published -a rather curious pamphlet, which I have succeeded -in obtaining; it bears the name of "Eclaircissements."<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> -A pamphlet written by him is a very rare book, -for he has written very little in the course of his life. -This little work contains an exposition of the conduct of -Citizen Talleyrand, from the time of the Constituent Assembly -to his appointment to the ministry for foreign -affairs, and is couched in very moderate language. The -ex-minister replies to his calumniators with remarkable -clearness and simplicity, appealing to the testimony afforded -by the past, during the whole course of his life. -This pamphlet excited a vast controversy. Citizen Talleyrand -was also impeached as an extortioner from the -tribune of the Five Hundred, even by Lucien Buonaparte, -and he was overwhelmed under the evidence produced -against him, with the view of applying the principle -of ministerial responsibility to his case. He had -great difficulty in escaping from this unpleasant situation, -in which he had been placed by rather too much -avidity during his ministry for foreign affairs. I must -confess, one of the defects of his character was his public -indifference to all charges brought against him with -regard to money; it often compromised his reputation, -and sometimes placed him in a very awkward situation.</p> - -<p>Having quarrelled with the Directory, we now find -him working with all his might for the establishment of -the consular government. Buonaparte had surrounded -himself on his return from Egypt with all the men who -possessed any political talent or any idea of order in society, -and he did not disdain the extensive abilities of M. -de Talleyrand. The Abbé Siéyès had no predilection -for the Bishop of Autun; there was an angry feeling -between them on clerical subjects; but Napoleon required -them both, he indulged in no feelings of repugnance -when the triumph of his ambition was at stake; -he therefore employed them both, each according to -his abilities, so as to render them subservient to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span> -designs. The influence of Talleyrand over the constitutional -party was not devoid of utility upon the 18th -Brumaire, and when the consular government was established, -the provisional commission appointed him -minister for foreign affairs as a recompense for the service -he had rendered, and Buonaparte confirmed him in -his situation as soon as he was proclaimed First Consul.</p> - -<p>A more extensive field was now open before him; -the consular government was founded on a principle -of unity, there was no longer in their relations -with foreign powers the unrestrained violence exhibited -by the National Convention, or the unconnected measures -pursued by the Directory. It was possible to negotiate -with decency and moderation, the relations of -one state to another were assuming a character of regularity -they had never possessed under any of the preceding -governments, and then commenced the great -diplomatic arrangements which were at last to bless -Europe with repose.</p> - -<p>The glorious commencement of the consulate was distinguished -by numerous treaties; at Lunneville peace -was concluded with Austria, at Amiens a covenant was -made with England; other treaties were succeeded by -peace with Russia and the Porte, and in all these negotiations -Talleyrand evinced great skill and knowledge -of what was proper and advisable. He placed the correspondence -between governments upon an excellent -footing, keeping aloof from the extravagant system -which the agents of the Directory introduced into foreign -negotiations during the time of the <i>Carmagnole</i> diplomatists, -who levied so many forced contributions upon the -pictures, the gold crucifixes, and the little property of -the poor in the Mont de Piété.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span></p> - -<p>These treaties were a great assistance to the fortune of -Talleyrand, being almost all followed by presents of considerable -value, according to the custom observed in -negotiations between one state and another.</p> - -<p>On these occasions the minister did not exhibit sufficient -modesty, I might say, sufficient discretion, for -people had a tolerably good idea how much he had -gained by each treaty, in money and diamonds. No -doubt there was some exaggeration in the charges -brought against him by discontented people, but I repeat -it, one great defect of M. de Talleyrand was an inclination -to play with bribery and corruption, and to establish -it as a theoretic principle, even in his conversation: -the stain remains upon his name. He held men -in too much contempt, and this is a sentiment which -society always returns with interest. It was now necessary -he should lay the foundation of a new fortune; -he entered boldly into various speculations: while -avaricious and economical in little things, he gambled in -the stocks with a perfect frenzy, and even lost considerable -sums of money in them. Immediately after the -peace of Amiens he had speculated upon a rise, and his -gain appeared almost certain, but it happened by one of -those caprices which stock-jobbing can alone explain, -that the public funds fell more than ten per cent after -the signing of the treaty, and he lost several millions of -francs in a single turn of the stocks. These caprices of -fortune occurred repeatedly in the course of his long -life, and explain the necessity he was constantly under of -repairing his fortune.</p> - -<p>The late Bishop of Autun had just been entirely restored -to secular life by permission of Pope Pius -VII. While the negotiation concerning the concordat -was in progress, the First Consul insisted M. Portalis -should write to Rome, and request a brief from the pope -authorising the secularisation of M. de Talleyrand; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> -the venerable Pius VII., who made so many sacrifices to -obtain peace for the Church, consented to the act, -though he rather exceeded his powers by so doing, as -according to the canon the character of priest is indelible. -It is said that this brief was not entirely explicit, -the pontiff did not establish a principle permitting the -marriage of priests; he merely, in virtue of his discretionary -power, granted an act of indulgence and personal -pardon to M. de Talleyrand for a deed he had already -committed.</p> - -<p>The ex-bishop had hardly laid down his crosier before -he was compelled to submit to the imperious requisitions -of the First Consul. Buonaparte, who piqued -himself upon his strict morality, insisted he should enter -the state of matrimony—a most grievous yoke to impose -upon a man of wit and good taste, for, with his habitual -tact, Talleyrand had been well aware of the amusement -afforded to the Fauxbourg St. Germain by the silliness -and ignorance of Madame Grand, and when she should -be legally invested with the title of Citizeness Talleyrand, -how she would expose herself to the sarcasms and -the ridicule of the aristocracy! But there was no help -for it, for the First Consul had decided it should be so. -The marriage was accordingly celebrated at the municipality -and in the church, and as people expressed it, -<i>the Bishop of Autun took to himself a wife</i>.</p> - -<p>The ministry of the First Consul now comprehended -two men of great importance, Talleyrand and Fouché. -The one represented at the court of Buonaparte the -ancient aristocracy restored—he was essentially the man -of diplomatic forms and traditions; Fouché, on the contrary, -was the representative of Jacobinism and the revolutionary -principle, which the First Consul considered -as an internal malady fatal to his power. A deeply-rooted -and continual competition could not fail to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> -arise between two characters who had been led to accept -office by such different ideas, and who met in the presence -of Napoleon as the expression of such different -systems. Both were men of incontestable ability, and -were constantly informing against each other, or, at -least, keeping a careful watch over the proceedings of -their rival colleague; in addition to which, Fouché was -very anxious to obtain the direction of Foreign affairs. -Buonaparte was perfectly aware of the hatred that existed -between them, but he was too wise to sacrifice one -of the ministers to the other; each served as a check -upon his rival, and he listened to the information they -gave him, quite certain that neither would allow the -treacherous dealings of the other to escape. It was -in this manner Fouché delivered to Buonaparte the -minutes of the secret treaty with Paul I., which Talleyrand -had communicated to the court of London through -the medium of one of his agents. The agent was sacrificed, -but Buonaparte did not venture to touch his principal, -because there was some danger in making known -the treachery. Talleyrand afterwards employed the -same agent in several subordinate negotiations; indeed, -it is well known that he rather preferred people who -were not much incommoded by scruples of conscience, -men of whom he could boldly disclaim all knowledge -if necessary, and who were content he should do so.</p> - -<p>We now come to the lamentable affair of the Duc -d'Enghien; and there is not the slightest doubt that -Talleyrand was as well acquainted as General Savary -with Buonaparte's determination to seize the prince. -He denied it in vain, for positive proofs exist of the -truth of our assertion; amongst others, his letter to the -Baron of Edelsheim, minister of Baden, which has been -preserved in an entire state. The following is an extract -from it: "The First Consul has considered it necessary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span> -to order two detachments to proceed to Offemburg and -to Ettenheim, to secure the authors of so odious a crime, -which is sufficient to deprive the persons who have been -concerned in it of the benefit of the law of nations."</p> - -<p>After the arrest of the unfortunate prince, Talleyrand -was acquainted with all the proceedings of this horrible -affair, and he was present at the privy council where his -condemnation was determined upon, or, at least, discussed. -I dare not believe the cold and laconic reply -attributed to him in the drawing-room of his old friend, -the Duchess of ***, the very evening the Duc d'Enghien -was tried at Vincennes. This reply was not only an -atrocious expression, but it also involved a degree of imprudence -which did not make part of his character. It -is bad enough to have been concerned even indirectly -in so fearful a crime.</p> - -<p>In the midst of the active negotiations in which Talleyrand -felt obliged to appear and to take a part, was -there a political system formed in his mind, or merely a -general principle? He still retained a strong bias towards -English ideas, and a wish for an alliance with -that country. This system, on which his earliest diplomatic -plans were based, was constantly in his mind; he -had not forgotten his residence in England at the beginning -of the French revolution under M. de Chauvelin; -he was also intimately connected with the Whig -party, and considered Great Britain as the political ally -of France against Russia, which last appeared to him, of -all the powers in Europe, the most dangerous, as far as -the civilisation of the world was concerned. He had not -observed that by her situation Russia is our easiest, our -most natural, and our most disinterested ally, for France -and Russia do not clash either in a political or commercial -point of view. But there are some early impressions -which never wear out, and Talleyrand had passed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span> -some of the best years of his life in England, and on -terms of friendship with Lord Grey, Lord Russell, Fox, -and Sheridan.</p> - -<p>He received the title of Grand Chamberlain at the -accession of Napoleon to the throne, for which event -his diplomatic correspondence had already prepared -Europe, and he had also entered into a solemn justification -of it to all the different cabinets. Napoleon -liked to be surrounded by people of illustrious birth, -and it appeared useful to the brilliancy of his crown to -have a Boson de Périgord among the officers of his -palace; it was in accordance with his passion for aristocratical -honours, and his wish to restore the old state of -society. M. de Talleyrand played a great part in the -first negotiations with Germany, before and after the -peace of Presburg, that peace which effected such a radical -change in the political and territorial situation of -the German nation. It was he who, with the assistance -of M. Reinhard, contrived to bring about the Confederation -of the Rhine, which made an end of the predominancy in -Germany of the ancient house of Austria. After these negotiations -were concluded, he received the title of Prince -of Benevento, with a real feudal authority under the protectorate -of France, which afforded him a revenue of -150,000 livres per annum, and made with his salary as -minister for foreign affairs about 500,000 francs.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The -peace of Presburg was certainly a most brilliant epoch in -his ministry. As the representative of the magnificent military -government whose grandeur overshadowed the -earth, he assumed a certain degree of majesty in his -manners and habits. The Prince of Benevento held a -<i>cour plénière</i> for the German electors, who came to request -from him a fief, or a portion of his supreme power. At -the summit of his greatness, Talleyrand's mind still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> -turned to the English alliance, and when Fox succeeded -Pitt at the head of affairs, he again conceived the project -of opening negotiations with a view to peace; he was -firmly convinced that no general peace could be concluded -in Europe without the concurrence of England, -and he was desirous a vast system of compensation should -be arranged, which might incline her towards pacific -measures, for no treaty can be durable that is not based -upon equity. But these projects were interrupted by -one of the most serious circumstances that occurred in -the whole course of his life.</p> - -<p>It has been said that Talleyrand retired from office -because he did not agree in the opinions of Napoleon -regarding the war in Spain. I have deeply studied the -question, and I believe this report to be utterly untrue. -There is but a slight approximation of dates between his -resignation and the treachery of Bayonne; it is this -approximation that has been laid hold of to gild the disgrace -of the minister. Talleyrand was, in fact, replaced -by M. de Champagny a little before the Spanish war, -but he took part with the cabinet in all the intrigues -which led to the events of Aranjuez. The reunion of -the Peninsula in one political system with France agreed -well with his historical ideas upon the family compact, -and several letters are still in existence from the Prince of -Benevento which confirm his participation in all these -events, as well as a curious report to the Emperor, demonstrating -the advantages that would accrue from -reuniting both crowns in his family, in imitation of the -grand political scheme of Louis XIV.</p> - -<p>The real cause of Talleyrand's disgrace was the active -attempts he made to negotiate peace with England independent -of Napoleon. The Emperor did not at all like -men who acted upon their own opinion; he liked every -thing to originate with himself alone. He got rid of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span> -Talleyrand as, in succeeding years, he shook off Fouché, -minister of police.</p> - -<p>There are times when men of consideration are a -source of embarrassment, when advisers are no longer -required: devoted servants alone are necessary. The -Prince of Benevento took advantage of the circumstance, -and as the Spanish war was very unpopular, he assumed -the attitude of a martyr to his love for peace and moderate -measures. He was always clever enough to account -for his being out of favour by attributing it to -some motive which might secure him a good place in -public opinion, and he then profited by his situation to -wage an underhand, but murderous war, against the -power which had rejected him from its circle of activity. -When he was no longer at the head of affairs for the -purpose of directing them, he took care to bring up the -rear, for the sake of causing hinderance and annoyance. -Nevertheless, his dismissal was now covered with a -golden mantle; he received the title of vice-grand -elector, with the same salary of 500,000 francs, that he -enjoyed during his ministry. The activity of his mind -led him afresh into commercial pursuits, he gambled in -the stocks, became a partner in a banking-house at -Hamburg and in Paris, he invested considerable sums of -money in the English funds, and awaited patiently the -course of events. To know how to wait is a great mark -of political knowledge, and it was one of Talleyrand's -favourite axioms, that patience often leads to favourable -situations: he never would be in a hurry.</p> - -<p>A secret opposition was beginning to form against -Napoleon, even in the highest ranks, among the heads of -the senate, of the government, and of the army. Fearful -of yet making itself manifest by any overt act, it only -ventured upon apparently trifling remarks and half confidences; -but people conspired in their <i>minds</i>, expressions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span> -were used, which were repeated as apophthegms and prophecies -of society. "It is the beginning of the end," said -Talleyrand, at the time of the disastrous expedition to -Moscow; and this just appreciation had been warmly -applauded. What a terrible opposition is that of the -<i>salons</i> and the gay world! It kills with a lingering -death, it upsets the strongest ideas, it destroys the best-laid -plans; it would be far better to be compelled to -engage in a pitched battle face to face. This opposition -was gradually increasing, and the police establishment of -General Savary, which tended more to the employment -of brute force than the adoption of intelligent precautions, -was incapable of restraining it; it was gradually -appearing on every side, besides which the men who -placed themselves at the head of the resisting party were -of too much consequence for the Emperor to venture to -touch them. Talleyrand and Fouché now did whatever -they pleased with perfect impunity—they were acting -against the Emperor, and he did not dare to shew his -displeasure. It has always been supposed that Napoleon -when at the summit of his greatness might have put -down any one; yet, great as he was, there were some -men too powerful for him. The day that he had -touched Talleyrand or Fouché, all the officers of government -would have considered themselves at the mercy of -a caprice; Cambacérès, Lebrun, Regnault de Saint-Jean -d'Angely, feeling themselves henceforth without any -security against a master whom they detested, would, -perhaps, have shaken off the yoke.</p> - -<p>As early as the beginning of the year 1813, Talleyrand -had opened a communication with the Bourbons. -The venerable Cardinal de Périgord, grand almoner to -Louis XVIII., was his uncle, but there was a considerable -degree of coolness between them; still it may be easily -imagined that it facilitated an exchange of hopes and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> -promises, against the chances of a future restoration to -the throne; but all this was done secretly and in strict -confidence, as the idea of the restoration was not yet sufficiently -matured. Talleyrand had never ceased to maintain -a communication through his agents with Louis -XVIII., who was himself at that time engaged in a confidential -correspondence with all the great officers of the -state, even including Cambacérès himself. Paris was -filled with these letters, notwithstanding which, Talleyrand -was one of the council appointed to assist the -regency of Maria Louisa, whom the Emperor had placed -at the head of affairs. He always exhibited the greatest -interest in all questions relating to the government, he -attended assiduously the meetings of the council, and -appeared the most zealous of the Emperor's servants: -the plan of the regency also was congenial to his mind, -and he would have been satisfied with it as a political -idea. He still, however, carried on an underhand correspondence -with Louis XVIII., who, with his perfect -knowledge of mankind, engaged to maintain him in his -magnificent position, to which he added a promise that -he should be placed at the head of the ministry. As to -the regency of Maria Louisa, it involved a project for a -closer alliance with Austria, and was suggested by the -most able men in the council of Napoleon, who were -desirous of exciting dissensions among the allied powers -by giving rise to divers interests.</p> - -<p>The misfortunes of war had now brought the enemy -near the capital; and, as the powers of Napoleon became -more feeble, people learned to estimate probabilities with -a greater degree of certainty: first the regency, then a -provisional government, and, finally, the restoration of -the Bourbons. Since the year 1812, all illusion concerning -the invincible power of Napoleon was over. The -burning of Moscow, the snows which had covered the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span> -grand army as with a vast shroud, the conspiracy of -Mallet, all had tended to place the imperial power in a -tottering condition. The negotiations of Talleyrand -began to assume an indescribable boldness; the plenipotentiaries -of the allied powers had fixed a congress at -Châtillon, more for the sake of appearances than to -discuss really diplomatic questions; and M. de Coulaincourt, -whose devotion to the Emperor was undoubted, -was to propose a treaty determining the -limits of France under the government of Napoleon, -or the regency of the archduchess. This was the moment -selected by Talleyrand to despatch a secret agent -to the head-quarters of the Emperor Alexander. This -agent, who was, I believe, M. de Vitrolles, was commissioned -to describe the condition of the metropolis, the -anxiety there was to get rid of Napoleon, and, above -all, the imperative necessity there appeared to be -for the restoration of the old dynasty, as the only certain -step that could be taken under existing circumstances. -M. de Vitrolles evinced great zeal and ability -in the discharge of this secret mission, which exposed him -to extreme danger; he succeeded in conveying to the Emperor -Alexander some letters written in cipher, and a -very detailed memorial upon the state of the public -mind; but—must I confess it?—the allies, who cared but -little about the Bourbons, did not perfectly understand -the scope of this movement, neither did they know what -might be the result. It was then Talleyrand exerted -himself to demonstrate that these two ideas, the ancient -territory and the ancient dynasty, were correlative; and -the same system had been forcibly represented at Châtillon -by Lord Castlereagh.</p> - -<p>The disaffected party continued to gain strength in -Paris. Talleyrand had made friends with several of the -senators who still retained some recollections of the Republic,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span> -and professed an especial hatred towards Napoleon; -such were M. de Lambrechts, Languinais, and -Grégoire, and the Prince of Benevento could rely upon -their assistance in any rising that might be organised -against the empire. At the same time he had collected -around himself the Duc de Dalberg, the Abbé de Pradt, -and a multitude of Royalist agents, who were in communication -with MM. de Noailles, de Fitzjames, and -de Montmorency, all engaged in secret machinations for -the Bourbons. The time was come when the Empire -must terminate—there was so much disaffection among -the citizens of Paris and in the provinces. Great -precaution was shewn in taking the first steps in favour -of the Bourbon restoration, and the greatest secrecy was -observed; as soon, therefore, as it was decided, according -to the instructions of Napoleon, that the Empress should -leave Paris, and establish her regency at Blois, Talleyrand -hastened to declare his intention of shewing his -zeal by following the regency, it being necessary he -should offer a pledge to the imperialist party in order to -prevent suspicion, but by a piece of duplicity, perfectly -in keeping with his character and position, he apprised -the allies of his pretended flight. Accordingly, Prince -Schwartzenberg posted a small body of cavalry at the -first stage on the road to Blois, which stopped the carriage -of Prince Talleyrand, and obliged him to return -to Paris, where the wily diplomatist also declared himself -compelled by force to remain. By this means he -was enabled to place himself as the head and the nucleus -of the general rising against the Emperor; his saloon -was open to all the disaffected, and he encouraged the -idea of Napoleon's downfall in a manner which charmed -the hearts of the Republicans; for Buonaparte's violation -of the constitution was the only circumstance that appeared -to occur to their minds. The ground was well<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span> -chosen, and Talleyrand worked at his ease and on an -extended scale at the ruin of his master; every thing -had tended towards it since the year 1812, and the -moral strength of the Empire was gone.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand's grand intrigue even began in the senate. -He well knew the simplicity and the instinctive repugnance -felt by Grégoire, Lambrechts, and Languinais, for -Napoleon, and he determined they should serve as a -pivot for the new order of things. Some of them -thought they were making preparations for a regency. -Talleyrand promised them constitutional forms and the -sovereignty of the people, those old visions of the Republic, -and they welcomed all these recollections with ecstasy: -there was not much difficulty, certainly, in inducing these -second-rate minds to act in concert with him. The patriot -party were the first to demand that the Emperor should -be deposed; they enumerated all the grievances, upon -which they had observed so prudent a silence in the -days of his prosperity; they fell upon Napoleon, his forfeiture -of the crown was pronounced by the senate in the -month of April 1814, and he was thus sacrificed by the -party which had obeyed his will with apparent alacrity -during the ten years of the Empire. Nothing is so violent -or so rancorous in its hatred as an assembly which -has long been humbled under a despotic rule: it afterwards -takes signal vengeance upon the fallen power.</p> - -<p>When the Emperor Alexander entered Paris, Talleyrand's -ascendancy over his mind was sufficient to induce -him to inhabit the Hôtel de la Rue Saint-Florentin, -an unheard-of honour, which gave an undeniable proof -of the great estimation in which he was held! The -czar occupied the apartments, still to be seen, with -the long stone balcony at the extremity of the Rue de -Rivoli. It was in the blue drawing-room in this hôtel -that the plan of the Restoration was organised, according<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span> -to the ideas and principles which I have depicted in a -work especially devoted to that purpose.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Talleyrand's -influence over the proceedings of that time was unbounded; -he induced the Emperor Alexander to reject -all proposals for continuing the regency of Maria Louisa, -as well as the loyal endeavours of Marshal Macdonald. -He instigated all these refusals, and had adopted a -maxim admirable for its clearness and precision, which -he took pleasure in repeating as a means of putting a -stop to all negotiations. "The restoration of the Bourbons," -said he, "is a principle; every thing else is an -intrigue." In after years, he forgot none of the services -he had rendered to the old dynasty, and, when out of -favour under the Restoration, he took pleasure in shewing -this blue drawing-room which had been inhabited -by the Emperor Alexander, and would repeat in a tone -of affected bitterness and ridicule, as if to brand the -ingratitude of the Bourbons, "Nevertheless, gentlemen, -it was here the Restoration was accomplished." And -then he would describe in his admirable manner the -proceedings of that time, and point out the spot occupied -by each of the party in the month of May 1814. -"At the corner of the table," he would say, "sat the -Emperor Alexander, there the King of Prussia, and here -the Grand Duke Constantine; a little farther off were -Pozzo di Borgo, Nesselrode, and Hardenberg—yes, -gentlemen, it was here, in this little room, that we restored -the throne of the Bourbons, and the monarchy of -1400 years." And this he would repeat with a sardonic -smile which marked his dissatisfaction, and perhaps was -an index of some future design of overturning what he -had so easily raised. When a monarchy has been restored -within the narrow limits of a drawing-room, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span> -cannot be supposed to inspire very great confidence. -Such was the secret thought of this great contriver of -events.</p> - -<p>Up to the arrival of Louis XVIII. Talleyrand was at -the head of the provisional government; all the responsibility -rested with him, and he had cause to reproach -himself with many evil actions which were connected -with the spirit of that period, for there are seasons when -the human mind does not belong to itself; it is hurried -on by the rapid course of ideas, it is imbued with a -spirit of reaction. Has the mission of M. de Maubreuil -ever been perfectly explained? What was its -object? Some people will tell you he received no -orders, except to prevent the crown diamonds from being -carried away; but other accounts tell a very different -story, and assert that he was intrusted to perform a deed -of blood, similar perhaps to that which had destroyed -the last of the Condés. I can positively declare that -M. de Maubreuil never had any direct conversation or -personal interview with Talleyrand. He took care -never to appear in deplorable circumstances of this kind; -and all that passed was as follows: One of the confidential -secretaries of the minister said to M. de Maubreuil, -in perfectly plain language, "This is what the -prince requires of you; here is your warrant and a sum -of money, and as a proof of what I say, and of his assent, -remain in the <i>salon</i> to-day, and he will pass through and -bend his head in token of approbation." The sign was -made, and M. de Maubreuil considered himself perfectly -authorised to undertake the mission. What, I repeat, -was its object? The time is hardly yet arrived which -makes it allowable to tell and to publish every thing; I -judge no man's conduct, I only repeat that there are -times when people do not appear to belong to themselves.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span></p> - -<p>On his arrival in Paris, Louis XVIII. appointed -Talleyrand prime-minister with the direction of foreign -affairs; thus leaving him the supreme charge of all diplomatic -negotiations, as a mark of gratitude and a -pledge of general peace. A treaty was signed, France -returned to her ancient territory and her ancient dynasty, -as it had been decided after the events of Paris; -all diplomatic questions of general interest were afterwards -to be settled in the congress of the allied powers, -fixed to take place at Vienna, where Talleyrand was appointed -ambassador extraordinary to represent the King -of France,—a mission he was certainly fully entitled to -expect. In the month of November all the French legation -arrived at Vienna, and the ambassador displayed -great activity. It was necessary to place France in a -favourable position, which was very difficult after all the -wars and the disasters she had had to encounter; and we -must do justice to the great abilities and exertions of -Prince Talleyrand, for, in spite of the state of humiliation -to which she was reduced, he succeeded in establishing -her in the first rank; it was also owing to his -intervention that the younger branch of the Bourbons -was restored at Naples. Louis XVIII. was the means -of saving Saxony from imminent danger, and finally, -towards the close of the congress, Talleyrand entered -into an intimate league with Metternich and Lord Castlereagh -to prevent the encroachments of Russia in -Poland, and concluded in the month of February<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> 1815 -a secret treaty with England and Austria, where the -possibility of war was looked forward to, and the necessary -arrangements made for such a contingency. I have -given the curious original elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span></p> - -<p>During the whole time of the Congress of Vienna, the -desire for an alliance with England and a feeling of antipathy -for Russia never ceased to possess the mind of -Prince Talleyrand; he followed up this system of regard -and hatred with the utmost tenacity; he even went so -far as to write, in his secret correspondence with -Louis XVIII., "that a Russian princess did not come of -a sufficiently good family for the Duc de Berri, and that -it ought not to be thought of, as the house of Romanof -could not place itself on a level with that of Bourbon." -This circumstance was never forgotten by the Emperor -Alexander, who from this time forward entertained an -extreme dislike for Talleyrand, and his aversion became -still more violent after the events of 1815, when the secret -treaty concluded in the month of March came to -his knowledge.</p> - -<p>Napoleon landed in the Gulf of Juan, and his rapid -march upon Paris excited the greatest alarm in the -Congress of Vienna. The activity of the French ambassador -redoubled its vehemence, for Napoleon had outlawed -him in his decrees dated from Lyons, and he in -his turn revenged himself by causing Buonaparte to be -placed at the ban of the empire. He took great pains to -obtain this result, the declaration of the Congress of -Vienna was his work, and it was he that induced Lord -Castlereagh and Metternich to sign it. From this moment -the coalition was in motion, and France was again -threatened with an irruption of myriads of armed men, -when the battle of Waterloo a second time terminated -the sway of Napoleon. When a power is at an end, all -attempts to restore it are in vain, it is merely the flash -that precedes the extinction of an expiring light.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand returned to Paris with the Bourbons, but -his authority was no longer what it had been. Louis -XVIII. had discovered that his plenipotentiary, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span> -Duc de Dalberg, in his name, had received overtures -concerning the possibility of the younger branch of the -Bourbons succeeding to the throne of France, and it was -not likely he should forget it. The king, with his habitual -sagacity and experience, would never have chosen -for his minister the man who had been plenipotentiary -at Vienna; but the influence of the Duke of Wellington, -which placed Fouché at the head of the police, also restored -to Talleyrand the direction of foreign affairs. -The cabinet of July 1815 was entirely favourable to -English ideas and interests.</p> - -<p>As long as Talleyrand had only to treat with Lord -Castlereagh and the Prussians, he preserved his ascendancy; -but how hard were the conditions imposed by -those powers! The Duke of Wellington had a regard -for him as the old representative of the English alliance, -and supported him with all his influence, which was -very great; however, in the month of August 1815, -the face of every thing was changed; the Russians -joined with 350,000 bayonets; the Emperor Alexander -took a part in the negotiation, and as Russia alone was -kindly disposed towards the house of Bourbon, as she -alone defended the integrity of our territory, and did -not exact the sacrifices required by England and Prussia, -she soon became the predominant power. The first condition -imposed by the Emperor Alexander, before he -would enter into any negotiation, was the dismissal of -Prince Talleyrand. He has since pretended that he -voluntarily retired from office to avoid signing the Convention -of Paris, that hard necessity to which France -was compelled to submit through the heavy calamities -which had fallen upon her, but this fact is as untrue as -his opposition to the Spanish war in 1808. He has on -every occasion striven to invest his dismissal with a degree -of interest, but in this instance he had unavailingly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span> -had recourse to all his influence with the Duke of Wellington -and Prussia to obtain the direction of a treaty, -and he only retired because it was impossible for him to -carry on a negotiation. He had submitted to every -thing, he had made a thousand concessions to the czar, -even going so far as to recommend Count Pozzo di -Borgo as Minister for the Interior; it was all in vain, Alexander -never would consent to see or to treat with him. -Had Russia withdrawn her influence we should have -lost Lorraine and Alsace, which had been claimed by the -Germanic Confederation, but when the czar took the negotiations -in hand, he stipulated for better conditions -than those proposed by Prussia and England. Louis -XVIII. took pleasure in relating the scene, at the close -of which he asked for or accepted the resignation of the -Bishop of Autun, and he described it with all the malicious -wit he possessed in so admirable a degree. The -king was quite delighted, for he did not at all enjoy the -imperative and arbitrary style of proceeding adopted by -his minister, who was more apt to request he would -affix his signature to the papers he laid before him than -inclined to consult him upon any political business; and -besides, though the king was a little of a free-thinker, -he could not quite forgive the utter disregard of the -laws of the Church evinced by a married priest. This -feeling was so strong at court, that the Cardinal de Périgord, -grand almoner of France, never would recognise -any dignity but that of bishop as belonging to his nephew. -The Royalist party, now very powerful, lost no -opportunity of turning him into ridicule, and clever -caricatures always represented him with the crosier in -his hand. They wanted to get rid of him as they had -already contrived to do of Fouché, the former regicide -orator. One day at a party in the Faubourg Saint-Germain -Talleyrand said in a loud voice to some Royalists,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span> -"But, gentlemen, you want to bring back the old order -of things, and that is not possible." The caustic and -clever M. de Sallaberry replied, "Why, monseigneur, -who would think of making you Bishop of Autun again? -It would be an absurdity." The shaft was well -aimed, and it <i>struck home</i>. In spite, however, of personal -feelings, the king gave him the appointment of -Grand Chamberlain of France, with a salary of 100,000 -francs, at the suggestion of the Duc de Richelieu, who -had declared in the royal council that, after all the services -rendered by M. de Talleyrand, the Bourbons ought -to present him with a noble mark of their gratitude. -One would think that Louis himself, must have remembered -that he owed the defence of his dynasty to him, at -a time when the Restoration was regarded with coolness -by all the cabinets of Europe.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand continued to hold the situation of grand-chamberlain -during the reign of the restored family. -He was not a favourite at the Tuileries, where he went -every day through etiquette to fulfil his office, standing -behind the king's chair with admirable punctuality; and -he was received with great coolness by Louis XVIII. -Charles X. was more kindly disposed towards every -body, and occasionally entered politely into conversation -with him on some trifling subject. He also performed -his duties at the <i>diners d'apparat</i>. The king was seated -at table, the grand-chamberlain occupying a small -chair at a little distance, and while Louis was discussing -a pheasant, or other game, with an excellent appetite, -Talleyrand dipped a biscuit in old madeira wine. It was -a scene of considerable interest, and used to pass in the -most profound silence. Every now and then the king -would look fixedly at the grand-chamberlain with a -sneering expression of countenance, while the latter, -with his impassibility so coarsely defined by Marshal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span> -Lannes, would go on soaking his biscuit and slowly sipping -his madeira with a look of respectful deference towards -the king his master. Not a word was addressed by the -sovereign to the chamberlain during the short repast, -after which Talleyrand used to resume his place behind -the king's chair in a cold, ceremonious manner, that reminded -one of the statue in the <i>Festin de Pierre</i>, only -with this difference, that the grand-chamberlain's mind -was filled with the most inveterate hatred, a feeling which -he extended to all the members of the royal family.</p> - -<p>In the Chamber of Peers he adopted a system of opposition, -which assumed a greater degree of solemnity, -from all the statesmen of the various epochs who had -been engaged in the management of affairs and vast negotiations -being included in it. He very rarely spoke; -indeed, I believe only two speeches delivered by him are -on record. The first was on the occasion of the war in -Spain in 1823, when he entered rather awkwardly into -the question and foretold a disastrous event to our arms, -whereas they were in reality crowned with success, -shewing how great a mistake it is ever to give utterance -to predictions in politics. The second time was on the -occasion of the law of election and the liberty of the -press; he then reminded the assembly of the promises -entered into at Saint-Ouen, at which he had himself been -present. He appeared at this time to be held in little -estimation in the upper house, and there were not above -five or six peers whose votes were at his disposal. The -case was very different in his drawing-room and at his -toilet, where he was in the habit of receiving a great -deal of company and listened to confidential communications -from men of all parties, flattering in turn the -liberal societies and the aristocratic coteries; for the -latter, especially, he entertained a strong predilection. -His fortune was now very much involved in consequence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span> -of an immense bankruptcy, by which his friend the -Duc de Dalberg alone lost the sum of 4,000,000<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> francs, -and he passed but little part of his time at Paris, but -lived at Valençay, or at his great estates in Touraine; -these were deeply mortgaged, and without the management -of the Duchess of Dino, who was a woman of -wonderful ability in business, he would, probably, have -been obliged to part with some of them. He occasionally -made an excursion to a greater distance, and once -passed a whole season in the south of France, in a -pleasant habitation selected for him at Hyères, in the -country of fragrant flowers, of vanilla, and orange, and -citron groves. His wit and noble manners are still recollected -with delight in that part of the country; and, -indeed, it is impossible to express the charm he infused -into the evening conversations at his house.</p> - -<p>His social existence was, in fact, passed entirely during -the night. He rose late, and it was near eleven o'clock -before he rang for his <i>valet de chambre</i>, who brought -him his morning gown. He was obliged to lean upon -his stick as he walked from one chair to another, until -he reached the fireplace; and he breakfasted after the -English fashion, making a very trifling repast. Then -followed his toilet, which occupied a long time, and -was almost public, according to the fashion of former -times, when dressing the hair was a perfect operation. -His servant put on his cravat, still worn with all the -pretension of an exquisite of the Directory, and he then -went out for an airing. After dinner, and to conclude -the evening, he generally joined some of his old intimate -friends, and played a rubber, very late and always -very high. He sometimes dozed a little in an easy -chair, for he possessed an admirable faculty for closing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span> -his eyes, and, perhaps, of indulging in a waking sleep. -His conversation was generally brilliant and clever, -sometimes very communicative, and he took great pleasure -in talking over the events of his life, dwelling with -especial delight upon the Congress of Vienna, which -had been such a brilliant period for his diplomatic -talents. Thus passed his life, full of a feeling of -discontent and a constant looking forward to change; -nothing was hurried, but he was constantly in a state of -expectation, or carrying on one of those vast conspiracies -which no one can lay hold of.</p> - -<p>At the time of the breaking out of the revolution -of July, Talleyrand was deeply irritated against the -elder branch of the Bourbons, whom he termed ungrateful -and forgetful of his services; and there is no -doubt of his having worked industriously towards establishing -a new monarchical system. He had a horror -of anarchy, power was his element. The time is not -yet come when we may venture to tell every thing, but -it is an undoubted fact, that Talleyrand was consulted -and examined on the 9th of August, and his answer was -altogether favourable to the new project. Did not this -revolution carry him back in recollection to the period -of the Congress of Vienna in 1814, when an arrangement -of this kind had been suggested by him as a -possible event and a means of solving a difficulty should -such occur? Some secret conferences were held on this -delicate subject; Talleyrand took upon himself the negotiation -with the <i>corps diplomatique</i>, and also the duty -of setting clearly before them that the peace of Europe -depended upon the establishment of a monarchy in -France,—a vast undertaking, to which a prince of very -superior abilities was willing to devote himself. Talleyrand -succeeded in the object he had in view; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span> -despatches of the ambassadors were all in favour of -royalty, it was considered as a guarantee of the principle -of order in Europe, as an efficacious means of -repressing the revolutionary spirit, and maintaining the -treaties already concluded—in short, as the strongest opposition -to the Propaganda tendency, and the most serious -scheme of general conservatism.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand at this time refused the ministry for foreign -affairs, as it would merely have added to his responsibility -without increasing his power of action; but he -accepted the embassy to London, which was a much -more important office, as affairs of the greatest consequence -would necessarily come under consideration there, -it being upon the prompt decision of this cabinet that -must mainly depend the consolidation of the new order -of things; for, although England had been the first to -recognise the events that had taken place, she had shewn -some disposition to reserve regarding an alliance with -the new government. The affairs of Belgium occasioned -so much difficulty in the negotiations, and added so -greatly to the danger of the political crisis, that it was -necessary a person possessed both of talent and great -consideration should be deputed to London, to secure -the support of the English cabinet in the negotiations -that had been begun, especially as the despatches received -from Russia rendered the necessity for a good -understanding with England particularly urgent.</p> - -<p>When Talleyrand arrived in London, the Duke of -Wellington was still in the ministry, and the violent -Tories had the direction of the cabinet,—a state of affairs -which prevented his carrying on his manœuvres as he -wished; he was perfectly aware of the attachment of the -Tories to the secret treaties concluded in 1815, and, -therefore, used all his efforts to overturn the Duke of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span> -Wellington. He also renewed his old intimacy with -Lord Grey, he sought the society of Lord John Russell, -and lived in a most magnificent style.</p> - -<p>The revolution of July had produced an effect in -England; the march of opinion became too powerful for -the Tories, and Lord Grey was placed at the head of the -cabinet, affording a complete triumph to the moderate -Whigs. The course being now clear, Talleyrand could -assume the position he wished: and hard had he laboured -to prepare it! He now was able to work openly -for a treaty with France.</p> - -<p>It ought to be known that, during the embassy of -Prince Polignac, a conference had been arranged in -London between the plenipotentiaries of Russia, England, -and France, to decide upon all the questions relating -to Greece; and the same course had been pursued -afterwards, under the Duc de Laval. England attached -great importance to it, and Talleyrand proposed its renewal, -for the purpose of watching and deciding upon the -general affairs of Europe, and also advised that the plenipotentiaries -of Austria and Prussia should be admitted. -They were to take the Belgic question into consideration, -and decide what course should be pursued, in consequence -of the dismemberment of the kingdom of the Low -Countries, established in 1815; and Talleyrand being -personally acquainted with all these plenipotentiaries, -his position soon became as brilliant in London as it -had been at Vienna in 1815. He was connected with -Prince and Princess Lieven by the ties of old and intimate -friendship, and the families of Talleyrand and -Esterhazy had also long been well acquainted: Baron -Bulow, the Prussian minister, was one of the second-rate -diplomatists, who all entertained the greatest respect -for Talleyrand and his long experience in public -affairs.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span></p> - -<p>Conferences were, therefore, undertaken upon very -indefinite subjects, for their principal object was to seek -the opportunity of meeting and maintaining peace. No -doubt there was something very undecided in the numerous -protocols signed at that time upon the affairs of -Belgium, and the greater part of them were never put -in force. In addition to this, though they had been the -result of a common agreement, the Russian and Austrian -plenipotentiaries never received the formal assent of their -governments: the conduct of Prince Lieven and Prince -Esterhazy was, in the first instance, disclaimed on the -part of their courts, and they were shortly afterwards -recalled; but the result of these conferences -in London, the happy consequences of their developement, -was the maintenance of peace, whose existence had -at one time been greatly threatened. In 1831, when -the foreign ministers met in such close communication -with each other, it was almost impossible explanations -should not take place, and that there should be any -misapprehension between the governments; the proceedings -of Talleyrand were, therefore, successful; for -his main object was the preservation of the European -<i>status quo</i>, by preventing those conflicts among the -cabinets, those clashings among people, which fill history -with tales of bloodshed; and the conferences in London -were of service, because the close contact into which men -were brought with each other was a means of reconciling -affairs.</p> - -<p>According to his general custom, the French ambassador -received a great deal of company; his entertainments -were splendid; his evening parties, in particular, -were remarkable for the good taste and distinguished -company so much prized in England. I should not -exceed the truth if I were to say that his wishes influenced -certain votes in the House of Commons. No ambassador<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span> -had ever before enjoyed so much consideration. -But Lord Grey was aware of an approaching storm: -the difficulty of his political situation had not consisted -in overturning the Tory ministry—that was a simple and -natural victory, for the agitation of minds and events -had been sufficient to displace the Duke of Wellington, -but the really dangerous part of Lord Grey's position -was, on the contrary, the inevitable and powerful progress -of the Whig principles, which sought to proceed -to extremities; for when a nation lays its hand upon its -ancient institutions, one change often leads to another. -After having reformed the state, and given a greater -latitude to elections, must they not reform the Church? -did not the situation of Ireland require modification? -The Dissenters complained, and with justice, of their -grievances; it would have been an absurd attempt to set -a limit to a reformed parliament, to say to the nation -"Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther." The parliament -became impatient, while religious scruples arose in -the mind of Lord Grey, in the old party of which -Canning was formerly the head, now represented by -Mr. Stanley, and, above all, in the heart of William the -Fourth.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand was as well aware of the danger as Lord -Grey himself, for he well knew the powerful influence -exercised by young and ardent opinions; it soon became -impossible to arrest the parliamentary agitation. The -venerable Lord Grey was suddenly seized with disgust -for the whole proceeding; he would not raise a sacrilegious -hand against the Church; he sent in his resignation, -and England well remembers the touching explanations -he gave upon his own ministerial conduct in -the House of Lords. From the time of the appointment -of Lord Melbourne, the French ambassador foresaw the -invincible tendency of affairs, the triumph of the Ultra-Whigs,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> -and, perhaps, of Lord Durham,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> and began to -think of retiring, for he no longer played the principal -part, of which he was always ambitious.</p> - -<p>Another circumstance added to this feeling. In the -revolution just encountered by the ministry, Lord Palmerston -had still retained the Foreign Office, his opinions -being of a less moderate cast than those of Lord Grey; -and as his disposition was one rather difficult to deal -with, serious dissensions had already arisen between him -and Talleyrand. From the first formation of their -ministry, the Whigs had felt the necessity of augmenting -their consideration with foreign powers; they were not -ignorant that the English nation, which preferred them -for their popular opinions and their patriotic sentiments, -did not feel equal confidence in their habits of business -and their comprehension of the situation of Europe. -Lord Palmerston considered that, after the treaty of the -8th of July, which secured such great advantages to -Russia, a certain armed demonstration was inevitable -upon the Eastern question, and he, therefore, proposed -to Talleyrand that the squadrons of France and England -should be united, and sail under the flags of both nations -in the Black Sea.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand perfectly understood the interest felt by -the Whigs in this armed demonstration, but he considered -it far too bold a step to be ventured upon in -their actual situation. As a continental power, France -might well call upon the alliance of England if necessary, -or, on the other hand, afford to her all possible assistance; -but then the whole of the Holy Alliance was -close upon her, and this demonstration might lead to a -real war. In the opinion of Talleyrand it was necessary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span> -to fortify the moral alliance, and place a barrier to resist -the encroachments of Russia; but it would be a hazardous -undertaking to make a direct attack on her flag in -the Black Sea. He, therefore, held back from the propositions -of Lord Palmerston: he explained to him that, -instead of an armed demonstration, which would be of -doubtful advantage, nay, possibly altogether useless, it -would be desirable to prepare an act, expressive of future -policy; and made it evident to him that a treaty of -quadruple alliance, which would unite the south of -Europe against the north, could not fail to lead to great -results, even in the midst of the various but transient -events of a party war. The treaty concluded between -France, England, Spain, and Portugal, owed its existence -to this idea, this favourite conception of Prince -Talleyrand; he would, however, have been much better -pleased could he have also included Austria, according -to the desire he had cherished in his mind ever since -1814.</p> - -<p>Lord Palmerston entered into Talleyrand's plans. -England confined herself to a few nautical parades in -the Black Sea, but from this time a coldness sprung up -between the two diplomatists. The English minister is -a person of very irritable temper, touchy, and of a -changeable disposition, and Talleyrand took a great dislike -to him; and as, on the other side, the cabinet of -which Lord Melbourne was the chief was drawn on -from one concession to another, he soon resolved to leave -England. It was announced that his health was failing, -and he went into the country to seek peace in retirement. -Like Pythagoras when the thunder is heard -from afar, Talleyrand preferred the desert and the echo. -During his last journey to Paris he became friends with -Count Pozzo di Borgo, that is to say, with the Russian -idea. The two diplomatists did not venture as yet to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span> -hold any official communications, but they often met in -little mysterious banquets, in a diplomatic retreat at -Bellevue.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand quitted London, popular clamour was a -source of annoyance to him; it was no longer a dispute -between one portion of the aristocracy and another, from -henceforth it appeared to be the people against the -aristocracy itself: and the stake was too great. He therefore -left England definitively for Valençay, explaining, -in a most dignified letter, the reason of his retirement. -There is a period with politicians when they begin to -live for posterity; they then all seek an opportunity of -explaining themselves, of laying open their conduct, and -striving to rectify the judgment of future times—they -feel a desire of revealing themselves solemnly to the -public; and such was the motive which induced Talleyrand -to speak at a meeting of the French Institute. He -said but a few words on the occasion of an <i>éloge</i> that -had been pronounced, but those few afforded an explanation -of the motives that had actuated a long and -busy political life, passed in the midst of governments, -passions, and parties.</p> - -<p>After this time Talleyrand lived either in Paris or on -his estates in the country, and was always consulted -with the most profound veneration by all the thinking -heads of government. He at one time had some idea of -going to Vienna to accomplish a plan suggested by the -Duchess de Dino, which would unite the two families of -Talleyrand and Esterhazy. The latter, it is well known, -is the richest family in Austria, and during the last seven -years Madame de Dino had paid great attention to her -uncle's affairs, and had been so successful in her management -that his property was quite free from debt, and -one of the most considerable of the present day. The -fortune of M. de Talleyrand, after so many reverses, is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span> -said almost to resemble one of the fairy tales in the -"Arabian Nights."</p> - -<p>There are few political characters with whom the -press has been more busy than with Prince Talleyrand, -during the latter years of his life. Every step he took, -every gesture, every action, was made the subject of -the most contradictory reports. He had now attained -his eighty-fourth year, and it was evident his faculties -were beginning to suffer considerably from his advanced -age. He was merely the shadow of his former self. -Every now and then there would be a gleam of his -powerful intellect, but they would soon disappear again -in the weakness caused by extreme age, and so busy and -exhausted a life. He could no longer walk a single -step, but was carried about or wheeled in a chair, and -the slightest jolt drew from him tears of suffering—most -miserable resemblance that exists between decrepitude -and childhood! In fact, his career was come to an -end, though they in vain strove to prolong it by endeavouring -to rouse him.</p> - -<p>That career had indeed been marvellous, and though -Prince Talleyrand be reproached with the constant -changeableness of his opinions, we may observe the -same principle predominant under all circumstances—the -alliance with England. I have selected the Duc de -Richelieu as the type of the Russian alliance, and in -comparing the services of these two political characters, -we shall easily discover that the duke did more service -to his country during the short time that he held the -reins of government than Prince Talleyrand in his -lengthened career, because Richelieu had adopted a more -national plan, one more favourable to our foreign interests. -Talleyrand never was subservient to any particular -government or doctrine. He had a sort of personal -feeling which degenerated into selfishness. He did not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span> -betray Napoleon in the literal sense of the word, he only -quitted him in time; neither did he actually betray the -Restoration, he abandoned it when it was abandoning -itself. No doubt there is a good deal of selfishness in -this system, whose first thought is of its own situation -and fortune, and afterwards of the government it serves; -but, perhaps, it is hardly to be expected we should find -in men of very great talent the degree of self-denial -which leads to a blind devotion towards a person or a -cause. Talleyrand was a little inclined to apply to -himself the expressions he was accustomed to address to -his <i>employés</i> when he was minister for foreign affairs: -"There are two things, gentlemen, which I forbid in the -most positive manner,—too much zeal and too absolute -devotion, because they compromise both persons and -affairs." Such was the mind of Talleyrand; with a -cold heart and barren imagination, he was compared to -a real tactician, judging men and parties with mathematical -precision. He reserved all his activity for the -decisive moments which overturned thrones and governments, -when he considered prompt action as of importance. -In revolutions his experience had been very -great; he immediately understood the value of a situation, -and decided upon it by an apophthegm, which at once -struck home. His was, perhaps, the mind which was -most capable of foreseeing, least able to prevent, and -most skilled in deriving advantage from the different -phases of empires.</p> - -<p>But now his life was drawing to a close, and symptoms -of approaching death appeared on every side. For a -long time he had been afflicted with a painful complaint, -which he bore with less resignation than he had exhibited -under political events; the attacks were very -violent, and the prince became subject to constant fainting -fits—warning symptoms of the approach of his last<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> -enemy. The total decay of Talleyrand was apparent to -every body; the sharpness and delicacy of his wit every -now and then shot forth a dying gleam, but the <i>man</i> was -at an end. His visits to the Tuileries were a most melancholy -spectacle, a sad memorial of the nothingness of -human greatness. Alas! that vast intellect was fast -sinking into second childhood. His complaint was incurable; -it was in the first place old age, and then, also, an -old affection of anthrax, or white gangrene, for which he -was obliged to undergo a very painful operation, and after -it was performed the agonies of death followed in rapid -succession. He was perfectly aware of the danger of his -situation, and considered it a point of dignity not to -appear alarmed, but went through all the proper etiquette -with death. For a considerable time he had been -in communication with a pious ecclesiastic in Paris; before -him was the example of his family, and the recollection -of his uncle the Cardinal, of blessed memory; and -of late years his benefactions to the chapel of Valençay -had been very great, both in magnificent donations and -pious endowments. Though he had forgotten his religious -obligations, he had never made an open profession -of impiety, and had preserved a considerable degree of -loftiness of mind, so that when the thought of death was -presented to him he did not shrink from a retractation. -No person was better aware of the weakness and puerile -vanity of professed free-thinkers.</p> - -<p>This retractation was not the offspring of a sudden -impulse; on the contrary, it had been concerted three -months before with infinite care, as if it had been a -diplomatic paper sent to the church. Full of submission, -yet with a mixture of dignity, the prince addressed -it to the sovereign pontiff, repenting all his -participation in the scandals by which his life had been -stained, particularly his adhesion to the civil constitution -of the clergy; and he now acknowledged the jurisdiction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span> -of the Archbishop of Paris, and submitted to the -Catholic laws of the holy see. This was the manner in -which he prepared for death. Accounts of the state of -his health were incessantly despatched to Neuilly; he -had rendered great services to Louis Philippe, who had -often consulted him and derived the benefit of his experience, -and who was now resolved to pay a last visit to -the last descendant of the Périgords. When the king -was announced, the prince said with a feeble voice, but -without any appearance of emotion, as if the attention -were due to him,—"It is the greatest honour my house -has received."</p> - -<p>There was a strong aristocratic feeling in the expression, -'My house;' it signified that, though the visit was -honourable to his family, there was nothing to cause -surprise in it. Neither did he forget, even at that moment, -the etiquette which forbids that any body should -stand in the presence of a sovereign without being presented, -and he immediately added, in a calm tone, "I -have a duty to fulfil—it is to present to your majesty the -persons who are in the room, and who have not yet had -that honour;" and he introduced his physician, his surgeon, -and his <i>valet-de-chambre</i>. This behaviour when -at the point of death bore the stamp of high aristocratic -manners, perfectly in keeping with the visit with which -his last moments had been honoured; it was part of -the decorum and ancient ceremony observed between -noble families; the escutcheons of both bore the same -relative rank; the youngest branch of the Bourbons -went to visit the youngest branch of the Périgords. In -ancient times the houses of Navarre and De Quercy had -met together on the common field of battle, and the cry -<i>Re que Diou</i> had been uttered at the same time with the -war-cry of Henry IV., by the old southern nobility, the -language of <i>Oc</i> being common to both.</p> - -<p>People expressed surprise at the signal honour conferred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span> -upon Talleyrand, but it shewed that the customs -of gentle blood were not comprehended by the spirit of -inferior society. No one was more attached to his illustrious -descent than the old diplomatist, and the younger -branch of the Bourbons came itself of too good a stock -to forget it; the two cadets of De Quercy and Navarre -had met in the recollection of their race, as in their political -life.</p> - -<p>Surrounded by his family in his last moments, and -assisted by the pious offices of the Abbé Dupanloup, -vicar-general of the diocese of Paris, Prince Talleyrand -received the sacraments of the Church, for he had been -again admitted into her bosom, and, before expiring, he -again uttered one of those happy expressions which were -so often upon his lips. Observing one of his grandnieces -dressed entirely in white, according to the custom -observed before the first communion, he raised his -heavy eyelids, kissed her forehead, gave her his blessing, -and then turning to the spectators, he said, "See the -way of the world—there is the beginning, here the -end!" In a few minutes afterwards he expired, on the -18th of May, 1838, at ten minutes before four o'clock in -the afternoon, having just completed his eighty-fourth -year. He left a will, by which his immense fortune -was well and wisely disposed of. Has he also left memoirs? -I think I know; but these memoirs are deposited -in the hands of his family, or of other people of -whose discretion he was quite secure.</p> - -<p>Well, then, must I confess it? I do not believe them -to be in any way curious. People talk a great deal about -these pretended revelations, but I still repeat that they -are few in number. Talleyrand only wrote what he -pleased, he only committed public transactions to paper; -and it is well known that, in reading these memoirs, he -used to dwell with pleasure on the mischievous pranks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span> -of the young abbé. Was it the reminiscence of his -youth that he enjoyed? I am inclined to think so, for -I have always observed that this feeling is very strong -among statesmen. Would you wish to awaken in the -mind of Pozzo di Borgo all the vigour of his intellectual -powers?—speak to him of Corsica and Paoli; would you -bring a ray of delight and unreserve to unbend the -brow of Metternich?—talk to him of his embassy to -Paris in the beginning of the Empire, those days of pleasure -and dissipation.</p> - -<p>My idea is, that the memoirs of the man who played -so conspicuous a part in the political history of the -world will consist principally of two parts—emotions and -justifications: emotions, because people always remember -them, they filter through the whole tenour of their -lives, they dwell in the brain of man, and rule over his -thoughts; and justifications will undoubtedly be required -for the several fatal deeds committed during the life of -Prince Talleyrand.</p> - -<p>In the course of that long life too much regard was -shewn to customs and ceremonies, which are merely the -trappings of life, and too little to duty and conscience, -which are its foundation and object. He attended too -much to the outward matters of existence—to riches, to -honour, to decency of behaviour, but he thought nothing -of the delicacy of mind, which is the strongest -pledge of an honest man employed in public affairs. I -am not fonder of simpletons in politics than other -people, but, for the honour of mankind, I am willing to -believe men may be clever and still retain perfect probity -and good faith. It would be too dreadful to suppose -that one cannot be a statesman without a complete -abdication of the government of one's heart. Surely -a strong head and powerful abilities are not the sole -requisites for regulating the affairs of a government.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="COUNT_POZZO_DI_BORGO" id="COUNT_POZZO_DI_BORGO">COUNT POZZO DI BORGO.</a></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">There</span> is no county in Europe whose national character -is so ancient, so thoroughly peculiar, as the Island -of Corsica. Imagine a vast landscape of Salvator Rosa's, -with all the features which he alone was capable of -depicting, and whose type he has sought in Calabria and -the Abruzzi; add to this a people whose disposition is -hardy and obstinate; whose affections, love, hatred, or -jealousy, are perpetuated from one generation to another; -whose proud and patriotic attachment to their -native soil forms part of their earliest existence, and -terminates only with their life; also cities cheerful as -those of Tuscany, and wild, uncultivated, mountainous -districts; you will still have but a feeble representation -of Corsica, that picturesque and fertile island of the -Mediterranean.</p> - -<p>The population is divided into two distinct races; the -one comprehending the old aboriginal families, the other -composed of foreign colonists, the greater part descended -from refugees who were compelled to fly from revolutions -in Piémont, Genoa, and Tuscany, and were successively -deposited in the island, like the layers of lava -around a volcano. To the first of these races belong<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span> -the Paolis and the Pozzo di Borgos; to the second, the -Buonapartes and the Salicettis. According to the usual -custom among primitive nations, each family forms a -clan, and each village a community; sentiments are -inherited like the patrimony of the family—it is like -ancient Rome suckled by a wolf in the time of the companions -of Romulus.</p> - -<p>The family of the Pozzo di Borgos, as I have already -stated, belongs to the aboriginal races; its antiquity may -be ascertained by consulting the book of the statutes of -Corsica, and also the history of the feudal war between -the Castellans of Montechi and the city of Ajaccio, of -which they even disputed the sovereignty. One of the -family is mentioned in the charters as orator of the -people, and at the time the island was under the dominion -of Genoa, the illustrious Pozzo di Borgo is described -as attorney-general for the provinces of Ajaccio -and Sartene; his name, like that of the Paolis, was -Pascal. His opponents, even at that period, were from -the family of the Bacciochi, then merely merchants of -Ajaccio; and his notary was Jerome Buonaparte, who -certifies the mission of Captain Secondos Pozzo di -Borgo, deputy to the republic of Genoa.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> There is -some pleasure in relating these circumstances, because -the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo, during its whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span> -course, appeared to be connected with ancient times. -Nothing is forgotten on that burning soil, and we shall -again meet with the Paolis, the Buonapartes, the Pozzos, -the Bacciochis, and the Salicettis, engaged in the most -important conflicts on the theatre of the great world, as -they had formerly been in the little town of Ajaccio.</p> - -<p>In disturbed times European diplomacy employs two -powerful engines of political research; in the first place, -accredited ambassadors, who examine and decide upon -affairs in a regular and almost a classical manner; and -secondly, active agents, the greater part of whom are -military men employed to travel about in Europe, for -the purpose of ascertaining accurately the strength and -the resources of each power. During the time of the -French Republic and the Empire of Napoleon, England -and Russia considerably augmented the number of their -military diplomatists, and this may be said to have been -the first employment of Charles Andrew Pozzo di Borgo, -before the Russian cabinets had decided upon pursuing -a regular and comprehensive system. The people of -the south of Europe are especially gifted with a quick, -subtle, and acute understanding, and the Corsicans add -to these qualities an obstinate adherence to their purpose, -and a rugged sentiment of their own rights, which -formed such prominent features in the character of -Buonaparte. Metternich is fond of repeating, "It was -not the armies of Napoleon that occasioned us the most -uneasiness; it was his inventive spirit, his acute subtleties, -in short, his diabolical intellect, by which we Germans -were hemmed in and entangled on every side." -Count Pozzo di Borgo possessed the same species of -sharp and sagacious activity; in that country there was -a sort of general type common to all, like the bronzed -complexion and the sparkling, searching eyes.</p> - -<p>A few leagues from Ajaccio lies a small village, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span> -bears the name of Pozzo di Borgo (well of the city); -tradition says, however, that the family of that name -inhabited the little fort of Montechi among the mountains: -the Pozzis, the Poggis, and the Pazzis, were all -families of the middle ages. As it was in Germany with -the Castellans of the Seven Mountains, so also in Corsica -the nobles reckoned their pedigree from some of the -highest peaks in the island, under the shelter of rocks -and wild fig-trees, where so many black crosses, symbols -of <i>Vendetta</i>, are still to be seen. When Corsica was -annexed to France, the noble descent of the Pozzos was -substantiated by a supreme council of the island. The -subject of this memoir was born the same year as -Napoleon, if we rectify a little the date assigned by -chronologists to the latter event. He first saw the light -on the 8th of March, 1768, and had, therefore, attained -his majority at the time of the revolution, when the -popular agitation produced a most startling and arousing -effect upon Corsica; and as if awaking from slumber -two parties started up—a national party, and one devoted -to the French interests. Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo indulged -in dreams of the independence of their country, -but without the intervention of foreign aid. The Buonapartes, -who had for a short time ranged themselves -under the banner of Paoli, afterwards joined the Arenas -and the Salicettis, partisans of the French and Jacobin -school. Before these divisions had assumed a very decided -complexion, they contented themselves with giving -an enthusiastic welcome to the revolution; intoxication -prevailed every where, and at the age of twenty-two -years Pozzo di Borgo, secretary to the corps of the -nobility, was despatched as deputy-extraordinary to the -National Assembly.</p> - -<p>This primary office afterwards led to his appointment to -the definitive deputation; and as the friend of Paoli, a circumstance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span> -which at that time conferred the greatest popularity, -young Pozzo took his seat in that insane convocation, -which, under the name of the Legislative Assembly, -and in the midst of tumults and massacres, soon made -an end of the French monarchy. He was appointed -one of the diplomatic committee, at the time their proceedings -were conducted in so singular a manner by Brissot, -under whose management despatches to foreign powers -consisted of speeches borrowed from the tragedy of -"Brutus," and directed against Austria and Prussia. -Such language ought to have been backed by victories, -but the Legislative Assembly had not as yet the internal -strength of which, at a later period, the convocation -became possessed, through the energy of its committee -of public safety. The Legislative Assembly threw every -thing into disorder: at war with the ministers of the -king, governed by the idea of a republic, yet without -daring openly to proclaim it, they permitted the horrors -of the 10th of August, and the 7th of September, to -take place before their eyes. This wretched meeting possessed -neither the brilliancy of the Constituent Assembly -nor the terrible authority of the Convention, -but always represented a state of transition, which is -invariably one of mediocrity, because men dare not undertake -any thing, nor, indeed, are they capable of -doing so.</p> - -<p>Pozzo very rarely appeared in the tribune, but whenever -he had occasion so to do, for the purpose of expressing -the opinions of the committee, he had recourse to the favourite -phraseology of the period, for which less blame is -due to the orators than to the general bent of the public -mind: it was the pleasure of society to be governed after -that fashion. I have preserved some fragments of a speech -made by him on the 16th July, 1792, with the object of -inducing the assembly to declare war against Germany.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span> -It is well known that two different parties were at that -time equally desirous of commencing hostilities in Europe—the -court party, who, being desirous of placing Louis -at the head of an overpowering public force, considered -war as the most probable means of attaining a military -dictatorship; while, on the other hand, the republican -faction, headed by the Girondists, entertained hopes that -the democratic principle would be more easily rendered -triumphant in the midst of tumults and excesses. Pozzo -di Borgo was the willing representative of the Girondist -party at the tribune. "The German confederation," -said he, "whose independence is naturally protected by -France, the only power capable of preserving it from -the insatiable ambition of Austria, has beheld with -joy the formation of that formidable league intended -to overturn your constitution: their territory is -already overrun by the enemy's troops, the northern -league seeks to reduce the whole of Europe into a state -of servitude, and exhibits every where a menacing appearance, -supported by a strong force of mercenaries -covered with iron and greedy of gold, to whom all -usurpations will become easy. To the French nation -belongs the task of preserving the world from this terrible -scourge, and of repairing the mischiefs occasioned by -the shameful carelessness, or the perfidious malignity of -those, who view with indifference the utter destruction -of all kinds of liberty. The French nation, by combating -all the common enemies of mankind, will have the -glory of restoring the political harmony which will preserve -Europe from general slavery. We have contracted -a vast debt towards the whole world, it is the -establishment and the practice of the rights of man upon -the earth; and Liberty, fertile in virtues and talents, -affords us abundant means of discharging it in full. -Our enemies' hopes, no doubt, have been raised by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span> -transient dissensions that disturb our unanimity; they -augur from thence the disorganisation of our government, -but we will not accomplish their guilty desires. -We are well aware that in the present state of affairs -a change in our political institutions would necessarily -occasion an interregnum in the laws, a suspension of authority, -licentiousness, mischief in all parts of the kingdom, -and the inevitable loss of our liberty. Our vigilance -will preserve without destroying; it will place the -traitors in a state in which they will be incapable of injuring -us; and by the stability of our government we -will deprive the ambitious of all the opportunities they -hope for, in the incessant changes and revolutions incident -to empires. By thus uniting energy and wisdom, -we may attain to perfect and glorious success."</p> - -<p>It may be observed that in the midst of these expressions, -set forth in the phraseology then in fashion, the -stability of the government and the necessity for preserving -order were spoken of by M. Pozzo di Borgo, -both of which principles were afterwards displayed in -the highest degree in his mind.</p> - -<p>The mission of the Legislative Assembly being concluded, -the deputy returned to Corsica, and was associated -with General Paoli for the direction of the administration -of the island. The shocks sustained by the -people had added fresh energy to their patriotic character, -a public spirit was aroused, a proud independence in -accordance with the national feelings of the ancient -Corsica. Does not every people long for liberty? The -Girondists had dreamed of federalism for France; and -Paoli, in his turn, took a pride in forming a republic -which should be perfectly independent and detached -from the surrounding sovereignties. Paoli was a man of -powerful understanding, completely the child of nature, -and already old in years, though young in energy. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span> -delighted in the idea of a Corsican republic, as being in -some measure a return towards primitive habits; and -this motive was strengthened by the horror inspired by -the revolutionary events that were taking place in -France. So ardent an enthusiasm never was known as -that with which he inspired the Corsican families dwelling -among the most rugged peaks of that mountainous -country, and whose sole passion appeared to be a vehement -love of liberty, acquired by the most laborious -efforts.</p> - -<p>The families of the Arenas and Buonapartes, who were -inhabitants of the plains and the cities, had sided warmly -with the French party; they were connected with the clubs; -and Salicetti was their organ at the National Convention, -to denounce Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo as propagators of -a system tending to separate Corsica from France; and -as that island had been declared an integral part of the -French Republic, they were both summoned to the bar -of the nation to offer a justification of their conduct. -In this lay one of the first germs of the deeply rooted -hatred entertained by Salicetti, Arena, and Buonaparte, -against Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo; from thence arose -the enmity which, in their inflamed minds, overstepped -the limits of the island of Corsica, and contributed, more -than people suspected, to the marvellous events of the -Revolution and the Empire.</p> - -<p>When Paoli and Pozzo di Borgo received this terrible -summons, they were together at Corte, the capital of -the mountainous district. It was not unexpected, and -they were both well aware of the consequences of a refusal -to obey the commands of the Convention, for the -conduct of this inexorable tribunal was that of a victor -with whom lenity and forgiveness are unknown. What -was to be done? To obey would be to submit at once -to the yoke of the territorial unity, which sought to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> -reduce all the various nations comprehended within it to -one level. Resistance would, perhaps, be a still more -dangerous course, for the French Republic had an -army which they would be utterly incapable of withstanding, -and it was also supported by a considerable -party in Corsica. A few regiments occupied the -city of Ajaccio, and a battalion formed the garrison of -the fort of Corte and several posts on the sea-coast. -Signals announced the arrival of a squadron bearing the -tricoloured flag. Under these circumstances, the commissioners -of the departments declared themselves a -permanent assembly in a meeting of the people of Corte, -and the tumultuous <i>comitia</i> of the national party unanimously -invited their chief, Paoli, and Pozzo di Borgo, to -continue their administration. Finally, they declared -<i>that it was beneath the dignity of the people of Corsica to -trouble themselves with the two families of Arena and -Buonaparte, and that they should be abandoned to their remorse -and to infamy for having deserted the public cause</i>. -I here copy the expressions of the national <i>consulta</i>.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> - -<p>The popular energy, which sways in all instances the -first movements in favour of liberty, was here very evident. -What steps did they propose taking to maintain -themselves in this <i>improvisé</i> independence, as well as to -uphold the decrees published by the assembly of Corsica? -In the meanwhile fearful intelligence arrived among -the mountains: Toulon, hitherto in the occupation of -the English, had just fallen into the hands of the French -Republic, whose orders Corsica had treated with contempt; -and, to crown the whole, a young officer of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span> -twenty-six years of age, even the Buonaparte devoted to -infamy and remorse by the Corsican council, had taken -part in that memorable enterprise, and had been the -principal cause of its success. The port of Toulon being -now in the hands of the Republic, in thirty-six hours -a squadron might arrive, and threaten with entire destruction -the companions of Paoli.</p> - -<p>Just at this difficult juncture the English Mediterranean -fleet appeared off Ajaccio, bringing news from -Toulon and tidings of the warlike preparations going on -there; the admiral also offered his protection to Corsica, -agreeing to recognise her independence, under the sovereignty -of the king of Great Britain. Paoli went on -board the squadron to treat with the admiral regarding -his country, and a general assembly was convoked to -meet on the 10th of June, 1794, for the purpose of determining -upon the form of constitution to be established. -Their plan tallied nearly with the ideas of the -English Magna Charta, proposing the establishment of a -parliament which should consist of two chambers, a -council of state, and a viceroy supported by responsible -ministers. Paoli proposed Pozzo di Borgo as president -of the council. When the latter was presented to Admiral -Elliott he gazed upon his swarthy complexion, his -sparkling eyes, and meagre and active figure, and asked -Paoli whether that was the person he proposed placing -at the head of the government. "I can answer for -him," said Paoli; "he is a young man as well fitted for -the government of a nation as he is capable of leading -his countrymen unflinchingly on the field of battle. -You may place implicit confidence in him." Upon this -testimony the admiral confirmed his choice.</p> - -<p>The state-council being the executive portion of the -Corsican government, the duty devolved upon Pozzo di -Borgo of remodelling the institutions of his country,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span> -which was henceforward to be free. I have seen the -complete code of this administration: it is a summary of -the public rights of the nation, a collection of primitive -laws, one of those codes which regulates the most trifling -circumstances affecting the interests of the people; -among us it is a great historical curiosity, for we are -too far advanced in civilisation to be capable of forming -an idea of the first requirements of a people of such primitive -habits.</p> - -<p>The national government in Corsica lasted, however, -barely two years; the protection afforded by -England was at too great a distance, and a few regiments -despatched from Gibraltar did not possess -sufficient influence to restrain the population of the -cities devoted to France, which was at that time every -where victorious, and, by its proximity, constantly held -a sword suspended over the government of Paoli and -Pozzo di Borgo. The latter embarked on board the -English fleet when it became evident the crisis could no -longer be averted, and that the standard of the French -Republic was about to be planted at Ajaccio. This -squadron quitted the shores of Corsica, bearing with it -all the sad remains of the ruined government; it touched -at the island of Elba, sailed towards Naples, and from -thence again to Elba—rather a curious circumstance, -which long held a place in the recollection of Pozzo di -Borgo, and which may possibly have in some degree -influenced the resolution of the Allies, in 1814, to confer -upon Napoleon the sovereignty of Porto Ferrajo. The -Corsican president completed his voyage to England in -the Minerva, which formed part of the squadron of -Nelson, who lost an eye in Corsica, and was afterwards -so celebrated; but he was then only in the dawn of his -fame, and had not attained to the renown which crowned -his name at Aboukir and Trafalgar.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span></p> - -<p>Pozzo di Borgo remained eighteen months in London, -where he received great attention from the English -ministry, who considered him to have displayed great -method and ability during his short administration. -Having become intimate with some old French families, -he then began his career of diplomacy and secret negotiations; -which, at a late period, led him into a more -extended sphere of action. He was at Vienna in 1798, -at the time of the campaign of Suwarof, when foreign -courts were agitated by so many various projects. Tremendous -shocks had been experienced in France. On -emerging from the reign of terror, and the formidable -system of unity proclaimed by the Convention, a strong -and deeply rooted reaction towards the restoration of -the royal family had taken place; the royalist colours -were worn in good society, and the most extreme detestation -was felt for the revolution, because it had not -as yet given birth to any regular system of government. -At this time Buonaparte was in Egypt, with the greater -part of the brave legions who had conquered Italy and -the Rhine; all our foreign conquests were lost to us; on -the Alps we were hardly able to retain a few posts, and -they were closely pressed; and, as a climax, Suwarof -appeared with victory in his train—Suwarof, the hero -and saint of the Russian army—Suwarof, around whom -rallied all the hopes of the coalition! Pozzo di Borgo -was engaged in all the diplomatic arrangements that -accompanied the military proceedings.</p> - -<p>The antipathy that existed between the Austrians and -Russians, far more than the battle of Zurich, put a stop to -the progress of the coalition, and Pozzo di Borgo remained -some time at Vienna, receiving a pension there as a French -emigrant of noble birth. It was at the time when one of -that family of Buonapartes, proscribed by the Assembly -of Corsica, was elevated to the Consulate, and being now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span> -in the position of a powerful dictator, he had established -an efficient government in France, and was engaged in -repairing the wrecks of the administration by means -of his steady energy. The power of the laws once more -became manifest; the executive administration was lodged -in the hands of a few, and was active and advantageous -to the people; and, by a singular chance, which the -caprices of fortune can alone explain, the old friends of -the Buonapartes, the Arenas of Ajaccio, were proscribed -by the young Corsican, and delivered over to military -law, or driven into exile. Other destinies, besides those -of a city, or a population of about 100,000 souls, claimed -the attention of Napoleon Buonaparte, now completely -detached from his native country; but, in spite of all -these commotions, his thoughts more than once turned -upon his old personal enemy, Pozzo di Borgo, then on -his journey from London to Vienna, and who must have -shed some tears of vexation when he saw the power of -the young consul extend so far as to prescribe to Europe -the peace of Amiens. The shade of Paoli arose to protest -against this immense advancement of the Buonapartes.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> - -<p>When war again resounded on the earth, Pozzo di -Borgo entered the service of Russia, and devoted himself -to the diplomatic line. The firmness of character, the -quick apprehension of facts, and the knowledge of mankind -which he evinced, together with an extreme delicacy -of judgment, were certain pledges of his success in the -conduct of business between one government and another. -He received the title of Conseiller d'Etat at St. Petersburg, -and was soon despatched to the court of Vienna, -charged with a secret mission. The prince whose service<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span> -he had entered was that Alexander whose generous -and mystical mind was sadly employed in veiling, by the -uprightness of his conduct, and the exalted tenor of his -life, a mournful recollection which weighed upon his -heart and his conscience. The revolution of the palace, -that had placed Alexander on the throne, had been -directed by England; and consequently must have been -inclined to favour the coalition against Buonaparte, who -was about to place the imperial crown upon his heroic -brow; and Pozzo di Borgo was one of the diplomatic -agents charged with special and secret missions to the -allied courts, once more united against France.</p> - -<p>We now find him at Vienna; but he only remained -there a few months, for the Czar was desirous of acting -with great vigour, and therefore despatched him, as -Russian commissioner, to the Anglo-Russian and Neapolitan -army, which was about to commence operations in -the south of Europe under the influence of the noble -Queen Caroline, so grossly slandered in the pamphlets -issued by Napoleon. This army had hardly assembled -at Naples, when the artillery of Austerlitz and the -shouts of victory filled the air; and, as an immediate -consequence, the peace of Presburg was signed. As this -treaty separated Austria from the coalition, it occasioned -the dissolution of the army of Naples; and Pozzo di -Borgo returned to Vienna, and from thence to St. -Petersburg, where great military events were in preparation.</p> - -<p>During the campaign crowned by the battle of Austerlitz, -when Napoleon had advanced so boldly into the -interior of Moravia, Prussia had hesitated whether she -should join the coalition. It was impossible to deny her -public conduct in that respect, and Napoleon had borne -it in mind; this indecision, however, ceased after the -battle of Austerlitz, and a twelvemonth afterwards the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span> -united force of the Russians and Prussians was drawn up -together.</p> - -<p>Pozzo di Borgo was called upon to accompany the -emperor in this campaign, and the Czar offered him -rank in the army; such being the custom of Russia, -where there is no advancement except by means of -military rank: he therefore received the title of Colonel -in the suite of the emperor, a post which attached him -to the person of the sovereign. Being, for the fourth -time, despatched to Vienna, after the battle of Jena, he -strove to arouse Austria from the torpor into which the -peace of Presburg had plunged her, but in vain; for the -Austrian cabinet was then desirous of peace at any -price. Colonel Pozzo received a commission to proceed -to the Dardanelles, to treat for peace with the Turks, in -conjunction with the English envoy; he was received -on board the Russian fleet, under the orders of Admiral -Siniavim, stationed at the entrance of the Dardanelles, -and off the island of Tenedos; he was present in the -admiral's ship at the battle of Mount Athos, between the -Russian fleet and that of the sultan, and there received -his first military decoration.</p> - -<p>Napoleon was now approaching the apogée of his -glory: the French and Russian armies had bravely -measured their strength, and the French emperor had -so greatly risen in Alexander's estimation that, at the -peace of Tilsit, Napoleon was saluted with the title of -Brother, at the very time the old Russian aristocracy -were accusing their sovereign of abandoning the cause of -his country. In the interchange of projects which -took place at Tilsit—in those friendly meetings, when -the waters of the Niemen flowed beneath the two -emperors, locked in each other's arms, was it possible -Colonel Pozzo should not be aware that his services<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span> -would henceforth be an embarrassment to Russia? -Upon his arrival at St. Petersburg he held a conversation -with the emperor, full of confidence and unreserve -on both sides, when each party took a candid -survey of his position. The Emperor Alexander declared -to Colonel Pozzo that there was no reason he -should leave his service, and that the ties of friendship -he had contracted with Napoleon did not oblige him to -make such a sacrifice. The colonel replied that he -could no longer be useful to his sovereign; on the contrary, -he should be a source of embarrassment to him, -for Buonaparte had not forgotten the feud of his early -days: sooner or later he would demand the banishment -of his old enemy, the Czar would be too generous to -agree to this, and his refusal would raise difficulties for -his government. "Besides," said he, "the alliance between -your majesty and Napoleon will not be of long -duration; I am well acquainted with the deceitful character -and insatiable ambition of Buonaparte. At this -moment one of your majesty's hands is held by Persia, -the other by Turkey, and Buonaparte presses upon your -chest; get your hands free in the first instance, and then -you will cast off the weight that now troubles you. -Some years hence we shall meet again."</p> - -<p>Count Pozzo requested permission to travel; and he -was again at Vienna in 1808, when Austria, with her -patient resignation, was preparing fresh armaments -against Napoleon, and declaring the rupture that had -taken place with him. I am not aware if history records -a longer or more honourable struggle than that of -Austria against the Revolution and the Empire. She -submitted to every sacrifice, then prepared for battle; -vanquished, she had recourse to negotiation; then again -tried the fortune of war, until victory finally decided<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span> -against her, and she was crushed under the weight of the -French eagles. Patient and laborious German nation, -never didst thou despair of thy cause!</p> - -<p>Pozzo di Borgo remained at Vienna during the whole -campaign of 1809, and when peace was again imposed, Buonaparte -did not forget him. He had taken an active part -in all the diplomatic proceedings of Austria and Russia, -and Napoleon was a person who always retained the remembrance -of his enemies; accordingly, after the peace of -Vienna, his first step was to demand the banishment of -Colonel Pozzo di Borgo from the Austrian dominions. -Alexander, warmly attached to Napoleon, had the weakness -to consent, and this gave occasion to the fine and energetic -letter, in which Colonel Pozzo already prophesied -the invasion of Russia, and said to the Czar, "Sire, it will -not be long before your majesty again summons me to -your presence." In order to escape the fate which -awaited him if his enemy of Ajaccio should succeed in -seizing his person, he took the precaution of retiring to -Constantinople, the only spot which still afforded him -the power of quitting continental Europe and seeking -refuge in England.</p> - -<p>He was now a proscribed man, travelling in Syria, -visiting Smyrna and Malta, and from Malta proceeding -to London, where he arrived in October 1810. He was -already an agent of some importance, on account of the -missions upon which he had been employed; and the -limited intercourse between England and the Continent -made her set a value upon the information to be obtained -from a man of political talent and experience, who had -just arrived from the principal capitals of Europe. In -several conferences with Lord Castlereagh, Colonel -Pozzo explained to him the hopes he still entertained of -a continental rising against the colossal empire of France: -in the midst of all his great qualities, Napoleon had still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span> -some vulnerable points, and nobody was better aware of -them than Pozzo di Borgo, because he had studied them -through the medium of his resentment. Who could be -so well acquainted as he with that Buonaparte, whom he -had had such opportunities of observing in the closest -manner, with his infirmities, his fits of anger, his weaknesses, -and his ambition?</p> - -<p>At last the terrible war of 1812 broke out, and the -French armies passed the Niemen. Russia was invaded; -the battles of Moscowa and the Mojaisk drove back the -armies of Alexander towards the sacred city of Moscow, -and the ancient capital was reduced to ashes. During -the whole of this campaign Pozzo di Borgo remained in -London, and his influence was of service in promoting -the union between Alexander and the English cabinet; -he did not join the army of the Czar, because a revolution -had taken place in the ideas of the cabinet of -St. Petersburg. The fact was, that when Alexander -found his finest provinces invaded, and the murderous -war which was desolating his territory, he summoned to -his assistance the old Russian spirit and the ancient -traditions of the country; the banner of St. Nicholas -was unfurled, the churches resounded with prayers and -calls to arms against the invader, and the Czar placed -himself at the head of the army: but this popular appeal -had precisely the effect of rousing the national spirit -against foreigners. Ever since the time of Peter the -Great, the ideas of civilisation had favoured in Russia -the influence of the Italians, the Germans, and the -French, who filled many important military situations, -and were raised to the first dignities of the state; and the -old Russian families naturally entertained a jealous feeling -regarding this influence. This colony of courtiers -offended their pride, and interfered with their interests; -therefore, when Alexander had occasion to invoke the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span> -shades of his country at the foot of the Kremlin, and to -rouse the devotion of the Muscovite nobility, who lived -among their serfs in the central provinces, he was obliged -to sacrifice the strangers to their prejudices. Pozzo di -Borgo was not recalled till the close of the campaign, -when the impulse had ceased to be entirely Russian, but -had become more eccentric and inclined towards Poland -and Prussia, and he returned through Sweden just at the -time when Bernadotte was becoming more nearly connected -with England, and, without however openly -committing himself, had begun to lend a favourable ear -to the overtures of the court of London. The Russian -councillor was commissioned to encourage the inclination -of Bernadotte, and to strive to forward a decision which -would afford his sovereign a new opportunity of taking -vengeance for the invasion of his country by the Emperor -of the French. This was the first beginning of his -intimacy with the Crown Prince of Sweden.</p> - -<p>The Emperor Alexander received Pozzo di Borgo at -Kalisch, after a separation of five years. They had -parted immediately after the interview of Tilsit, which -had so greatly reconciled the Czar to the politics of -Napoleon. Now, how different was the situation of -affairs! Alexander had seen his empire invaded by his -ancient ally, his cities in flames; and, according to the -excited ideas of Alexander, it was the sainted spirits of -the ancient Russians who had raised the stormy tempests, -and engulfed the immense army of Napoleon in the icy -floods of the Beresina. The language of Alexander to -Pozzo di Borgo reminded him of his sagacious prophecies, -and the colonel made great efforts to win him back -to simple and positive plans against the power of Napoleon; -for having been one of the patriots of 1789, -Colonel Pozzo perfectly understood the importance of -the conspiracy of Mallet, and of the discontent that was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span> -beginning to pervade France. He was opposed to all -species of compromise, and his view of the case was to -strive to effect a separation between the interests of -France and her leader. Whilst Alexander, still prepossessed -with the idea of the stupendous power of -Napoleon, hesitated to plunge into the perils of a distant -campaign, Pozzo di Borgo advised him to induce Prussia -to take advantage of the secret societies, which proudly -raised their heads at the cry of <i>Germania</i> or <i>Teutonia</i>, -and to assemble all Buonaparte's rivals in glory under -their banners, so as to occasion confusion and disorder in -his preparations for war.</p> - -<p>A threefold negotiation was now opened; the first -with Moreau, whom they were desirous of drawing into -France, to rouse the Republican party by the influence -of his name; the second with Eugène and Murat, between -whom they wanted to divide the kingdom of -Italy; the third and last with Bernadotte, who was to -join with the Swedish troops and effect a division in the -French army. Pozzo di Borgo was charged with this -last mission, furnished with full powers from the Emperor -Alexander, while the Russians were advancing into -Saxony. Without clearly explaining the views of the -alliance with regard to France, or on the distinctive and -positive results of the war, he was directed to suggest, in -his conversations with the crown prince, all the possible -events which might encourage the emulation of the old -companions of the Emperor Napoleon; and he engaged, -in the name of the Czar, to acknowledge Bernadotte as -Crown Prince, and eventually, according to the order of -succession, as King of Sweden: in the same manner he -had promised to Moreau the presidency of a republic, -if it should arise from the order of affairs, or from a -popular anti-Buonapartist movement in Paris. One -ought to have heard the ambassador himself recount all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span> -the trouble and anxiety he experienced during this negociation; -the vacillations of the Crown Prince, his ill-humours -and discontent. Still he hesitated. At last, -when the Swedish army was embarking at Karlscrona -and landing at Stralsund, the artillery of Lutzen and -Bautzen were heard in thunders through the whole of -Germany. These brilliant victories had astonished the -Crown Prince, and the Russian army was in full retreat -through Upper Silesia. Still, though his troops were -already assembled, he did not dare to come to a final -decision; he could not forget the star of his former -master, the remembrance of his victorious eagles, the -irresistible influence of his glory; the Swedes, therefore, -halted at Stralsund, and awaited the course of -events. Bernadotte was a powerful ally; not only did -he bring into the field 20,000 brave Swedes, but also his -name, like that of Moreau, might be the means of sowing -dissension and uneasiness in the French army, if the -invasion were to take place; when, therefore, in the -interval afforded by the armistice of Neumark, Colonel -Pozzo observed the hesitation he still exhibited, he -hastened to Stralsund, by the desire of Alexander, to -endeavour to persuade him to march at once. He had, -however, the greatest difficulty in inducing him to join -the military congress of Trachenburg, where the plans -were laid for the campaign against Napoleon, and it was -necessary he should exhibit, at the same time, firmness -with Bernadotte and forbearance towards Sir Charles -Stewart, afterwards Lord Londonderry, a young and rather -presumptuous officer, who was commissioner from -England, and was always ready to give offence to an old -soldier like Bernadotte. His efforts were crowned with -success; the Crown Prince had already had an interview -with Moreau, and Pozzo di Borgo afterwards held a confidential -conversation with both those personal enemies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span> -of Napoleon, in which they reciprocally exchanged their -hopes, their present hatred, and old resentments, Pozzo -against the adversary of Paoli, Moreau against the Consul, -and Bernadotte against the Emperor. The plan -adopted by the allied powers at the military congress of -Trachenburg was very simple. Colonel Pozzo di Borgo -maintained that they ought to march at once upon -Paris, the central point of Napoleon's strength or weakness, -where the question would speedily be settled; and -this was the opinion entertained by all those military -men who mingled any political ideas of the decline of -Buonaparte's power and of his personal character with -the question of war. Besides, in the opinion of the -Russian envoy, Buonaparte and France were not synonymous -terms; and it was to save France and her -liberty that he so closely pursued the Emperor.</p> - -<p>At this time the congress of Prague was assembled, -which was in reality nothing more than an armistice -required by all the forces. Metternich had assumed -for Austria a position of armed mediation, being the -commencement of a new political system, a wary and -provident plan, which, in her state of relative weakness -and isolation, gave her a predominant influence over -cabinets far more powerful than her own. All the -negotiations of this congress tended to one point only; -the endeavour to detach Austria from this mediatorial -system, and to induce her to decide in favour of one side -or the other,—either for the coalition, or for France. -In the army of Napoleon, as well as among the allies, a -strong desire for peace existed, with this difference, that -the victorious soldiers of the Emperor were thoroughly -weary of war; for them the illusions of conquest had no -longer any charms, and their generals, in the midst of the -wonderful success that had crowned their arms, regretted -the life of luxury and enjoyment they had been accustomed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span> -to lead in Paris. The sons of Germany, ardent in -their desire for liberty, flocked to the ranks of the allied -armies, under the command of old Blucher, whose mind -was also full of enthusiasm for the German unity; while -the general officers of the French army indulged in -dreams of their hotels, in the Chaussée d'Antin, or the -Rue de Bourbon, or their delightful retreats at Malmaison -and Grosbois, while their brothers-in-arms were -falling under the enemy's fire,—that fire which no longer -respected the marshals. An unanimous cry of bitter -accusation was heard among the staff, "That man will -make an end of us all!" Exaggerated accounts of -disaffection were brought to the Emperor. At one -time some thousands of conscripts were said to have -mutilated their fingers, in order that they might be sent -back to their homes; at another they reported the desertion -of the brave fellows who had cried "Vive l'Empereur!" -under the grape-shot of Lutzen and Bautzen. -The allies were well aware of this decline of military -ardour in the French camp, and they knew a feeling of -weakness and a disposition to discord were connected -with it. The proposals for peace at Prague never were -sincere on the part of Russia and Prussia, and the -Emperor was thoroughly deceived in imagining them to -be so.</p> - -<p>The main object was to prevail upon Austria to -declare herself openly; and here Napoleon was guilty of -many faults. In the situation assumed by the cabinet -of Vienna, a good deal was naturally exacted, and with -perfect justice, for upon them depended the strength, -and we may almost say the success, of the coalition. In -offering herself as a mediator, Austria was desirous of -regaining the position she had lost during the struggle -with Napoleon, and the law was now in her own hands, -for she could throw the weight of 300,000 men into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span> -either scale. Napoleon committed the great oversight -of not acceding to the offers of the cabinet of Vienna: he -went farther still; he deeply offended the minister who -directed the fates of that cabinet—Prince Metternich, -a man of extraordinary ability and consideration, and -whose inclinations had previously tended towards France. -I have elsewhere related the stormy and imprudent -scene which broke up the conference between Buonaparte -and the Austrian minister.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> - -<p>The allied sovereigns awaited the decision of the -cabinet of Vienna with indescribable anxiety. It was -eleven o'clock at night, and they were all assembled in a -barn; the ministers, Count Nesselrode, Pozzo di Borgo, -and Hardenburg, in the lower apartment; the Emperor -Alexander and the King of Prussia on the first floor: -the rain descended in torrents, and it was one of those -stormy nights which add even to the horrors of war, -when all at once a courier arrived, bearing a letter -for Count Nesselrode, which contained merely these -words,—"Austria has decided, and four armies will be at -the disposal of the Alliance." Imagination may picture -the shouts of joy, the transports of the coalition, on thus -receiving the support of 300,000 men, who were to join -the rest of the army by the mountains of Bohemia. -The chances of war were now clearly against Napoleon; -and General Pozzo di Borgo, for he had lately been raised -to the rank of major-general, was again despatched, in the -character of commissioner, from the Emperor Alexander -to the Crown Prince of Sweden, who at this time covered -Berlin at the head of an army, composed of 40,000 -Prussians, 30,000 Russians, and 20,000 Swedes.</p> - -<p>The most glorious events recorded in the military -history of France have nothing that can bear a comparison<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span> -with the admirable defence of Dresden by Napoleon, -when all the armies of the coalition went successively -to try their strength under its walls. They -were repulsed with considerable loss, and Moreau was -mortally wounded on the field of battle; but this -admirable manœuvre of concentration was followed by a -very great fault—the division of the main body of his -army, one portion being intrusted to General Vandamme, -the other to some marshals upon whose deeds the star of -Napoleon's fortune did not shine. At Gross Beeren, -Bernadotte broke the brilliant line of the French, at the -same time that the corps of Vandamme was cut to pieces -or taken prisoner by the coalesced enemy, and the -Emperor was obliged to retreat beyond the Elbe. I -cast a veil over the mournful catastrophe of Leipsic, -where so many faults were committed, and so much -want of foresight exhibited, both on the part of Napoleon, -and also of those who were charged with the -execution of his orders; the sad disorder, the horrible -confusion that prevailed, when the soldiers were decimated -at once by sickness in the hospital, the steel -of the enemy, and the hordes of peasants raised by -Blucher along his path, and which swallowed up the -French army, already perishing with hunger, without -guns, and barefooted, in the midst of the cold rains of -October.</p> - -<p>The coalition was now victorious; its advanced guard -had reached the banks of the Rhine. Still they could -not refrain from a degree of secret terror as they approached -the French territory, which was still pervaded -by the presiding genius of Napoleon. The army of -Bernadotte was separated from the allies to march -against Holstein, invade Denmark, and prepare a rising -in Holland; and General Pozzo di Borgo quitted him to -proceed on a mission to Frankfort, to concert military<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span> -operations with the allies. They had there a better -opportunity of judging of the state of public feeling -in France, and were able to study the progress -that had been made by the different opinions and parties -against the imperial government. The Emperor's administration -had surpassed itself; the Senate had voted -troops upon troops, the levies proceeded with extraordinary -energy, and they sought by every means, -pamphlets, songs, operas—in short, nothing was neglected -to re-awaken the cry of national independence in -the breasts of the French nation. But though from the -powerful organisation of the empire every thing appeared -clear on the surface, its stability went no deeper; -there was an under-current of murmurs, complete dissatisfaction, -and weariness of mind; commerce was annihilated, -leaving the unemployed workmen no resource -but a musket, and no choice but of seeking bread or -death with the army. Secret agitations began to be -whispered about every where; the legislative body had -separated itself from Napoleon by a protest, executed -under the influence of discontent, and of MM. Lainé -and Reynouard, and it had in consequence been dissolved; -the council of the regency of Maria Louisa -was composed of timid, hesitating men; some, like Talleyrand, -ready to abandon a falling cause; the people -called for a termination of this state of affairs, and -gloomy, foreboding clouds hung on the brow of Napoleon.</p> - -<p>Existing circumstances certainly offered a favourable -opportunity for invading the imperial territory; but -were the allies well agreed upon the end they proposed to -themselves? Were they all actuated by the same interests? -Although Austria had made an effort to shake off -the enormous power of Napoleon, would she be willing -to ruin the son-in-law of her own emperor, Francis II.,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span> -especially when the advantages resulting from it would -fall principally to the share of Russia and Prussia, -whose power had been already excessively augmented -by the late events? Having regained the territories of -which Napoleon had formerly deprived her, why should -she join in the invasion of France, and aim a last blow -at a nation so necessary to the balance of power in Europe? -Even England, though the determined enemy -of Buonaparte, could not fail to entertain some degree of -uneasiness in observing the immense increase of the -Russian influence, and the ministers were assailed with -incessant questions as to the object and probable termination -of the war. All these circumstances caused a -dread that the coalition was ready to fall to pieces at the -very moment its great object had been attained. This -state of affairs soon became evident to the diplomatic -chiefs assembled at the conference of Frankfort, and -Pozzo di Borgo was despatched by the three sovereigns -on a mission to the Prince Regent to request the presence -of Lord Castlereagh, the English prime minister, at -head-quarters, in order to strengthen the bands of the -coalition and determine its object. The general lost no -time in accomplishing his voyage, and arrived in London -in the beginning of January 1814, while parliament was -sitting, and just at the time when Lord Castlereagh had -been obliged to enter into an explanation in answer to -the pressing requisitions of the Whigs. He was the -bearer of an autograph letter to the Prince Regent from -the allied sovereigns, by which they engaged to follow -the most moderate measures, and as far as possible to -keep the balance of power in Europe in view, so as to -remove any fears on the part of England. It was just -six years since Pozzo di Borgo, as a proscribed person, -had last visited that country, and under what different -auspices he now returned to it! He came as the organ<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span> -of the triumphant coalition, and his reception was distinguished -by all the magnificence and joy inspired by -the late victories. With what cordiality Lord Wellesley -pressed his hand! "I believe, my dear Pozzo," said the -marquess, "you and I are the two men who most earnestly -desire the fall of Buonaparte." Lord Castlereagh -had already begun to entertain some thoughts of the -restoration of the Bourbon dynasty, and he communicated -his idea to General Pozzo di Borgo, who replied, -"You are well aware, my lord, that we must never -present any but a perfectly simple idea to the sovereigns; -complicated matters do not take hold of their minds. -Let us first overturn Buonaparte,—this is a thing we -shall easily make the Emperor of Russia and the King -of Prussia understand,—and then afterwards, when the -coast is clear, we can return to examine the second difficulty." -"Very well," said Lord Castlereagh, "whom do -you wish us to send to the Continent?" "If Mr. Pitt -were alive," replied the general, "I would tell him to -hold himself in readiness; it is sufficient to make you -understand that we are most anxious to see you in -person on the Rhine, that the question may not get -perplexed and confused."</p> - -<p>It was with these opinions that Pozzo di Borgo visited -the French princes, especially the Comte d'Artois. His -royal highness was anxious to appear at head-quarters, -and blend the idea of a restoration with the plan of the -campaign of the allies, but General Pozzo strongly opposed -his design. "Monseigneur," said he, "you are -well aware of my devotion to your person and to your -interests, but do not come to spoil our game; we still -have great difficulties to overcome effecting the fall of -Napoleon, when that point is gained it will be necessary -to turn to something else, and your turn and your name -will naturally occur."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span></p> - -<p>It was a matter of some delicacy to obtain the departure -of Lord Castlereagh and the full and entire adhesion -of England to the coalition; they were obliged to -work at it a long while with the Prince Regent and some -influential members of parliament; at last, at a dinner -given by Lady Castlereagh, the English minister, on -rising from table, said to the emperor's messenger, -"Well, my dear Pozzo, it is decided that I am to accompany -you; the Prince Regent has given me an autograph -letter for the sovereigns, and we shall act in -concert and good fellowship with you." The two diplomatists -embraced each other with delight, two days -afterwards they embarked for the Continent, and in three -weeks rejoined the sovereigns at Baden.</p> - -<p>Lord Castlereagh's arrival at head-quarters strengthened -the unity of the alliance and enabled them to form some -resolutions for the general benefit, and also to decide -upon the plan of the political campaign about to be -commenced against Buonaparte. England had never -recognised the Emperor of the French, and in all the -acts of parliament, as well as those of the cabinet, he had -no other designation than that of <i>the common enemy</i>, or -<i>the head of the government</i>, a circumstance which facilitated -Pozzo di Borgo's labours with Lord Castlereagh -towards gaining the object he had in view, viz., the -complete overthrow of Napoleon. The English minister, -who was armed with full powers, laid down as the fundamental -principle of all their diplomatic transactions, -that France, although necessary to the balance of power -in Europe, must be reduced within her ancient territorial -limits, a principle which almost inevitably involved -the restoration of the ancient dynasty. This, however, -was only mentioned in the acts, both public and secret, -of the congress, as a <i>possibility</i> reserved for a further consideration -of the French question.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span></p> - -<p>One of the most important principles laid down in the -political plan of the alliance was the separation of the -question concerning Napoleon from those regarding the -interests of France. This line of conduct was recommended -by Bernadotte, Pozzo di Borgo, and the patriot -party, who were the enemies of the emperor, and it was -formally announced in the public acts of Frankfort and -the proclamations of all the allied troops who crossed the -Rhine. Their great object was to weaken the common -enemy, at the same time that they promised France that -her ancient territory should remain untouched, and -hinted at the possibility of establishing a constitution -independent of the emperor. By adopting this plan -they summoned all disaffected persons to the assistance -of the coalition; and, without entering into engagements -with any one party, they offered to <i>all</i> the hope of -bringing their pretensions and wishes to a favourable -issue; they even contrived to conciliate the partisans of -a republican form of government as well as the advocates -of the regency of Maria Louisa.</p> - -<p>Pozzo di Borgo continued attached to the person of -the Emperor Alexander during the whole of the operations -of 1814, that glorious but melancholy campaign -where the military genius of Napoleon shone with -so brilliant a lustre—a bright ray emanating from that -star which appeared but for a fleeting moment, soon to -grow dim and set for ever! During the negotiations at -Chatillon, General Pozzo urged the rejection of all the -propositions of the French emperor, and also that the -time and circumstances granted by the coalition to him -whose attempts had so often been crowned with victory, -should have a limit defined with the utmost accuracy. -"Grant no armistice, but march <i>en masse</i> straight to -Paris!" Such was the advice of Pozzo di Borgo, to -whom some overtures had already been made by Talleybrand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span> -and the disaffected party in the capital. Had the -preliminaries of peace been accepted, a treaty might possibly -have been entered into at Chatillon with Napoleon -and Maria Louisa; but how would it have been possible -for the emperor to submit to the ancient limits of France, -without exposing himself to inevitable ruin in the interior -of his kingdom? M. de Caulaincourt, it is true, -received orders to accede to the proposed conditions, but -it was then too late. It would, however, have been impossible -for Napoleon to have continued peaceably on -the throne, even had pacific terms been granted him, -under existing circumstances; for his government would -have been overturned by an internal revolution. How -could the victorious emperor, who had given laws to the -world, now in his turn submit to receive laws from the -whole of Europe combined against him? And, supposing -he had returned to Paris with the humiliating -treaties which deprived France of all her conquests and -reduced her within the narrow limits she formerly -occupied, would not the loss of his throne have been, -sooner or later, the inevitable consequence of such a -change of circumstances? Would not discontent have -reared its head at every step he took? Or would his -government still have retained sufficient power and influence -to secure him the possession of absolute dominion? -As soon as peace had been proclaimed, the adverse -parties would have burst forth with violence, and Napoleon -have been overcome by a republican insurrection. -They would have said to the emperor, "What have you -done with the conquests of the republic and with the -legions it bequeathed to you?" And, to escape from the -tumult of public opinion, the emperor would have been -forced again to engage in some military enterprise. -"The peace you grant to Napoleon," said Pozzo di -Borgo, "will merely be giving him an opportunity of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span> -recruiting his strength, and in less than a year you will -find him again engaged in an attack upon your territories; -with the spirit of a gambler, he will stake his last -crown upon his last card."</p> - -<p>For the sake of giving a powerful unity to the alliance, -the sovereigns signed the famous treaty of Chaumont, -which was a general coalition of the whole of -Europe against the common enemy; they declared, in -the first place, that they would not separate until they -had attained the objects they proposed to themselves, -which were a general peace and the establishment of independence -and of the rights of all the nations of Europe. -In addition to this, it was agreed that each power -was to keep up a standing army of 150,000 men besides -those in garrison; England undertook to furnish immense -subsidies; and they engaged mutually to support -each other with a formidable armed contingent, in case -any of the governments should be threatened. The -campaign then proceeded with fresh vigour, and the advance -upon Paris produced all the effect anticipated by -the sovereigns. I will not describe the sad events that -succeeded; they are, alas! but too well known. General -Pozzo di Borgo was in the suite of the Emperor Alexander -when he entered the city, and from that time forth -he assumed the part of a mediator between France and -the allies.</p> - -<p>We must take a retrospect of that melancholy period -of our disasters in order to form a reasonable judgment -of the events about to be accomplished. The hearts of -the whole nation were filled with weariness to a most -painful degree. Some few soldiers might, perhaps, have -been ready to range themselves around the emperor and -defend his eagles which, though now abased, had so often -led them to victory; but the great mass of the population -was no longer desirous of war; a feeling of hatred towards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span> -Napoleon had gradually arisen among the republican -party and the Royalists, who were in a state of commotion; -while, on the other hand, the proclamations of -Schwartzenburg, and the promises he had made at the -time of his entry into Paris, had inspired hopes of repose -and reasonable liberty. Pozzo di Borgo exerted all -his influence over the mind of Alexander to lead him -towards the liberal system, upon which his resolutions -appear to have been formed. The whole idea of the constitutional -charter, and all the plans breathing a spirit -of liberty, were suggested at the meetings in Talleyrand's -house, where the patriots used to assemble to give vent -to their dissatisfaction with the conduct of Napoleon. I -must here mention a curious circumstance relating to -the famous proclamation of Schwartzenburg which first -made open mention of the Bourbons. It was the work -of Count Pozzo, and Schwartzenburg had not signed it -when Alexander said to him in a meeting at the head-quarters -of Bondy, "My dear prince, you have written -an admirable proclamation—it is perfect; sign it, you -will get great credit for it." And the prince, partly -through self-love, and partly through respect for the -Emperor Alexander, affixed his signature to the document.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> - -<p>General Pozzo di Borgo had kept up his acquaintance -with all the patriots of 1789, whose noble and generous -principles of independence met with a sympathetic -feeling in the breast of Alexander. Napoleon, the -representative of a powerful and united system of -government, would only be overcome by the principle -of liberty. "Europe," said Talleyrand, "was then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span> -on the highroad to emancipation; it was with the -name of Fatherland, with the enthusiasm for free institutions, -that the people had been excited to rise -against him, who was termed by the Germans <i>the oppressor -of mankind</i>." These ideas prevailed, and Count -Pozzo di Borgo was appointed commissioner from the -Emperor Alexander to the provisional government.</p> - -<p>That government certainly stood in need of the support -of the friend of Paoli, who pursued with relentless -perseverance the last glimmering ray of Napoleon's fortune. -Some of the marshals had just made an attempt -to induce the Emperor Alexander to treat with the -regency, and, moved by the recollection of his ancient -friendship, and by the influence which the noble countenance -of Napoleon exercised over his mind, the Czar -would, perhaps, have agreed to the proposal, when -Pozzo di Borgo was despatched in haste by the provisional -government to Alexander, to put a stop to the -treaty, and he worked on the mind of the Czar by -means of the same considerations he had formerly presented -to his view, and of which he had acknowledged -the justice. "The regency was still Napoleon, and -France no longer desired his rule; to sign a peace with -him was merely to expose themselves to a repetition of -hostilities; if Europe was desirous of rest, they must -have done with the imperial system altogether." The -commissioner spent two hours in this conversation, and, -by his perseverance, he obtained the important declaration -of the allied sovereigns, that they would enter into -no treaty with the emperor or his family. Having -gained this point, he returned with speed to the provisional -government, and gave vent to the picturesque -expression of his triumph in his communication to Talleyrand. -"My dear prince," said he, "I certainly cannot<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span> -be said single-handed to have politically killed -Buonaparte, but I have cast the last clod of earth upon -his head."</p> - -<p>Thus was played the drama of life between these two -men: Pozzo, formerly proscribed by Buonaparte, now -came in his turn to be present at the obsequies of his -rival's power! Born within a few months of each -other, the one had quitted Ajaccio merely with the rank -of a sub-lieutenant, and had ascended the greatest throne -under heaven; the other, as an exile, had traversed -Europe, to rouse the spirit of war and vengeance against -his compatriot, and, after unheard-of efforts, had at last -succeeded in realising the plan which had always kept -possession of his mind. He had his foot on his enemy's -neck, and had him banished to the island of Elba, which -he had himself twice sailed past, pursued by the fortune -of his rival. General Pozzo never would admit the -hypothesis that France and Buonaparte were the same -thing; and in this respect he was as good a patriot as -Moreau, Lannes, Bernadotte, Massena, Dessoles, and -Gouvion St. Cyr.</p> - -<p>As soon as the senate had decided upon the restoration -of the ancient dynasty, and laid the foundations of the -constitution, Pozzo di Borgo was commissioned by the -sovereigns to go to London, to meet Louis XVIII. -This was not only an honourable mission of congratulation -to the new French sovereign; the general's special -duty was to explain to Louis the real state of public -opinion in France, and the necessity of adopting the -constitutional forms and liberal ideas of a charter, to -answer the public expectation. He went with all possible -speed to London, for the provisional government -were well aware that the ardent royalist party would -immediately surround the French king, and it was necessary -to prevent his being guilty of any imprudence;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span> -and this they hoped to effect by means of the salutary -intervention of Pozzo di Borgo, especially as his being -the confidential servant of the Emperor Alexander would -naturally invest him with a considerable degree of influence -over the mind of Louis XVIII. When the -general arrived at Calais, he engaged a packet-boat for -his sole use, and at the moment of his embarkation, an -episode occurred, which he often related as a proof of the -instability of human opinions. He was standing on the -sea-shore, when a stranger accosted him, and requested -a passage in his little vessel to enable him to go and -meet the king. "Who are you?" asked Pozzo di -Borgo. "I am the Duc de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt," -replied the stranger; "and I am going to the king to -resume my ancient office." One may imagine the -amazement of the ambassador; the Duc de Liancourt -had not only deeply insulted the Comte de Provence at -the Constituent Assembly, but he had afterwards carried -his offence still farther, by sending back to him, from -the United States, the ribbon of his orders, as a mark of -his contempt for what he called the <i>crotchets</i> of the -old school: Louis XVIII. could not forget this contemptuous -bearing in a man of noble birth.</p> - -<p>The ambassador did not refuse a passage to the noble -duke; and it was a most curious circumstance that the -first step taken by M. de Liancourt when they reached -the royal yacht in which Louis had embarked, was to -adorn himself with the blue ribbon he had formerly -sent back to the king during his sojourn in the land of -equality and liberty. It is impossible to describe the -despair of the duke when he found he could not be -received by Louis XVIII., while Count Pozzo was welcomed -in the warmest manner, and the king expressed -himself in the most flattering language, with tears in -his eyes. The ambassador from the allies explained the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span> -orders he had received. "Though the constitution -proclaimed by the senate might have fallen into contempt, -it was no reason for abandoning the principles of -liberty upon which it was founded." Pozzo di Borgo -remained with the king during his voyage, and assisted -him in preparing the declaration issued at St. Ouen, -containing the plan of such a representative system as -the liberal party were desirous of establishing in France. -Let us imagine that country passing from the military -rule of Napoleon into constitutional principles, finding -herself free, on emerging from the firm, but despotic -government of the emperor, had she not already gained -an immense step in securing the advantages of a public -representation? The treaty of Paris was based on the -diplomatic scheme determined upon at Chaumont and -Chatillon: it restrained France within her ancient limits, -and placed her under the government of the ancient -dynasty, thus offering a pledge of peace and the maintenance -of order, so necessary to the tranquillity of -Europe.</p> - -<p>General Pozzo di Borgo remained in Paris as Russian -ambassador to the new French government, until the -meeting of the Congress of Vienna, where all the diplomatic -chiefs were summoned to attend. I will not -recount the events of that period, having related them -in a work especially devoted to the history of those -times;<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> I will only observe, that had they listened at Vienna -to the warnings, derived from the former experience -of the friend of Paoli, France would never have suffered -the misfortunes inflicted by the reign of the Hundred -Days. The <i>corps diplomatique</i> received intelligence -that Napoleon was seeking the opportunity of returning -from exile, and reappearing in Europe, and General<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span> -Pozzo, who well knew the energy of his countryman, -proposed removing him to a more secure spot,—as, for -example, one of the islands of the African Ocean, from -whence escape would be impossible, so as to prevent -any risk of his again throwing the whole of Europe into -a state of danger and revolution.</p> - -<p>At Vienna, a coldness took place for the second time -between Alexander and his confidential <i>employé</i>, occasioned -by the difference of their opinions on the question -of Poland. The Czar had taken it into his head that -Poland must be formed into a vast kingdom, separated -by its constitution from Russia, and even comprehending -its ancient provinces within its boundaries, and Pozzo di -Borgo was strongly opposed to the whole scheme: he -foretold the consequences of such a proceeding in an -exceedingly well-written memorial, full of sound judgment, -and evincing a deep and extensive consideration of -the subject. "The creation of such a kingdom," said -he, "would only be encouraging the spirit of rebellion, -and this would eventually involve the nobility and -people of Poland in a deeper slavery; for if an insurrection -were to take place, it would be necessary to -repress it with severity."<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Alas, he spoke but too -truly! What has been the ruin of Poland, and caused -the dispersion of her generous nobility? Was it not -the insane project of an impossible revolution? The -Emperor Alexander withdrew for a short time his confidence -from General Pozzo, to place it in Count Capo -d'Istria, a man of rather a dreamy and visionary cast of -mind, and whose opinion exactly coincided with his own,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span> -concerning the emancipation of Greece and Poland, under -the <i>suzeraineté</i> of the Czar.</p> - -<p>But all these occurrences were suddenly interrupted -by the landing of Napoleon in the gulf of Juan. It -was like the fall of a thunderbolt. Pozzo di Borgo, -however, received the intelligence without any appearance -of surprise; and when the <i>corps diplomatique</i> sought -to remove the fears that had been excited as to the -probability of war, he replied, "I well know Buonaparte; -since he has landed, he will proceed to Paris, and -if so, there must be no delay, no attempt at pacific -measures; Europe should march at once against the -common enemy." The Emperor Alexander sent for -Pozzo di Borgo, to whom he restored his perfect confidence, -and then despatched him to Ghent to Louis -XVIII., charged with a military mission to the Anglo-Prussian -army of the Low Countries. A general cry -for war now arose at Vienna, and the allied powers -made preparations for a fresh campaign, in spite of all -the endeavours of Napoleon to separate Austria and -Russia from the coalition. With this view, it is well -known that he transmitted to Alexander a copy of -the secret treaty concluded in March 1814, between -England, France, and Austria, against Russia, relative to -the Polish question; and from this point dates the -extreme antipathy of Alexander for Talleyrand—an -antipathy which more than once stood in the way of -diplomatic transactions after the second invasion of -France.</p> - -<p>General Pozzo arrived in Belgium, now the inevitable -theatre of war, as Russian commissary to the Anglo-Prussian -army, which formed the advanced guard of -the coalition, at the very moment Napoleon made his -appearance on the frontier. The Duke of Wellington -was informed of the sudden arrival of his terrible adversary,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span> -in the midst of a brilliant ball, under the -thousand lustres of the palace of Laeken: the English -troops were assembled in all haste, and a courier was -despatched to Bulow, to desire him to quicken his -march, and join the rest of the army. The Prussians, -under Blucher, received a check at Ligny, and the -English took up their position at Mont St. Jean. Pozzo -di Borgo arrived there in a state of considerable anxiety. -"How long do you think you can hold out?" said he. -"I do not put much faith in the Belgians," replied the -Duke of Wellington; "but I have a dozen British -regiments with me, and I will engage to maintain my -ground all day; but Bulow must come to my assistance -before five o'clock in the evening." In the middle of -the battle a note arrived from Bulow, promising his -arrival in less than three hours; the news flew along -the ranks, and the English army, feebly supported by -the Belgians, resisted with an obstinate courage, which -gained them the victory. At the funereal battle of -Waterloo, Count Pozzo di Borgo received rather a -serious wound.</p> - -<p>Napoleon's last battle-field was fought and lost! still -Count Pozzo felt uneasy, and with reason, for the army -of Alexander had taken no part in these events, indeed -it had scarcely reached Germany; and was it not probable -that the Duke of Wellington and Blucher, profiting -by their successes, might take upon themselves to -decide alone upon the fate of France? Pozzo di Borgo -sent for a young Russian officer serving in the Prussian -army, and said to him, "Spare not your horses, but in -forty-eight hours let the czar be informed of this victory! -Your fortune awaits you at the end of your journey." -Though suffering from his wound, the diplomatist followed -the Duke of Wellington closely to Paris: he -resumed his office of ambassador to Louis XVIII., but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span> -without the same favourable circumstances in regard to -credit, as he had enjoyed in 1814. As he had foreseen, -the occupation of Paris by the English and Prussian -generals had rendered them all powerful there, the -Fouché-Talleyrand ministry was almost entirely formed -by the Duke of Wellington, and both those political -characters were known to be devoted to England. Russia -thus played but a secondary part, which it was very -desirable should be augmented; but the arrival of the -Emperor Alexander at the head of 230,000 bayonets -soon changed the face of affairs.</p> - -<p>Talleyrand had evidence of this from the very first -steps taken towards the preliminaries of peace; the Czar -had an old grudge against the French plenipotentiary at -Vienna, and he would not hear of any negotiation -carried on by him; still Alexander's mediation was -indispensable to our interests, in the discussions preparatory -to a treaty of peace. England, Prussia, and -Germany, exacted the most exorbitant conditions, being -apparently desirous of making the most of their victory, -and vieing with each other in the pillage of our unfortunate -country. Lord Castlereagh's first minutes -demanded the cession of a chain of fortresses along the -Belgic frontier from Calais to Maubeuge; while the -Prussians and Germans claimed Alsace and part of -Lorraine; who but the Czar could defend us from the -greediness of our conquerors? Talleyrand tried to -appease Alexander by promising a high political situation -to his ambassador; he offered Pozzo di Borgo the -ministry of the interior, combined with that of the -police, now vacant by the resignation of Fouché, or any -other appointment he might prefer; but Count Pozzo -declined his offers, declaring he could only be useful to -France as an intermediate agent between the two governments; -a Frenchman in his affections, and a Russian in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span> -his position and duty, he would appear as a type of -alliance between the two cabinets and the two nations. -Talleyrand's plans fell to the ground, owing to the -invincible objections of the Emperor Alexander, who -persisted in his desire of seeing the ministry for foreign -affairs intrusted to a man of his choice, and in whom he -could place confidence; and he recommended the appointment -of the Duc de Richelieu, designating him as -the best of Frenchmen, and the most upright of men: -Talleyrand was, therefore, obliged to give way; he -gave in his resignation to Louis XVIII., who intrusted -the Duc de Richelieu with the formation of another -cabinet.</p> - -<p>From this moment the influence of Russia on public -affairs became clearly defined. The Czar placed himself -as the intermediary in all questions regarding territory, -and he had, in point of fact, some object in wishing to -uphold the active power of France in the south of -Europe, in order that he might hereafter meet with an -ally and supporter there. Pozzo di Borgo's influence -increased with that of his emperor, and he always -exercised it in a kind and favourable manner towards -France. Let us take a retrospective glance of that most -disastrous period, when the country, invaded by 800,000 -foreigners, was completely crushed under the burden of -military contributions; but Alexander threw the weight -of his opinion and his power into the scale, as opposed to -the demands of the English, Prussians, and Germans, -and the question of the cession of Alsace, Lorraine, and -a great part of the northern provinces, was at an end.</p> - -<p>In the secret conferences of the plenipotentiaries, the -Russian minister pressed the necessity of not exercising -too much severity in the conditions exacted from France -and the new dynasty; because, when dishonour, weakness, -or degradation, are imposed upon a king or a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span> -nation, a natural reaction takes place against a yoke too -oppressive to be borne. The treaty of Paris, the result -of these conferences, was no doubt a very hard measure; -when the Duc de Richelieu signed it, the trembling of -his hand shewed the pain and grief he endured, and he -wrote a most noble letter, which is still extant, deploring -this cruel necessity; still, compared with the conditions -imposed by the Anglo-Prussians, a great step had been -gained. France underwent no partition; though she -lost some posts on the frontier, though she was obliged -to submit to a military occupation, though a contribution -of seven hundred millions<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> of francs was levied, at -least she could look forward to a limit, however -distant, to the evils of war, she neither lost Lorraine nor -Alsace, she still was a great nation.</p> - -<p>When the Emperor Alexander quitted Paris, he invested -Pozzo di Borgo with full power to uphold the -government of Louis XVIII., to watch his first proceedings -and prevent his first faults. A powerful royalist -reaction had taken place; the greater part of the Chamber -of 1815 had decided in favour of a system of unbounded -energy, in which parties, when left to themselves, -are always apt to indulge in the first joy of -victory. This chamber was strongly opposed to the -Richelieu ministry, and made political order of impossible -attainment, though it was the only means of realising -the loans, and, consequently, of fulfilling the terms -imposed by the army of occupation. Under existing -circumstances, moderation was not merely a natural -impulse of elevated minds, it was an actual law of -necessity; besides which, reactions do not create real -resources, they only disturb people's minds, and destroy -public prosperity. Pozzo di Borgo upheld the Duc de -Richelieu in the plan common to both, of endeavouring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span> -to arrest the ultra-royalist movement, which threw -obstacles in the way of the fulfilment of their engagements -towards the allies; and the <i>ordonnance</i> of the 5th -of September altered the course of ideas, and political -principles of the Restoration. The despatches of -Pozzo di Borgo had prepared the Emperor Alexander -for this change, being altogether in favour of the moderate -royalist system, which the duke was desirous of -following; "It was necessary," said he, "to put a stop -to the reaction of 1815;" and the emperor perfectly -agreed with him in opinion. The Russian minister considered -this <i>ordonnance</i> as an act evincing the royal will, -likely to be favourably received in Europe, and thus to -advance the deliverance of the country from foreign -occupation; the event shewed he was not mistaken, for -Louis soon received letters from the Czar, congratulating -him upon the act of firmness which enabled his government -to pursue the path of salutary moderation.</p> - -<p>The Russian influence continued to increase. The -military occupation was still in force, and France, which -had to arrange pecuniary conventions resulting from -various treaties, was exposed to very severe trials: war -was succeeded by famine, famine by internal disorders, -and simultaneous revolts. In his despatches to the -emperor, Pozzo di Borgo endeavoured to convince him -of the necessity of alleviating the burden of the military -contributions, unless they wished to drive to despair a -nation which they might find it difficult to bring into -entire subjection. I never met with a collection of -documents better reasoned, or more thoroughly imbued -with the desire of putting an end to the military occupation -of the country; perhaps his strong and patriotic -anxiety on that head often made him form too severe a -judgment of the royalist party.</p> - -<p>The influence of the Russian ambassador was favourable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span> -to all the negotiations of the French government, -and at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle it assumed the -character of a most generous intervention. Before starting -for the congress he had received full authority from -his sovereign to endeavour to prevail upon the Duke of -Wellington to declare himself arbiter and mediator in -the delicate question regarding the debts claimed by -foreigners from the French government. These liabilities -exceeded all bounds; and Pozzo di Borgo, appealing -to the generosity and military honour of the Duke of -Wellington, persuaded him to give over the military -occupation which injured and tormented France, and to -make an end of these liquidations, which appeared to -have neither limit nor probable termination. Though -the Duke of Wellington had an interest in keeping up a -command which invested him with such vast authority -in France, he consented to become the arbiter of the -different interests; and affairs were thus arranged -beforehand, that no obstacle might arise to interfere with -the resolutions already formed, and which were to be -finally settled at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle.</p> - -<p>The result of that congress was the liberation of -France, the credit and trouble attending which are due -to the Duc de Richelieu; but the exertions of Pozzo di -Borgo also contributed greatly to calm the fears of -Alexander, which had been excited by the liberal tendency -at that time so vehement in Europe.</p> - -<p>The disposition of the Czar always evinced a greater -degree of warmth and generosity than of deep reflection; -a bias had been given by education, and he was also surrounded -by timid people, constantly ready to be alarmed -at the posture of affairs, and more especially uneasy at -the excited state of the German universities. During -his brief stay in Paris, after the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, -Alexander had entered into an explanation on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span> -this subject with the French king. According to his -ideas, the principal danger in Europe at that time arose -from Jacobinism, and this was an evil above all others -to be avoided; it was a disorder of a new species, against -which the Holy Alliance would have some difficulty in -acting so as to preserve the world from its contagion. -The instructions left with Pozzo di Borgo bore the -stamp of the same opinions; and what must have been -the disappointment of the emperor, when, upon his -arrival at Warsaw, he received intelligence that the -Richelieu ministry was dissolved, and that a political -system more decidedly liberal had been adopted by -France! The Russian ambassador felt no repugnance -for General Dessole, and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr, who -formed part of this administration, for they both belonged -to the military opposition which had formed the basis of -the restoration; but, when the choice fell upon M. -Grégoire, and when the Duc de Berri was assassinated, -terror and amazement took possession of the <i>corps diplomatique</i>, -and Pozzo di Borgo was not unacquainted with -the resolutions which again placed the Duc de Richelieu -at the head of affairs. The influence of the ambassador -was then neither very strong nor important, for a very -simple reason; from the year 1815 to 1818 it was impossible -the French government should act independent of -foreigners; they occupied the country; it was necessary -to consult their diplomatic agents, and be in a great measure -decided by their opinion; but, when France was delivered -from them, the influence changed its nature, there -was then no material action, only a moral, and consequently -limited, influence exercised by the <i>corps diplomatique</i>.</p> - -<p>The revolutionary spirit began to be manifest in -Europe: Spain, Naples, Piémont, had all proclaimed -the constitution with arms in their hands; the assassination -of Kotzebue, the excited state of the universities, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span> -mysterious societies in the Russian army, the riots at -Manchester, the commotions of the active population of -Paris in the month of June 1820, all were presages of a -popular movement against crowned heads. The thrones -of Europe were never more shaken than in those two -years of 1820 and 21; it was necessary they should -defend themselves. Pozzo di Borgo, therefore, received -orders to uphold the royalist system of the Duc de -Richelieu's second ministry, and he entered into it with a -loyal ardour which proceeded not only from the personal -friendship he entertained for that minister, but -also from his profound conviction that certain limits -would not be overstepped. Nevertheless, from the -hands of M. de Richelieu the government fell into those -of MM. de Montmorency and De Villèle, the representatives -of the ultra-monarchical and religious opinions, -and who had a bias towards the English system. Count -Pozzo felt some annoyance in viewing the triumph of -men with whom he was well acquainted, and whom he -had even been called upon to oppose in the <i>ordonnance</i> -of the 5th of September; but the orders of his sovereign -were imperative, and he became their organ at Paris. -He approved of the occupation of Piémont by the -Austrians; and his advice principally decided the question -of the war with Spain, which had been suggested -at the congresses of Troppan and Laybach, and finally -resolved upon at Verona.</p> - -<p>The royalist party returned in triumph from Cadiz, -having replaced Ferdinand VII. on his throne. In that -country, where moderation either in politics or religion -is unknown, the power had fallen into the hands of Don -Saez, the king's confessor; and the object of Russia being -always to exercise a powerful influence in the south of -Europe, in order to counterbalance that of England, -Count Pozzo received orders to repair to Madrid and use<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span> -all his endeavours to push M. Hirujo into the ministry, -who was a man of moderate views, and consequently inclined -to favour the Russian interests. A perfect understanding -on this head existed between the Russian -minister and M. de Villèle. M. de Hirujo, forerunner -of M. Zéa, gained the ascendant at Madrid, and people -could reckon upon the government of Ferdinand being -conducted with some degree of order and regularity. -Pozzo di Borgo then returned to Paris; he was on intimate -terms with MM. Pasquier and Molé, friends of the -Duc de Richelieu, and disapproved highly of the folly -of the royalist party, who tormented France every year -with fresh laws, still more remarkable for their silliness -and want of importance than for their unpopular tendency; -but the ambassador had now hardly any influence -upon the government; it was almost entirely confined to -the opposition formed in the diplomatic circles and in -good society, which before long extended to the conduct -of the sovereign. Although he approved of the law -regarding the conversion of the <i>rentes</i>,<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> he had no hesitation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span> -in giving utterance to his opinion concerning the -extreme unpopularity the measure would naturally be -attended with. "The King of France," said he, "wishes -to become the richest sovereign in Europe; but I greatly -fear this measure will lead to some unfortunate catastrophe. -People do not play with impunity with the -<i>pot-au-feu</i> of the citizens." And the event shewed his -opinion to have been well founded.</p> - -<p>At this period the Russian ambassador lost his protector, -I may almost say his friend. Alexander died on -his journey into the Crimea, a pilgrimage enveloped in -mystery,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> and which was immediately followed by the -revolutionary movement in St. Petersburg. Some officers -were desirous of throwing the government into the -hands of the old Russian nobility, always ready to enter -into any measure calculated to restore the predominance -of the Muscovite aristocracy, which was a sort of republic -formed of the great vassals of the crown. Would the -Emperor Nicholas repose the same confidence in Pozzo di -Borgo that his predecessor had done? He had not like -Alexander a sort of brotherhood in arms and affairs with -his ambassador, but as Count Nesselrode remained at the -head of affairs, he retained his situation and presented his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span> -renewed credentials to Charles X. at the time when the -storms of the opposition assumed every where a menacing -aspect. Two years afterwards the ministry of M. de -Villèle was at an end, and the king formed a fresh -administration, at the head of which he intended placing -M. de Martignac and M. de la Ferronays. The latter -was at that time ambassador at St. Petersburg, and enjoyed -the confidence of the Emperor Nicholas, who was -therefore likely to be satisfied with his appointment to -the ministry, and Pozzo di Borgo considered it necessary -to support him with all his power; for the interests of -Russia had at that time assumed so complicated a form, -that the concurrence of France was a matter of the greatest -importance to her.</p> - -<p>Russia had deeply offended the Porte by signing the -treaty of the month of June 1827, which established the -independence of Greece; and the Mussulmans, proud of -their ancient glory, had been still further irritated by the -battle of Navarino. The occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia -had given rise to fresh dissensions, which ended -by the Russian ambassador's quitting Constantinople. -Every thing was thus progressing towards a war likely to -involve Russia in considerable danger, especially if England -were to take part with the Sultan: the Emperor -Nicholas was determined to pass the Balkan, for he found -it necessary to employ the superstitious and turbulent -disposition of the old Russian nobility in active military -operations, to prevent its bursting out in revolutionary -attempts.</p> - -<p>Under these circumstances Count Nesselrode commissioned -Pozzo di Borgo to sound the French cabinet as -to the conditions they would require,—not for an armed -alliance, but simply to observe a friendly neutrality -during the oriental war. Count Pozzo proposed that -France should keep up a force of 100, or 150,000, to act<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span> -as a check upon Austria, and augment her armaments, so -as to restrain England; he also hinted that should any -important advantages result to Russia from the events of -the campaign, the frontiers of France might possibly be reconsidered -and the natural boundary of the Rhine granted -to her without expense, by arranging an indemnity for -Prussia and Holland; and that indeed it was not impossible -the Morea might be given her as a compensatory -measure, with the same rights as those enjoyed by England -over the republic of the seven islands. What a -magnificent portion this would have been for France!</p> - -<p>The first operations of the campaign were not attended -with success: there were sanguinary sieges and doubtful -battles. During this time Count Pozzo exhibited the -utmost activity in Paris, where the checks sustained by -the Russians were the general subject of conversation, and -General Lamarque had even published a series of articles -to prove that the destruction of the army was inevitable. -General Pozzo entered much into society, and at every -fresh disaster or difficulty he strove to remove the fears -they excited as to the consequences of the war: "Wait, -have patience," repeated he incessantly, "and then you -will see." The best understanding existed between him -and M. de la Ferronays, who exerted himself to calm the -minds which England took equal pains to disturb.</p> - -<p>The following year the Russian armies were more fortunate, -having advanced upon Constantinople, and the -position of the ambassador became less difficult; but to -counterbalance this advantage, the ministerial revolution -took place in the month of August, which placed Prince -Polignac, and consequently the English system of precedents -and opinions, at the head of affairs. Pozzo de -Borgo was much annoyed at this change; the cabinet of -St. Petersburg entered into an explanation on the subject -with M. de Mortemart, and in proportion as the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span> -French ministry advanced in the adventurous path of -<i>coups d'état</i>, Count Pozzo multiplied his despatches to -his government to warn them of an impending catastrophe. -The information he gave on this subject was so -positive, that the Emperor spoke to M. de Mortemart, -telling him he was well aware some foolish steps were -about to be taken in Paris. "The king of France," added -he, "is at liberty to act as he pleases in his kingdom, but -if evil comes of it, so much the worse for him. Give him -warning that he will not be supported, and that Europe -will not engage in a quarrel on his account."</p> - -<p>The Russian ambassador only became acquainted with -the <i>ordonnances</i> of July the evening before they were -promulgated; he had neither been informed confidentially, -nor had he received any official intimation; only a -few days before the event he said in a conference with -Polignac, "Prince, I do not wish to inquire into your -secrets, I do not ask you what you are about, only take -precautions not to compromise Europe;" and then Prince -Polignac replied with his habitual smile, so expressive of -perfect security, "All we ask is, that Europe will not -compromise us." At these words the ambassador turned -his back upon him. When the fatal <i>ordonnances</i> appeared -the next day in the Moniteur, Pozzo di Borgo expressed -great dissatisfaction and alarm at seeing the utter carelessness -of the government in the midst of so much -difficulty and danger, and the total absence of any military -force or precaution. "How," said he, "are there no -troops? The bridges are not occupied! Have no military -precautions been taken?" "Every thing is quiet," replied -they, "nobody stirs." "Every thing quiet!" repeated the -ambassador warmly, "yes, every thing will probably -be quiet to-day, but to-morrow we shall have firing in -the streets, and the next day who knows what may happen? -I shall be obliged to ask for my passports."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span></p> - -<p>Here was the commencement of another series of -events. It is necessary to judge the conduct of the ambassador -during the latter days of the government which -was about to expire, and the commencement of that which -succeeded to it.</p> - -<p>The events of July were characterised by so much -agitation and importance, that the <i>corps diplomatique</i> -must have found itself placed in an embarrassing position: -Charles X. had quitted St. Cloud and sought refuge at -Rambouillet, and a municipal commission had restored -order in the midst of the insurrection. If Prince Polignac -had possessed the slightest political forethought, he -would have notified to the <i>corps diplomatique</i> that the -king proposed removing his menaced government to -such and such a part of the kingdom; this resolution -would have served as an official order to all the ambassadors, -to accompany the sovereign who had received -their credentials, and by whom they were officially -accredited, and their presence at St. Cloud would have -been a sort of protest against the events then taking -place at Paris; it might also have facilitated the negotiation -between the royal party and the Hôtel de Ville, -for the provisional government would have been afraid -of committing itself with Europe, and being exposed to a -general war. But with the utter carelessness he displayed -in the whole business, Prince Polignac, minister -for foreign affairs, made no official communication to the -<i>corps diplomatique</i>, but treated every thing with a degree -of levity quite in keeping with his predestinarian character.</p> - -<p>The ambassadors naturally hesitated what course -they should pursue in the midst of so many difficulties. -Should they proceed to St. Cloud? But it was necessary -the translation of the government should be officially<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span> -notified to them by the minister for foreign affairs; -ought they to make observations, to mix themselves up -with the withdrawal of the <i>ordonnances</i>, or the negotiations -of the Hôtel de Ville and the provisional government? -That was not their duty, nor had they any -right to interfere. The only plan, then, they could adopt -was to await the end of the struggle, and not concern -themselves with the plan of the government, until it -placed itself in communication with their respective -courts by requiring to be recognised.</p> - -<p>In a meeting at the residence of the Nuncio, they -decided upon remaining at Paris until further orders, -and taking no part in events until they should receive -an official communication from Charles X. Couriers -extraordinary were despatched to the different courts to -keep them constantly informed of the progress of this -important affair, and request further instructions; generally -speaking, all the despatches blamed Prince Polignac's -carelessness, and described the events that had taken place -in Paris in moderate language; mentioning the order -that prevailed in the midst of disorder, the appointment -of a lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and the -abdication of the King and of the Duke of Angoulême: -they then awaited patiently the termination of the -insurrection, without compromising themselves, and -without either giving or receiving an impulsion.</p> - -<p>Here we must take a general view of the life of Count -Pozzo di Borgo to explain the constantly serious and -temperate direction of his despatches. He had never -belonged to the ultra royalist party, but being a man of -moderation and principle he had restricted himself to -measures, corresponding with the events brought to pass -by the French revolution: in this consisted the bond of -union between him and the Richelieu party, composed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span> -of Pasquier, Molé, and de Rayneval, who were all strongly -opposed to <i>coups d'état</i>. The despatches of Count Pozzo -evince at all times a spirit of forethought and moderation. -In 1816 he supported the Duc de Richelieu; in -1828, the ministry of M. de Martignac and the Comte de -la Ferronays; when the ministry of Prince Polignac was -formed, he, like every one else, foresaw the disasters -likely to ensue, and his correspondence made such an -impression at St. Petersburg, that the Emperor Nicholas -thought it necessary to speak to M. de Mortemart on the -subject. The Czar entertained a strong dislike to the -ministry of Prince Polignac, because he believed him to -be devoted to the English system, and the fall of M. de -Martignac appeared to him a sort of check to his eastern -policy; he repeated several times to M. de Mortemart, -"Are they preparing anything in Paris against the -charter? Write to the King to take care what he is -about; above all, let him avoid <i>coups d'état</i>." In considering -the attitude assumed by the <i>corps diplomatique</i> -at this juncture, it is very important to bear in mind, that -in the transactions of 1814 and 1815, as well as in the -minutes of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, the charter and the -dynasty were considered equally under the protection of -Europe, and were viewed as inseparable.</p> - -<p>They had not long to wait for the recognition of most -of the various courts of Europe; England, though -governed by the Duke of Wellington and the Tories, -approved in many successive despatches of a revolution -conducted on the plan of that in 1688; Prussia came next, -then Austria, without any symptom of hesitation; and, -lastly, Pozzo di Borgo received credentials from his -sovereign, which he presented with confidence and -dignity, one idea being constantly predominant in his -mind,—that order and peace were the first requisites in -an European government.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span></p> - -<p>Matters were in this state when the Polish question -placed Pozzo di Borgo in a situation of great difficulty; -perhaps under no circumstances of his diplomatic life -was more discretion required and displayed. The ardent -sympathies of the mob had been roused in favour of the -Poles; a commotion took place in Paris, and spread in -that city scarcely recovered from the agitation occasioned -by the revolution of July; the cry of "Success to Poland! -Down with the Russians!" was heard under the windows -of the ambassador, stones were thrown at the hôtel, -and the Russian legation surrounded their chief, endeavouring -to persuade him to demand his passports, a step -that would have announced a complete rupture. The -ambassador appeased the impatience of his legation: -"Our sovereign," said he, "is just now in a ticklish -situation, and we must take no rash steps with regard to -France, so as to involve ourselves in a fresh difficulty; -let us wait for the apologies which will soon be made us; -the mob is not the government; we are not ambassadors -to the street, but to a regular authority. Let us turn -the popular fury, not attack it in front." The next -morning the minister for foreign affairs paid an official -visit to Count Pozzo, to apologise on the part of the -government, and a body of troops was ordered for his -protection against any violence that might still be -attempted by the mob.</p> - -<p>From his earliest youth Pozzo di Borgo had been -accustomed to dwell in the midst of political crises, and -he was therefore not disturbed by the symptoms of -insurrection around him, especially as he had full confidence -in the wisdom and decision of the cabinet; some secret -conferences had also made him aware, that France would -not interfere in favour of Poland, but would allow Russia, -Austria, and Prussia, the free exercise of their rights -over that unfortunate country. The treaties of 1815<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span> -were still more firmly established than before, a few -empty words of sympathy or encouragement were -bestowed upon the insurgents, and Europe viewed with -satisfaction the conduct of the new government, whose -moderate measures had been rendered more difficult, by -the threatening attitude assumed by different parties, and -the prevalence of excited opinions armed with sufficient -power to make them dangerous. Is no credit due to the -wisdom which was the means of preserving peace? the -forethought and moderation which averted the evil tendency -of party spirit? Count Pozzo was loaded with -compliments and expressions of gratitude, for he had -probably saved Europe from a general war by not quitting -Paris. The Polish insurrection was put down, after -which all the forces of Russia were available against any -foreign interference; and the ambassador who had safely -passed through the dangerous crisis, had great cause to -congratulate himself upon results, which left the cabinet -of St. Petersburg at liberty to decide at once upon the -fate of Poland. That country received no assistance from -France; the interference of the French Chambers was -limited to some barren protests in answer to which Pozzo -di Borgo represented that Poland had been the aggressor, -having torn asunder the bands of the constitution by her -revolt, and that the Propaganda alone would be to blame -should Poland now cease entirely to exist: that great -efforts had been made since the year 1815 to overcome -the natural antipathy entertained by the Russians for -the Poles, which was as strong as the dislike existing -between the Jews and Christians in Poland. What -exertion and anxiety it had cost the generous heart of -Alexander to give a national constitution to Poland! it -was a subject on which he had consulted rather his -feelings than his understanding, and the old Russian -nobility had never forgiven his conduct on the occasion.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span></p> - -<p>In the midst of all these serious political occurrences, -of the disturbances in Paris, the various plots both foreign -and domestic, the Russian campaign against Constantinople, -and the imperative,—I might almost say, the -capricious orders of his court, Count Pozzo always -preserved the character of a man of impartial moderation, -and of a skilful statesman who conceives and works out -a system, without giving way to any of the crotchets -formed by prince or courtier capable of endangering -more serious interests. He who had resisted the Emperor -Alexander by expressing his opinion with firmness, -always continued to refuse obedience to instructions -irreconcilable with the rules of general policy, which -form the basis and regulate the relations between one -state and another. Such was the constant tenor of his -despatches after the year 1830. He was convinced that -France, to the rest of Europe must serve as a principle -either of order or disorder, possessing either way very -great influence; and to all requisitions which did not -tally with these ideas, he replied by writing to his court, -"You have other agents besides me for affairs of this -nature; I am only fit for moderate and conciliatory -measures."</p> - -<p>When the Turkish war was concluded, the ambassador -received orders to proceed to London for the -purpose of forming a just estimate of the state of affairs, -and the position of the Whigs and Tories; having been -successful in his endeavours to prevent France from -taking part against Russia, it now became equally -essential to sound the Tories, and become acquainted -with the bent of their views, should parliament and the -march of public opinion again place them at the head of -affairs. The official ambassador from Russia to London -was Prince Lieven, or rather it was said <i>Princess</i> Lieven, -a woman of great ability, whose brilliant assemblies were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span> -the favourite resort of the Tory nobility, and the centre -of political intelligence. Count Pozzo had very little -communication with the Whig ministry; his acquaintance -was principally with the Duke of Wellington and -the Earl of Aberdeen, who was minister for foreign -affairs, for the Tory interest; for that party, although out -of office, still retained some representatives among the -ministry. The conversations between the Duke and -Pozzo di Borgo, were an interchange of recollections and -hopes, together with the means of regulating the probabilities -of the return of the Tories into the ministry. -It was already in contemplation, although public opinion -had strongly opposed a premature attempt made by the -Duke of Wellington to resume the direction of affairs. -In political life it is a mark of great ability to know how -<i>to bide one's time</i>.</p> - -<p>Still a kind of slight was about to cloud the life of -Count Pozzo. Hitherto whatever missions might have -been assigned to him exclusive of his official functions in -Paris, he had always retained the title of ambassador to -the court of France, and his tastes and inclinations led -him to consider that country as his own. When he was -despatched to Madrid, and more recently to London, his -sovereign had not withdrawn his credentials, his post was -still Paris: what was the reason a different course of -proceeding took place upon this occasion, and that he received -the title of ambassador extraordinary to his Britannic -Majesty? It would be in vain to deny that it was -a mark of his being out of favour, nor was this the only -occasion upon which such had been the case in the course -of his life. His disposition was not one that would bend -to caprices or submit to demands which did not concern -him. I have heard him complain of being watched by a -number of special envoys, whose employments did not -fall within the range of the regular communications<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span> -between two governments, two nations naturally formed -to esteem each other. This somewhat haughty disposition, -led to the ambassador's loss of favour; it was -however covered by a purple robe, by the appointment -of ambassador to London.</p> - -<p>Count Nesselrode entered into an explanation of the -duties connected with the ambassador's new appointment. -It was intended he should use all his influence -to support the menaced Tory interest; his intimacy with -the Duke of Wellington was well known, but it was -considered that a merely provisional title, would not be -sufficient to confer the necessary <i>éclat</i> and importance -upon the Russian ambassador, for which reason he was -to receive the definitive and official appointment. As soon -as the mission should be accomplished, when the Duke of -Wellington should have been dissuaded from his inclination -to unite with Austria on the Eastern question, and -the Tories have been actively supported, Pozzo di Borgo -was to be reinstated in his appointment in Paris, and -permitted to follow his tastes and habitual pursuits in -the country he considered as his home. This despatch -afforded some consolation to the ambassador, who was -affected by a feeling of sadness in breaking the ties that -bound him to a society in which he had so many intimate -friends, but in these mournful separations he was now -supported by the hope of a speedy return. Every thing -around was dear to him, even the palace whose gradual -embellishment he had taken pleasure in watching; the -verdure of the gardens, the shade of exotic trees, the -fragrant flowers, the vast and well-chosen library of -Italian authors, whose works he was so fond of reciting -from memory, and the views of Corsica suspended in his -apartments, the gulf of Ajaccio which recalled the early -youth of the friend of Paoli.</p> - -<p>When admitted to any degree of intimacy with Count<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span> -Pozzo, you were particularly struck with the energy of -his manners and his vigorous mode of expression; his -handsome though swarthy countenance was shaded by -greyish hair, always arranged in a picturesque manner, -as Gerard has represented him in one of his admirable -portraits. His conversation was at first reserved and -guarded, but gradually became animated and full of -imagery and wit which sparkled through a slightly Corsican -accent; his memory resembled a vast bazaar, full -of the varied recollections of a long and troubled life. -If you were desirous of seeing the mind of Count Pozzo -in its full glory, you had only to speak to him of Corsica, -ask him questions concerning the history of Paoli, or -turn the conversation upon the national republic established -in the island, and the <i>Consulta</i> which chose him -as secretary to the government, and then you would be -struck with the animation of his voice and gestures; his -piercing eyes seemed to seek in your mind the emotions -that glowed in his own, till you actually felt as if present -with him at the assembly where the Corsican people -proclaimed their independence. He did not indulge in -anecdotes to the degree Talleyrand used to do in his -long evening conversations, but he was more serious and -truthful in his reminiscences, and did not play with facts, -but always took a serious view of them. Without the -habitual tact that characterised him, he might have been -drawn into further confessions, for he was scarcely -master of himself when speaking of his early political -life. He was a man whose memory was so full of facts, -that they oozed out at every pore; a spirit I took great -delight in consulting, because the great struggle of -Europe against Napoleon was shadowed forth by him, -in a very different point of view from that assumed by -the bad pamphlets of the imperial school.</p> - -<p>I saw him depart for London in the full enjoyment of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span> -his powerful faculties, retaining his eagle glance, the -elevated expression of his noble brow, and his bright -searching eyes, while his mouth was expressive of mildness -and goodness. But he was evidently out of spirits, -and he quitted Paris with the idea that some misfortune -would occur before he should see it again. In London -he transacted the affairs of his government with the same -devotion and activity as ever, but he took no pleasure in -his employment; the friendship of the Duke of Wellington, -his companion in more than one battle-field, was his -only enjoyment; they passed whole days together at -Apsley House talking over the affairs of Europe, and -their recollections; speaking, the one of the caprice of -the people who broke his windows, the other of the -ingratitude of a court incapable of comprehending that -order, and peace with a powerful nation like France, are -essential to the tranquillity of Europe.</p> - -<p>Weary of so long a diplomatic career, he had at last -obtained permission to seek the retirement he so ardently -coveted, when a letter from the Emperor apprised him -of the intended journey of a Czarewitch to London, and -requested him to act as a guide to the young prince -during his stay in England. This involved a degree of -responsibility and of moral fatigue which shortened the -life of Count Pozzo. How would the heir to the Russian -throne be received by the English nation, so capricious -both in their affections and their hatred? The trial terminated -happily, but it may be safely asserted that the -last remains of strength possessed by the ambassador -sunk under the exertion.</p> - -<p>I saw him on his return to Paris: what a sad alteration -from his former self! and what mere worms we are in -the hand of God, who disposes at His pleasure of the mind -and intellects of man! He no longer found any enjoyment -or ease except in the society of his nephew, Count<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span> -Pozzo di Borgo, and his amiable niece, a daughter of the -noble house of Crillon. Was the old ambassador -desirous of shewing that he had never ceased to be a -Frenchman, by quartering his Corsican coat-of-arms -with the escutcheon and honourable devices borne by the -brother-in-arms of Henry IV.?</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="M_PASQUIER" id="M_PASQUIER">M. PASQUIER.</a></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">The</span> administration of the Empire was, generally -speaking, strong, full of energy and unity of purpose; -it was composed of two elements, the ruins of the republican -party now rallied around the dictatorship of -Napoleon, and became submissive under his iron rule, -such as Treilhard, Merlin, and Thibaudeau, and the -pure and elevated remains of the old monarchical school, -like Molé, De Fontanes, and De Narbonne. According -to the custom observed in all governments possessed of -any portion of strength and intelligence, Buonaparte collected -around himself all the persons whose names were -honourably connected with past events, or exercised any influence -over the present or the past; he indulged neither in -fear nor repugnance, because he had perfect confidence in -his own power of restraining and managing every thing. -Before the revolution of 1789, some parliamentary families -existed, who transmitted the highest magisterial -offices from one generation to another, forming a sanctuary -in which public morals, duties, and learning, were -preserved and perpetuated. There were no doubt some -little party prejudices among them, together with a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span> -tendency towards the feelings of the patricians of Rome; -considering themselves to have succeeded to the assemblies -of the states-general. But though the parliament -sometimes threw difficulties in the way of the executive -government, still they maintained the spirit of liberty -and probity through the lapse of ages, and people -considered them as a political guarantee, upon occasions -when a degree of confusion and disorder prevailed in the -constitution of the country.</p> - -<p>The family of the Pasquiers were descended from -Etienne Pasquier, a man of great talent and erudition, -author of a celebrated work entitled "<i>Recherches sur la -France</i>." His character was very remarkable from the -versatility of his talents and occupations; he wrote clever -verses, and displayed the greatest ability in the important -correspondence in which he was engaged, and during -the troubles of the League, he strove to find a middle -course from whence he might offer himself as a timid mediator -among the opposing parties. In my writings upon -the events of the sixteenth century, I have often spoken -of that good Etienne Pasquier, with his ingenious talents -and the exquisite tact he displayed in the evil times of -civil war.</p> - -<p>The direct progenitors of the subject of this memoir -held an appointment in the parliament, and his father, -Etienne Pasquier, councillor in the parliament of Paris, -was denounced at the revolutionary tribunal and condemned -to death on the 21st of April, 1794. His son -was brought up at the College of Juilly, a fine institution, -which has produced many distinguished characters. I -have always admired the mild and careful system pursued -by religious bodies, where the education of the heart -and mind is as carefully attended to as that of the -head, and which invested each professor with so paternal -a character, that even the most ungrateful of his pupils<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span> -could never entirely shake off the recollection; witness -Voltaire and Diderot.</p> - -<p>M. Pasquier had scarcely left college before he was -appointed to a situation in the Parisian parliament, -according to the custom observed in families of the legal -profession, where the office of the father was inherited -by the son. He did not long continue to wear the parliamentary -habit; he was, however, enabled to be present -at the solemn debates which took place in that assembly, -and were terminated by the convocation of the States-general, -and he there received his first lesson in political -life. The magistracy were carried away in the general -tempest, and the parliaments were destroyed by the revolution; -the resistance to the royal prerogative had -originated with them, and both were abolished at the -same time.</p> - -<p>Popular excitement is always ungrateful, and deals its -first blow upon those by whom it has been assisted or -fostered, thus affording an important lesson to demagogues -or flatterers of the populace.</p> - -<p>M. Pasquier did not emigrate during the revolutionary -troubles; he was proscribed like all persons bearing a historic -name, and at the age of twenty-six years he received -a summons to appear before the committee of public -safety, which was soon after succeeded by his being -placed under arrest at St. Lazare, on the evening before -the 9th Thermidor. The close of the reign of terror -restored him to liberty, and the restoration of the -property of condemned persons enabled him to retire to -the estates of his family, which like those possessed by all -the parliamentary races were covered with thick woods, -in whose impenetrable retreats they were accustomed to -seek shelter, in the evil days of exile, from their accustomed -employments.</p> - -<p>When order was restored under Napoleon, M.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span> -Pasquier returned to Paris, and appeared in society, -especially at the house of M. Cambacérès, who was partial -to the old magisterial families, and his remarkable -talents soon brought him into notice. At that period -the Emperor was desirous of establishing a monarchical -system upon elevated principles, and sought every where -among men and things the materials for his purpose; -every noble or influential name attracted his attention, -for he was well aware of the power exercised by hereditary -rank, and knew that past recollections have as -much influence as present energy in the restoration of -States. The Arch-chancellor Cambacérès agreed in the -Emperor's sentiments; and he, who was himself one of -the enlightened magistrates of the <i>Cour des Aides</i> at -Montpelier, suggested the name of M. Pasquier for the -situation of Master of Requests. It is rather a remarkable -circumstance that the memorial of the Arch-chancellor -contained the names of three candidates, -MM. de Molé, Pasquier, and Portalis; they all received -appointments on the same day, and have never -been separated in the course of their political life, their -career having been facilitated and its importance augmented -by the strong political friendship that subsisted -between them, in spite of the difference in their age and -capacity.</p> - -<p>M. Pasquier, while master of requests at the <i>Conseil -d'Etat</i>, was distinguished by his laborious attention and -assiduity, at the time when improvement had assumed -a serious and reflective form; he had passed his fortieth -year when he was appointed attorney-general of the -great seal, and afterwards Councillor of state. The State -council was a powerful and important school; the Emperor, -who entertained a strong antipathy towards all -bodies that deliberated under the sanction of publicity, -had a perfect horror of the representative system, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span> -public speaking; he liked to collect suffrages, to listen to -all opinions, reserving to himself the right of deciding -upon them, and weighing them against each other in -such a manner, that an imperial decree should never -sanction an equivocal project or a bad measure. The -council of state, composed of very eminent men, was the -real <i>corps politique</i>; and even the title of Master of -requests was not a common rank granted to aspirants of -an inferior grade. In this anxious and laborious situation, -the Masters of requests, attached to a section of the -council, devoted their existence to it, and the great end -and aim of their executive career was the situation of -Councillor of state, a title of which the characters best -known to fame were ambitious.</p> - -<p>This close and incessant every-day application suited -perfectly the studious mind of M. Pasquier; a generation -of young men had sprung up, whose souls were entirely -given up to assiduous attention to business, and who -devoted themselves to the active and deliberative portion -of the administration. The Master of requests had -already received the title of Baron and officer of the -legion of honour in reward of his services, when the -dismissal of M. Dubois, after the melancholy burning of -Prince Schwartzenburg's palace, left vacant the prefecture -of police, an appointment originally instituted -during the Consulate. The police was divided into two -parts:—the political police, which was charged with the -general safety of the kingdom and the surveillance of -political parties, constantly in a state of commotion even -under the heavy hand of Napoleon; it was always intrusted -to the minister of a department, and the situation was at -that time filled by General Savary; and the prefecture -of police, an appointment of a more simple order, circumscribed -within the walls of Paris, whose chief had charge -of the <i>édilité</i>, that is to say, of the safety and cleanliness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span> -of the city and the inspection of the markets and provisions, -all duties of considerable importance. The -prefect of police also regulated the bulletins concerning -the state of the public mind, so as to act as a check upon -the minister of police. During the time of the Empire, -each of these situations involved serious duties and considerable -responsibility.</p> - -<p>When appointed to the prefecture of police, M. Pasquier -devoted himself entirely to the discharge of his -official duties, and voluminous writings still exist upon the -provisioning of the capital, and the method of multiplying -magazines in the time of abundance; this had now -become a question of great anxiety, occupying the serious -attention of the government, for in the year 1811, the -first symptoms of an alarming scarcity made their -appearance. The price of bread had reached an exorbitant -height, and people were constantly on the brink of -a disturbance owing to the dearness of grain of all kinds. -I have perused and analysed with the greatest attention -the important writings of M. Pasquier under the empire, -deposited in the archives of the prefecture of police.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> - -<p>It must be recollected that Napoleon was then about -to depart upon his Russian expedition, and it may easily -be imagined that contending parties would give occasion -to extreme anxiety during his adventurous campaign: -how great was that entertained by the prefect of police! -his nights were devoted to quieting the alarms excited -by false bulletins, and strengthening the confidence of -the people, for the <i>prestige</i> that surrounded Napoleon -was beginning to disappear, a certain spirit of independence -and animadversion was gradually gaining ground, -and numerous caricatures, <i>bons mots</i>, and epigrams, -attacked the moral power of the Emperor.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span></p> - -<p>The romantic enterprise of General Mallet took place -at this juncture; it was a prodigious act of boldness, -shewing how slight was the tenure of Napoleon's power; -one hour more, or one man less, and the most powerful -empire of modern times would have been at an end! -M. Pasquier has been reproached with having allowed -himself to be surprised by the insurrection, but, in the -first place, he had nothing to do with watching the formation -of plots, that duty devolved upon M. Savary, the -minister of police; and besides, to do justice to all -parties, what vigilance can possibly foresee or control -the plans conceived by <i>one</i> man in the silence of a prison? -General Mallet was armed with a military power which -it was in vain to resist, and M. Pasquier was surprised at -the prefecture, hurried into a <i>voiture de place</i> and conveyed -to the prison of La Force, with injunctions that he -should be detained there until the provisional government -was established. He was not liberated until -after the suppression of the conspiracy, having steadily -refrained from making any concessions to the conspirators, -but merely submitting to the fate prepared for him -by a military insurrection. A magistrate who gives way -to the commands of unlawful authority, is guilty of -betraying his trust; he ought to remain steadfast in his -duty, even should violence cast him into a dungeon.</p> - -<p>Napoleon formed a favourable judgment of the conduct -of M. Pasquier, and continued him in his appointment -of prefect of police, while M. Frochot, prefect of -the Seine, was dismissed by the council of state, assembled -to examine into the degree of culpability and negligence, -to be attributed to the different functionaries in the sad -affair of Mallet. The Emperor viewing matters from -his elevated position, judged the prefect of police to be -perfectly undeserving of blame or censure, as he -had merely yielded to force, and it was utterly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span> -impossible for him either to foresee or to prevent a -disturbance conducted in so unusual a manner; the most -subtle and watchful mind could not have suspected the -meditations indulged in by so adventurous a person as -General Mallet; besides which, as I said before, General -Savary had charge of the political police. This severe -trial soon afforded M. Pasquier an opportunity of rendering -an important service to the city of Paris, by the -creation and organisation of the gendarmerie, which, -under a different name, has on so many occasions greatly -contributed to maintain the peace and security of the -capital. He had before, in the year 1811, remodelled the -corps of firemen,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> whose devotion to their duty and noble -courage deserves the highest praise.</p> - -<p>The difficult circumstances of the times were increasing; -if the management of the Parisian police was a hard -task while the glory and prosperity of Napoleon were at -their height, how much more delicate, and consequently -more odious and watchful, was its office during the -season of reverses and misfortune? Parties were now in -commotion, people were no longer silent upon their desire -of a change, and the probability such might be the -case, and the enemy was rapidly approaching the capital: -M. Pasquier fulfilled his duties to the very last moment, -by the wise and firm administration of his office; he -reduced the duties of his prefecture to the maintenance -of public tranquillity, and the careful management of -every thing relating to the repose and well-being of the -city; thus returning to the original charge he had received -from the Emperor,—attention to the safety and -cleanliness of Paris, which were formerly almost the only -duties required from the lieutenant of police.</p> - -<p>When the artillery was heard in thunders upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span> -capital, the senatorial party and Talleyrand invited him -to support the political alterations produced by circumstances, -but it was not until the evening before the allies -entered Paris, that he, like M. Chabrol,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> prefect of the -Seine, joined the movement which led to the restoration. -The enemy were about to enter Paris, and it was necessary -the public safety should not be endangered by any -popular tumult; the influence of the prefect of police was -therefore most essential, but it was merely passively -exerted with regard to political events; it received an -impulse from them, but did not communicate any. Talleyrand -had formed a just estimate of the character of M. -Pasquier, and attached great importance to obtaining his -concurrence. It was he who prepared the proclamations -urging the citizens to the maintenance of order; and he -entered into a communication with Count Nesselrode -and the allied generals, then taking possession of Paris. -His connexion with diplomatic affairs dates from this -difficult period, as well as his political career under the -restoration; and when afterwards appointed minister -for foreign affairs, the reminiscences of Paris in the year -1814 rose to his mind and were of great service to him -in assisting the diplomatic arrangements of his cabinet.</p> - -<p>A conciliatory character was manifested at the accession -of the Bourbons, and the police ceased to possess the -importance attached to its active administration during<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span> -the reign of Napoleon; it was no longer a fit situation for -a man of such abilities as M. Pasquier, he therefore -resigned the prefecture, and was appointed by the king -one of the council of state, and received, a few days afterwards, -the situation of inspector-general of the bridges -and causeways, an active and important appointment in -a country where so much remained to be done for the -improvement of the roads, and internal communication -of the kingdom. He displayed in his new office the -activity and laborious attention which characterised the -imperial school, and the principal part of the great enterprises -with regard to roads were executed under his -direction. In France we think a great deal of public -speeches and very little of improvement; and it is a singular -fact that we, who are the most intelligent and -industrious of nations, are at least twenty years behind -our neighbours in every thing relating to roads: even -Germany and Switzerland are far in advance of us. The -commissioners for bridges and causeways, while they -spend large sums of money, are faulty in their mode of -administration, and do not make the most of their resources; -M. Pasquier exerted himself to improve this vast -branch of the public service, but his appointment was of -short duration, for the march of Napoleon upon Paris -put an end to all executive existence, and he was unemployed -during the hundred days.</p> - -<p>When the white flag of Louis XVIII. floated above -the tower of St. Denis, M. Pasquier offered his services -to the king; he was included in the first ministry of -Talleyrand as keeper of the seals, and exercised at the -same time the functions of minister for the interior, an -appointment of extreme delicacy and difficulty in the -crisis of that period. France was invaded by 700,000 -strangers, the public mind was in a state of constant agitation, -and the principles of the restoration had excited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span> -a deplorable reaction in several of the provinces; it thus -became necessary to organise the system of the prefects, -to repress the too ardent zeal occasionally exhibited, -prevent the sanguinary vengeance of parties, and prepare -and advance the election of upright persons of moderate -views, in order to heal the wounds of the country. -Nothing is easier than to judge people with severity -after a lapse of years, and when events are long over; -and thus the services rendered by some statesmen in seasons -of peril are soon forgotten, or are but imperfectly -appreciated by people, who are in the full enjoyment of -peace and security, and therefore inclined to exercise a -mathematical rectitude in their judgment of facts. If -we look back upon the year 1815, after the double invasion -and heavy military contributions, we shall see that -it was impossible for a government to display more -exemplary moderation, before the face of a victorious -party, to whose conditions it had been compelled to -submit. M. Pasquier followed the fortunes of Prince -Talleyrand; he gave in his resignation and was succeeded -by M. de Barbé-Marbois.</p> - -<p>He had however, always been strongly inclined towards -the moderate system which gained the ascendant under -the Richelieu ministry, and shortly after its formation he -was appointed one of the commissioners for the liquidation -of the foreign debts; it was a post of great confidence, -for if the laws of honesty were set aside, enormous -fortunes might soon be amassed. M. Pasquier's integrity -was unimpeachable, and he was the worthy colleague of -M. Mounier, the most honest man belonging to the noble -Richelieu school.</p> - -<p>He was elected by the department of the Seine as their -representative, and on taking his seat in the chamber of -deputies, after the ordonnance of the 3d of September, -he was nominated president; from this parliamentary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span> -position, he again passed into the ministry in the month -of January 1817, the Duc de Richelieu having caused -him to be appointed keeper of the seals.</p> - -<p>A conciliatory system was predominant in the whole of -M. Pasquier's ministerial conduct at this period, and he -was the first to enlarge at the tribune upon the principles -of the liberty of the press and the responsibility of editors. -There was still too much irritation in people's -minds, and the country still too much overwhelmed, to -allow the independence of the newspapers to be safely -established as a principle; books and pamphlets only -were free, for a gradual approach was making towards -liberty, and the opinions laid down by M. Pasquier -are still considered as law upon the subject. The -degree of responsibility was perfectly well regulated, and -the minister's motives are clearly explained, and expressed -with an elevation of principle and closeness of -reasoning which distinguish the true parliamentary -style. In England statesmen are in the habit of publishing -their speeches, because they form the record of -their lives.</p> - -<p>When the Duc de Richelieu's ministry was dissolved -in the latter part of the year 1817, M. Pasquier had no -hesitation in retiring from office with the noble negotiator -of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. M. Dessolle -was at the head of the new ministry, and M. Decaze -naturally filled a post of the highest importance in it; -but the movement which was about to incline them -towards the ideas of the <i>parti gauche</i> was too decided to -make it possible M. Pasquier should join them; and it -soon became apparent to him that the law of elections, -although commendable for its simplicity, was still liable -to produce evil results. He possessed very remarkable -influence over the course of affairs, in spite of his having -retired from office; and one of his political habits was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span> -always to compose a memorial upon every situation that -occurred, for he liked to observe men and circumstances -as from an eminence, so as to enlighten those in authority. -In the month of October 1819, he presented a -memorial to Louis XVIII. upon the proceedings of the -ministry, calling attention to the faults they had committed -and the bad effects of the law of elections; and he -considered the situation of affairs to be such as to render -an immediate change necessary in the government of the -country.</p> - -<p>Accordingly when the ministry of M. Decaze decided -upon modifying the law of elections, M. Pasquier was -offered an appointment; he did not resume the situation -of keeper of the seals, but undertook the direction of -foreign affairs; our situation with regard to our foreign -relations having assumed a serious aspect, it was necessary -they should be under the charge of a minister quite -resolved to resist any tendency towards a spirit of revolution. -M. Decaze lost office after the assassination of -the Duc de Berry; and on the formation of the second -Richelieu ministry, M. Pasquier retained the situation of -minister for foreign affairs, only with the proviso that he -was to consult the noble duke upon points relating to -diplomatic matters. The Duc de Richelieu, from his -connexion with the various cabinets of Europe, must -have inspired great confidence in diplomatic proceedings -of importance.</p> - -<p>From this period the existence of M. Pasquier was -divided into two distinct portions, the one being passed -at the tribune, and the other devoted to business. I am -not acquainted with any session when the debates were -more violent or more contested than that of 1820; the -speeches were remarkable for their eloquence, the -names of General Foy, of Camille Jordan, and Benjamin -Constant, appeared, beside those of Casimir Périer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span> -and Lafitte; each question was decided by a small majority, -and it was necessary to modify the law of elections, -and determine upon measures rendered indispensable by -the circumstances succeeding the death of the Duc de -Berry. The superiority of M. Pasquier's abilities was -evident during this long session, where he was incessantly -in the tribune, opposing, in the most decided and authoritative -manner, the orators of the liberal party. When -an alarming tumult took place in the public square, M. -Pasquier appeared at the tribune to denounce the instigators -of the disturbances, undismayed by the threats and -vociferations of the revolutionary <i>parti gauche</i>. He -spoke without disguise or circumlocution, and as to the -phrase with which he has been so much reproached, <i>sur -l'arbitraire</i>,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> is it any thing beyond a simple declaration -of what the government was desirous of obtaining, and -requested from the power authorised to grant it? Every -thing that was obtained had demanded incredible -efforts, and whatever may have been said of the session -of 1820 by those under the influence of party spirit, it -was undoubtedly the finest period of the representative -system, recalling the times of Pitt, Grenville, and Dundas, -opposed to Fox, Erskine, and Sheridan.</p> - -<p>M. Pasquier's situation was not less difficult as minister<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span> -for foreign affairs; for the revolutionary spirit had -declared itself almost simultaneously in Spain, Naples, -and Piémont. France, it is true, adopted the repressive -system, and in this respect agreed with the plan suggested -at the congresses of Laybach and Troppau; nevertheless -the minister for foreign affairs could not overlook the -material interests of France; the Austrians, desirous of -marching upon Piémont and Naples, wanted to occupy -definitively both these places, and how was it possible -France should not feel uneasy at the sight of the German -standards unfurled beyond the Alps, and extending even -as far as Savoy? A series of notes passed on this occasion -between M. Pasquier and Prince Metternich; and -it was positively decided between the two ministers, that -if the Austrian occupation should be necessary, it should -be strictly limited to such a period, as would neither -affect the consideration nor the importance of France. -Metternich faithfully fulfilled this engagement, and the -evacuation of Piémont took place at the stipulated time.</p> - -<p>If you consult any of the persons employed in the -foreign office, they will speak of M. Pasquier's assiduous -attention to his work, and of his perfect capability of -bringing a negotiation to the termination he wished; -and they will also tell you he shewed extreme judgment, -in all the great difficulties incident to a situation -so liable to constant change of circumstances.</p> - -<p>A complete rupture had taken place with the old -liberal system; and to insure success in this enterprise, the -Richelieu ministry had been obliged to apply to the ultra-royalist -party. At the commencement of the session of -1821, the council decided upon adding MM. de la Corbière, -de Villèle, and Lainé, to the cabinet; it was a great -mistake, it was either granting too much or too little; -for, in fact, what figure could they make in the cabinet -as ministers without appointments, and yet chiefs of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span> -majority? And what was the consequence? secret dissensions, -as might naturally be expected, arose from the -very commencement of the attempted coalition; consultations -were held in the king's council, after which, -MM. de Villèle and Corbière privately expressed their -dissatisfaction, and revealed the designs of the ministry -to their colleagues on the <i>côté droit</i> in the Piet society; -quarrels naturally suceeded, which eventually led to the -rupture that took place after the session of 1821.</p> - -<p>The royalists, in general, entertained an extreme dislike -to M. Pasquier, and a great part of the <i>côté droit</i> could -could not endure him.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> All the opposition towards the -end of the session was directed against him, till, at last, his -patience was exhausted, and he assumed a high tone with -the Ultras by openly and unhesitatingly declaring his -inclinations and his repugnances, expressing himself with -so much boldness and freedom that the whole of the -<i>parti droit</i> declared war to him. M. Pasquier wanted to -have done with the whole business; his situation fatigued -him, and, foreseeing the downfall of the ministry, he obtained -a seat in the upper chamber, being made a peer of -France in the course of the month of November 1821. -The ministry of the Duc de Richelieu had resigned office -on the occasion of the address, and the Duc de Montmorency -assumed the charge of foreign affairs.</p> - -<p>M. Pasquier took his seat in the upper chamber, at -that time a powerful institution possessed of hereditary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span> -rank, property, and the <i>majorats</i>. The prospects of the -young peerage were very great, and evidence was soon -afforded of what they were capable of doing, by their -constant opposition to the faults and ill-judged proceedings -of the restoration. M. Pasquier, placing himself on -the same benches as the statesmen of the Richelieu party, -made a point of speaking upon every subject that came -before the house, and the judgment and deep thought -which characterised his discourses, caused them to exercise -great influence over the chamber. He spoke against -the rights of primogeniture, the creation of the three per -cents, and the law of sacrilege; and his speeches were -often the means of deciding the question by their influence -on the majority obtained. He placed himself in -constant and direct opposition to the Villèle cabinet, -which occasioned a strange advance in revolutionary -ideas, by the constant injury it inflicted upon the interests -and affections of modern France.</p> - -<p>There was not quite the same vehemence of debate in -the chamber of peers as in that of the deputies, but it -attained to more certain results. There was a degree of -quiet, and at the same time great political judgment, in -the discussions, not allowing themselves to be carried -away by the spirit of party, but continuing so steadily to -advance towards the downfall of M. de Villèle's ministry, -that we may safely assert, the retirement of the royalist -cabinet of the restoration was owing to their efforts. -It must be confessed, this opposition was rather against -the order of things; an aristocratic power which opposed -the elements of an aristocratic constitution, was not in -good keeping; but the fault lay with the party of the -restoration, which interfered too hastily with the new -ideas and prejudices prevalent in France.</p> - -<p>The chamber of peers obtained a complete triumph;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span> -although weakened by successive promotions,<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> its influence -over the elections of 1827 was very great. The -Martignac ministry was formed upon the principles of -the Richelieu administration, that is to say, with the -upright intentions that characterised the statesmen of -that noble school. M. Pasquier naturally assumed his -proper degree of ascendancy over that administration; -the bond of recollections and of similarity of principles -united him with M. Portalis, the keeper of the seals; and -it was repeatedly proposed that he should resume the -charge of the foreign office, his name having even been -suggested by the council of the ministers after the retirement -of M. de la Ferronays. Charles X. however -negatived the appointment when the list of the candidates -was presented to him, for he did not wish to have any -man of importance in a ministry which could only be -of transitory duration; and certain prejudices, dating -from the year 1815, which had never been effaced -from the king's mind, first made him prefer M. de Rayneval, -and afterwards, finding the influence of that able -diplomatist upon the two chambers not sufficiently powerful, -M. de Portalis was appointed minister for foreign -affairs.</p> - -<p>The formation of the Polignac ministry occasioned -great uneasiness to the political party, which was always -composed of men of eminent talents, and desirous of the -establishment and preservation of order; they observed -with great anxiety the impending crisis, and they dreaded -the fatal struggle likely to be attempted by the party of -the restoration. All these experienced minds were well -acquainted with Charles X.; they knew that with all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span> -advantages of his chivalrous disposition, his undoubted -uprightness of mind, his thoroughly French character, -he still had an unfortunate inclination for <i>coups d'état</i>, -and extravagant actions that might compromise the safety -of his government. The <i>corps diplomatique</i> were equally -uneasy, and confidential communications took place -between them and the political party, expressing their -sense of the danger and agitation likely to be caused by -a <i>coup d'état</i>; they were consequently less surprised -than alarmed by the promulgation of the <i>ordonnances</i> of -July. The political party held itself in reserve during -the popular crisis, and when order was a little restored, -it confined itself to giving a monarchical bias to society, -as the only means of preserving France from a foreign or -domestic war. As soon as the charter had restored the -balance of power, and the monarchical form of government, -M. Pasquier was appointed president of the -chamber of peers.</p> - -<p>He had hardly taken his seat before he had to -encounter the trial of the ministers of Charles X., the -chamber of peers having been converted into a court of -justice. We must look back upon the feelings of that -time, and remember the storm of passion that roared -around,—the tumult that was excited! Those parties -who seek their own advantage in every thing wanted to -profit by the solemnity of these trials to occasion disorder; -this sovereign people, these heroes of the barricades, -thirsted after the blood of the imprudent ministers of -Charles X.; shouts and yells were heard recalling the -days of horror of the first revolution, the national guard -was devoid of energy, and the troops of the line discouraged -by the check they had received at the barricades. -Matters were in this state, when the chamber of peers -was called upon to deliberate in the midst of tumult and -disorder, and history will confess that it proved itself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span> -worthy of better times, by refusing to sanction the sanguinary -vengeance so loudly demanded by the populace. -Some degree of strength of mind and courage was required, -when crowds of people, agitated like a troubled -sea, threatened to invade the Luxembourg and assassinate -all the members of the chamber; nevertheless the peers -resisted, and a sentence of imprisonment alone was pronounced, -which could hardly be considered as a punishment, -because in seasons of political troubles, if people -escape with their lives, there is no doubt that in -due time the popular fury will subside, and permit -their restoration to liberty and civil existence. The -prudence and talents of M. Pasquier did admirable -service to the cause of justice and order at this -juncture.</p> - -<p>It was no doubt to reward the spirit of moderation -evinced by the peers on this occasion, that the parties -made haste to deprive them of their right to hereditary -succession. The first blow aimed at the importance of -this assembly was evidently the clause in the charter, -which annulled the peerages created by Charles X. -The peerage was thus deprived of its indelible character, -it was now no more than an office capable of -being revoked, and of which one might be deprived -almost like a prefecture; what sort of aristocracy could -be formed of such elements? The next step was to take -away the hereditary transmission of the peerage, <i>majorats</i> -were abolished, it was reduced to a mere office for life, -without power or influence upon the government. From -the time the peers consented to vote away their hereditary -rights, they became a mere council of elders, a kind -of chapel of ease to the chamber of deputies; the -chamber of peers was converted into a sort of noble hospital, -where the wounded among the old political or -military ranks might seek repose. The chamber of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span> -peers no longer possessed inviolability, hereditary rank, -or property; from henceforth it could no longer be an -aristocratic body capable of resisting a democratic impulse, -but its sole greatness must consist in the -superiority of intelligence, the extensive experience, and -great political ability it possessed, and which no other -body could dispute with it.</p> - -<p>Parties were not yet overcome, and a despairing effort -had been made by the republican party in the streets of -Paris: the sword of justice still hung suspended over -many of the accused, and in virtue of the charter all -these offences were referred for trial to the chamber of -peers. It was said at that time in the newspapers, and -even at the tribune, that these trials would not take -place; "It was impossible," repeated they, "that the -accused should be summoned before an old worn-out -body, like the chamber of peers." I must mention that -M. Pasquier's personal opinion had in the first instance -been in favour of an amnesty, and he wrote a memorial -in which his motives were clearly explained, but when -the government decided that course to be impossible, he -comprehended the full extent of his duty as a magistrate. -People may recollect the firmness, the gravity, the -patience, even the haughtiness exhibited by the president -of the court, during these debates; he retained his superiority -over these excited and straightforward minds, and -over the hearts of the young men who were animated by -patriotism and elevation of feeling. Not a single sentence -of death was pronounced, all the punishments were -mild, and the prisoners were able to profit by the -amnesty shortly afterwards granted to the solicitations -of M. Pasquier.</p> - -<p>The trial of Fieschi was going on almost at the same -time, after the atrocious crime which had filled Paris -with horror and bloodshed. History will, perhaps,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span> -deprecate the too great consideration exhibited towards -Fieschi, and blame the undue attention shewn to that -sanguinary mountebank, who declaimed at the bar of -justice like a street orator. One of the prisoners alone had -something remarkable in his appearance and character; -this was the aged Morey, a faithful specimen of the old -Jacobins, whose erroneous opinions are deserving of pity, -because he sealed them with his blood. This abuse was -remedied in the affair of Alibeau, by assigning a subordinate -rank to that miserable trial, with which the -chamber of peers was burdened. On this occasion the -scene was restrained within due proportions, the reward -of celebrity was no longer conferred upon all those who -dreamed of murder and assassination, and the alteration -produced so good an effect, that during the last trial, -that of Meunier, public curiosity was scarcely excited, -and the crime was abandoned to its proper obscurity.</p> - -<p>The great exertions M. Pasquier was compelled to -make injured his health, but had no effect upon the -great qualities of his mind, or upon the activity and skill -in the management of affairs, which always particularly -distinguished men of the political party. I believe no -circumstance of importance has occurred during the last -seven years, upon which he has not been consulted. It -is said he exercised great influence on the formation of -Casimir Perier's ministry; at all events, his habit of preparing -memorials, and of examining closely into all the -circumstances likely to produce any striking effect upon -public life, has often decided the resolutions of government, -and his connexion with the cabinet, and with the -principal diplomatic characters, has always facilitated the -direction of affairs. He rarely takes them in hand himself, -but, like Talleyrand, he makes people act without -personally appearing; occupying thus, perhaps, a more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span> -elevated position than if he were openly at the head -of the government.</p> - -<p>He is a man of great experience and of extreme readiness -of mind; add to which, I never knew a man more -assiduously devoted to his work; and it is worthy of -remark, that at the very time he was engaged in taking -part in all the most active and violent questions of -government, he found leisure to write more than twenty -volumes upon the history of his own times. His positive -determination not to allow any of his manuscripts to see -the light during his lifetime, and even to forbid too early -a publication of them after his death, is a sure pledge -of the perfect independence of men and circumstances, -with which he has devoted himself to so great a work. -This constant habit of occupation, and study of facts, -enlarges the ideas, and nothing gives a more exalted tone -to the minds of statesmen. In the present day we are -apt to throw ourselves into political life without any -preliminary study; and because we know how to write a -few sentences, or that we have uttered a few words at the -tribune, we consider ourselves equal to the task of governing -a country. Far different is the English method! -Political life among our neighbours is a great duty, an -entire and constant devotion to the subject; history, -diplomacy, administration, in fact every thing must be -learned by a public man who aspires to the honour of -the ministry, or to a confidential situation for the service -of his country.</p> - -<p>M. Pasquier had attained his sixty-eighth year at the -time he was invested with the dignity of chancellor of -France, he had been president of the chamber of peers -ever since the revolution of July.</p> - -<p>This elevated situation was well suited to a Pasquier, -the descendant of a family which had held magisterial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span> -office for the last two centuries, and the present chancellor -answers perfectly to the idea his ancestors had formed of -the office he holds.</p> - -<p>There are few men in modern times who, like the -magistrates of old, devote a certain portion of their -leisure hours to study and to writing; all their country -residences and their thick forests are redolent of their -recollections and their learning; such are Malesherbes, -Baville, and Champlâtreux.</p> - -<p>M. Pasquier's private life is very simple; he inhabits -the apartments of the <i>petit château</i> at the Luxembourg, -leaving the great palace to M. Decaze. No person is -easier of access; he speaks rapidly, and apprehends and -resolves questions with admirable perspicuity; his habits -are very industrious, and reading is his favourite occupation; -there is no time thrown away with him, for he -contrives to make even his visits a matter of business.</p> - -<p>Perhaps he has been appreciated as president of the -judicial court and of the chamber. He exhibits the most -perfect impartiality in his regulation of the debates in -the court of justice. His dislike to useless words and lawyers' -speeches, which are of no use either to direct or -enlighten, is very great, and he always exercises a degree -of firmness without severity, which abridges the proceedings -without in any way interfering with the defence of -the accused. As president of the chamber, he never -separates himself from an idea or opinion in politics: it -has been written that the president of a chamber ought -not to have an opinion, but I think differently, for he is -the expression of a majority, and essentially the man of -a system, and therefore I think he ought to form his -own opinion; he cannot allow every thing to be said or -to be done, and it would be very fortunate if the president -possessed authority to put a stop to all idle debates;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span> -we sink under the press of words in France, when shall -we come to business?</p> - -<p>The political school of the restoration, of which M. -Pasquier was one of the most eminent chiefs, is gradually -disappearing; it was the heir of the moral and intellectual -portion of the empire, and must have afforded great -strength of support to the Bourbons. Every time that -adverse parties have seized the reins of government by -means of its expulsion, the most serious catastrophes -have ensued; it is fortunate for the existence of kingdoms, -and to preserve them from dangers occasioned by the -prevalence of excitement, that some men of sense and -reflection still exist, of a calm and prophetic turn of -mind, who render the transition between one system and -another almost imperceptible, and contrive that, in our -capricious country, the only definitive system should -have been linked with moderation and a constitutional -government, which assumes its proper superiority after -a long struggle of adverse parties.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTON" id="THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTON">THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.</a></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">The</span> life of the Duke of Wellington forms, for England, -a sort of epitome of the glorious career of the Tory -party. The venerable chief of the British armies is not -only endowed with extraordinary abilities in military -operations, he also possesses a cool head in politics, and a -wise and pre-eminently moderate mind. Few publications -have produced so deep and lively an impression -as the "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, during -the various Periods of his Military Command, from -India to Waterloo." It changed and modified all party -opinions concerning his character; Whigs and Tories -were equally struck with the forethought of his measures -and the temperate current of his ideas, both in the -most difficult and the most varied situations, while in -power as well as during the time of war.</p> - -<p>In France, opinions do not progress so fast, and people -are still full of prejudices concerning the talents and -character of this great man. The remains of the Buonaparte -faction still affect us, and disfigure history. His -power of organisation and his restoration of the elements -of society, are not the qualities for which Napoleon's -genius is considered especially worthy of admiration, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span> -people want to prove impossibilities, even to the detriment -of his fame; and the Duke of Wellington is sacrificed -to the resentments inspired by the battle of Waterloo. -We have been distinguished enough on the field -of battle, and our country has produced names sufficiently -known to fame not to make it necessary for us to sacrifice -upon the tomb of Napoleon all the rival reputations -which opposed obstacles to his career. The careful -perusal of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches first -caused me to rectify my ideas concerning the man who -has both filled the first military place in his native -land, and has also been, in the present times, at the -head of a powerful and organising party in the affairs of -government.</p> - -<p>When you study with attention the splendid English -engravings that represent the misfortunes and downfall -of Tippoo Saib, surrounded by his mourning family; -when you gaze upon the magnificent Indian scenery, -steaming with heat and moisture, the feathery palm-trees, -the elephants with their gilded howdahs, the -black Sepoys in European costume, intermingled with -the English troops, whose cool determined spirit and -military resignation are stamped upon their countenance; -while in the back-ground appear the high walls -of Seringapatam, and their heavy cannon breathing forth -slaughter and defiance; in these scenes, amidst the -wreaths of smoke and the gleaming of scimetars, the -figure of a young officer may be discerned, with a calm -countenance, quiet and reserved manners, and the meditative -look which presages a great destiny:—that officer -is Sir Arthur Wellesley, since then so celebrated as the -Duke of Wellington.</p> - -<p>Sir Arthur, the fourth son of Gerard Colley Wellesley -earl of Mornington, and of Anne Hill, daughter of Viscount -Duncannon, was born at Dungan Castle, on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span> -1st of May, 1769, one year after that which gave birth -to Napoleon; it was a period fertile in great geniuses of -all kinds, who came to humanise and to add greatness -to the times of the Revolution. Sir Arthur was brought -up at Eton, and afterwards went to the military college -of Angers in France: our country at that time possessed -the best military establishments and the most frequented -universities; and I have already observed that Prince -Metternich and Benjamin Constant were educated at -Strasbourg.</p> - -<p>Arthur Wellesley entered the army at an early age, -and obtained a commission in the 41st Foot; in 1793 he -purchased the lieutenant-colonelcy of the 33d regiment, -and made part of the expedition to Ostend against the -French republic, where he commanded, at the age of -twenty-four years, a brigade in the retreat from Holland -under the Duke of York. The English dominions are so -vast, that it is by no means uncommon to see men even -of the noblest families sent from one extremity of the -earth to the other in the service of their country, and -young Arthur Wellesley embarked for Jamaica; but -the fleet was driven back by a tempest, and after recruiting -his regiment in Ireland, the young officer found his -destination had been altered; and he was now directed -to proceed with it to the banks of the Ganges, with his -brother, the Marquis Wellesley, who had been appointed -governor-general of India. He distinguished himself -greatly in the war with Tippoo, that noble ally of France -and of Louis XVI; and was present at the taking of -Seringapatam, at the head of the auxiliary troops furnished -by the Nizam; he was afterwards acting as -governor of the conquered city in 1800, when Dhoondiah -Waugh, an Indian adventurer, made an incursion into -the Company's territory at the head of 5000 horse.</p> - -<p>Imagination carries us back to the times of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span> -"Arabian Nights," when we turn our attention upon -the power of the English in India, with their immense -establishments among the Hindoos and Mahrattas, and -the vast capitals of Calcutta and Madras, almost as -highly civilised as Paris or London; where habits of -extreme softness and indolence prevail in the midst of -active military life.</p> - -<p>Shall we long continue to be dazzled by that fairy -land, sparkling with diamonds and rubies? I think so; -for no government possesses all the qualities necessary to -insure the colonisation of distant countries in so eminent -a degree as the noble and elevated system pursued by -England. People constantly talk of the projects of -Russia: what need has she of extending her conquests? -These are dreams only fit for the period of the empire -under Napoleon. Russia and England are united by the -most powerful of all bonds, that of commerce.</p> - -<p>Sir Arthur Wellesley distinguished himself in the -war against the Mahrattas, and was appointed to the -command of 12,000 men destined to attack the enemy's -country. Owing to the sagacity of the measures he pursued, -in order to secure the movements and subsistence -of the troops during his long march, he accomplished -this difficult campaign, though undertaken at a very unfavourable -season, with hardly any loss.</p> - -<p>Buonaparte at this time occupied Egypt; and it is -rather a curious circumstance that Sir Arthur's name -was suggested for the command of the expedition which -was to embark from Calcutta, cross the Isthmus of -Suez, and attack the French in the Desert. Had the -appointment taken place, young Wellesley would have -been called upon, at the very commencement of his -career, to encounter the General Buonaparte whose -power as Emperor was finally annihilated by him on the -plains of Waterloo. The Indian campaign of this year<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span> -is remarkable, because the Company had to encounter -the combined forces of Scindiah and the Rajah of -Becar. They were attacked by Sir Arthur near the -fortified village of Assaye, which has given its name to -the battle. He destroyed Scindiah's cavalry, defeated -the infantry of the Rajah of Becar on the plains of Argaum, -and seized the fortress of Gawoneilgar,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> which -was quickly followed by the submission of the two -chiefs. A monument, in memory of the battle of Assaye, -was erected at Calcutta. The inhabitants of that -city presented the victorious general with a sword of the -value of 1000<i>l.</i>, and the officers of his army subscribed -for a golden vase, still preserved by the Duke at Apsley -House. The English parliament also passed a vote of -thanks, and the king conferred upon him the order of -the Bath. A person should read the first part of the -Duke of Wellington's Despatches to be able to form a -correct idea of the perils of this campaign and the precautions -necessary to be taken, as well as of the moderation -and judgment displayed in his orders.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Wellington thus commenced his military -career in India. He returned to England in 1805, to -take the command of a brigade in the army about to -proceed to the Continent, under Lord Cathcart; Germany -being now the destination of the general who had -lately gathered laurels on the burning plains of Hindostan. -The expedition, however, was recalled, in consequence -of the glorious victory obtained by Napoleon -at Austerlitz, which caused the death of Mr. Pitt; for in -England, that country of noble and elevated feelings, the -destruction of a great enterprise breaks the heart of a -statesman. The political life of Wellington dates its -commencement from this period. The English aristocracy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span> -are filled with devotion to their country, and the -Tories enter into her interests with their whole hearts; -indeed, it is by no means a rare occurrence in England -to see a man at the same time a member of parliament -and employed on active service, for the life of Toryism -is essentially patriotic. This intermingling of political -situations and duties with military customs leads to the -habits of order and method observable in the majorities -and minorities that occur upon parliamentary questions; -people obey their party or their opinions as they would -their commanding officer. In 1806 the town of Newport, -in the Isle of Wight, elected Sir Arthur as their representative -in the House of Commons, and in the same -year he married Miss Pakenham, sister to the Earl of -Longford; shortly after which he was appointed secretary -to Ireland under the Duke of Richmond. He commanded -the reserve of the army under Lord Cathcart -during the expedition to Copenhagen, which occasioned -such stormy debates in parliament; and the capitulation -of the city, an affair discussed, settled, and signed in the -course of one night, was entrusted to him. By the -terms of this capitulation the whole of the Danish fleet -fell into the hands of the English. Upon this occasion -an unanimous vote of thanks to the army was passed in -both houses of parliament, and the Speaker of the House -of Commons addressed the general individually when -he again took his seat after his return to England.</p> - -<p>The theatre of war was gradually increasing, and, in -1808, Sir Arthur received orders to embark for Corunna -and oppose the victorious armies of France, now -assembled under chiefs whose fame resounded through -the whole of Europe; for Spain had been invaded, and -England sought to measure her strength in the field -with that of Napoleon. The fleet was directed towards -Oporto, and Sir Arthur effected his landing in Portugal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span> -in the face of the brave regiments of the great army, at -the time when Junot was assuming a regal position at -Lisbon: the monarchy of the house of Braganza appeared -at this period like a brilliant ring, which was -successively fitted on the finger of all the adventurous -chiefs, despatched as a sort of disgrace to Portugal by -Napoleon. General Junot compromised the army by -his want of capacity and his vain pretensions, and the -21st of August was marked by the battle of Vimiera, -where the attack was commenced by the French. The -complete destitution of the army rendered a treaty necessary, -and by the miserable capitulation, called the -Convention of Cintra, it was agreed that the French -should evacuate Portugal and return into France with -their arms and baggage. Sir Arthur did not sign this -convention, and the real author of it, Sir Hew Dalrymple, -being violently attacked by the opposition, Sir -Arthur quitted the army to be present at the debates, -and at the trial of Sir Hew by a court-martial. The -Convention of Cintra has been greatly blamed by Lord -Byron in his poem of "Childe Harold." Dalrymple was -deprived of his command, and he was succeeded by -Sir Arthur Wellesley, who landed at Lisbon on the -22d of August, 1809. By the direction of Napoleon, -the most bitter ridicule was cast upon him in the <i>Moniteur</i>; -those wretched declamations against his adversaries -were a weak and contemptible trait in the emperor's -character, shewing a spirit of littleness in the -midst of all his great qualities. The following is the -article he dictated in Paris, with a mixture of folly and -presumption:—</p> - -<p>"We are very well pleased Lord Wellington should -command the armies, for, with the disposition he evinces, -he will meet with great catastrophes.... Sir John -Moore and Lord Wellington shew no symptoms of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span> -provident forethought which is so essential a quality in -warlike operations, which leads people to do nothing but -what they can maintain, and to undertake nothing but -what offers a probability of success: Lord Wellington -has not shewn more talent than the cabinet of St. James's. -To attempt to support Spain against France, and to enter -into a struggle with France upon the Continent, is to -form an enterprise which will cost dear to those who -have attempted it, and occasion them nothing but disasters."</p> - -<p>It must certainly be admitted, that Sir Arthur had no -longer to contend with an inexperienced general like -Junot, the command of the army of Portugal having -been conferred upon Marshal Soult, an old soldier, who -would not fail to display the perfect knowledge of military -tactics which had raised him to the highest rank in -his profession. The uncertain battle of Talavera de la -Reyna was celebrated in England as a most decisive -victory; great enthusiasm was excited, and, in spite of -the speeches of the opposition, a vote of thanks to the -English general was passed by both houses of parliament, -and a pension of 2000<i>l.</i> per annum was settled upon him; -he was also raised to the peerage by the title of Viscount -Wellington of Talavera. The junta of Cadiz, which -had hitherto opposed him from motives of pride and -national feeling, now offered him the rank and allowances -of captain-general of the Spanish army; but Lord Wellington -declined accepting any thing but a present of a -few horses of the Andalusian breed, which the Spaniards, -in the name of Ferdinand VII., offered him for his stud. -The conduct of the commander of the British armies on -this occasion was quite in keeping with the English character; -he considered a few fine horses, of a noble breed, -as his most distinguished trophy. The rapid march of -Marshals Soult and Ney from Salamanca into Estramadura<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span> -compelled him to retreat as quickly as he had advanced; -he therefore crossed the Tagus, and took up a -strong position to defend the passage at Almarez and the -lower part of the river. He was now destined to encounter -the two most remarkable lieutenants of Napoleon; for -Massena, in his turn, had entered Portugal, and commenced -operations by the sieges of Almeida and Ciudad -Rodrigo.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Wellington, in his old age, takes pleasure -in talking over the campaign of Portugal at Apsley -House, because he there offered a powerful resistance to -the French army, displayed the most consummate strategic -skill, and was opposed to the most renowned marshals -of the empire; first Soult and Massena, and afterwards -Marmont, who, though skilful in his arrangements, was -always unfortunate, and Ney, the boldest and most adventurous -of them all. The Duke of Wellington has -caused drawings to be made of the celebrated lines of -Torres Vedras, whose plan he traced himself, and had -executed with a rapidity and perseverance that appear -almost to belong to fabulous times. They were intended -to protect Lisbon, and extended from the sea to the -Tagus, at the point where the river, being about six miles -broad, defended them as completely as the sea itself. -They were constructed with so much secrecy, that Marmont -was struck with amazement at the sight of them; -and the English system of tactics, which consists in -taking up a fortified position, was displayed on this occasion -in all its glory. The brave Massena passed nearly -six months before these lines,—this magnificent military -work, roaming like a chafed lion desirous of engaging -with his enemy around these masses of granite, and the -waters of the great river, almost as vast as the sea. The -old general of the Italian campaign expected reinforcements -from France, but he received no assistance either<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span> -in men or provisions—a circumstance which must have -rendered his retreat to the frontiers of Spain very difficult -to accomplish. The Duke of Wellington always -does justice to the skill of Marshals Soult and Massena; -and, in speaking of them in present times, he acknowledges -them both to have been men of great military capacity. -The English general again received the thanks of -both houses of parliament on this occasion; an additional -subsidy was voted him, and the title of Marquis of Torres -Vedras was conferred upon him, to perpetuate the memory -of the military resistance that had saved Portugal.</p> - -<p>At this period the English government lavished marks -of gratitude upon its generals, in order to excite them to -fresh acts of self-devotion; and England already discerned -in the Duke of Wellington a man capable of -coping with the power of Napoleon. An attempt had -been at first made to institute a comparison between -Admiral Nelson and the Emperor, and after his death at -Trafalgar the Duke of Wellington succeeded him in -public estimation; such, at least, was the opinion expressed -and acted upon by the British parliament.</p> - -<p>The English army were guilty of many faults, from -the time of the blockade of Almeida up to the siege of -Badajos; and the battle of Fuentes d'Onoro was a severe -lesson for their commander. The juntas were not favourably -disposed towards England, in spite of which -Lord Wellington had organised the Portuguese army, -and placed it on a firm military footing; and every -thing at Lisbon was already under the influence of England, -which furnished provisions, artillery, clothing, and -arms. The Tagus was now occupied by a formidable -English fleet, and from this time forth the cabinet of -London gradually extended its influence in the Peninsula; -in fact, Lisbon was actually in a state of vassalage, -and commercial relations contributed their share towards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span> -strengthening the military bonds which war had -imposed with such mighty power.</p> - -<p>Lord Wellington passed the Tagus to prevent supplies -of provisions and ammunition being thrown into -Ciudad Rodrigo, which was now the central point of the -military operations; and the city was carried by storm -after a siege of ten days.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Fortune had ceased to -smile on Napoleon; Massena had been recalled, and -Marshal Soult shortly after him, leaving Marmont, who -was always unfortunate; while the Duke of Wellington, -on the contrary, had just succeeded in overcoming the -repugnance of the regency of Cadiz, by whom, after the -taking of Badajos,<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> he was created a grandee of Spain of -the first class, Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, and commander-in-chief -of the Spanish army. The English parliament -also voted him an additional pension of 2000<i>l.</i> per -annum.</p> - -<p>Badajos was taken by storm some months after the -fall of Ciudad Rodrigo, and our eagles veiled their heads -before the British armies. His flanks being secured, -Lord Wellington crossed the Tagus and entered Castile; -his means were very superior to those of his antagonists; -besides which the generals did not agree in opinion, and -the court was totally devoid of energy: Napoleon was -not there to interpose his will, which bore down all opposition. -The battle of Salamanca,<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> which decided the fate -of Spain, took place shortly after. Lord Wellington hastened -on, with forced marches, towards Valladolid, and -turning suddenly to the right he made a bold movement -towards Madrid, while Joseph Buonaparte retreated to -Burgos. I cannot imagine what induced Napoleon to -send Marshal Jourdan as a military guide to his brother,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span> -for he was the most inferior of all his captains, and the -Emperor had greatly ridiculed his first revolutionary -successes. Lord Wellington again received the thanks -of parliament on this occasion, the Prince Regent conferred -upon him the title of marquis, and the House of -Commons voted him the sum of 100,000<i>l</i>.</p> - -<p>It is necessary to enter into these details to understand -the source of the political fortune of the Duke of Wellington. -We here see that all his rank, his honours, -even his income, are derived from the field of battle. -The rewards granted by parliament were profuse, because -it was of the highest importance to create a military -existence capable of opposing the wonderful fortunes -of Napoleon. At this time, Marshal Soult, who had -raised the siege of Cadiz and abandoned Andalusia, made -so well-arranged a movement in concert with the main -body of General Souham's army, that Lord Wellington's -line of communication was compromised; he was compelled -to make a precipitate retreat, and Marshal Soult -resumed a glorious offensive position.</p> - -<p>The English general having here forgotten the prudent -system he usually observed, for two days his whole -army was exposed to the enemy, and it is evident, from -this circumstance, that the Duke of Wellington's talent -for defensive measures was greater than for an active -military campaign.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> He never appeared to understand -how to observe an exact medium between the well-considered -temerity, which seizes upon a fault for the -chance it affords of success, and the prudence which -foresees all the chances that may occur, even in a bad -position.</p> - -<p>In order to complete the deliverance of the Peninsula,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span> -Lord Wellington in January 1813, repaired to Cadiz, to -communicate in person with the regency; by this step -all doubts were dispelled, and the Spanish army, after -being better organised, was placed under his immediate -command. He was tenaciously regardful of his title of -generalissimo, and explained his plan for the campaign -at the head of the combined army of England, Spain, -and Portugal, as far as Vittoria, where the battle took -place which was so fatal to our arms in the Peninsula, -and where every thing was taken by the English, even -to the treasure of Joseph Buonaparte. The utter incapacity -of Marshal Jourdain, and the avidity of some of -the French generals, were among the principal causes of -this misfortune; and the efforts made to save the treasure -occasioned the destruction of the army. All the -family of Napoleon, by whom he was surrounded, being -incapable of comprehending his glory, only served to -endanger his fortune; and when the day of misfortune -has arrived, what power can arrest the torrent? The -battle of Vittoria procured for Lord Wellington the -elevated rank of field-marshal, so rarely conferred in -England; and it opened the road of the Pyrenees to the -Coalition. It was when approaching Pampeluna and St. -Sebastian, that the English general unfolded his plan of -carrying the war into France. Soult had again taken -the command of the French troops on the Bidassoa; for -Napoleon had found it necessary to despatch from the -field of Bautzen, a marshal of skill and ability to the -point most threatened with danger, and the army in Spain -was in a state of utter confusion. Lord Wellington extended -his line to Bayonne, after having carried the position -of Nivelle: it was certainly a wonderful war, full of -strategy! Marshal Soult displayed great skill in the -manner in which he manœuvred before a superior force, -which only advanced when prudence permitted; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span> -thus the two armies remained for nearly two months, -watching each other's motions, but prevented by the -severity of the season, and the dreadful state of the -roads, from proceeding any farther. Soult made an -attempt to imitate the lines of Torres Vedras on the -frontiers of France, and erected formidable intrenchments -near Bayonne; but Lord Wellington, without -attacking them in front, turned them by the right, and -thus compelled his antagonist to abandon them.</p> - -<p>The name of France inspired even the Allies with so -much respect, that they could not avoid a feeling of -hesitation as to entering her territories. When, however, -we look back upon the early ages of the French -monarchy, we find that English troops had more than -once distinguished themselves on the plains of Gascony; -and the exploits of the Black Prince are interwoven -with the feudal history of Guienne. The Emperor's -orders to Marshal Soult were to retreat very slowly, -and to endeavour as far as possible to avert the progress -of the English, Spanish, and Portuguese troops, by constant -skirmishes. He had himself entered into a treaty -with Ferdinand VII., in the hope of separating by this -means the Spanish army from the Anglo-Portuguese -force under Lord Wellington.</p> - -<p>Matters were, however, too far advanced to admit of -the realisation of these political plans, for the Pyrenees -were already passed. After the battle of Orthes the -French army was unable to maintain the road to Bourdeaux, -and Lord Wellington, in concert with Marshal -Beresford, was obliged to give a decided opinion concerning -the inclination in favour of the Bourbons, which -began to manifest itself in the southern provinces. On -this occasion he assumed a political position for the first -time; until now he had been merely a general officer, -exhibiting some degree of dexterity in his negotiations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span> -with the junta of Cadiz, but the events of 1814 were -evidently assuming a decisive character fraught with -great importance. Would he be justified in giving a -political impulse in favour of the restoration of Louis -XVIII., and what were the orders of his government on -this subject when the Allies were engaged in negotiation -at Chaumont? Lord Wellington permitted the full -and energetic manifestation of the public feeling; and -Marshal Beresford made no objections to the white flag -being hoisted. The empire was gradually declining -from the northern to the southern extremity of the -kingdom; and letters were received from Lord Castlereagh, -informing the chief of the English armies of the -events that had taken place in Paris. The battle of -Toulouse was fought a few days afterwards, a melancholy -and useless sacrifice of human life,—for it was incapable -of arresting the progress of the coalesced armies; -in fact, all was now over, the restoration was completed, -and Louis XVIII. in the act of re-entering his capital. -The English remained in possession of Toulouse, and -the peace of 1814 was concluded by all the allied -powers.</p> - -<p>Lord Wellington took no part in this treaty, for he -was then possessed of no political influence, his life being -entirely military; and Lord Castlereagh, then at the -head of the cabinet, was not inclined to yield his ministerial -influence to any one. When, however, the congress -was assembled at Vienna, the Duke of Wellington, -who had been received with the utmost enthusiasm in -England, attended this meeting of crowned heads, to exhibit -the grandeur of his country, and recall to mind -the services he had rendered to the common cause. The -talent he had displayed in the Peninsular war, and the -perseverance he had exhibited during that long struggle, -had cast a halo round his person, and greatly excited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span> -the public curiosity concerning him. He was at that -time forty-five years of age, cold and reserved in his -manners, but attaching some value to the attention -shewn him by some of the ladies at Vienna; an immense -number of entertainments were given to him, and -it is well known that no city in Europe offers so many -resources for those inclined to pleasure and dissipation.</p> - -<p>In the midst of all these amusements the congress -was startled by the fall of the thunderbolt,—news was -received of the landing of Napoleon in the gulf of Juan! -It was necessary immediate recourse should be had to -military measures, and without a moment's hesitation -the direction of the operations was entrusted to the Duke -of Wellington, as the person most capable of opposing -Napoleon; besides which, as Great Britain gave the impulse -to the European league, it was necessary to give -her a pledge of their sincerity, and the title of generalissimo, -conferred upon the Duke, was undoubtedly due -to him, in consideration of the subsidies which the -English parliament were about to vote for the advantage -of Europe. After a hurried journey to England, Wellington -returned with all speed to the Low Countries, to -decide in concert with Field-marshal Blucher upon the -plan of his campaign; and when opposed to the powerful -army of Napoleon, he followed the same system he -had been accustomed to pursue in Spain; that is to say, -he assumed a defensive attitude, in a well-chosen position. -His military reputation had commenced with the -lines of Torres Vedras, and was destined to reach its -zenith at Waterloo;—thus shewing that the whole of a -man's destiny is sometimes comprehended between two -ideas.</p> - -<p>I shall not enter here into military details, but content -myself with observing that the battle of Waterloo was a -perfect type of the system pursued by two men whose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span> -military capacities were entirely dissimilar—the Emperor -and the Duke of Wellington. Napoleon was impetuous, -actually sublime, when advancing to attack his enemy; -but disordered and devoid of reflection in a retreat. The -Duke, on the contrary, was timid, watchful, and undecided -during an active campaign, to such a degree that -he endangered the safety of his troops whenever he attempted -a bold movement; but he was at the same time -cool and collected, and accustomed to avail himself of -every advantage when acting on the defensive. The -attack made by Buonaparte at Waterloo recalled the -battles of Wagram and Austerlitz, while the Duke of -Wellington again saw the lines of Torres Vedras in the -intrenched position of Mont St. Jean.</p> - -<p>The influence of the Duke of Wellington naturally -increased after this great battle; he was advancing at -the head of a victorious army, and though Blucher did -not actually fill a subordinate situation, yet the Duke, -from his being covered with the glory of Waterloo, -could not fail to exercise a considerable influence over -the mind of the Prussian generalissimo. At last, when -they approached Paris, all the revolutionary party, with -Fouché at their head, came to meet the Duke, considering -him as the supreme arbiter, whose word was to -decide upon the fate of France. Fouché opened an -active negotiation with him for the occupation of France; -and the noble Duke, in a conversation with Louis -XVIII., recommended the ministry of Talleyrand and -Fouché, as the only one capable of bringing about an -union between royalty and the liberty obtained by the -revolution. Was the Duke mistaken? or was he duped? -Whichever may have been the case, the coalition fell to -pieces almost immediately, and the powerful and long-continued -ascendency of Lord Castlereagh and the English -government was replaced by the personal influence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span> -of the Emperor Alexander. Talleyrand was succeeded -by the Duke de Richelieu.</p> - -<p>By the treaty concluded in the month of November -1815, it had been stipulated that an army of occupation -should remain in France; and it was placed under the -command of the Duke of Wellington, without making -any distinction among the contingents furnished by the -different powers. He was also appointed inspector of -the fortresses in the Low Countries, which were erected -as advanced posts against France, and with the money -levied upon her. The generalissimo resided in Paris, -where he saw a good deal of Louis XVIII.; and his -English principles were in perfect agreement with a -system of moderation and freedom. He possessed an -honest and upright heart, and a habit of judging with -ease and simplicity of the state of events; and we must -do him the justice to say, that when on various occasions -he was constituted arbiter of the claims of the -Allies, he almost invariably gave his opinion in favour of -our unfortunate country. Even when he was consulted, -more than once, upon the possibility of diminishing the -army of occupation, he declared that the state of the -public mind in France would permit this relief to be -granted, which the suffering condition of the country -rendered imperatively necessary. At this period, when -the Duke of Wellington was engaged in rendering us -most essential service, the Buonapartist spirit armed a -fanatic against his life, and a pistol was fired actually -into his carriage. The Duke escaped unhurt; and I -deeply regret that Napoleon, in his will written at St. -Helena, should have degraded himself to such a degree -as to award a recompense to the miscreant who had thus -attacked his former military adversary. Conduct like -this communicates a stain which cannot be effaced even -from the most renowned characters in history.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the departure of the army of occupation, and -the signing of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Duke -of Wellington quitted Paris; his military career was at an -end, and his political life may be said to have just begun: -having been raised to a seat in the House of Peers,<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> with -the rank of duke, in the enjoyment of an immense fortune, -and decorated with the stars of every order of -knighthood in Europe, he could hardly fail of possessing -a considerable degree of influence. But the order -of things was now changed in England: during the -long wars against the French Revolution and Empire, -the English had shewn extreme energy, and had made -great and very judicious use of their powerful means, -thus enabling the Tories to overcome all the difficulties -presented by their situation; they were successful because -they were strongly opposed to all revolutionary -principles, and firmly resolved to carry out the war. -The people had then no time to think of internal dissensions, -they were breathlessly engaged in incessantly recurring -struggles, and always hoping for victory; but -now that the war was at an end, passions were reawakened, -and Lord Castlereagh saw his power gradually -declining, while that of the Whigs and Radicals was progressively -increasing.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Wellington was a Tory upon principle -and family precedent; he took his seat in the House of -Peers among the Conservatives; and he and Lord Aberdeen -formed the centre of the Tory benches that supported -Lord Castlereagh's ministry. He was not an -eloquent speaker, but he expressed himself with great -clearness and precision; and, without being a man of a -very enlarged mind, he was gifted with an instinctive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span> -good sense, that enabled him to form an accurate judgment -of the generality of questions; while, at the same -time, he was perfectly <i>au fait</i> of the political occurrences -and situations of Europe, for he had taken a part -in too many affairs of importance not to have retained -a deep impression of them. In short, the Duke of Wellington, -as a statesman, was less distinguished for the <i>great</i> -than for the <i>good</i> things he had done. His popularity -was now on the decline; the time had passed away when -his carriage was surrounded by crowds of people on his -return to England after his campaigns, for the Hero of -Waterloo was too staunch a Tory to be a favourite with -the populace. The queen's trial had excited public -opinion in the highest degree, and every thing was progressing -rapidly towards reform.</p> - -<p>Under circumstances like these, the Duke had little -political influence except in the diplomatic circle; but -he found himself mixed up with all the serious continental -affairs, in consequence of the important part he -had formerly played; and he was present at the congress -of Verona. He preserved a certain degree of influence -in foreign affairs during Mr. Canning's ministry, although -the Whig party was in the ascendant. Russia appeared -at this time likely to become the rival of England; the -Greek question caused considerable public excitement, -and difficulties existed as to fixing the new boundaries of -the Hellenic territory. Mr. Canning, therefore, considered -it necessary a person of great consideration -should be sent to St. Petersburg, and the Duke of Wellington, -being held in high estimation by the Emperor -Nicholas, and having also been actively engaged in most -of the questions of general interest, it was decided that -his mission should be attached to the treaty of the sixth -of July, which established the independence of Greece, -and settled her territorial boundaries. It had become<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span> -necessary the business should be finally decided; and -as, in England, strong prejudices against individuals -are never indulged in when business is at stake, the -Duke of Wellington was selected as being the person -most capable of being useful.</p> - -<p>When he returned to England Mr. Canning was dead; -Lord Goderich's ministry was struggling feebly with the -difficulties it had to encounter, and as diplomatic matters -were assuming a singularly complicated appearance, the -king thought it advisable to form a Tory ministry of -men of capacity and experience. It was composed of -Mr. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington; -and peculiarly adapted for resisting any encroachments -on the part of Russia. When the Duke came seriously -to examine into the state of the country, he was convinced -that one of the first steps necessary to secure the -efficiency and consistency of his ministry was the emancipation -of the Catholics. This had long been a favourite -idea in his family; and Marquis Wellesley<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> had formerly -detached himself from George III. on this very -question. The Duke had no hesitation as to the course -he was to pursue, and a bill presented to parliament was -passed by a majority; the Tories were desirous of the -glory of originating so just and equitable a measure.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<p>The revolution of July, some months afterwards, -struck a fatal blow to the heart of the Tories; for Radical -opinions were already obtaining great influence in -England. The Duke hastened to recognise the events -that had taken place, but in his own mind he qualified -the proceedings with the epithet <i>untoward</i>—the same expression -he had used concerning the battle of Navarino.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span> -Had not every thing been overturned and altered by -this revolution? How, then, was it possible for the -Duke to contend with a political system which threatened -to destroy the treaties concluded in 1815? He -comprehended the full consequences of this change,—nor -did he attempt to avert them; but, on the first occasion -of an equivocal majority, he sent in his resignation, -and gave up his situation to Lord Grey and the Whigs. -As in England all political characters are independent -of their position, they resign it without regret, even for -some incidental circumstance. The Duke then placed -himself at the head of the Conservative party, and of -the enlightened Tories in the House of Lords; assuming -there about the same situation as Mr. Peel in the House -of Commons. Conservative and Tory signify in England -men of worth and consistency, who venerate the -ancient institutions of their country, and do not wish -them to be interfered with; and it is certainly a magnificent -ground for a statesman to take up, for he places -himself as a barrier to oppose all the storms raised by -parties. The Duke's Conservative principles made him -averse to the plan of reform that attacked the ancient -constitution of England: he continued to observe this -steadfastness of opinion in the House of Lords; and -when, in 1833, the continental question again became -perplexed, the king proposed forming another ministry, -in which he was to be included; but on this occasion, -with an admirable appreciation of existing circumstances, -Mr. Peel was placed at the head of the cabinet, and the -noble Duke only filled a secondary place. He considered -that a name belonging to the commonalty, like -that of Mr. Peel, was better suited to the juncture than -that of the Duke of Wellington or the Earl of Aberdeen. -In consequence of this arrangement the Duke -found himself completely eclipsed by Mr. Peel, and he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span> -appeared only to have been included in the ministry -that he might act as its representative in the House of -Lords: as it has been remarked by an English political -writer, he certainly did not form its basis, whatever -strength and consideration he might have brought to its -assistance.</p> - -<p>Peel's ministry was not of long duration; and the -Tories were certainly guilty of an oversight in forming -this ephemeral cabinet, for nothing more deeply injures -a party than abortive efforts, or attempts which are not -crowned with success. The Duke of Wellington resumed -his place in the House of Lords, and spoke with -seriousness and moderation upon all the questions of -importance that came before them. As I have before -observed, strong good sense, and clear reasoning, are the -qualities for which he is especially distinguished, and -which carry every thing before them. His manner of -expressing himself is quiet and serious; and he is always -listened to with respect and attention. His private life -is essentially military; and at Apsley House he is surrounded -by pictures of all his battles, from India to -Waterloo. His favourite campaign is that of the Peninsula; -and one might say that the recollections of his -youth, under the exhilarating sky of the south of Europe, -are intermingled with it. The Duke likes the old -friends, and the society that reminds him of his military -adventures; he is also very intimate with the <i>corps diplomatique</i>, -and entertains magnificently,—displaying all -the splendour of an immense fortune and the grandeur -of the English aristocracy. Sometimes he speaks with -bitterness of his past popularity contrasted with the feelings -evinced towards him in later times; and he has more -than once called attention to the windows of his palace, -now defended by iron gratings against the violence of -the mob, who threw stones against his windows and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span> -into his splendidly decorated apartments. "What a -contrast!" said he to Pozzo di Borgo, in 1834. "Recollect, -my dear friend, my popularity after the battle of -Waterloo, and my entry into London in the year 1815; -and now see how completely I am out of favour with -these people!"</p> - -<p>The Duke of Wellington likes to be compared to -Marlborough and Nelson—the two most illustrious of -English heroes; but he avoids all comparison with Napoleon, -for their two careers are neither on the same -scale nor can be measured by the same proportion.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Wellington, a general essentially attached -to the defensive system, always knew how to -select a favourable position; received battle, but very -rarely gave it. Every time that he ventured on bold -measures he was guilty of imprudence; and he only -shewed himself eminently superior when acting on the -defensive.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Napoleon, on the contrary, was bold and -magnificent in the attack; his plans were cleverly laid, -and were the result of a sudden inspiration,—his wonderful -genius enabled him to modify them according to circumstances; -but at the slightest reverse Napoleon was -cast down, and his retreat was almost always a flight: -though his attack was made in the most brilliant manner, -he knew not how to resist; and in this he personified -the military genius of the French nation, from the -times of Cressy and Agincourt. I think it necessary to -repeat this parallel, as it is the only one that it is possible -to draw between Napoleon and the Duke of Wellington. -Nelson was the only Englishman who carried -into naval warfare the spirit exhibited by Napoleon in -the continental war. Had the Emperor lived to the -age of the Duke, it would have been curious to compare<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span> -these two great characters at the extreme point of -existence.</p> - -<p>Since the revolution of 1830, the history of parties -and statesmen has been greatly developed; Whigs and -Tories have in turn been at the helm—Lord Grey, Lord -Palmerston; Mr. Peel, and Lord Aberdeen; affording -opportunities of forming a more correct judgment of the -character and personal value of each. The Tories have -now returned into power with Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen; -but the Duke would not accept any office beyond -a sort of patronage over the House of Lords.</p> - -<p>A parallel may now be drawn between the Whigs -and Tories, embracing the most distinguished characters -among both. Lord Grey left all his celebrity as a leader -of the opposition, to become a minister of mediocrity at -the head of the government. Lord Palmerston exhibited -so much emptiness and folly in his adventurous attempt -at liberalism, as to lose all his consistency in England. -The Tories on the contrary, have retained two men of -high consideration, whose reputation is unblemished, -viz. Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen. No man can equal -the chief of the Tory party in his clear and perspicuous -manner of speaking of business; and the Earl of Aberdeen -possesses in an eminent degree a knowledge of -foreign affairs and a most extensive acquaintance with -facts: and this, in truth, constitutes the superiority and -the seal of the Tory party.</p> - -<p>People generally mistake the Duke of Wellington's -character, by supposing him to feel a dislike to France; -on the contrary, he has many feelings quite in agreement -with our national character and history. The Tories, -to a greater degree than the Whigs, are persuaded that -the predominance of France is necessary for the balance -of power in Europe; they seek all occasions to give a -proof of this opinion, and are often grieved at the prejudices<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span> -which exist at the bottom of our character against -the politics of their cabinet.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Wellington has now reached the advanced -age of seventy-four years, and he seldom speaks in -the House of Lords; but when he does so his speeches -are always worthy of attention, for his words carry with -them the importance due to the opinion of a consummate -statesman. His career, which began at so early an -age in the burning climate of India, has been already several -times endangered by sudden attacks of illness, from -which he has recovered,—thanks to the strength of his -constitution. Constantly accustomed to be employed, he -himself corrected the proof sheets of his Despatches, -which not only place him in the front rank as a <i>strategic</i> -writer, but also award him an elevated position in the -scale of minds imbued with the principles of order, government, -and administration. Let us repeat it, three -men form a summary of the career of the Tories; Mr. -Peel for the administration, Lord Aberdeen for foreign -affairs, and the Duke of Wellington for military glory -and renown. All these three are men of powerful -minds.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="THE_DUC_DE_RICHELIEU" id="THE_DUC_DE_RICHELIEU">THE DUC DE RICHELIEU.</a></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Among</span> the admirable works that have emanated from -the pencil of Lawrence, the reader must have observed a -countenance with a melancholy expression, and a high -forehead shaded by locks prematurely blanched; the -mild intelligent eyes, delicate nose, and firmly compressed -mouth, are indicative of a mind of a superior -order, but at the age of scarcely fifty years this countenance, -whose nobleness and simplicity of expression are -remarkable, conveys the idea of a man worn out with -the troubles and anxieties of life; and I may almost add, -by whom its vanities and illusions are viewed in their -true colours. It is a mixture of the Frenchman of noble -descent, and of the highest Russian nobility, who live so -fast. This portrait was painted by Lawrence at Aix-le-Chapelle, -and the original was distinguished during his -childhood by the title of Comte de Chinon; in youth he -was called Duc de Fronsac, and he finally inherited the -title of Duc de Richelieu.</p> - -<p>The political systems of all ages are personified by -certain statesmen, who were their representatives. Since -the commencement of the eighteenth century, France -has been constantly placed between two preponderating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span> -interests; these are, 1st, an alliance with England, effected -during the regency, and overturned by Louis XV. at -Fontenoy; then resumed by the treaties of 1783 and -1785; again broken by the convention, with expressions -of contempt and violence, in 1793; renewed for a moment -under Talleyrand in 1814, when it was destroyed -by the personal influence of the Emperor Alexander; -and finally restored for a short time in 1833, by the -feeble treaty between France, England, Spain and Portugal. -2dly, the Russian alliance, of more modern date, -though naturally very suitable to the interests of France. -It was first attempted by means of the embassy of M. de -Ségur, under Louis XVI.; was restored by Napoleon at -Erfurt, until the disastrous campaign of Moscow; resumed -in 1815, and supported by the ministries of the -Duc de Richelieu in 1816, and M. de la Ferronays in -1828, until Prince Polignac brought back the English -system. After the revolution of July the diplomatic -projects of Prince Polignac were resumed, with this sole -difference, that Talleyrand attempted with the Whigs -what the ministers of Charles X. had endeavoured to -effect with the Tories.</p> - -<p>I am about to write the life of the Duc de Richelieu -as the personification of the Russian alliance, which I -shall consider in all its various stages, from the period -of the Restoration; and this is an era of very great importance -in diplomatic history, for we are living under -the treaties of 1814 and 1815. Those concluded at -Vienna, at Aix-la-Chapelle, at Troppau, and Laybach, -form the basis of our present relations with the rest of -Europe.</p> - -<p>Armand Emanuel du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu, well -known in his early youth under the name of Comte de -Chinon, was born at Paris on the 25th of September, -1766; his father was the Duc de Fronsac, son of the old<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span> -Marshal Richelieu, and his mother was a daughter of -the house of Hautefort. Paris was full of the endowments -of his ancestor the great cardinal, whose purple -robe was the glory of his family; and it was at the college -of Plessis, founded by him, that the Comte de -Chinon first commenced his education, and was tolerably -successful in his studies, especially in acquiring the -various languages of Europe; for he learned to speak -Italian, German, and English with facility, and at a later -period Russian became as familiar to him as French. -At the age of fourteen he was married to a daughter of -the noble house of Rochechouart, and the young count -and his little wife, who was just thirteen years of age, -went to travel for some years, according to the custom -that prevailed at that time among families of rank: -he visited Italy, the country of the fine arts, to admire -the works of the old masters, and the ancient -cities, whose renown had once overspread the world. -On the first breaking out of our domestic troubles the -young nobleman hastened to offer his services to his -menaced sovereign, and on the 5th and 6th of October, -1789, he proceeded on foot and alone to Versailles, and -making his way through the assembled mob of ragged -men and women, he went to warn the court of the danger -with which it was threatened. As if in anticipation -of his future diplomatic career, Louis XVI. employed -him a few days afterwards on a mission to Joseph II., -a sovereign who patronised reform; and he discharged -it with the silent discretion so necessary to be -observed in the relations of the king with foreigners, at -a time when he was so closely watched and surrounded -by the spies of the people. The Comte de Chinon, under -the title of Duc de Fronsac, was already distinguished -for the uprightness of his character; political intrigues<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span> -did not suit his frank and open disposition, and he therefore -quitted Vienna and hastened to the siege of Ismael, -celebrated by Lord Byron in his poem of "Don Juan." -Many of the French nobility were serving in the armies -of Catherine II., and the Duc de Fronsac fought by the -side of Count Roger de Damas at the taking of the -redoubt, where, according to the sarcastic rhymes of the -poet, the cannon that thundered upon the besiegers were -as numerous as the lovers of the licentious empress. -The Duc de Fronsac was slightly wounded, and Catherine -sent him a gold-hilted sword and the order of St. -George. He also accepted the rank of Colonel in the -Russian army, when he inherited the illustrious title of -Richelieu upon the death of his father.</p> - -<p>When Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII., made an -appeal to the old and noble families among his countrymen, -calling upon them to serve under the white banner, -the Duc de Richelieu joined the army assembled to fight -for the ancient crown of France; and after the unfortunate -termination of the campaign of 1792, when the -Prince of Condé requested an asylum in Russia for the -French exiles, he was despatched by the Empress Catherine -to arrange with the Prince the plan of a colony, -to be established on the shores of the sea of Azof: it was -to consist entirely of men of birth, and this idea was of -some service when the noble foundation of Odessa took -place; but in a military crisis like this, how was it possible -to conceive and follow out a project involving a -regular system of administration?</p> - -<p>At the siege of Valenciennes by the coalesced armies, -the Duc de Richelieu commanded a company of men of -noble birth. There was something glorious and honourable -in this emigration, which followed the fortunes of -the royal banner as their ancestors had done that of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span> -Henry IV; and we must not judge their proceedings -according to our little party prejudices. After the victorious -republic had reconquered her frontiers he -returned to Russia, and became colonel of a cuirassier -regiment; but the Emperor Paul was then on the throne, -and with his usual harshness and brutality of disposition -he punished the Duke for his personal attachment -to the Czarewitch Alexander, by depriving him of his -regiment; he even went so far as to forbid him to appear -at St. Petersburg: for with a degree of imperial egotism -the Czar expected devotion should be exhibited to himself -alone. Such being the cause of his exile, it is hardly -necessary to say, that on the accession of Alexander he -was restored to his former rank, with every mark of the -sovereign's favour; and the esteem and confidence entertained -for him by Alexander, at this early period, was -of the greatest service to France during the events that -took place in the year 1815. Even then the Duke was -fully sensible of the importance of an alliance between -France and Russia, two countries whose interests are -constantly meeting without its being possible they should -clash; but at this time people could not even dream of -the restoration of the royal dynasty—no event could -appear less likely to occur.</p> - -<p>After peace was concluded with Russia in 1801, the -Duke took the opportunity of returning to France and -collecting the remains of the enormous fortune of his -ancestors, for the sake of paying the debts of his father -and grandfather, both of whom had greatly involved -their patrimony by their insane prodigality: this was -his <i>sole</i> object; and he abandoned the whole of his -rights to the creditors, retaining for himself nothing of -that immense inheritance. It was certainly giving evidence -of a most noble disposition! The Duc de Richelieu, -prime minister of Louis XVIII., and great-nephew<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span> -of the celebrated cardinal, did not himself possess an -income of more than 20,000 francs!<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> - -<p>Buonaparte was at the summit of his consular glory -when the illustrious name of Richelieu was presented to -him; and he who attached a great value to names of -historic celebrity, and who was also a great admirer of -the iron-handed minister, offered the Duke employment -in his army: but he refused it, and is it possible to -blame him for so doing? He was a man of high and -ancient descent, warmly attached to the House of Bourbon, -and resolved not to serve in a French army except -under the royal banner: his refusal, however, rendered -it necessary he should immediately quit Paris; and on -his return to the Emperor Alexander he was entrusted -with the execution of rather a difficult task, being appointed -to the government of the southern portion of -that immense empire. All the provinces on the borders -of the Black Sea had been converted into uncultivated -deserts by the ravages of war, and the barbarous ignorance -of the Mussulman inhabitants rendered them incapable -of repairing the mischief—in fact, the old Roman -colonies of the Palus Meotides no longer existed except -in name; and in repeopling this desert, the closest and -most careful surveillance was necessary for the purpose -of introducing European customs and civilisation. In -the beginning of 1803, the Duke was appointed Governor -of Odessa, and he was afterwards employed in -the general administration of New Russia—a country -where the climate is mild and genial, and which is like -Italy, only devoid of the arts and of cultivation: institutions -had been commenced, but nothing was completed, -and in a city of considerable extent there were -hardly 5000 inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> M. de Richelieu, without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span> -the slightest hesitation, had recourse to the measures -necessary for improving this state of things, even though -he sometimes offended ancient customs and selfish interests; -but it is only by means of absolute power that -great reforms can be accomplished. Every thing appeared -to have received new life; commerce, set free -from the bonds by which she was before shackled, made -a rapid advance, and the population of Odessa was in a -short time doubled. The administration of the governor -extended from the vast countries of the Dniester -to the Kouban and the Caucasus; and the colonies of -German Anabaptists, by whom more than one hundred -villages were peopled, first set the example of agriculture -upon the most enlightened system, so that, in a short -time, immense fields of corn displayed their waving verdure -on plains which, formerly, scarcely afforded to the -Tartars pasturage for their cattle.</p> - -<p>It became necessary to establish a sort of feudal system -to defend the country against the invasions of the -Circassians, armed, as in the time of the Crusades, with -golden helms and knightly mail; and the Duke, brave, -devoted to his undertaking, and desirous of glory, became -the military chieftain of the colony. It was impossible -the establishments on the Black Sea should -attain their full greatness until Circassia should have -submitted to the Russian government; this conquest the -Russian cabinet is at present accomplishing.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span></p> - -<p>To set a limit to the depredations of the Circassians, -the governor was repeatedly compelled to penetrate into -their mountains at the head of some Russian regiments; -he neglected nothing that could lead to the diffusion of -the benefits of European society in that barbarous -country, and several young Circassians, whom the fortune -of war or other events had placed in his hands, -were carefully educated under his superintendence, instructed -in our arts, accustomed to our manners, and -then restored to their homes to dwell among their countrymen, -whose customs and habits might be softened -and improved by their example: such was the custom -of the ancient Romans with regard to their vanquished -nations. This active administration continued during -the plague which devastated Odessa in the year 1813;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span> -and the Duke then displayed the utmost firmness and -energy, though he was obliged more than once to have -recourse to the military power, which in Russia is always -confounded with the civil administration. But it would -be necessary to visit Odessa to form a just estimate of all -he has effected there; he appeared to have inherited -the creative genius of the great cardinal.</p> - -<p>A new field soon opened before him. The events of -1814 had brought about the restoration of the Bourbons, -and the influence of the Emperor Alexander -reigned paramount over the proceedings of the senate -which prepared the fall of Napoleon. Louis XVIII., -who was a prince of a touchy disposition, and very ceremonious -habits, had but very little inclination for the -Duc de Richelieu, for he could not forgive his having -preferred filling a high and important situation in -Russia to the dignity of an attendant upon his exiled -person; nevertheless, he restored the peerage to his -family, as well as the situation of first <i>gentilhomme du -roi</i>. The Duke was not in office during the first restoration, -and he employed himself in studying the new -spirit that had arisen in his country, after so many domestic -troubles; for he was sufficiently aware of the -state of affairs to comprehend that events exercise an irresistible -power in the modification of the character, and -that when a person is desirous of bringing a revolution -to a close, it is necessary to make incessant concessions -to men and circumstances, and submit to unavoidable -acts of necessity: these, no doubt, are painful -duties, but are we not all called to wear the crown of -thorns?</p> - -<p>Totally unconnected with the negotiations of 1814, -which were entirely in the hands of Prince Talleyrand, -the Duc de Richelieu may be said to have spent the -first restoration in renewing his acquaintance with his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span> -country. He had quitted it a young man, and since -then what marvellous events, what a new existence, had -taken place! Property had been invaded, the homes -of his forefathers pillaged! The domestic hearth no -longer existed—even the tombs were violated and the -bones of the dead were cast out; and this in the midst -of a revolutionary society, which attached guilt even to -the tears of the victims! The events of the 20th of -March were caused by a fatal reaction in the minds -of the soldiery, and a democratic hatred against the unfortunate -nobility of France; and the Duc de Richelieu -accompanied the ancient banner of his country into -voluntary exile.</p> - -<p>On his return for the second time, Louis XVIII. intrusted -Talleyrand with the formation of a ministry -based upon the English system; nevertheless, the chief -of the cabinet was well aware that Russia must necessarily -exercise very considerable influence over the -negotiations relating to France, and he proposed M. de -Richelieu as minister of the king's household, with the -idea this choice would be agreeable to the Emperor -Alexander: the appointment, however, was not accepted, -for the Duke had an extreme repugnance to be -seated beside the regicide Fouché; besides which, he -was well aware that Alexander was displeased at the aspect -of a ministry so entirely devoted to England, and -which had been formed under the ascendancy of the -Duke of Wellington. I have already mentioned the -causes that broke up Talleyrand's ministry; after its -dissolution, Louis XVIII. considered that the Russian -influence would alone be capable of procuring for us -some alleviation of the heavy burdens imposed by the -invasion, for the Czar was the only party whose interest -was not concerned in the affair; and it is necessary -to read the diplomatic correspondence of Lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span> -Castlereagh and the German diplomatists to judge how -overwhelming were the conditions imposed by the Allies. -Their crushing demands, their deplorable ultimatum, -had been published; the negotiations did not advance, -while, at the same time, the disastrous condition of the -country was aggravated by the presence of a million of -foreigners. It was in order to obtain the powerful support -of the Emperor of Russia that the king appointed -the Duc de Richelieu minister for foreign affairs, and -president of the council; thus assigning him a double and -most difficult office.</p> - -<p>Still nobody was better fitted than the Duke to hasten -the conclusion of the treaty; nobody had so much reason -to hope he might succeed in abating its severity. -The Czar felt the utmost confidence in the noble governor -of Odessa, and he was not ignorant that France -had but little to hope for in point of support from her -neighbours, who had been too long irritated by the -weight of her power. Russia alone had nothing to -claim from her, and she was furthermore inclined to -lend her assistance, as to a faithful ally in the south of -Europe. The Duke was well convinced of all these -circumstances, and he took care to represent to the -Czar, that all the importance lost by France would be so -much added to the strength and power of her rivals, -and would increase the superiority of Austria and -Prussia. Alexander's inclinations were favourable to -our country, and by drawing out these kindly feelings -the Duke was enabled to fulfil the immense task that -had been imposed upon him. Let us take a retrospect -of the afflicting state of our invaded land in the year -1815. 700,000 soldiers occupied the country, the people -of Germany were in a state of extreme irritation, -and the remains of the seditious and disorganised army -on the other side of the Loire had been disbanded with -great difficulty; add to which, the treasury was exhausted,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span> -and the course of the contributions interrupted by -a long abuse of power. Surely it required a mind of -no common energy to grapple with a situation so -fraught with difficulty and disaster! In quiet times -diplomacy is a work of skill and address, a polished interchange -of political generalities, and some plans proposed -for future accomplishment; but at this time, when -we must recollect that Paris was in the hands of an -imperious and vindictive enemy, what could we expect -from the magnanimity of conquerors so long humbled -and trampled upon by French domination? Under -these fearful auspices the course of the negotiation was -intrusted to the Duc de Richelieu, just at the decisive -moment when, after a most stormy debate, the plenipotentiaries -had come to an agreement concerning the sacrifices -they were determined to exact from France. The -most ruinous projects were maintained by England, -Austria, and Prussia, their demands being comprehended -between four points, viz. the cession of a territory, -including the posts of Condé, Philippeville, Givet, -Marienburg, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and Landau, and -the forts of Joux and Ecluse; the demolition of the fortifications -of Hunningen; the payment of an indemnity -of 800 millions; and the occupation of the frontiers by -an army of 150,000 men, kept up at the expense of -France for seven years. England insisted particularly -that the chain of fortresses on the northern frontier should -be so closely curbed, that Dunkirk should be the last -in the possession of the French. The country was to -be restored to the limits it occupied in the days of -Henry IV., and a party, dating its birth from the national -excitement which roused Germany against Napoleon, -considered it undoubted that Alsace and Lorraine -were to be reunited to the Germanic confederation. -The map which represented France deprived of -these fine provinces had already been designed by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span> -the German geographers, and it has since been preserved -as a glorious trophy in the Richelieu family.</p> - -<p>Deeply affected by these resolutions, the minister -drew up a memorial addressed to the Emperor Alexander, -and expressed with the conscientious energy of -an honest man. "France," said he, "in regaining her -sovereigns, ought also to recover the territory they -governed, otherwise the restoration would be incomplete." -The minister depicted, with the fervour inspired -by deep conviction, the despair of a great people, -and the prospective consequences to be feared from it; -for, at the first opportunity, France would again fly to -arms. This remonstrance made a great impression upon -Alexander, and though it was not possible to induce the -allied powers to agree to the general idea contained in -it, at least the Duke succeeded in obtaining that the important -posts of Condé, Givet, and Charlemont, and the -forts of Joux and Ecluse, should not be included in the -territorial cessions. The pecuniary indemnity also was -diminished by 100 millions of francs, and it was determined -the military occupation should not exceed five -years, and might possibly terminate at the end of three. -The French minister signed the memorable treaty on -the 20th of November, 1815, and it bears honourable -witness to the sadness that oppressed his heart.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> -He had succeeded in obtaining great and noble advantages -for his country, but he bore the name of Richelieu, -and was the great-nephew of the celebrated cardinal -who had so greatly augmented the monarchy, and he -could not, without pain and grief, see the smallest particle -of its grandeur torn away. The speech he made five -days afterwards bears the stamp of patriotic sorrow and -dignified resignation, and it was impossible, while listening<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span> -to it, not to feel that the minister had yielded solely -because the conquerors were inexorable, rendering the -measure of imperious necessity.</p> - -<p>The cares incident to so important a negotiation had -not led the Duke to neglect the internal administration -of the country; and while the chambers sanctioned the -extraordinary powers required by the government to -repress the old and turbulent spirit of Liberalism, the -ministry was occupied in taking just and solemn measures -against those who, by favouring the return of -Buonaparte, had led to the misfortunes of their country, -and authorised these terrible reprisals. The fatal trial -of Marshal Ney was the first that took place; and now -that political ideas are clearer, and we are no longer -carried away by declamation, the motives of the great -debate that ensued are easily explained. The marshal -was summoned before a council of war, by an <i>ordonnance</i> -signed under the ministry of Fouché and Talleyrand; -and this council having declared itself incompetent, -the marshal ought to have been tried by the House -of Peers, this being the natural order of jurisdiction. -The Duc de Richelieu, on the 11th of November, 1815, -carried to the chamber the royal <i>ordonnance</i>, which constituted -it a court of justice, and, with his heart still -full of the sad sacrifices that had been exacted from his -country, he expressed himself with warmth and firmness -against the authors of the revolution of the Hundred -Days; for was it not the actions of those people -that had brought a million of foreigners into our land? -After the condemnation of the marshal, the Duke, desirous -of calming the unruly passions that raged in the -country, presented a bill for a general amnesty to the -two chambers, in which there were no exceptions, except -the names contained in a list drawn up by Fouché. -During seasons of agitation, parties always go beyond<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span> -the plans proposed by governments, and upon this project -the chamber of 1815 established its system of -<i>categories</i>; and the regicides were banished the kingdom, -contrary to the personal opinion of Louis XVIII. -In the course of the discussion it was proposed to confiscate -the property of condemned and banished persons, -but Richelieu rejected the measure, saying that -"confiscations rendered the evils of war irreparable." -And how much generosity was exhibited in this conduct, -when we consider that the Duke had himself been -deprived, by the most implacable confiscations, of all -the property of his family!</p> - -<p>The finest portion of his life begins from this period. -The great object he had proposed to himself was the -deliverance of invaded France, overwhelmed by foreign -powers; and, at the same time, the situation of the -country gave cause for the most serious uneasiness. -It was now necessary to levy an army to act as a -weight in the European balance of power, and also to -fulfil the hard conditions imposed by the treaty of 1815; -while, to remove the fears entertained by the different -cabinets, the Duke gave them to understand that the -divisions arising in the chambers were merely the natural -result of the representative system. One ought -to remember the miserable years of 1816 and 1817; -the dearness of grain, the scarcity, and the revolts in -various provinces, the occupations of the strong posts in -France by 150,000 bayonets, and a military contribution -of 15 millions a month. In the midst of all these -disasters the Duke suggested the diminution of the -foreign army, thus commencing a negotiation which -led to much greater results; and, on the 11th of -February, 1817, he came to announce to the chambers -that 30,000 men were about to repass the frontier, and -that the expense of the army of occupation would be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span> -diminished by 30 millions of francs. This relief was -owing to the reparative system he had pursued, and to -the efforts of France, so fruitful in resources.</p> - -<p>We, perhaps, hardly meet, in the whole course of history, -with two years more difficult to get over than -from 1815 to 1817. An armed invasion, famine, vehemence -of parties, factions up in arms; and withal, extreme -constraint in the administration, both as a whole -and in detail, and a country whose ancient frontiers -must be by all means preserved.</p> - -<p>The army of occupation having been diminished, it -became indispensable to have recourse to forced levies, -to secure the safety and the dignity of the country; and -a law for that purpose was proposed and accepted at -the opening of the session of 1817, as a complete military -system: the essentials of this law are still in force.</p> - -<p>At this period commenced the intimacy between the -Duc de Richelieu and MM. Mounier and De Rayneval, -two men of great ability, and who remained faithful to -his memory. And let me be permitted to offer a last -tribute to both these distinguished persons, then in the -flower of their age, and now consigned to the tomb; -for men of strong feelings are soon worn out by public -life. M. Gérard de Rayneval belonged to an ancient -diplomatic family, whose employment in the foreign office -dated from the ministry of M. de Vergennes, and the -treaty with the Low Countries. M. Mounier was endowed -with a lively and penetrating mind, and possessed -immense erudition; he, like M. de Barante, had, -in early youth, been thrown into the administration of -the Empire, and had filled the situation of secretary to -the cabinet; and the Duke conceived a friendship for -both these men equal to the confidence he deservedly reposed -in them. He had a great regard for honour and -probity, and where could it be more fully met with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span> -than in people, whose characters remained pure and -free from blemish, nay, who retained an honourable -poverty, in the midst of the liquidation of foreign debts, -amounting to 1700 millions of francs?</p> - -<p>When the peace of 1814 was signed, the governments -had declared their reciprocal debts at an end; but while -they renounced their own claims upon the treasury, -they made a reservation in favour of those of private individuals, -which had been so violently attacked by the -wars of the Revolution and of the Empire. When -Europe dictated the implacable treaty of November, -1815, claims poured in on every side; it was stipulated -that payment should be effected by inscriptions in the -great book of the public debt of France, and 9 millions -a-year were at first set aside for that purpose; the time, -however, for presenting claims was not to expire -until the 28th of February, 1817; and—will it be believed?—the -sum total amounted to 1600 millions!<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> a -sum of almost fabulous magnitude, which surpassed the -value of the two budgets of France. It was enough to -drive one to despair, especially as each person demanded -payment in full. What was to be done under circumstances -of so much difficulty? Russia was so situated -as naturally to assume the character of a mediator, for -she had but few claims; and the Emperor Alexander, -convinced that, unless the negotiation were carried on -by an arbiter common to all parties, it would fall to the -ground before the diversity of views and opinions, proposed, -as I have before stated, to intrust it to the Duke -of Wellington, making, at the same time, a sort of appeal -to his generosity.</p> - -<p>The mediator, under the guidance of M. Mounier, -and after unheard-of retrenchments, fixed the sum destined<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span> -for the payment of the debts of France to individuals -at 16 millions and 40,000 francs. People are -too apt to forget in the present times the extreme difficulties -encountered by the public credit of the restoration, -during the period of our misfortunes. The Duc de Richelieu -very soon came to the conclusion, that a system of -well-conducted loans offered the only possible means of -fulfilling the obligations imposed by the treaty. During -the sway of Napoleon, the credit of the government -had been utterly null; confidence had been destroyed by -too many violations of the public faith, and too many -arbitrary actions, for the Revolution and the Empire -were merely the abuse of power; and the events of -1814 and 1815 having compelled the government to increase -the public debt to 126 millions, would it be possible -to obtain an additional loan? No French house -had presented itself possessed of sufficient capital to act -upon so vast a scale; their fear of the risk was too great. -But the Duke considered there would be an advantage in -foreign loans, in raising a competition among all the -capitals of Europe, and effecting our deliverance by a -mere change of location. The necessary pecuniary resources -were found in the opulent firm of Hope and -Baring; and, to prepare the departure of the foreign -troops, the minister succeeded in obtaining that the -sovereigns who signed the treaty of 1815 should assemble -at Aix-la-Chapelle, to determine whether the -occupation should terminate at the end of three years, -or whether it should be prolonged to five, according to -the alternative left by the treaty.</p> - -<p>This proposal having been accepted, the congress -assembled on the 20th of September 1818. All the obstacles -had been already overcome by the pacific views of -Russia, which had acted favourably upon the scruples -entertained by Prussia and England; and on the 2d of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span> -October the evacuation of the French provinces was -decided upon, and the last traces of the invasion disappeared; -besides which the Duc de Richelieu obtained -a reduction of part of the indemnity still unpaid. Who -does not recollect the proud and natural delight of the -French minister on his return? France was no longer a -country in the occupation of Europe, but a government -admitted into the first rank among nations, with its greatness, -its liberty, and its independence. Sufficient justice -is seldom rendered to statesmen who restore to a -country its dignity and consideration: vulgar history -only extols those that destroy.</p> - -<p>Another crisis, however, was in preparation. The -value of the public securities, owing to excessive speculations, -had risen to an immoderate height, which was -followed, in 1818, by an equally rapid fall, and the -Allies might have destroyed the public credit by rejecting -the <i>rentes</i> that had been assigned in payment of the -subsidies; but the word of the Duc de Richelieu was -sufficient to obtain a considerable extension of the time -fixed for the payments to be made to the allied powers: -and as great embarrassments still prevailed on the Exchange, -he still farther obtained, that 100 millions which -were to have been discharged by inscriptions of <i>rentes</i>, -and which were included in the payments stipulated by -the Allies, should be withdrawn, and in their stead <i>bons</i> -on the treasury should be substituted, to become due in -eighteen months.</p> - -<p>Such was the end attained by the negotiations of the -Duc de Richelieu with foreign powers; the great object -of his life was fulfilled, for in what a state of misery -was France when he assumed the reins of government! -700,000 foreigners, contributions of all kinds, the country -placed at the ban of Europe! Now to that country he -had restored liberty, he had reorganised her army, had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span> -established her public credit, and reconciled France with -the world. Before this great result was achieved, the -Duke had repeatedly declared to his friends that, as soon -as the personal credit he enjoyed with foreign powers -was no longer necessary, he should quit the situation he -had been compelled to accept, and retire into private -life, and accordingly he sent in his resignation; but it -was not accepted, for the old liberal spirit had arisen -to struggle for victory. Many men possessed of no -ability, except for public speaking, had striven to secure -the elections, and the result of the proceedings of several -of the electoral colleges had caused great anxiety -to the friends of government. M. de Richelieu was -therefore compelled to remain at the head of affairs; -and he returned to Paris for the purpose of concerting -the measures rendered necessary by the actual circumstances.</p> - -<p>The cabinet were agreed upon the necessity of opposing -a barrier to democratic opinions and principles; -nevertheless, serious dissensions arose when the electoral -system came to be debated; and the Duke, much -annoyed by the difference of opinion that existed in the -council between himself, M. Decaze, and Marshal Gouvion -St. Cyr, returned to his former wish of retiring -from office. His example was followed by the rest -of the ministers, who gave in their resignation in a -simultaneous manner that was very remarkable. It is a -melancholy truth, that the statesman who had so powerfully -contributed to deliver the territory from foreign -occupation, was compelled to retire before the petty intrigues -suggested by narrow policy and the Chamber of -Deputies. The Duke's opinion of the electoral system -was different from that entertained by the partizans of -the old liberal school, and he resigned his portfolio to -General Dessole.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span></p> - -<p>In spite of all the great affairs in which M. de Richelieu -had been engaged, he was in a condition of honourable -poverty, and the king conferred upon the retired -minister the appointment of Grand Huntsman, in the -same manner as he had conferred the title of Grand -Chamberlain upon M. de Talleyrand, after his services -in 1815. The chambers, however, were conscious that -a recompense was due from the country to the able negotiator -of Aix-la-Chapelle, and M. de Lally made a -proposal that the king should be requested to confer a -national reward upon the Duc de Richelieu. The same -suggestion was made in the upper chamber, at the very -moment when a letter from the Duke declared to the -president of the deputies, that he should be proud of -receiving a mark of the king's favour, given with the -concurrence of the chambers; but that as it was proposed -to award him a <i>national</i> recompense at the expense -of the nation, he could not consent to see any thing -added for his sake to the burdens under which the -country was already groaning. Every body was well -aware that the Duke possessed no fortune, and that his -sole income was derived from his office of grand huntsman; -a good deal of littleness, however, was exhibited in the -Chamber of Deputies when it was proposed to assign -a <i>majorat</i> of 50,000 francs to the heir of the name of -Richelieu, as a recompense to the minister who had -obtained the liberation of the territory. Are public -bodies only capable of great actions when a profit arises -from them to the passions by which they are actuated? -The proposed <i>majorat</i> was afterwards changed into an -annuity; and, out of respect to the king's wishes, the -Duke did not refuse this acknowledgement of his services, -but he devoted the entire income derived from it -to the foundation of a religious charity in the city of -Bourdeaux. Such was the personal generosity of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span> -great man, who was desirous of retiring entirely to -private life.</p> - -<p>Alas! his political career was not yet concluded! -The Decaze ministry, on every side inundated by old -liberal opinions, was at its last gasp. Advantage was -taken of the law of elections against the government, -one concession led to another, and the Duke was summoned -to the council extraordinary, presided over by -the king in person, to advise upon the measures to be -pursued in this emergency. The crime of Louvel -had filled Paris with grief and horror, and M. Decaze, -abandoned by the <i>côté gauche</i> of the chamber, -who defended the law of February 5th, 1817, rejected -by the royalists, who reproached him with not -having agreed to the propositions of the Marquis Barthélemy, -at last sent in his resignation; and at this difficult -juncture, the king again placed the Duc de Richelieu -at the head of affairs. The most urgent entreaties -were required to induce him to accept the appointment, -for the situation was melancholy, and the country full -of anxiety, while the irritation of parties had reached its -highest pitch. The preceding administration had proposed -an electoral system, which was distasteful to all -parties in the chamber; it had demanded laws arming -the government with extraordinary powers; no majority -was yet formed, and the ministry were doubtful -whether these laws would be capable of overcoming the -formidable opposition they would have to encounter; -the fears of Europe also had been aroused, and it was -necessary to appease them. At length, every thing, -however, was provided for, and, at the end of a long -and painful discussion, exceptional laws were voted.</p> - -<p>But then, who was able to calm the public mind? -and what hand was sufficiently powerful to arrest the -evil tendency of society? A bias had been given to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span> -education in France ever since the revolution of 1789; -people were closely surrounded by mischievous opinions -and frightful systems; parties considered themselves -sufficiently powerful to conspire openly, and intimidate -the government by tumultuous meetings. Seditious -assemblies took place with a view to political catastrophes, -and the slightest hesitation might have given -rise to the most dreadful calamities. The command of -Paris was now committed to Marshal Macdonald, by the -ministers' council, formidable military preparations were -made, and proofs were obtained of a conspiracy, involving -some names since exalted by another revolution. -During the ten days that this state of anxiety and -trouble prevailed, they had only to regret the lives of -two of the disturbers of the public peace; and now that -the ideas concerning government are become more advanced, -people will be surprised at the declamations of -those who held liberal opinions, against measures which -were indispensable for the safety of the country. Has -not every government a right to defend itself, and is it -not bound to do so?</p> - -<p>Europe now began to assume an alarming aspect. -The revolt of the Spanish army at the island of Léon -found an echo in a similar movement among the Neapolitan -troops. Portugal quickly followed their example; -and the seditious, imagining the French army -well inclined to imitate the conduct of their neighbours, -directed all their efforts towards this end. After having -broken all the bonds of civil order, the revolution endeavoured -to overturn the principle of duty and obedience -among the soldiery. In most of the corps, however, -the officers continued faithful to their engagements; -a few only were unable to resist the torrent, and -a conspiracy was formed in several of the regiments at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span> -Paris, extending in its ramifications to various military -stations, and it was determined that the rising should -take place in the barracks on the 20th of August, 1820. -On the proposal of M. Mounier, then director-general -of the police, the ministers' council determined upon -arresting the conspirators before they had unfurled a -standard and actually proclaimed the insurrection. The -heads of this military conspiracy are well known at -present, and some of them have even been rewarded; -but, as is always the case, the plot was denied by the -parties engaged in it. The Chamber of Peers behaved -with much indulgence, as able and experienced -authorities usually do when severity is not indispensably -necessary; and the government preferred pardoning -many offences, and consigning much to oblivion, to being -compelled to authorise the shedding of blood.</p> - -<p>The elections of 1820, which had taken place when a -favourable impression had been raised by the birth of -the Duc de Bourdeaux, gave a powerful and compact -<i>côté droit</i> to the chamber, and MM. de Villèle and -Corbière, who had assumed the position of its chiefs, -ought naturally to have supported the Duc de Richelieu; -but, at the very commencement of the session, clouds -appeared on the horizon. The <i>côté droit</i> of the chambers -had hitherto fought by the side of the ministers, -and triumphed with them, and consequently they claimed -a direct participation in the administration. Negotiations -were entered into with them; the Duke would not -consent that any of the men who had hitherto governed -with him, and preserved the kingdom in its hour of -peril, should be excluded from the council; however, -two only of the principal deputies on the <i>côté droit</i>, MM. -de Villèle and Corbière, were appointed members of -the cabinet, with the title of ministerial secretaries of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span> -state.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> M. Lainé, a man with whose honest and upright -character the Duke had been particularly struck, -was also a member of this administration.</p> - -<p>The political principle of this revised ministry was the -agreement of the centre of the <i>côté droit</i>, and the <i>droite</i> -itself, in one common vote; but the session under this -management was long and troublesome, and a tedious -and stormy debate took place before the Duke was able -to decide upon the execution of his idea of an extended -system of canal navigation, like that at present in force. -He drew up a plan, inviting men possessed of large -capital to take a part in these great works; for at that -time the principal part of the capital in the kingdom, -was invested in the funds, and enterprises tending to -the benefit of industry and the improvement of the -country were not popular: many difficulties were encountered, -but they were all overcome by means of -firmness and determination.</p> - -<p>Order was now established in all the departments of -government; the restraints formerly imposed upon the -action of the municipal authorities, by a system of excessive -centralisation, were removed; and in the financial -department the most unlimited competition was invited, -for the first time, in the sale of stock, and the value -of public securities reached its highest pitch. In his -foreign policy, the Duke never ceased for a moment to -support the idea of the Russian alliance, less from -former recollections, and his affection for the Emperor -Alexander, than upon the principle constantly expressed -in all his correspondence, that the Russian alliance -was advantageous to France because it was perfectly -disinterested. In fact, what can Russia demand of -us? On what point can we clash? Commerce with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span> -her can never be otherwise than an equal exchange; -the productions of industry in her country are not -of equal value with ours; she requires our wines, our -fashions, our manufactures, and we, in exchange, require -her timber, her copper, and her iron. Her -fleets cannot assume any dominion over us, her frontiers -do not reach us in any direction, and we are -benefited by her influence; whilst, on the other hand, -the designs and interests of France are opposed by -the English alliance in all questions of importance. -M. de Richelieu's system was resumed by M. de la -Ferronays in 1828.</p> - -<p>During the Duke's second ministry the great European -powers met at Laybach, to agree upon a vast -repressive system to be pursued against the insurrection -rising in arms around. The Richelieu cabinet was resolved -upon a firm resistance against all the tumults and -disorders that were disturbing the peace of Europe. -Agitation had also arisen in the East, and the Greeks -had raised the standard of the cross. But Russia, which -under Catherine had supported the Hellenic emancipation, -was now too fully occupied with her own affairs -to be able to follow up the system she had then commenced. -France, therefore, determined upon sending a -naval force into the Grecian seas for the protection of -commerce, and, while observing a generous neutrality, -assistance was still afforded to all who implored it from -the French flag. But now the Richelieu cabinet, entirely -occupied with its foreign relations, was threatened -with danger to itself. Its very feeble parliamentary -combination rested upon a false basis in the chamber. -The ministry only existed by the will of the <i>côté droit</i>; -and that party with its chiefs, MM. de Villèle and Corbière, -would not fail, sooner or later, to assume the -direction of affairs, because they possessed the majority.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span> -The <i>droite</i> and the <i>gauche</i> were both distinct from the -cabinet, and the former was evidently impatient to seize -the reins of government.</p> - -<p>These two fractions of the chamber were desirous of -concluding with a <i>coup d'éclat</i>; and the reply to the -speech from the throne in 1821 became the arena for -the great political struggle. The commission under the -direction of the <i>côté droit</i> insisted that in the plan of -the address presented to the chamber these words should -be inserted: "We congratulate you, sire, upon your -friendly relations with foreign powers, feeling a just confidence -that so valuable a peace has not been purchased -by sacrifices incompatible with the honour of the nation -and the dignity of the crown." So offensive an expression -was an open rupture with the cabinet. M. de -Richelieu declared such an insinuation was an insult to -the crown, and the ministers tendered their resignation. -The chamber persisted, and voted the address, which -was, in fact, a declaration that they did not wish the -ministry to stand: the cabinet, therefore, retired in a -mass, and were succeeded by MM. de Montmorency and -de Villèle.</p> - -<p>And here let us pause, and observe to what trials men -are exposed who devote themselves entirely to the defence -of the interests of their country, without intrigue -or passion, simply from the feeling for all that is right -and noble! No character can bear a comparison with -that of the Duc de Richelieu; no services equal those -he rendered to his country; and, behold! he was overturned -both by the <i>côté droit</i>, and the <i>gauche</i> of the -Chamber of Deputies. The conduct of the <i>gauche</i> was -this: the Duke took charge of France at the time of the -foreign invasion; the Buonapartists and the remains of -the Jacobin faction, having a second time endangered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span> -the country by their madness of the <i>hundred days</i>; the -enemy was in Paris—it occupied France; the influence -of the Duke succeeded in preserving the country, and -diminishing the sacrifices exacted from it; the foreign -troops were withdrawn, and, as a recompense, the spirit -of liberalism overturned the Duke.</p> - -<p>Would you also know the conduct of the ungrateful -monarchical party? A great crisis had occurred for -the crown; the royalists were giving way, and the -power was about to be wrested from their hands by the -<i>côté gauche</i>. The restoration was completely compromised, -when the Duke again sacrificed himself: holding -his popularity cheap, he augmented and strengthened -the royalist party, and this was the summary of the -instructions concerning the elections, directed by M. -Mounier: "Before every thing, the friends of royalty;" -and then the ultras, masters by this means of the majority, -had nothing so much at heart as the dismissal of -the Duc de Richelieu, in order to give themselves up to -their mad projects.</p> - -<p>This moment was the conclusion of the Duke's political -life; his feelings had been severely tried by the injustice -of parties. It soon became apparent that his health was -rapidly declining, and in a journey to the Château of -Courteille, where the Duchess was living, he was taken -ill, suddenly became insensible, and died at Paris, on the -night of the 16th of May, 1822. He was only fifty-five -years of age; his carriage was erect, and his features -simple and regular, as they appear in the fine portrait -of Lawrence of which I have spoken. All parties concur -in awarding the highest praise to the noble qualities of -the Duc de Richelieu. He was not a man of extraordinary -genius, but of a thoroughly honest and upright -character; and there are times, when no talent possessed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span> -by a statesman is of so much avail as honesty. I admire -the infinite superiority of a man capable of allowing -virtue and honour their full weight in the political -balance, and I take especial pleasure in rendering this -tribute to the Duc de Richelieu, because I have never -known so fine a character combined with so noble a -name.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="PRINCE_HARDENBERG" id="PRINCE_HARDENBERG">PRINCE HARDENBERG.</a></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">It</span> is natural that States which feel an incessant desire -of increasing, should not retain the inflexible principles -of upright and generous policy in their diplomatic system. -Every time they feel stifled, they strive for more -space and the means of more extended respiration; and -such has constantly been the condition of the Prussian -monarchy, from the time of its foundation, which may -be said to have taken place unexpectedly, at the beginning -of the eighteenth century. At this period the -Duchy became a Kingdom, and no sooner was the kingdom -established than it wanted to become great; for -more room is required to unfold the sweeping train of a -King, than to wear the robes merely of a Duke or a -Margrave.</p> - -<p>This necessity for augmentation created a national law -peculiar to Prussia; and looking at nothing but the -necessities of her position, she seized every thing she -could lay her hands upon. Frederic II. carried on this -system of conquest, for his wars were regulated by no -principle of the law of nations, and he appeared to have -but one object in view, which was, to attack at one time -Poland, and at another Silesia, for the purpose of conquering<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span> -cities and provinces. On this account he availed -himself of all means of distinction, striving for the celebrity -of a writer and the pretension of a poet; even -making the most of the puerile vanity of the philosophical -party of the eighteenth century. When we examine -into the actual constitution of Prussia, as well as into that -she formerly possessed, we shall observe that her organisation -has always been such as to render conquest imperatively -necessary; even at present is not the kingdom -like a lean giant, armed at all points, whose head is at -Königsberg and his feet dipped in the Rhine, but whose -middle is wanting? and the country that is required to -complete the picture, is it not Saxony?</p> - -<p>It is, then, as the personification of the Prussian political -system, that I am about to write the life of Baron, -afterwards Prince Hardenberg, the most remarkable -statesman that has been at the head of affairs in the -monarchy of Frederic. Charles-Augustus, baron Hardenberg, -was born in October 1750, at Hanover, that principality -wedged into the midst of Germany, which recalls -to the recollection the origin of the kings of England. -Hanover preserves its German character under a separate -administration, although it belongs to the patrimonial -inheritance of the princes called to wear the English -crown; and this separation was imperatively demanded -by the English, a people so tenacious of their liberty, in -order to avoid the chance of fatal continental wars, to -defend the patrimony of their sovereign—a contingency -their constitution will not permit.</p> - -<p>Baron Hardenberg was descended from an ancient -family, carried back by the old heraldic traditions as far -as the eleventh century, at the time of the Emperors of -the house of Suabia; he was himself the son of a marshal -of the empire, and went to the military university -of Brunswick with the intention of following his father's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span> -profession. The bent of his inclinations, however, appeared -to be different, and while he applied his mind to -the severest studies, he felt a strong vocation for a diplomatic -life, and his curiosity led him always to endeavour -to discover by what springs the cabinets recorded in -history were actuated. He afterwards went to travel, -gaining knowledge while visiting the different parts of -Europe, and arrived in London at the time when Mr. -Pitt was at the head of affairs, and a most violent and -active opposition surrounded the ministry. As Hanover, -as I have before mentioned, forms part of the patrimonial -inheritance of the reigning family, Baron Hardenberg, -though not an English subject, was naturally -desirous of acquiring an extensive knowledge of the laws -and customs which form a national law peculiar to -England, and with which every British subject ought -to be acquainted. But England was the scene of his -greatest domestic infelicity; for having in early youth -married the most beautiful woman in Germany, Mademoiselle -de Randlaw, he introduced her into the brilliant -society and dissipation of London, and she was received -with an almost chivalric enthusiasm in the highest -circles.</p> - -<p>A Prince, from whom Richardson would have drawn -his character of Lovelace, the Prince of Wales, heir to -the throne of England, remarkable for his personal -beauty, magnificent in his equipages, and accomplished -in all manly exercises, fell desperately in love with -Baroness Hardenberg; and so much publicity attached to -his admiration, that a separation became inevitable; the -Baron therefore quitted England and returned to Germany. -He already gave evidence of three qualities -denoting great ability; the subtlety of intellect necessary -in all negotiations of any importance; a habit of conversation, -alternately discreet and unguarded, cold or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span> -vehement, according to circumstances; and a most profound -knowledge of European national law—talents -which naturally fitted him for a high diplomatic situation: -nevertheless, young Hardenberg gave himself up -entirely to the details of the administration of the country—a -circumstance in which he resembled William Pitt, -who was at the same time a first-rate politician and -attentive to the smallest minutiæ regarding war and -finance. His perfect acquaintance with the laws of -Germany was a great assistance to him, when he was -summoned to the supreme direction of the affairs of -Prussia.</p> - -<p>Another quality possessed by Hardenberg, was his -strong and decided taste for literature; and his intimate -friendship with Goëthe, who exercised such absolute -dominion over the intellects of his time, arose from this -source. This was not one of the relations of protector -and protégé; for in Germany, where matters of genius -and study are viewed in a serious light, a man of literary -celebrity is placed almost in a superior rank, and he is -not only on a footing of equality with statesmen, but -sometimes even in a position of master and scholar. -What a brilliant sceptre was that extended by Goëthe -over Germany! The poet who had shewn such incomparable -skill in his delineation of the feudal ages, appeared -to blend in his escutcheon of glory all the ancient -colours of the German nobility. This threefold aptitude -of Baron Hardenberg for literature, politics, and administration, -produced great and uncommon results: first, -an expansion of mind arising from the habit of treating -important affairs; then, a close application to detail, -arising from his employment in the executive administration; -and, finally, a clear, exact, and benevolent mind, -the consequence of the literary intercourse he had pursued -with enthusiasm during his youth.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span></p> - -<p>We must recollect what was at that time the spirit -that prevailed in Prussia, and also the bent of its government. -In addition to her never-failing desire of conquest, -there is always in that country a certain inclination -for serious study, and a wish for the advancement of -ideas; and though no free debate be permitted on matters -connected with the government, the discussion of -philosophical and rational questions is entirely unshackled; -religious opinions also are independent of any -controlling theory, the Protestant spirit having introduced -a sort of egotism into the schools, from which it -results that every opinion, even though it be mischievous, -is admitted and examined without regard to the -chivalrous feelings that attach a people to a dynasty, or -a generation to the articles of their faith.</p> - -<p>It was in this school the statesmen of Germany were -formed, more especially Baron Hardenberg. His devotion -to the study of German law had given him a precise -and accurate manner of examining facts, without -being carried away by prejudice or enthusiasm; and -when the French revolution burst forth, Prussia, which -was foremost to join the coalition, saw a new class of -statesmen arise to oppose the chivalrous spirit of the -nobility, and place the check of cool reason upon the -ardour of the old families. Baron Hardenberg did not -completely concur in the opinions of M. Haugwitz, of -the secretary M. Lombard, and the Countess Lichtenau, -who were even well inclined towards the revolutionary -powers that then reigned in France; he had less inclination -than Count Goltz towards French ideas, but being -completely a Prussian in his interests and opinions, he -considered that the object of his cabinet could not possibly -be to act as a knight-errant in defence of certain -political opinions, but rather to endeavour to acquire -a great influence in Germany, at the expense of Austria,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span> -and also a territorial addition in Poland; and as Prussia -was not immediately threatened by the principles and -ideas of the French revolution, he considered it very important -to reap all possible advantage from the new -situation of events.</p> - -<p>This rendered him the most active partisan of the -treaty of Basle, though he was not at first engaged in it -by name; for that very difficult negotiation was originally -undertaken by Count Goltz with M. Barthélemy; -but after the death of the plenipotentiary it was concluded -by Baron Hardenberg; and this was the first -commencement of his being really actively employed in -public affairs. His manners were singularly pleasing to -the men of the revolution, especially to Merlin de Douai, -who thought them like those of a marquis of the old -school, with intelligence, ease, and a method of action -free from prepossession or prejudice, even with regard -to democratic opinions. The committee of public safety -treated him almost in royal style, by sending him a fine -service of Sèvres china, as at the conclusion of treaties -under the old monarchy, when an interchange of diplomatic -presents used to take place among plenipotentiaries.</p> - -<p>In this treaty, as in the negotiation of Rahstadt, Baron -Hardenberg was less actuated by French principles than -by the firm conviction that the treaty of Basle tended to -realizing the two most constant and deeply-rooted feelings -of his mind: viz. the Prussian influence over Germany, -and the aggrandisement of his cabinet. He promoted -the system of German neutrality, which influenced -the interests of the country, and to a certain degree -excited Germany against Austria; and for this purpose -he made use of France, considering it of little consequence -whether it was a monarchy or a republic: he had a particular -object in view; but he was guilty of a mistake on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span> -that point. There were two questions to be particularly -considered in the French revolution: if it had confined -itself to measures that merely regarded its own internal -condition, and had disseminated nothing, neither ideas -nor interests, the selfish policy of Prussia might have -been successful; but neither the committee of the convention -nor the directory had any respect for fixed -principles. Baron Hardenberg had established neutrality -in part of Germany; how was it observed when the -republican army required again to pass the Rhine? Did -it trouble itself concerning the principles laid down by -the Prussian minister, and the territorial line of the neutrality? -When entering into a treaty with a government, -the first necessary inquiry is, whether it will respect the -general principles of the law of nations. Prussia, however, -had assumed too egotistical a position; indeed she -carried her system to such a pitch, that the minister -interfered with the levy of contingents, lest they should -augment the Austrian influence. Many years elapsed -before the ideas of this school were effaced; but Hardenberg's -mind afterwards expanded, and he saw there -were other circumstances to be attended to, besides the -antiquated system of politics, which would keep up a -rivalry between Prussia and Austria, at the time when a -general social revolution had taken place.</p> - -<p>After a long stay at Basle, during which time he was -in habits of the greatest intimacy with the ministers of -the French republic, Baron Hardenberg returned to -Berlin, where the king conferred upon him the order of -the Black Eagle of the first class, as a mark of his perfect -concurrence in the politics of the treaty just concluded. -The direction of foreign affairs was still, however, in the -hands of Count Haugwitz, a friend of Countess Lichtenau, -and the secretary Lombard, and Baron Hardenberg -being a person of too much importance to occupy a situation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span> -subordinate to Count Haugwitz, the administration -of the principalities of Bayreuth and Anspach was again -conferred upon him. This was a recreation to the diplomatist, -who was glad to seek repose from political -theories in the executive government of a principality, -which he may be said to have added to Prussia. In -Germany statesmen like to be men of business, and even -in retirement their life is one of labour and study.</p> - -<p>Baron Hardenberg took no part in active business -during the life of Frederic William II.; his private -opinions had been a little modified, and he was not quite -so decided in his approval of the convention of Basle, -since he had had occasion to see the mischievous and -arbitrary application made by the republicans of its -principles in Germany. Nothing had been awarded to -Prussia by the treaty of Rahstadt, in spite of the promises -of real indemnities, as well as of absolute liberty, -which had been made to her at Basle; he, therefore, had -no connexion with the negotiations carried on by M. -Caillard, when an endeavour was made to place Prussia -in a new attitude, and produce a great degree of intimacy -between the republic and Frederic William II. Baron -Hardenberg does not appear to have exercised any influence -until the accession of the young prince Frederic -William, when, being attached to the young queen, -Louisa of Prussia, by the most respectful and chivalrous -devotion, he adopted her ideas and opinions, as indeed -did all those who were within the circle of her almost -magical influence. What a grand though melancholy -existence was that of Louisa Wilhelmina, queen of -Prussia, daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz -and of Caroline of Hesse Darmstadt! Filled with the -enthusiastic and visionary feelings natural to her country, -she exercised, at the age of scarcely twenty years, the -most holy, as well as the most absolute influence over<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span> -her husband, while the hopes of Germany appeared to -centre upon her. She introduced a more noble and -elevated feeling into the selfish system of politics hitherto -adopted by Prussia; and being as it were queen of the -students and of the universities, she was the origin and the -hope of the secret societies, which gave so poetical a tinge -to Germany during the latter years of Napoleon. Under -her influence, Baron Hardenberg took charge of the -ministry for foreign affairs, shortly after the commencement -of the consulate. In the midst of the various -coalitions of the period, Prussia had hitherto preserved a -strict neutrality; after the 18th Brumaire, however, she -shewed herself perfectly willing to agree to all required -by the First Consul, and the insinuations made by Buonaparte -to Louis XVIII., proposing to him to abdicate, -were despatched from Berlin; nor was even the proper -degree of dignity exhibited on this occasion, though it -ought to increase, rather than diminish, where illustrious -sufferers are concerned.</p> - -<p>The Consul became Emperor; and with a view of still -farther strengthening the bonds of union with Prussia, -Napoleon appointed Marshal Duroc, his confidential -friend, to represent him at Berlin. It was rather a -difficult moment, as war was about again to resound in -Europe, and the combined armies of Russia and Austria -to take the field, rendering it a matter of very great -importance to create a suitable post for Prussia; Baron -Hardenberg was, therefore, summoned to the head of -affairs, as the representative of a middle system then -beginning to arise and develope itself under the influence -of the Queen of Prussia. He was attached at the same -time to English principles, and to the politics of France -and Germany, and was under the necessity of instituting -a close comparison among the various interests and -influences presented to his view; he, however, detached<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span> -himself from the debased political system pursued by -Count Haugwitz. His great fault on this occasion was -his not perceiving that Buonaparte's deceit was equal to -his genius, and that he only kept terms with Prussia -now, to ensure him a greater facility in punishing her at -a future period.</p> - -<p>The first dissatisfaction entertained by the cabinet of -Berlin against Buonaparte appeared in a despatch of -Hardenberg's, on the violation of the Prussian territory, -an extraordinary dereliction of the law of nations, which -had given extreme offence to the court and to the people. -"His majesty," said the Prussian minister, "does not -know with which he has most cause to be astonished, -the violence the French armies have chosen to commit -in his territories, or the incomprehensible arguments by -which it is pretended to justify them. His majesty, -properly tenacious of the consideration due as much to -his power as to his character, has read, with feelings he -would in vain endeavour to conceal, the justificatory -despatches that have been sent by the French legation -to his cabinet. They rest upon the example of the -former war and the parity of circumstances, as if the -proceedings then permitted had not been founded upon -exactly defined treaties, which ceased with the peace! -as if the Emperor Napoleon had borne these treaties in -mind when he took possession of Hanover, of a country -which by these same treaties had been for many long years -under the protection of Prussia! Ignorance of our intentions -is made a pretext, as if our intentions were not, -in this instance, proved by the actual fact; and as if the -nature of the affair could be altered without any previous -stipulation! His majesty had not given sufficient -publicity with the Elector of Bavaria to circumstances it -was unnecessary he should mention! And as if I had -not myself, with the map in my hand, declared long<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span> -before, in my conferences with M. le Maréchal Duroc, -and M. de Laforest, the impossibility of permitting any -troops to march through the margraviate! The king -considers himself, from this time forth, set free from all -the engagements he has formed, and feels under the -necessity of commanding his armies to assume the position -necessary for the defence of the state." The -Emperor Napoleon was greatly offended by this despatch, -and the firm language in which it was couched; -but he was then desirous of keeping on good terms -with the cabinet of Berlin to prevent their joining the -coalition.</p> - -<p>By assuming a system of perfect neutrality, Prussia -was likely to derive the advantage of being on friendly -terms, even with the parties opposed to Napoleon; and -there were English, Austrian, and Russian ministers at -Berlin, with whom Baron Hardenberg was naturally in -communication.</p> - -<p>According to the principles and the precedents of the -court of Berlin, Hanover, though a hereditary fief of -the British crown, was, nevertheless, under the protection -of the German neutrality; such, however, was -not the theory of Napoleon, who was deeply irritated -against England; and more than one violation of territory -had already shewn that the powerful Emperor -would not consider the respect due to the rights of -neutral powers, if it were likely to prove any obstacle -to his success.</p> - -<p>Prussia was greatly displeased, and a decisive moment -was at hand, for the Russian and Austrian armies were -advancing against Napoleon. According to his usual -custom, the impetuous military chieftain of France had -ventured all risks, for he had boldness and fortune in -addition to his genius; he entered Moravia, and, if -Prussia had then declared herself, it would have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span> -all over with him, as with 150,000 men on his flank, his -position would have been utterly lost; and to obtain -this object the most pressing negotiations were going on -at Berlin, England offering subsidies, Russia support, -and Austria a larger share of territory, even in Poland. -Hardenberg's opinion was to decide at once, but was -his influence always predominant in the midst of so -much corruption? Among those who sided with him -was the noble-minded Queen, and the brave and generous -Prince Louis of Prussia; but he had to contend -with the personal opinion of Count Haugwitz and the -Marquis Lucchesini, both strongly in favour of the -French cabinet. The system of a supine neutrality, -therefore, carried the day, and the utmost Hardenberg -could obtain was permission to assure England that -they would protect the independence of Hanover, so far -as to allow a passage to the English troops, should they -be attacked or pursued by Napoleon.</p> - -<p>On this subject the Prussian minister wrote a letter -to Lord Harrowby, in which rather a remarkable view -was taken of the neutrality; a certain inclination towards -the opinions and sentiments of the coalition appeared to -filter through it, with a considerable degree of irritation -with regard to the French cabinet, which had already -failed to respect the Prussian neutrality.</p> - -<p>Baron Hardenberg had been in hopes of obtaining a -positive decision, which would have placed Prussia in -the first rank among nations, for 150,000 men directed -against the flank of Napoleon would have secured the -victory to Europe, when intelligence was received of -the wonders achieved at Austerlitz. Napoleon was a -gambler on an immense scale! His eagle threw the -dice of human destiny from his immense claws, and the -chances had hitherto always been in his favour; but, -besides this, did he not always quarrel with characters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span> -inclined to temporise, and who delayed declaring themselves -until victory had decided in favour of one of the -parties? After the battle of Austerlitz was it a time to -assume a threatening attitude, when Austria and Russia -were going to treat with the Emperor of the French on -a common footing?</p> - -<p>Under these circumstances, then, the position of Baron -Hardenberg became difficult, nay, intolerable, for was -he not considered as the representative of the warlike -party and the opponent of Napoleon? How could the -minister of the heroic Queen and Prince Louis of Prussia -remain at the head of the cabinet, when Prussia, prostrate -before Napoleon, seemed almost to solicit pardon -for having assumed, however slightly, an attitude of -independence? At that time, Napoleon, who was incapable -of forgiveness, knew well how to ruin a man by -dictating articles for the <i>Moniteur</i>, pronouncing thus a -sentence against statesmen whom he wished to get rid -of. Buonaparte was an excellent pamphleteer, and, -when he got into a passion, he gave vent in this manner -to his ill-humour, against a king, a minister, or a general. -M. Maret used to write from his dictation in short-hand, -and send it afterwards to the official newspaper, according -to his original profession of a journalist; he, -also, possessed a certain knack for composition.</p> - -<p>Upon this occasion Hardenberg was honoured by the -capricious abuse of the Emperor, in consequence of a -despatch full of impartiality which he had addressed to -Lord Harrowby, concerning the neutrality of Hanover. -A word from Buonaparte to the court of Berlin was -sufficient to procure the dismissal of the minister, and, -having retired from the cabinet, he the very same day -repelled the attacks of the French emperor, who had -accused him of not even being a Prussian. "I am -proud," said he, "of the esteem and confidence of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span> -sovereign and people of Prussia; I am proud of the -opinion of estimable foreigners, and it is with great -satisfaction that I number some Frenchmen among -them. I am not a Prussian by birth, it is true, but I -will yield in patriotism to no native of that country; and -I have obtained a right to assert this fact, both by my -services, and by having transferred my patrimony, and -become a proprietor in this country. Though I am not -a soldier, I feel that I should not have proved unworthy, -had fate summoned me to bear arms in defence of my -sovereign and his rights, or the dignity, safety, and -honour of the state."</p> - -<p>There was a degree of asperity in these expressions as -uttered by a man who had given up the direction of -affairs, without the hope of resuming it. He resigned -his portfolio to Count Haugwitz, under the influence of -the Marquis Lucchesini and the secretary, M. Lombard, -and then, encompassed by the attachment of the Prussian -army, and the enthusiasm of the universities, he -retired into the country, like a man to whom the present -time is devoid of interest. Some very significant proceedings, -however, were going on in Prussia; the government -had adopted extremely moderate measures, -and both the king and the cabinet were desirous of maintaining -the conditions of the French alliance: but there -was a movement among the people, an energetic expression -of national feeling, which would not allow this condition -of quiet and peace to be maintained in the state.</p> - -<p>This double situation affords an explanation of the -events, and many of the faults, of this period; the tergiversations -of the cabinet, which appeared constantly -to have an inclination towards public opinion, and then -again, especially after the battle of Austerlitz, returned -to their former dread of the Emperor. At length the -king, pressed by the people, roused himself, and manifested<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span> -a chivalrous disposition in accordance with the -spirit of the nation, and more especially of the universities; -and it reached such a pitch, that, after the -retirement of Hardenberg, the people flew to arms in a -hasty and adventurous manner, and without sufficiently -calculating the course they were to pursue. And who -was to conduct this war? Count Haugwitz, already -devoted to France, and the secretary Lombard, both -creatures of Napoleon! One would have said treachery -was already determined upon.</p> - -<p>Nothing could surpass the campaign of Jena, no -praise be too great for that admirable military movement -directed by the Eagle of Austerlitz. But were these -splendid victories due entirely to the brilliant and energetic -courage of the imperial army? had not a series of -faults been committed by their opponents? and were -those who directed the cabinet of Berlin perfectly faithful -and devoted to the interests of Prussia? After the disasters -of Jena so many acts of secret treason came to -light, that Hardenberg, under the influence of Queen -Louisa and the Emperor Alexander, was again placed at -the head of foreign affairs, for an inclination to resist the -power of France had now sprung up. This new situation -of the cabinets of Russia and Prussia requires some -explanation, because it formed the basis of the intimate -union, which at a later period led to the ruin of the -French empire. The dissatisfaction before entertained -by the cabinet of St. Petersburg against Prussia proceeded -entirely from the position of indifferent neutrality assumed -by the latter ever since the treaty of Basle; and -all the endeavours made by England, Austria, and -Russia to induce the cabinet of Berlin to break through -this mischievous situation had met with a refusal, for -neutrality appeared to be the fundamental principle of -the Prussian political system. It was, therefore, satisfactory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span> -to see Prussia willing to engage in hostilities, -though at <i>the eleventh hour</i>, for her position by that means -became clear and decided; and it was of little consequence -if they had been unsuccessful in the campaign of Jena, -provided the spirit of their government was in favour of -war; if, in short, there was a degree of unity and vigour -capable of supporting the coalesced cabinets.</p> - -<p>Baron Hardenberg thus became the representative of -the alliance between Russia and Prussia. Frederic William -having been obliged to evacuate Berlin, had fallen -back with the ruins of his army upon the Russian troops, -and then commenced the campaign in the midst of wintry -snows, the fiercely-contested and sanguinary battle of -Prussisch-Eylau, where first paled the star of Napoleon! -Friedland, however, saved the audacious eagle, as Austerlitz -had preserved it two years before, and treaties -were again had recourse to. Who can express the humiliating -conditions dictated by the victor to Prussia? -Who describe the cold sarcastic conduct of the fortunate -soldier towards the heroic queen, the idol of the universities?</p> - -<p>Baron Hardenberg, being again compelled to retire, -resigned his portfolio to the new cabinet formed by -Napoleon, from which every mind possessed of any -degree of independence or elevation was excluded. -Prussia became almost a department of France, traversed -in every direction by military roads; the whole population -of some districts was carried away by the generals -of Buonaparte, with blows and violence; the universities -were closed, and the provinces reduced to the last extremity; -while such heavy military contributions were -imposed, that they wrung from the peasant his last hard-earned -crown, and even his plough and his oxen. People -must not treat a country thus, when they are desirous of -governing it; they should recollect that the superiority<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span> -of a power does not result from violence, but from the -moral ascendancy produced by protection and support.</p> - -<p>But at the side of the public government of Prussia, -bowed down before the wrath and violence of Napoleon, -a number of secret associations had been brought -into existence, by the oppression of the conquerors; and -taking the Fatherland for their watchword, they only -awaited a crisis for vengeance. After the death of their -noble-hearted queen these associations greatly increased, -and the most eminent among the patriots, as well as the -statesmen out of favour, participated in them, for the -salvation of the country was at stake. It is incontestable -that Hardenberg was the <i>mind</i> of this national conspiracy, -as Blucher and Gneisenau were its <i>sword</i>; this secret -and magnificent undertaking, this moral resistance, advanced -with indescribable and undeviating energy, during -the period which elapsed between 1808 and 1811, and -then, by a capricious will of the Emperor Napoleon, -Hardenberg was again destined to receive a mark of -confidence from his sovereign, and the government of -Prussia was once more placed in his hands. I consider -this to have been the most critical period for Northern -Germany; the provinces, constantly traversed by French -troops, were completely in the power of their generals, -and that fine country was now nothing but a magazine -of forage, provisions, and money for the French troops. -In the midst of these disastrous circumstances, the minister -applied himself particularly to reinstating some little -degree of order in the complicated administration of -Prussia; he relieved the people as far as it was possible, -and above all, he endeavoured to reorganise the army, -firmly, but not openly, for this Napoleon would not -have permitted, but by a military system which constantly -summoned the young soldiers to their duties, and -then shortly afterwards restored them to their families<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span> -and their homes; a plan which permitted him to have a -fine army in preparation for future events, at a very -moderate expense. The system of military reserves is -essentially Prussian, because it realizes the double idea -of a considerable army in time of war, and a limited contingent -during peace; by this means every Prussian is a -soldier.</p> - -<p>If at this time the Emperor treated Prussia with some -little degree of respect, if he even called for the concurrence -of Baron Hardenberg, it was because, being then -almost on the eve of undertaking a campaign against Russia, -he was desirous of engaging Prussia in it as an auxiliary; -and as the cabinet was already devoted to him, Buonaparte -sought to enlist popular opinion in his favour, by -means of their favourite minister. And here a question -may be asked, of great importance to history. How came -Hardenberg to affix his signature to the secret treaty -which placed the Prussian army under the orders of -Napoleon? Had he really and in good faith entered -into the alliance? or had he only signed it with the -determination of breaking through its conditions at the -first check experienced by the French arms? It is -necessary we should recollect, that with Napoleon there -were no discussions, no considering the various clauses of -a treaty; and the correspondence of M. de Saint-Marsan -with M. Maret, with the notes and explanations of the -Prussian minister with the French ambassador, are sufficient -to carry conviction that nothing was free or spontaneous -on this occasion: every thing was submitted to -from the most imperious necessity; there was no choice -given of acceptance or refusal, but Prussia placed her -army and her treasury at the disposal of the conqueror, -because he had said, <i>It is my will</i>.</p> - -<p>Now in these necessities, imposed by misfortune, did -no gleam of hope remain? In politics, no alliances are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span> -durable but those resting upon a perfect agreement of -views and interests. When two people unite because -they are free and happy, because they feel a mutual -esteem and regard for each other, because they reciprocally -afford and receive important services, then, depend -upon it, these alliances are durable, these treaties will be -carefully carried out. But suppose, on the contrary, a -people vanquished and humbled—a king of Prussia, the -descendant of Frederic the Great, to whom M. Maret -insolently writes, "that he must sign a military and diplomatic -convention, under pain of captivity;" does such -a treaty as that form an alliance? is the convention -which delivers up Berlin to the French army, a treaty -between friends and allies? or could the plan which -parcelled out the Prussian army, into divisions under -French marshals or generals, be a free, upright, or durable -proceeding? Surely not: this reconciliation could only -be momentary; it was imposed by main force, and with -the decline of power it must come to an end.</p> - -<p>In addition to this, the Prussian government could no -longer control the people of Germany, indignant at the -humiliations they were called upon to submit to. That -Hardenberg was acquainted with the proceedings of the -secret societies, does not admit of a doubt, neither is it -less certain that he permitted their developement, in order -afterwards to avail himself of them, as a powerful instrument -against the oppression of France; but a circumstance -one cannot comprehend is, that it should not have occurred -even to the inferior mind of M. de Saint-Marsan, -and the very moderate capacity of M. Maret, that at the -first reverse experienced by the grand army, all these -alliances would be got rid of, as something troublesome -and offensive—in fact, as a yoke to be cast off. To what -a degree of humiliation was the House of Frederic now -reduced! Prussia, in a suppliant attitude, had solicited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span> -an alliance with the Buonaparte family, and Hardenberg, -the principal negotiator, had received a cold refusal! -Was it possible all this should be forgotten? On one -side was the recollection of their young and heroic queen, -who had died broken-hearted, insulted in the public -papers, and calumniated in pamphlets; and on the other, -was a people ground down by oppression, but undertaking -its own preparations for the day of independence; -while to the insolence of the chief we must add all the -harshness of his generals, and of the people employed in -levying contributions. I do not wish here to mention -proper names, but if any men are still living who were -then employed in the local administration of Prussia, let -them speak, and say, whether the system to which Prussia -was subjected, was one possible for her to maintain, in -spite of all the hopes of liberty inspired by the general -rising in Europe? and whether it was not natural the -conflagration of Moscow should be succeeded by other -flames?</p> - -<p>The most important events in Prussia commenced from -this period. The fatal campaign of Moscow being concluded, -the French army, a miserable swarm of fugitives, -fell back upon the frontiers of Prussia, so lately traversed -under different auspices! The corps of Marshal Macdonald -was compelled to retreat from the siege of Riga, -and the brave and faithful chief brought back with him -the Prussians, especially the division of York, long under -the influence of the principles inculcated by Schill. -News suddenly arrived that the Prussians refused to -fight, and General York addressed a respectful letter to -the Marshal, declaring his intention of maintaining a -perfect neutrality with the Russian armies. This defection -extended to all the Prussian troops, and excited -surprise, though it had long been in preparation; in fact, -both officers and soldiers were all strongly imbued with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span> -the doctrines of Schill, Stein, and the secret societies; -and Prussia, ripe for independence, obtained it at last: a -bright dawn had begun to appear, and wherefore should -she not avail herself of it?</p> - -<p>Such being the state of popular opinion in Prussia, let -us now inquire what was the spirit of the cabinet conducted -by Baron Hardenberg. He had evidently been -well acquainted with the existence of the secret societies, -and the edicts of Breslau, issued on the 3d and 9th of -February, which gave a military organisation to the -<i>Tugendbund</i>, were drawn up and signed by him; and -admirable indeed were these patriotic papers, calling upon -all the sons of Germany to take up arms in defence of -the Fatherland! It is necessary to read them, fully to -understand the pitch excitement had now reached in -Germany; all the young men between the ages of -seventeen and twenty-four, were to take up arms, and -form volunteer corps, clothed in the dress that had been -worn by Schill and Stein, that is, the short frock girded -with a leathern belt, and the little cap usually worn by -students. No youth could be married unless he had -performed this service, nor could he fill any public situation -unless he had discharged his duty to his country; -without this there was no hope for him, either in the -path of ambition or of love. The patriotic edicts were -signed by Hardenberg, who was desirous of placing himself -at the head of popular feeling in Prussia. They -were thus worded:—"The dangers with which the state -is threatened demand an immediate augmentation of our -military force, at the same time that the state of our -finances forbids any increase of our expenditure. The -subjects of Prussia have always been distinguished for -their attachment to their king and country, and they -require nothing to direct them to a determined object -but a favourable occasion, which may enable our brave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span> -youth to display the courage which leads them to join -the ranks of the ancient defenders of their native land, -and acquit themselves at their side, of their first and -noblest duties. It is with this object, that his majesty -has been pleased to command the formation of detachments -of yagers, intended to be annexed to the battalions -of infantry and the regiments of cavalry of which the -army is composed, so as to summon to military service -those classes of the inhabitants of the country who are -not compelled to it by the laws, and yet whose means -permit them, to clothe and equip themselves at their own -expense, and to serve the state in a manner compatible -with their situation regarding the civil government. It -will also afford an opportunity to young men of education -to distinguish themselves, and become some day -clever officers, or non-commissioned officers."</p> - -<p>The spirit of Prussia was now thoroughly roused and -up in arms. At the same time Baron Hardenberg was -engaged in a negotiation with M. Maret, who did not -perceive that the Prussian cabinet was merely following -the stream—that it was, in fact, no longer the king who -governed, but the people, and that the people were -boiling with indignation. Generally speaking, the functionaries -of the empire did not attach sufficient importance -to public opinion; the greater part of them, forsooth, -were too great people, men of too illustrious -birth, as every one is aware, and they looked down upon -the mass of the nation! These men, born of the people, -raised by them—some being old newspaper-writers, others -scriveners, or retired attorneys—considered themselves, -by the grace of God, such great lords and princes, that -they paid no attention to the vast power which gives -laws to kings and states. When Hardenberg wrote -that he was desirous of forming the plan of an alliance,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span> -even after the campaign of Moscow, M. Maret's mind -was quite at ease on the subject of Prussia; and the -diplomatic despatches give sufficient evidence of the -perfect ignorance that existed at Paris as to the approaching -movement at Berlin: they did not observe -that fresh ideas were becoming developed, and that the -cabinet was no longer master of the country. "What -is going to happen?" wrote M. de Saint-Marsan to the -Prussian minister; and, as his sole answer, the latter despatched -General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to -Paris, bearing soothing words. "Prussia is desirous of -maintaining peace, and the French alliance is pleasing -to her, but she requires fresh conditions." Read this -note from Hardenberg to M. de Saint-Marsan, which -describes perfectly the situation of Prussia, a situation -M. Maret had not understood:—"It has occurred to -the king, that nothing would more advance the great -work than a truce, according to which the French and -Russian armies would retire to a certain distance, and -establish lines of demarcation, leaving an intervening -country. Would his imperial majesty be willing to enter -into such an arrangement? Would he consent to resign -the charge of the fortresses of the Oder, of Pilau, -and of Dantzic (with regard to the latter, conjointly -with the Saxon troops, as agreed by the treaty of Tilsit), -to the troops of the king, and withdraw his army beyond -the Elbe, provided the Emperor Alexander should -withdraw his beyond the Vistula? The king has commanded -General Krusemarck and Prince Hatzfeld to inquire -into the intentions of his imperial majesty on this -head; and he has made similar proposals to the Emperor -Alexander, as concerning an idea emanating entirely -from himself, and which can in no way compromise -the resolution which your sovereign, his imperial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span> -majesty, may come to on this point. According to what -is decided upon at present, the king will regulate his -ulterior proceedings."</p> - -<p>Although Hardenberg's language was somewhat timid, -matters were, nevertheless, in a state of progression. In -her first position, the situation of Prussia was that of -an ally; in the second, that of a neutral power: would -she stop there? The arrival of the Emperor Alexander -at Breslau decided the king upon following the -popular movement, and the court of Berlin pronounced -in favour of the coalition; information being conveyed -to M. Maret, in a paper drawn up by Hardenberg, that -Prussia had declared war. This remarkable exposition -of their causes of complaint against Napoleon contains, -more especially, a summary of pecuniary grievances, unheard-of -violations of the various clauses of the treaty, -and recollections of the harsh rule of the French generals. -One circumstance, however, is omitted, although -it occupied the first place in the mind of the Prussian -minister, viz. that the country was weary of foreign -dominion. The <i>Tugendbund</i> had arisen, like an ancient -German warrior, armed at all points.</p> - -<p>Hardenberg quickly followed up this first despatch by -a second, addressed to General Krusemarck at Paris, -who transmitted it to M. Maret. "The Emperor of -Russia offers a noble and faithful friendship to Prussia, -while Napoleon has thrust away his ally, not even -having condescended to enter into any explanation with -her. Prussia has endured all the insolence unsparingly -heaped upon her by the conqueror; all her fortified -places have been seized by the French troops; Berlin -has been occupied, and 94 millions levied upon the -country. These circumstances render further hesitation -impossible; honour commands us to draw the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span> -sword, and never will we sheath it until an honourable -and advantageous peace has been obtained."</p> - -<p>Baron Hardenberg was now completely in his element; -his original inclinations bound him to Russia -and the Emperor Alexander, and he rejoiced in seeing -the idea of Queen Louisa accomplished, and the two -monarchs pressing each other's hands. From this time -forward, all the efforts of the minister were directed to -the developement, and organisation of the secret societies. -His object was to give a heroic impulse to Germany, -and, laying aside for the moment all the divisions -between the Catholic and Protestant parties, he resolved -to see nothing but the Fatherland thirsting for deliverance -from the tyranny of Napoleon; he encouraged the -young men to carol patriotic songs, and excited them to -march boldly to battle, without any distinction being -made between the civilian and the soldier.</p> - -<p>Then were seen universities rising <i>en masse</i>, and the -professors themselves leading their pupils to the battle -of the giants. The engagements of Lutzen and Bautzen -have never been considered in a point of view which -would invest them with a melancholy interest. The -flower of both countries was there opposed to each -other; the conscripts of the empire, from the age of -eighteen to twenty-one years, and the students of the -universities bearing the funereal banner of Queen Louisa, -the oldest of whom did not exceed the age of twenty-two -years. In the midst of these noble squadrons were -heard the thunders of 1500 pieces of artillery, tearing -their youthful and tender bodies, carrying off heads, -mutilating limbs; yet none of these youths faltered, -for they were fighting for their country, their common -mother.</p> - -<p>During this tremendous conflict, the minister did not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span> -neglect liberal concessions, capable of increasing the enthusiasm -of the people. Germany, so heavily oppressed, -thirsted after liberty, and when the people were giving -such pledges to the government, it was but just the government, -in return, should do something for the people. -In Prussia there is a spirit essentially of organisation, -a constant want of improvement and progress. All the -acts of Hardenberg at this period were impressed with -a character of liberty; he augmented the municipal administrations, -all the pecuniary privileges of the nobility -and clergy were annulled, and, following the -ideas of the economic school, wardenships and the freedom -of cities were abolished. By some acts of the -cabinet a political constitution was promised to Prussia, -although it is hardly possible to believe they could ever -have thought seriously of such a thing for a country -whose interests and opinions were so disjointed as -those of Germany. But at that time Napoleon was -regarded by the whole world as a great despot; the -power raised to oppose him must of necessity be the -spirit of liberty; and every national feeling rose in -arms, because the season of oppression must be brought -to a close. Under these peculiar circumstances, engagements -naturally were entered into and promises made. -To a people capable of such noble daring, great concessions -might be promised, and in this, Hardenberg -only followed the impulse that had been given; he -pressed the hand of Stein, Blucher, and Gneisenau, because -their names, like that of Suwarow in Russia, -were the symbol of the country in arms.</p> - -<p>See what name is given in Germany to our disastrous -defeat at Leipsic—the Victory of the Nations! -Yes! it was indeed there, the nations overcame the -terrible oppressor who had crushed them to the dust! -It was from the battle of Leipsic, that dated the sudden,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span> -but prolonged reaction, which finally delivered the -people and the governments from that giant hand. -Accustomed as we are to place the character of Napoleon -in the highest rank, we will not understand that he was -the tyrant of Europe, and that even now we are undergoing -the reaction of two fatal ideas—the recollection of -our conquests and of our disorganising principles.</p> - -<p>After Leipsic, the Rhine was crossed, and Hardenberg -did not for a moment quit the head-quarters of the -Allies: he also represented Prussia at the congress of -Châtillon. From this moment, in all the diplomatic -proceedings, as well as in the military operations, Prussia -always manifested the strongest animosity against the -French Emperor; she hoped for great reprisals, and -would undoubtedly have obtained them, had not the -general inclination in Europe for peace, and the exclusive -and generous influence of the Emperor Alexander, -swayed the negotiations concerning the treaty of Paris, -and the restoration of the Bourbons. All the political -transactions were signed by Hardenberg, from his having -been the powerful hand which for two years had steadily -directed public affairs; the King of Prussia conferred -upon him the title of Prince; and he was invested -with that high dignity when he accompanied the -sovereigns to England.</p> - -<p>The sight of the palace of St. James's must have -awakened melancholy feelings in his mind; in his youth -he had there experienced domestic sorrow, and been -agitated by contending passions; for he had been the -lover and husband of the Countess Randlaw, the most -beautiful woman in Germany: she had been lost to him -through the means of the Prince of Wales, and her -seducer was now the Regent of the British islands. But -they had both grown much older; and when twenty-five -years have been passed in political agitations and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span> -tempests, the heart has been worn out by emotion, and -but little room is left for recollections of enmity and -vengeance. Prince Hardenberg was therefore presented -to the Prince Regent, who received him with marked -attention; and the past only recurred to their minds, -like one of those views which scarcely leave a trace in -the memory.</p> - -<p>From London, Prince Hardenberg repaired to Vienna, -to be present at the meeting of the great congress, and -he had the honour of seeing the immense aggrandisement -of Prussia sanctioned by successive treaties. She -now became the kingdom most immediately in an -offensive position, and was placed in the situation of an -advanced post in the coalition against France. Those -who have investigated the spirit of Europe in the remodelling -which took place in 1815, can easily perceive -that the whole system of politics was directed against -our country, whose influence had caused the most -dreadful agitations in all the world during the last thirty -years. Prussia, which during the revolutionary war had -almost invariably maintained a neutral position, now -received such a territorial organisation, as to render it -necessary she should henceforth be the first to engage in -war. This long strip of land, which has one extremity -on the Niemen, and the other on the Meuse, must necessarily -strive to extend itself by means of conquest, and -in this manner the neutrality was avoided, which had -occasioned a degree of torpor in Europe during the -revolution.</p> - -<p>An implacable hatred again burst forth, when news -arrived at the congress of the landing of Napoleon: the -young students had but just returned to the universities, -the <i>landwehr</i> and <i>landsturm</i>, disbanded but yesterday, -were called to resume their arms on the morrow; and -the closest alliance was renewed in Europe, so as to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span> -march at once against Napoleon, who, like an adventurous -soldier, threw himself almost immediately into Belgium -and the Rhenish provinces. In this military movement, -which threatened Prussia, Prince Hardenberg was compelled -again to appeal to the national troops, who had -shed their blood on the fields of Lutzen and Bautzen. -The same spirit was still found in full strength and -vigour; Blucher was at the head of the Prussian contingent -at Waterloo; they fought with the utmost fury, -and victory having decided in their favour on that -plain, fatal to the last hopes of Napoleon, the northern -provinces of France were soon inundated with enemies. -In all the proclamations of Hardenberg, and all his acts -calling Germany to arms, a deadly hatred, a rancorous -degree of vengeance against France was manifested, in -order to rouse the courage and the powerful energy of -the old Prussian monarchy. This irritation was conspicuous -at every step taken by the German troops on -the French territory; they appeared desirous of at once -taking vengeance for all the humiliations they had -undergone during the last ten years. Waterloo was not -sufficient to appease the anger excited by Jena; the -recollection of the oppressive dominion of the French -was fresh in every heart; and it must be confessed, the -most rancorous and vindictive during the war were not -the regular troops, the soldiers devoid of mind or -imagination, but the young men from the universities, -the <i>landwehr</i> and the <i>landsturm</i>: it was the fair-haired -Germans, with the short frock and leathern belt, the -admirers of Schiller and Goëthe, and, more than all, -the noble worshippers of the Queen of Prussia, who -came to claim the spoils of France; for the revered -image of the heroic Louisa, oppressed and calumniated -by Napoleon, was mingled in all their dreams.</p> - -<p>The despatches of Hardenberg, while the negotiations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span> -of Paris were in progress, bore the impress of this bent -in Germany, and in fact of the whole of his German -existence. From the time he first took part in public -affairs, he particularly interested himself in every thing -concerning the confederation; his influence alone had -induced Prussia to enter into the system of neutrality -and centralisation, which became the national law of -Germany from the time of the French revolution; and -now these same interests were placed under his supreme -direction. Germany, which had so long been endangered -by French principles, was desirous of reacting -against that power; and everywhere declared -and averred, that Alsace and Lorraine had been taken -from her, and that they ought to be restored to their -elder sister; conquest alone had given them to France, -and a reverse of fortune might deprive her of them. -Prince Hardenberg set forth these ideas, and supported -them at the conference in Paris; he asserted that the -Rhine was not natural to France, but was, on the contrary, -offensive to Germany; Strasburg is a threatening -position, and so would be Mayence; the Vosges and the -Moselle were the limits he was desirous of assigning as a -disgrace to us, and this desire proceeded less from his -own mind than from the detestation Germany had -vowed against us: it was the reaction of liberalism -against Napoleon, extending almost to the partition of -France. I have already described how M. de Richelieu -preserved us from this great misfortune, by appealing to -the Emperor Alexander, more disinterested in the question -of partition, and who interposed in favour of our vanquished -country.</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding this, the sacrifices imposed upon us -by the treaty of Paris were sufficiently heavy. Hardenberg -was one of those who signed it, and the influence -he had exerted gave him very great claims upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span> -confidence of his sovereign. He became, in the Prussian -cabinet, the representative of the Anglo-German alliance; -renewing the union between the Tory party and the -German aristocracy, whose fundamental principle was a -hatred and hostility towards France, dating as far back -as the battle of Fontenoy, where the troops of the Duke -of Cumberland were humbled before the fortune of -Louis XV.</p> - -<p>Although peace was now established, the task of the -minister was not completed, and a most difficult mission -remained to be accomplished. The strong national -impulse given to Germany by the necessity of getting -rid of Napoleon, had roused an energetic feeling in -favour of liberty in every breast; charters and constitutions -had been promised, and a sort of mystic unity in -Germany had been spoken of; and how were these promises -to be redeemed? This political question, which I -have already mentioned as so delicate, I may almost say so -terrible, for Prince Metternich, was still more so for the -head of the Prussian government. In Austria the -popular mind was neither so advanced, nor so philosophically -organised, as in Prussia; the enthusiasm of -the people was at bottom only an extreme devotion to -the Emperor and the august house of Hapsburg; and -all they requested in return, was the repeal of a few of -their taxes, some local liberties, and a little public happiness. -But in Prussia the desires were not so moderate; -all the secret societies had visions of a state of things so -strangely liberal, that Germany would have been -nothing more than a republic under a king, if a free -course had been allowed to their expectations. In order -to arrive at a regular plan of government, Hardenberg -was obliged, even in the face of his former promises, to -break with the patriot party, whose efforts he had so -strenuously seconded during the crisis. Blucher and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span> -Gneisenau, the chiefs of these young men, were anxious -for a national representative system, and for that purpose -they wished the secret societies to remain in full -force; but Hardenberg demonstrated to them that the -object of these associations no longer existed, and that as -to the constitution of the States, the part designated as -the administration must be separated from the political -legislation. Under this point of view Hardenberg's -theory is particularly worthy of remark. According to -him legislation belongs to the king alone; and it was -certainly a right no one would have disputed with -Frederic, the founder of the kingdom; the administration -only belongs to the provincial states, as also the -power of voting taxes. He established this theory by -many successive acts, drawn up under his influence; and -it reached such a pitch, that a royal edict even put a stop -to the secret societies, as dangerous and fatal. The -king's language is paternal, and explanatory of his -motives; such being the usual course pursued in Prussia, -where reason and explanation are had recourse to with a -thinking people.</p> - -<p>This second portion of the life of Hardenberg presents -exactly the reverse of the medal; and such, we may -observe, is generally the case. The existence of political -characters is almost invariably divided into two parts: -the one, all action and advance; the other, devoted to the -repression of the ideas they may have favoured in the -days of their youth and strength. The secret societies -occasioned alarm, and, perhaps, with some reason, at a -time when the strangest theories had begun to appear in -Germany, and the press was doing mischief. There had -been a time when it was desirable to rouse Germany, -and then every thing might be said in favour of Liberty, -as it was by her means that every thing was to be done; -but, after the crisis was over, the government would be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span> -exposed to sudden and unexpected accusations. In the -Prussian universities it is permitted to discuss all questions, -to examine into the most important points of -theology and morals; but when they come to the application, -when the principles of the government are -actually attacked, there is liberty no longer. All discussion -is formally forbidden which leads to the examination -of the rights of the crown or the obedience of the -subject, because the head of the state is essentially military, -and his power is the work of the soldier.</p> - -<p>Hardenberg, as minister of the king, took a part in -all the acts which prepared the Germanic constitution; -for Frederic William abandoned himself to his long -experience, and he was prime minister in the fullest -sense of the word. To mark how perfectly he was satisfied -with his services, the king not only wrote to him -with his own hand on his birthday, but he also, as an -agreeable surprise, caused his portrait to be placed in -the principal apartment of his hôtel.</p> - -<p>By the act of the Germanic Confederation a close -alliance took place between Prussia and Austria, in -order that they might share the power equally between -them; the one in the north, the other in the south; -Prussia as the representative of the Protestant, and -Austria of the Catholic system. The German unity -was remodelled on that plan, and there was no longer -any thing but a moral struggle between the two nations. -Prussia was more advanced in her philosophical ideas, -and Austria more paternal and provident in her domestic -regulations.</p> - -<p>The well-established distinction between the administration -and the political system is particularly owing to -the exertions of Hardenberg. The administration is -careful, economical, and often dishonest; the political -branch watchful and military, carefully restricting the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span> -developement of liberty within the most exact limits. -After the termination of the great transactions of 1816, -Hardenberg occupied himself only in applying his system -of repression to the press, to the convocation and -to the limited constitution of the States. At Troppau -and Laybach he supported Prince Metternich's designs, -and all the measures against the schools were taken in -concert with Austria. The system of the German universities -embraced two main points,—studious and intellectual -ideas, and political influence. Hardenberg, a -highly educated man, the friend of Humboldt, Gentz, -and Kotzebue, and himself distinguished for his literary -tastes, was willing to leave to philosophy the vast domain -where intellect displays, and often loses itself; -therefore the studies were not restricted in their developement, -the universities were still left mistress of their -doctrine, but they were obliged to resign their mysterious -influence on secret societies, and they no longer -formed acting and deliberating corps. Science, thought, -and philosophy, remained as a grand and noble trinity -in the domain of the learned, like the school divinity -of the middle ages.</p> - -<p>Political action being restrained, it was easier to bring -the administration to perfection. The system of Prussian -presidencies was only a collection of vast prefectures -or local administrations, and every thing was -regulated with so much economy, that the taxes are -collected with a third less expense than in France.</p> - -<p>In this long struggle of every-day labour, the life of -Prince Hardenberg was worn out; and at Aix-la-Chapelle -and Troppau it was evident that his strength was -beginning to give way. Old age had come upon him, -and one is astonished a war with parties should have -been carried on so vigorously by a man who had -reached the advanced age of threescore and ten. One<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span> -can imagine the peaceful government of an aged man -over a peaceful state; but the last four years of Hardenberg's -life had been the most laborious, because he -not only had to contend with external powers, but with -his own opinions and ideas, hardly five years old. He -had organised the secret societies, and he was now compelled -to destroy them. It was not his feelings that had -changed, but the necessities of Europe, with whom deliverance -had passed into repression.</p> - -<p>At the congress of Verona, Hardenberg was seen, -for the last time, exerting all his strength to support -the opinions of the Emperor Alexander and Metternich, -upon the necessity of a war with Spain. His last public -act was a journey to Rome, to sign a concordat between -Prussia and the Holy See; and the reconciliation between -a Protestant state and the head of the Catholic -Church was certainly a most singular and novel proceeding. -Whence did it proceed? and what was the cause -of it? The excitement occasioned in Europe by the -Holy Alliance had reunited the various and scattered sovereignties. -Their ideas were confounded by the necessity -of mutual defence, and the various shades of opinion -were effaced by the urgent anxiety for the repression of -the democratic principle; so that the Pope was restored -by the English, Prussians, and Russians, who all belong -to different communions. These political reconciliations -had strengthened the religious feeling, and, at this time, -the Czar was dreaming of an universal church, by the -union of all the sects, which offers some explanation -how Hardenberg might go to Rome to sign the concordat. -We must not, however, forget that, owing to her -new position, and her great acquisition of territory, nearly -half her population were now Papists, all the Rhenish -provinces surrounding the great cathedral of Cologne -being of that profession, and it was necessary to secure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span> -the exercise of their religion to these people, but half-subject -to their new master. Hardenberg had still sufficient -strength to preside over this treaty; he then proceeded -to Genoa in search of a milder climate, and had -taken one of those delightful villas where Lord Byron -was accustomed to enjoy the charms of a lovely country, -when he was surprised by illness and death, at the age -of seventy-two years.</p> - -<p>It was a diplomatic career as long as that of Prince -Talleyrand; but Prince Hardenberg had not, like him, -preserved the polished manners and mode of expression -which, in his youth, won the hearts of the republicans. -His speech had become thick and heavy; he -spoke French well, but with the German accent, that -is slightly observable with Baron Humboldt. His language -was very cold, and appeared the mirror of his -feelings, which seldom permitted themselves to be excited -by the imagination; he appeared to be even more -a man of business than a statesman; and, in fact he has -organised, not created, an administration which still -exists, and gradually advances on the path marked out -for it by him.</p> - -<p>At present, Prussia has done nothing beyond enlarging -this system, and at the same time stamping it -more powerfully with a poetical and philosophical tendency; -for the ideas and impressions of stormy and difficult -times are not required in calmer seasons. Prussia -appears likely to realise the problem of an intelligent people, -highly advanced in philosophical knowledge, and yet -capable of doing without what are called constitutional -institutions. The idea that proposes to centralise and confound -every thing, the visionary desire that would group -Germany around the cathedral of Cologne, is grand and -vast; but, in order this unity should triumph, would not -the first necessary condition be, that there should be but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span> -one faith, one object of love, one system of belief? And -how can Protestantism, which is so constantly subject to -internal dissensions, create unity? To make Berlin the -capital of science, to cause all the universities to converge -towards that point, as to an Athens dreamed of -by the philosophers, is a noble idea of the government; -but, on the other hand, what means this license against -Christianity? Though Frederic the Great received -Atheists privately at his table, he would never have -permitted atheism to be publicly taught; and an empire -desirous of seeking for unity in science and philosophy -must lay the first foundations in religion and Christian -instruction. My opinion, then, is, that the Romish -system can alone form a powerful bond among the -people; otherwise, Cologne restored will only present -a barren proof of the utter incapacity of Protestantism to -renew the Catholic union of the arts and religion, as it -existed during the middle ages.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="COUNT_NESSELRODE" id="COUNT_NESSELRODE">COUNT NESSELRODE.</a></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">In</span> the march of generations two distinct periods are -observable: the one of ardent and vigorous activity, -when quiet and lukewarmness are vexatious and annoying; -the other of fatigue and exhaustion; and, when -this reaction has taken place, it is necessary there should -be at the head of affairs, wise and moderate ministers, -perhaps even men who are themselves weary of too -active and busy a life. The great European monarchies -enjoy an incontestable advantage over freer but more -stormy governments, in the perpetuity of their system -and the lengthened career of their statesmen. Look at -Austria and Russia during the last thirty-three years; -they have been under the unvarying direction of two -ministers, who have alone had the direction of affairs,—Prince -Metternich and Count Nesselrode; and only the -death of Prince Hardenberg has deprived Prussia of his -services. This perpetuity of statesmen is attended with -many advantages: it creates a constant succession of -precedents in the cabinet; it permits the conception of a -long series of measures, and allows one idea to be followed -and worked out with perseverance. A young -man is selected immediately he has finished his studies, -and placed in the second or third rank among the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span> -<i>attachés</i> of an embassy; he next becomes a minister plenipotentiary; -and, if he rises and distinguishes himself, -he obtains a post in the <i>chancellerie</i>; and when, owing -to the confidence of his sovereign, or the force of circumstances, -he has once been placed in a superior rank, -he remains there to the end of his life. And what is -the result?—a most serious attention to all transactions, -and a most profound knowledge of business: the political -situation, which was originally the great object of -his ambition, now becomes the subject of his careful -study, and, indeed, his whole existence is bound up -in it.</p> - -<p>England, always intelligent and clear-sighted, has -striven to apply a remedy to the instability of men, by -the stability of parties. In that country there are two -schools opposed to each other, the Whigs and the Tories; -and men from their earliest childhood are destined to -belong to one, or other of these vast divisions. The -universities of Oxford and Cambridge receive into their -bosom this twofold generation of students, who apply -themselves to the study of the peculiar ideas which -divide these shades of parliamentary opinion, and proceed -without hesitation on the path they have chosen -for themselves; and, on quitting the university, they -support in parliament the opinions in which they have -been educated, or which they have adopted. Suppose a -young man to be a Tory, if the Tories are in power he -obtains an appointment as one of the under-secretaries -of state, and only resigns it when his party go out of -office; should he be a Whig, and the Whigs are at the -head of affairs, the same thing takes place: every thing -is fixed, and proceeds according to rule in the government; -by that means alone it is known whence people -come, and they are equally well acquainted with the -course they are likely to take.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span></p> - -<p>In bringing together the names of Metternich, Nesselrode, -and Hardenberg, I do not pretend to draw an absolute -parallel between them; on the contrary, there exists -a strong and well-defined difference. Metternich and -Hardenberg always expressed their own ideas, and were -the representatives of a system, which they followed -with the utmost perseverance, and applied through all -the changeful course of events that occurred in the two -great kingdoms committed to their care. They were -statesmen who had taken office with fixed principles, -and their whole life was employed in their developement. -For instance, the self-imposed object of Prince Hardenberg's -foreign policy, was the increase of the national -influence of Prussia against Napoleon; and of his internal -government, the reconstruction of the States and -of the Prussian citizen classes. Prince Metternich, in -the foreign relations of the cabinet of Vienna, especially -strove to establish his system of armed mediation, and -moral influence produced by means of vast military -establishments; while, to speak the truth, Count Nesselrode -has been nothing more than the upright and -intelligent executor of the will of his sovereign: he was -the reflected image of Alexander, the faithful hand -which undertook the execution of his wishes, even of -those where his personal feelings were most concerned. -The position of Nesselrode with regard to the Emperors -Alexander and Nicholas, might be compared to that of -the <i>ministres secrétaires d'état</i> under Napoleon; the influence -he exercises results from his long experience, and -from the circumstance of his every-day life being passed -in the midst of politics, which are thus interwoven with -all his habits; and this in itself confers a great degree -of power.</p> - -<p>Charles Albert, count Nesselrode, was born at Lisbon -in 1770, of a noble family of German extraction. His<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span> -father was minister plenipotentiary in Portugal under -Catherine II., and some traditions exist concerning the -cause of this species of exile; there are, however, always -some of these rather sneering, and random legends, current -in the <i>corps diplomatique</i>, as if for the purpose of -unbending the brow of official gravity.</p> - -<p>Count Nesselrode was still very young at the termination -of the reign of Catherine,—that extraordinary -woman, whose character forms so curious a study, because -it perfectly represents the state of civilisation in -Russia; whose political ideas were so masculine, and by -whom the system of Peter the Great had been constantly -followed up and advanced. She appeared to effect an -alteration in the influence of the cabinet of St. Petersburg, -which had hitherto been purely oriental, and to -render it more German and central; being the first step -towards the predominance in Southern Europe, which -was afterwards the ambition of her grandson Alexander. -Peter the Great had pointed to Constantinople; but -Catherine considered Warsaw the most favourable point, -as a position which might enable the Russian power, at -a later period, to assume in the south the importance -which her literary correspondence, and political despatches -were already preparing. It was solely with this -view that she encouraged the spirit of the eighteenth -century, and caressed D'Alembert and Diderot, journalists -who were devoted to her interests. When Voltaire, -with his expression of flattering vanity, wrote to -Catherine that light came from the north, he foretold -the consummate ability of the Czarina, which prompted -her to make herself talked of at any price; "because," -as she cleverly observed, "by dint of exalting the Russian -name, it will at last be made some account of in -France and in England; we shall no longer be reckoned -among the barbarians; we shall be talked of at Versailles,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span> -in London, and at Madrid; and this, in politics, -is indispensable, if we are desirous of obtaining any -ascendancy."</p> - -<p>The leading principle of the cabinet of St. Petersburg -for the last hundred years, has been the agglomeration -of Poland, and the expulsion of the Turks, -whom they are desirous of driving back as far as the -Black Sea. Poland has fallen; nor was it in the power -of any government to prevent the ruin of that fated -country. A strong antipathy, a deep, unmeasured -hatred, exists between the Poles and Russians; they -are two races ready to fall upon each other; two giants, -armed at all points, constantly contending during six -centuries. The most unpopular of all proceedings at -Moscow, at Kalouga, at Novogorod, and in the old -castles of the ancient nobility, was the erection of Poland -into an independent kingdom, organised by Alexander,<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> -which occasioned murmurs of dissatisfaction on -every side. The other object of Russia, the fall of -Turkey, will also take place sooner or later; it cannot -be prevented, and, if the government will not undertake -it, the people will do it themselves. Saint Sophia is -required to crown the patriarchate of the Greek Church. -Of this Europe is well aware; she delays the explosion -until the proper time has arrived, and determines the -various shares beforehand: but to prevent it altogether -is beyond her power. And some day we shall hear -that the Russians, with the cross as their banner, have -marched to the succour of their brethren, and that -another empire of Constantine has arisen on the Bosphorus. -It is so written in the book of fate!</p> - -<p>I am not aware that the Russian cabinet has ever -been made the subject of consideration in France, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span> -point of view of its great diplomatic ability. The principal -source of its predominance has been sought in the -strength communicated by its armies, and in its absolute -organisation; but they have been mistaken: the truth is, -that there is nothing more persevering, or more deeply -reflecting, than the Russian cabinet; it goes on slowly, -without attracting attention by noise or tumult. During -the last century, the Russian population has increased -by eleven millions of souls, who occupy more than -five hundred leagues square of territory, if we include -Georgia and the part of Tartary united to the government -of the Crimea; and, independent of these actual -conquests, Russia has acquired an undoubted protectorate -over Moldavia and Wallachia, and such a degree -of influence in Persia, that no other country would now -think of disputing it with her: finally, every one is -aware of the position she has obtained at Constantinople, -and also of the efforts made by the whole of Europe to -prevent her from actually accomplishing the vast projects -formed by Peter the Great. In order to arrive at -this result, nothing has been neglected by Russia; neither -political protestations, nor appeals to religious feeling, -have been spared. Knowing exactly where to stop, she -never ventures too far in an idea; she waits patiently -till the opportunity is ripe; and, should her system have -too much awakened attention, she does not overstep -certain limits, but makes a momentary concession, and -then resumes her projects with admirable consistency. -As soon as the proper season has arrived, and that the -obstacles she at first encountered are overcome, then -Russia progresses straight to the accomplishment of her -wishes.</p> - -<p>Catherine, struck with a fatal apoplexy, had descended -to the tomb, and the sceptre passed to the Grand Duke -Paul, who had been condemned to the most profound<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span> -obscurity, until the moment when he was summoned -from his solitude to the government of forty millions of -people. The gloomy singularity of his character has -been exaggerated; he has been represented as a capricious -prince, who would pass suddenly from acts of savage -tyranny to kindness and tender intimacy; but we must -remember that Paul came of the blood of Peter the -Great, and being incessantly surrounded by conspiracies, -which threatened both his crown and his life, he often -formed resolutions which flew at once from unreserve to -anger, from confidence to sudden fury. Characters generally -spring from situations, and are what events have -made us. Paul had to defend his life, which had been -endangered by many attempts against it; we must not, -therefore, be too hasty in our judgment of this prince, -but, in order to form a fair opinion, we must descend to -the depths of the national character, and view the general -situation of her politics.</p> - -<p>Europe had received a vehement impulse from the -French revolution. The Grand Duke, who was himself -threatened by the spirit of revolt, must have viewed with -but little satisfaction this popular explosion at the other -extremity of Europe; but the distance of Russia, her financial -embarrassments, and the accomplishment of the partition -of Poland, did not permit her to take part in the first -coalition against the French revolution: the Russians -did not join the hostile party until the second Italian -war, during the campaign of Suwarof. I will not repeat -the well-known military story; the divisions in the -cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburg put a stop to the -second coalition: but the Russian regiments had seen -Italy; they had touched the soil of Switzerland; for the -first time their breasts had been warmed by the mild -rays of the southern sun; and, like the invaders of the -third and fourth centuries, they recollected during the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span> -long wintry nights of their icy clime, that there were -large towns and fair cities in the south of Europe, that -those fertile lands produced delicious fruits, while the -smiling plains were crowned with abundant harvests: -these recollections lay deep in the mind of many a -Russian veteran in the years 1813 and 1814, and from -this time forth the cabinet of St. Petersburg took a part -in the interests of southern Europe.</p> - -<p>The diplomatic career of Count Nesselrode began at -the time of the embassy of Count Marcoff at Paris, under -the Consulate—that wonderful period when every thing, -government, institutions, and political and social ideas, -appeared to have been renewed with the vigour of youth. -The forcible administration of the First Consul easily -opened the way to negotiations with Russia, for whenever -a regular power has been established in France, -Europe has never attempted to overturn it. Count -Nesselrode being attached to the embassy in Paris, had -the opportunity of witnessing the magnificent developement -of the power and genius of Buonaparte, then First -Consul. Who would have foretold that fifteen years -later, he, as the Chancellor of Alexander, would preside -over the acts relative to the downfall of the Emperor, -and sanction the decrees of the senate of 1814 for the -restoration of the House of Bourbon?</p> - -<p>Paris, at this early period of the Consulate, was an -abode full of pleasure and enjoyment. The treaty of -Amiens had just been concluded, peace had been obtained -through victory, and people were desirous of amusement -and repose; they were emerging from the system of the -Directory, the spirit of good society again raised its -head, and its rules and customs were eagerly sought for, -in order to restore it from its ruins. There was a little -court at the Tuileries around Joséphine; all the ceremonies -and etiquette of former times were collected with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span> -avidity; ambassadors alone had liveries, and their splendid -equipages shone with double lustre among the half-republican -assemblage, where there was a long string of -hackney-coaches with their numbers concealed. Napoleon -still reserved all his magnificence for his military festivals; -his grand reviews on the Place du Carrousel, where in -the midst of clouds of dust the squadrons of <i>guides</i>, and -the grenadiers of the consular guard defiled, as we see -them depicted in the pictures of Isabey.</p> - -<p>The luxurious splendour of the embassies cast over -every thing belonging to the legation, an aristocratic gloss -which turned the heads of this generation; and this may -explain the success in female society enjoyed by various -members of the <i>corps diplomatique</i> at this period, and the -close and tender intimacies which were afterwards so -useful to Prince Metternich in his diplomatic <i>surveillances</i>. -Young Nesselrode, like all Russians, spoke French with -the greatest fluency, and without the decided accent, -which all Prince Metternich's talents are unable to correct. -He had his share of the dissipation of the new -court, where some young women, as if astonished at their -own position, forgot themselves, and forgot also that they -had the gravest and most serious head in the world as -their chief. I can hardly say wherefore, but nothing has -given me a more contemptible idea of society in the time -of the Consulate, than the perusal of some memoirs that -have been written in apology for it; beside the wonders -achieved by one man, how mean and wretched appear -the tricks and narrow intrigues of those around him!</p> - -<p>The Russian legation was at that time obliged to concern -itself, with one of the most important questions of -maritime rights, and of the law of nations. The treaty -of Amiens, which never could have been any thing more -than a truce between France and England, was broken -by both parties at once; and it is an invidious question<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span> -to inquire which of these two governments, was guilty of -the first infringement of the treaty: the peace fell to the -ground because it was only a momentary repose for two -cabinets unable to live in peace with each other, on -account of their gigantic ambition. As soon as war was -declared between France and England, Napoleon was -naturally desirous of carrying on hostilities in a vigorous -manner, and for that purpose he endeavoured to secure -the co-operation of some of the continental powers. Paul, -who was as ardent in his admiration as in his hatred, -had conceived a high esteem for the First Consul, and -Buonaparte, taking advantage of this feeling, requested -him again to put in force, for the benefit of the neutral -powers, the principle of the liberty of the sea; a principle -completely opposed to the ideas and interests of England, -for the British government never would admit that the -flag should protect the merchandise. A squadron appeared -in the Sound, to act simultaneously against -Denmark, Sweden, and Russia, who had adhered to the -principle of armed neutrality. The legation at Paris, -under the direction of Count Marcoff, based the treaty -on the rights of the neutral nations, being the developement -of a grand maritime idea renewed by Louis XVI.</p> - -<p>A change, however, soon took place, for, as if stricken -by a thunderbolt, Paul fell a victim to a conspiracy. The -mysterious horrors of that awful night have been recorded -in history. The mild and romantic Alexander -was placed on the throne of his father, who appeared -almost immediately inclined to proceed to warlike measures -against France and Napoleon; and accordingly the -influence exercised by England over the cabinet of St. -Petersburg was very considerable. The Russian legation -quitted Paris, and as it had lately exhibited great activity -in obtaining information that was not favourable to the -ideas of Napoleon, Count Marcoff was on the point of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span> -being arrested, and there was a good deal of hesitation -whether he should receive his passports. These acts of -violence were a habit of Napoleon, for even the barrier -opposed by the law of nations to his will was displeasing -to him, and he was always on the eve of breaking -through it.</p> - -<p>The part played since this period by Count Nesselrode, -and the importance of the negotiations between Russia -and France, render it necessary to explain the organisation -of the highest class of the <i>corps diplomatique</i>, as it -exists in the Russian empire. The Emperor being the -supreme head of the army, of the government, and of -the church, all the authorities depend upon him, and -consequently he reserves to himself the entire direction -of what is called the <i>Chancellerie</i>. This <i>chancellerie</i> -appoints agents, who, under the title of ministers or -ambassadors, represent officially their sovereign at foreign -courts; it also exercises much activity and vigilance, and -keeps a watch upon the ambassadors, who are often -compelled to collect the most minute information—a proceeding -not at all in keeping with their elevated rank, -for the shades are almost imperceptible between what is -allowable, and what is forbidden in diplomatic affairs; -and, as I have before stated, this ambiguous situation -often induced the Emperor Napoleon to be almost violent -in his measures against the Russian ambassadors, when -he found they obtained statements of the military establishments, -and secret conventions, so as to become masters -of the most carefully guarded secrets of the cabinet.</p> - -<p>Independent of these people, who are officially accredited, -the Czar despatches aides-de-camp, without any -positive commission except that of travelling, or perhaps -being the bearers of some complimentary message; and -these officers examine into every thing and send reports, -not only regarding the government and the population<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span> -they are deputed to inspect, but even concerning the -Russian agents. To recall an example: under the Emperor -Napoleon, in 1811, the aide-de-camp Czernitcheff -made two or three journeys to Paris, ostensibly to compliment -the Emperor, and to carry him autograph letters -from the Czar; and then he returned to Russia with a -statement of all the military strength of the country, -which had been given him by an <i>employé</i> in the war-office—information -that was of the greatest possible -service to Russia in the defence of 1812. In addition to -all this, when the Czar takes the field a great number of -general officers unite diplomatic missions and services, to -their military titles; as, for instance, Count Pozzo di -Borgo, as we have before observed, attended at the same -time to the strategic operations, and to the arrangements -in the cabinets, which might secure their developement. -When England, who was the first to follow this plan, -granted subsidies to a power, she always sent a commissioner -with each army to follow the campaign.</p> - -<p>Count Nesselrode was early attached as a councillor to -the private <i>chancellerie</i> of the Czar, who soon discovered -him to possess a faithful disposition, great and solid -erudition, a serious understanding, and a spirit of ready -obedience that would willingly support his sovereign -will. Count Nesselrode took especial pains to please -Alexander, whose mind was too full of his own ideas to -bear any impulse that was not given by himself. At the -time of his departure for the interview at Erfurt, it was -evident that three ideas in particular possessed the minds -of the members of the cabinet of St. Petersburg. The -one, entirely Russian, observed with feelings of grief and -humiliation, the alliance between Alexander and the head -of the French government; a strong dislike was felt by -the old Muscovites to the greatness of the new empire; -the noble Sclavonian detested the proud and arrogant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span> -<i>parvenus</i>. They did not wish for an open rupture with -France, but the engagements entered into by the treaty -of Erfurt, the intimacy between the two crowns, which -had been formed by the fascinations of Napoleon—all this, -I say, was a source of great displeasure to the old aristocracy, -to the successors of those Boyards who claimed -the feudal government of the Russian provinces.</p> - -<p>The second school of this diplomacy was in some -degree Greek and Oriental. Napoleon had been desirous -of satisfying some of the projects of Russia by the treaty -of Erfurt; and as he was then dividing the world with -Alexander, he conceded to him the full and entire realisation -of the plans of Catherine, agreeing that Constantinople -should be his in a few years, Ispahan and Persia -in the course of time; they even spoke of the independence -of Greece, and consequently of the possibility of an -insurrection among the Hellenic and Syrian population. -Napoleon had long revolved these projects in his mind; -in fact, had not the general of the army of Egypt already -had an idea of appealing to the Christian profession, as a -means of rousing the Copts and Syrians against their -Ottoman masters? Some maxims of liberty were to be -attached to the Greek school of diplomacy, and they -were brought forward some years afterwards at the -congress of Vienna by Count Capo d'Istria.</p> - -<p>The third diplomatic school, which was to a certain -degree founded by Count Nesselrode, consisted in taking -a middle course between the two former systems. The -young Count had never been devoted to the plans proposed -at Erfurt, and he did not for a moment allow -himself to be carried away by the gigantic projects then -determined upon in a moment of enthusiasm; he did not -identify himself either with the Greek or the German -school, nor even entirely with the Muscovite, in its -repugnance for Napoleon. What Alexander particularly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span> -remarked was, the perfect obedience of his minister to -all his wishes, though he sometimes strove to infuse a -little moderation into his decisions, when their tendency -was too abrupt or positive to be advisable in political -affairs. Nesselrode always executed the orders of his -sovereign, but in so doing he tempered the expressions -of enthusiastic mysticism which often characterised the -politics of the Czar; he did not attempt to give an impulse, -but he endeavoured to prevent the will of his -master from going too far.</p> - -<p>The commencement of Count Nesselrode's favour -dates especially from the French expedition to Russia. -The movement, still more national than military, which -repulsed this gigantic undertaking, naturally took its -source from the old Muscovite families, and in the -savage energy against which the Czars, ever since the -days of Peter the Great, have struggled in vain; and -Alexander, whose education and principles rendered him -particularly averse to this return of barbarism, felt the -need of a confidential friend, in whose bosom he might -confide his fears of the results to be apprehended from -this Muscovite tendency, which went beyond his own -ideas and wishes. Count Nesselrode became one of these -confidential servants, and as early as 1812, although he -did not fill the official situation of <i>conseiller d'état</i>, he -took the principal part in the prodigious diplomatic -movement then in progress; he concluded and signed -the treaty of the subsidies with England, and the -secret alliance of the two great powers against Napoleon, -which completed his political fortune.</p> - -<p>The intimacy between Count Nesselrode and Prince -Metternich began in the course of the negotiations at -the congress of Prague. As I have before observed, it -is impossible to institute a comparison between these -diplomatists; Prince Metternich being the creator of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span> -system, while Nesselrode was merely employed in executing, -or perhaps in moderating an idea, which was -not always his own. Count Nesselrode was not the -official plenipotentiary at the congress of Prague, the -full powers being entrusted to M. d'Anstett, a -man of considerable ability, but hardly likely to be -very favourably inclined to a peaceable system, for he -was a French <i>émigré</i>; however, the impulse and the -direction of the whole business emanated entirely from -Alexander, and consequently from Count Nesselrode, -the most faithful and devoted of his representatives. It -was then, as we cannot but feel, of the greatest importance, -to induce Austria to join the coalition of the -Allies against Napoleon, for upon it depended the -success of the campaign of Germany; but Metternich -was far from being decided in favour of this step, and -he wished to oblige them to purchase the co-operation of -Austria at a very high price: the negotiations, however, -were conducted with great ability by Count Nesselrode, -and at the conclusion of the congress of Prague the -alliance of Austria was well secured to the coalition. -The Russian minister arranged in the name of his -sovereign all the articles of this treaty, which calmed the -fears of Austria, by assigning to her an advantageous -frontier in Germany and Italy.</p> - -<p>A new element had just manifested itself in the -Russian diplomacy, General Pozzo di Borgo having -arrived at head-quarters, after accomplishing his mission -to Bernadotte, crown-prince of Sweden. Count Pozzo -was the friend of the disaffected generals of the Empire; -and his constant thought, and the master-passion of his -soul, was his desire to bring about the ruin of his ancient -rival, whom he considered as the oppressor of Europe. -It was necessary for Count Nesselrode, if not exactly to -contend with this influence over the mind of Alexander,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span> -at least not entirety to concur in it; for he, like Metternich, -for a short time considered it might be possible -to treat with Napoleon, and to impose such a degree of -restraint upon his military power, as to prevent him -from injuring the German independence, or the security -of the interests and relations of the States. On this -head Nesselrode perfectly agreed in the opinions of -Alexander, who, during the campaign of 1813, was as -far from desiring the downfall of Napoleon, as from -wishing to interfere with the form of government in -France; there was then quite enough to do in Germany, -the Rhine had not yet been passed, and the question -concerning the deposition of the French Emperor did not -occur until 1814. Count Nesselrode having been -present at the interview at Abo, between the Czar and -Bernadotte, it was impossible he should be ignorant that -questions had been raised concerning certain possible -events, among which the chance of another form of -government being established in France was spoken of. -Those who have some knowledge of the state of the case, -are well aware that nothing could be more vague and -undecided than all that was settled in this interview, if -we except the close alliance between Russia and Sweden, -and certain decisions concerning their territorial claims. -The Emperor Alexander conversed with Bernadotte -about the plan of the campaign, and the state of the -public mind in France, as well as concerning all the -possibilities and chances that might be the consequence -of the war; and Bernadotte in his turn naturally spoke -of his grievances, and of the injuries which, as a Republican -general, he had been exposed to from Napoleon, -and for which he retained a strong dislike to him: but -there was no talk of any change, and they entered into -no positive agreement to overturn the sovereign who -then reigned in France.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span></p> - -<p>During the campaign of 1814, there was as much -activity in the negotiations as even in the military -operations; and when the Allies had once passed the -Rhine it was considered necessary diplomacy should -follow all the phases of the war, so as to be ready to -reply to the proposals that might be made by the Emperor -of the French, and also to resolve all the difficulties -they might encounter. The arrival of Lord -Castlereagh on the Continent greatly facilitated the transactions -regarding the subsidies and the equipment of the -troops; and the treaty of Chaumont was signed by -Count Nesselrode, as well as by the plenipotentiaries of -the other allied powers. The ascendancy acquired by -England just then was so great, that she may almost be -said to have alone given the impulse and direction to all -the acts of the cabinet; it must, however, be acknowledged, -that as she furnished the sinews of war, it was very -natural she should fix positively the use to which they -were to be applied. Count Nesselrode arranged with -Lord Castlereagh the method of issuing the pay of the -troops, and the diplomatic result of the campaign.</p> - -<p>The sad events of the war brought the Allies to Paris; -and the moment was decisive for that portion of the -senate which, under the direction of Talleyrand, -D'Alberg, and Jaucourt, wished for the fall of Napoleon. -A provisional government was established, after the -occupation of the capital. There could be no hesitation -in the choice of alliances, for the support of -Alexander was indispensably necessary to accomplish -the ruin of the imperial system, whose hour was -come! For this purpose, however, it was essential to -obtain the concurrence of Nesselrode, the minister who -had signed all the diplomatic acts concluded in the last -three years; and even had they considered him as a -mere secretary (Alexander being accustomed to act<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span> -very much for himself), they would naturally have been -desirous of engaging him in the interests of the provisional -government.</p> - -<p>As soon as Alexander entered the French territory, -the disaffected placed themselves in communication with -his cabinet. I have already mentioned the mission of -M. de Vitrolles, who, with a view to the restoration, had -informed the Czar of the state of the public mind; and -Count Nesselrode had hardly arrived in Paris before -he was surrounded and assailed by a thousand conflicting -intrigues and negotiations of all sorts, for the purpose -of inducing his cabinet to decide in favour of the -Bourbons. It was the general bent of the period, as -the revolutionary principle had been that of a former era. -The first steps taken by the Russian minister were full -of caution; he wanted to feel his way and judge of the -public feeling, and it was also necessary to induce Prince -Schwartzenberg, who commanded the active army, to -make an open demonstration in favour of the Bourbons; -yet, at the same time, they were not quite certain what -was the ultimate decision of Austria, and, more especially, -of Prince Metternich. All the papers written -about this time by Count Nesselrode bear evidence of -this complicated situation; he, however, spoke in plain -terms in an official letter addressed to M. Pasquier, that -he might set at liberty some people arrested on account -of <i>the good cause</i>, and this <i>good cause</i> was the restoration -of Louis XVIII.</p> - -<p>It was evident from this expression of opinions favourable -to legitimate sovereignty, that the decision had been -made before it was officially announced. Never, perhaps, -at any time had more activity been displayed than -at this period; Nesselrode must remember it as the -most brilliant and busy part of his life. His <i>salon</i> never -was empty; at one time Caulaincourt, with full powers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span> -from the Emperor, solicited peace; at another, the marshals -of the empire stipulated for the rights of the army, -and a special treaty for Napoleon; then, again, Talleyrand, -D'Alberg, and De Jaucourt, came to press the -Russian minister to put an end to all uncertainty by -pronouncing the downfall of Buonaparte; and, finally, -the royalists devoted to the Bourbons, such as Sosthènes -de la Rochefoucauld, and De Vitrolles, endeavoured to -obtain the triumph of the ancient dynasty.</p> - -<p>After these various negotiations, the declaration of the -Emperor Alexander, announcing to France that they -would not treat with Napoleon, was agreed to in the -cabinet. This remarkable declaration was drawn up by -Pozzo di Borgo; it was printed by means of a hand-press -at the hôtel of Prince Talleyrand, in the Rue St. -Florentin, and thousands of copies were thrown from -the balconies. It was a great party stroke for the -house of Bourbon, for from that time its cause was secure. -It has been reported that the resolution of Count -Nesselrode was decided by immense diplomatic presents; -but one should generally regard with distrust the various -stories that are current after political events have -been accomplished: there is less corruption than people -imagine in public business. At the same time it is very -probable that some gratitude would be manifested after -so important an act; secret presents almost invariably -accompany the signature of stipulations in all diplomatic -transactions—it is an old custom, and, no doubt, the -value of these presents was increased in consequence of -the immense importance of the service rendered; but -this is all that historical impartiality can say on the -subject.</p> - -<p>This season of 1814 was very brilliant for Count Nesselrode; -there was nothing at Paris but <i>fêtes</i> and flowers. -The moderation of Russia had swayed all the resolutions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span> -and softened the conditions of victory, and the Emperor -Alexander enjoyed a great reputation as the symbol of -peace and the expression of magnanimity in the midst of -triumph. England and Austria were quite cast into the -shade, nobody was spoken of but Alexander, and this -celebrity was reflected upon Count Nesselrode in so -great a degree as to occasion a feeling of jealousy in -Metternich, who had hardly any thing to do with the -transactions at Paris in 1814. The Austrian minister -awaited his turn at the congress of Vienna. The first -occupation of our capital was the <i>apogée</i> of the moral -omnipotence of Russia in the affairs of southern Europe.</p> - -<p>Here it is necessary I should mention all the difficulties -of Nesselrode's situation. Nothing could be -more changeable and more prone to sudden impressions -than the mind of Alexander, who passed from one enthusiastic -fancy to another with inconceivable rapidity; -when he had taken up one idea it was difficult to put it -out of his head; and if you followed in the same track, -some time afterwards he would meet with some other -fancy, which he adopted with equal warmth. We may, -therefore, imagine how difficult was the part of a secretary -of state desirous of giving some consistency to these -projects, of classing them in a certain order, and of producing -any result from them all. From the close of -1813, Alexander had been deeply imbued with the mysticism -of Madame Krüdner, and he mingled with his -manifestoes on the principles of Europe, and his theories -of peace and war, a species of ascetic worship and enthusiastic -superstition very difficult to translate or apply -to the real business of life, and of which the ultimate -object was not always understood by powers like England -and Austria.</p> - -<p>At the congress of Vienna they had to treat of serious -affairs, and it was necessary to give a positive meaning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span> -to the vague conceptions of Alexander, and translate -theories into treaties. Poland was occupied by a Russian -army, and the diplomatists of the old Muscovite -school, in hopes this occupation would become permanent, -pressed the annexation of Poland to Russia, without -a constitution or any free state privileges. Alexander, -who was desirous of wearing the crown of Poland, -was entirely opposed to these demands, and wanted to -collect the ruins of that kingdom into one system of -political organisation; and Count Nesselrode faithfully -executed this idea of his sovereign at the congress of -Vienna. The question of Poland was his sole anxiety, -as the integrality of Saxony and the restoration of the -House of Bourbon at Naples was the exclusive thought -of Prince Talleyrand.</p> - -<p>At the congress of Vienna Nesselrode formed an intimacy -with Prince Hardenberg. Russia had supported -the pretensions of Prussia, the States had been bound to -each other by means of political and family arrangements, -and, for the future, Prussia was destined to act as the -advanced guard of Russia, in her projects of influence -over the south of Europe. Russia was too busy with -her own affairs to observe the sort of underhand alliance -forming between England, France, and Austria, -against Alexander's design of instituting a kingdom in -Poland, dependent on a viceroyalty of the czars. Nesselrode -had to contend at once with Metternich and -Hardenberg, who were both afraid of seeing the portion -of Poland that had accrued to them at the time of the -first partition escape from their grasp; Austria fearing -for Gallicia, and Prussia for the districts beyond the -Vistula. The other opposition the Russian minister -had to overcome was, as I have before observed, that -of the old Muscovite families, who murmured at seeing -the organisation of Poland with an independent constitution<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span> -and a degree of national liberty. Great difficulty -existed in this quarter, although Nesselrode had not -entered as warmly into this project as his sovereign had -done, but had taken a middle course, in order to avoid -a misfortune with which he had at one time appeared -threatened.</p> - -<p>But all these divers interests were confounded by the -astounding news of Napoleon's landing in the Gulf of -Juan. The Emperor Alexander, whose mind was more -than ever impressed with the mystic and liberal ideas of -the German school, did not hesitate a moment in lending -his powerful aid to the coalition. Madame Krüdner -had persuaded him that the <i>white angel</i>, Peace, was to -overcome the <i>black angel</i>, which presided over battles, -and that the part of mediator and preserver of the human -race was intended for him. The immense armies of -Russia, therefore, marched against the <i>black angel</i> -(Buonaparte). I will not enter into the military details -of the Waterloo campaign; suffice it to remind -the reader that the Russians, who had afforded such -decisive support during the invasion of 1813 and 1814, -upon this occasion only arrived with the third division -after the struggle was over, which explains the reason -why the influence of England and Prussia was paramount -in France during the transactions of 1815.</p> - -<p>I have elsewhere given an account of these negotiations;<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> -the Emperor Alexander constituted himself -the protector of the French interests, being led to do so -as much by the natural generosity of his disposition as -by a certain degree of national rivalry, which already -began to appear between Russia and England. Nesselrode's -influence over the mind of the Emperor was quite -as powerful as that of Pozzo di Borgo, and we must<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span> -acknowledge that they rendered us the most essential -service, by preserving us from a partition of our territory, -and a pecuniary indemnity beyond the power of -France to discharge. Still the treaty of Paris stands in -evidence, that we were obliged to submit to very painful -sacrifices and heavy humiliations.</p> - -<p>Just at this time the influence of Nesselrode was endangered -by a rival in Alexander's favour; I allude to -Count Capo d'Istria.</p> - -<p>Capo d'Istria was born in the Ionian islands, in the -midst of the Greek population, which have so often been -encouraged by Russia to strive for their liberty, ever -since the time of Catherine II. He was the friend of -Ipsilanti and of all the ardent generation who fought -for the independence of their country. At a very early -age he had been employed in secret and mysterious negotiations. -However the cabinet of St. Petersburg -might be situated with regard to the Porte—let the -relations of the two countries be what they might, Russia, -for the last century, had never ceased to favour secretly -the efforts of Greece to shake off the Ottoman -yoke. Alas! had she not had frequent cause for self-reproach -on this subject? More than once she had instigated -the Greeks to revolt, and then, when all their -efforts had proved ineffectual, she had not dared to defend -them openly in the face of Europe; for she was -closely watched by England and Austria, who denounced -to the Divan the slightest action of the unfortunate -Hellenists—even the groans of an oppressed people were -not allowed to pass in silence. When, therefore, Capo -d'Istria was admitted to the confidence of the Emperor, -the cause of the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of a constant -advocate, and a warm, faithful representative. His -credit dated from the negotiations in Switzerland in -1815, whose result was a new act of mediation under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span> -the threefold influence of Austria, Russia, and Prussia. -Capo d'Istria was afterwards appointed to divide with -Nesselrode the ministry for foreign affairs.</p> - -<p>It was, as I have before observed, a complete rivalry, -for Count Nesselrode had entirely adopted the ideas of -the European school. Since the year 1812, he had followed -the political system opposed to the military principle -of the French revolution, now pursued in concert -by all the cabinets of Europe, whose ruling desire, -from the year 1816, had been the repression of the -liberal movement engendered by the resistance of the -people to the conquests of Napoleon. Nesselrode perfectly -agreed with Metternich on this point, and the Emperor -Alexander's partiality for the liberal and Hellenic -school of Capo d'Istria was a source of sorrow and vexation -to them both. The difficulties they had to encounter were -of a complicated nature, for religious feelings were mingled -with political ideas—there was strong sympathy -between the two churches of Moscow and Athens, and -the patriarchs were in constant communion with each -other. It was impossible openly to attack Alexander on -this point; all that Nesselrode could do in opposition to -Capo d'Istria, was to spread the alarm in every direction -concerning the fearful progress made by the spirit of -insurrection.</p> - -<p>As early as the close of 1815, the Emperor Alexander -had conceived the project of the Holy Alliance—an idea -resulting from the mystic and religious fancies of Madame -Krüdner, but involving at bottom very positive -resistance to the spirit of revolt; for the Holy Alliance -was nothing more than a contract of mutual support, -a sort of bond entered into by all the crowned heads -against the revolutionary movement in Europe. Metternich -and Nesselrode were certainly not the men for -ideal transactions—there had been too much reality and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span> -matter of fact in their lives; still they saw the cabinets -adopt these measures with satisfaction, as they both entertained -hopes of bringing over the Emperor to their -way of thinking; and, indeed, the general course of -events at that time appeared to favour the common idea -of Metternich and Nesselrode, for the secret societies in -Germany had been greatly developed, and kept Prussia -and Austria in a state of perpetual anxiety. They sent -repeated despatches to St. Petersburg, and Nesselrode -secretly supported the ideas of the alarmed cabinets. -Thus the liberal plans advocated by Capo d'Istria met -with secret opposition, and more than once the Emperor -Alexander remained undecided among the various tendencies -which disputed among themselves his mind, his -power, and his affections.</p> - -<p>Events, however, were progressing in a manner likely -to weaken the credit of Capo d'Istria, and augment that -of Nesselrode. The Polish senate had been the especial -creation of Alexander, it was the work of his own -hands; and this senate, by an ill-advised resistance, had -just deeply offended the will of the sovereign—a circumstance -which might have been considered as a legal act, -in a long-established government, was construed into an -armed and criminal revolt; and the Czar suddenly issued -harsh and firm resolutions regarding Poland. The -strong repressive measures advocated by Nesselrode and -Metternich thus regained their place among the ideas of -the European system; from the same cause the influence -of Capo d'Istria visibly lost ground with the Emperor, -and with his influence declined the idea of a Christian -insurrection in Greece.</p> - -<p>Capo d'Istria, as I before observed, was favourably -disposed towards his countrymen the Greeks, who, by -a spontaneous movement, had shaken off the yoke of -the Porte; and he urged Alexander immediately to interfere,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span> -by causing a Russian army to appear on the -Pruth and an imperial fleet in the Mediterranean. The -revolt of the Greeks was observed with great anxiety by -Metternich; the house of Austria, being considered as the -protectress of the Divan, made every possible effort to -avoid a conflict calculated to injure the Ottoman influence, -which was necessary to the balance of power in -Europe: consequently, it was the object of Austria to -persuade Alexander that the real spirit evinced by -Greece was that of revolution, where Capo d'Istria saw -nothing but a religious question; and in this opinion -Nesselrode perfectly concurred. He considered that the -actual state of Europe would not admit of the emancipation -of a people, for rebellion was every where forming -against the crowned heads, and Greece was merely employed -as a pretext.</p> - -<p>The moment was well chosen to infuse these alarms -into the mind of the Emperor, the bent of the German -universities having just manifested itself by the assassination -of Kotzebue; Piémont had taken up arms, Naples -was in a state of insurrection, and Spain had proclaimed -the Cortes. Metternich, in concert with Nesselrode, -then returned to the idea of congresses, those great -fusions of the sovereignties, according to the course that -had been settled by the Holy Alliance.</p> - -<p>The diplomatic school had rather a predilection for -this assembling of Europe—those meetings in which -all the statesmen of the various countries met on -friendly terms to discuss the affairs of the Continent. -The same passion for congresses was to be observed in -Talleyrand, Metternich, Hardenberg, and Nesselrode; -it was a habit they had formed, a desire of appearing -and playing an important part on the diplomatic stage. -The Emperor Alexander was also fond of these great -<i>réunions</i> because he was consulted as an arbiter, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span> -princes of Europe trusting both to his experience and to -his magnanimity.</p> - -<p>Nesselrode accompanied the Emperor to Troppau and -Laybach; those who studied the character and deportment -of both observed that their minds appeared to be -undecided: there was a kind of uncertain hesitation between -the liberal ideas they had lately entertained and -the strongly repressive tendency advocated by Austria. -Metternich made use of all his talents and influence to -convince the Emperor of the dangers by which all the -European sovereignties were threatened, if they did not -decide upon one of those great military demonstrations -which, by their overwhelming force, at once made an -end of rebellion; when, just at the most critical moment, -intelligence was brought to the Russian minister of a -mutiny that had taken place in one of the regiments of -guards at St. Petersburg. This news quickly determined -the Emperor's opinion; Nesselrode received orders -to enter with the utmost vigour into the plans proposed -by Austria, and the downfall of Capo d'Istria -appeared impending.</p> - -<p>One thing must be particularly observed in this -struggle between liberal principles and those of absolute -dominion; and that is, that Capo d'Istria had always -been the faithful interpreter of an idea of independence -for Greece, consequently, when liberal opinions were in -the ascendant, he was not likely to continue in favour. -The great misfortune of the Greeks at this moment, and -what retarded their emancipation, was the circumstance -of their insurrection taking place at the same time as the -revolt in Piémont and the proclamation of the constitution -of the Cortes; rendering it difficult always to discriminate -exactly between an unruly military movement -which terrified the regular governments, and the noble -spectacle of Greece, with a spirit worthy of her forefathers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span> -raising the holy symbol of her religion on her banners, -stained and torn in many a former heroic struggle. -Capo d'Istria's affection for Greece led to the loss of the -Emperor's favour; and he, the protector of the Hellenists, -was stabbed to the heart by a Greek,<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> affording a -melancholy proof of the ingratitude of revolutions.</p> - -<p>Then took place the intimate fusion of the Russian -and Austrian system of politics, occasioning the absolute -triumph of Metternich; and this situation was continued -at the congress of Verona under Nesselrode, from -that time forth sole minister of Russia, and chief of the -<i>chancellerie</i> under Alexander. At the congress of Verona -he held the pen, and all the resolutions regarding -Spain were taken in concert; the diplomatic notes were -drawn up by the two ministers together; Metternich -wrote to the Austrian minister at Madrid, while Nesselrode, -recalling the Russian ambassador, fulminated a -sentence of proscription against the Cortes. It was no -longer the liberal and generous Alexander they had to -deal with, but an imperious prince, who, through his -ministers, laid down the law in a sovereign and dogmatic -manner. When M. de Villèle craftily objected -for a short time to engage in an expensive and hazardous -campaign, Nesselrode, without the slightest hesitation, -wrote to him, in the name of the Emperor, that -Russia was determined to venture every thing in order -to repress the spirit of revolt in the Peninsula. The impulse -was so powerful it was no longer possible to -resist it.</p> - -<p>The close of Alexander's life was greatly harassed by -these feelings; the sacred cause of the Greeks weighed -upon his mind as a subject of remorse, and the sorrow<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span> -it occasioned him was imprinted on his countenance, -which now bore the appearance of ill health. Yet what -was to be done? The panic of impending revolutions -had seized upon his mind, and delivered him over to a -thousand terrors, for his dread of the spirit of the secret -societies was extreme. Liberalism filled him with -alarm, he viewed it as a spectre threatening him with -the seditions that might arise in his empire, and he did -not comprehend that the most effectual means of employing -the national effervescence of the Russians would -have been to march them against Turkey for the deliverance -of Greece. The causes of the unexpected death -of Alexander have formed the subject of much inquiry; -perhaps this acute sorrow was not entirely unconnected -with it: he was a man of a deeply religious mind, with a -mild disposition and a tender and impressionable heart; -thus he felt deeply for the sufferings of Greece. Every -stroke of a yataghan which caused the head of a woman -or child to roll in the dust, among the ruins of Athens -or Lacedæmon, made his heart bleed.</p> - -<p>Soon after Alexander had been gathered to his fathers, -a commotion, at once political and military, took -place in Russia. In southern Europe people are not -sufficiently acquainted with the character of the noble -family of the Czar: there was a degree of enthusiasm in -the filial affection entertained by the Emperor Alexander -for his aged mother, and the deepest respect existed -in the hearts of Constantine and Nicholas for their -elder brother Alexander. His death took them all by -surprise, and upon his tomb burst forth the military -movement prepared by the secret societies, and by a generation -of young officers, dreaming of the old Sclavonian -independence.</p> - -<p>Was the accession of the Emperor Nicholas likely to -make any alteration in Nesselrode's position? One<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span> -powerful reason which operated against any diminution -of the minister's influence was the respectful admiration -of Nicholas for the policy and the opinions of his deceased -brother, and being also inexperienced in business, -he considered it indispensable to surround himself with -the men who had been acquainted with the politics -of Russia ever since the great epoch of 1814. These -men of traditions are essential to governments; they preserve -the history of all the precedents in the cabinets; -they know what has been the conduct of Europe during -a long series of years, what are the springs by which she -has been actuated, and the acts she has been called upon -to concert; comprising information of the most essential -utility for the comprehension of treaties and the conduct -of negotiations: besides this, it was impossible to deny -that Nesselrode was possessed of very great ability in -unravelling events, and had always shewn an enlightened, -though passive obedience, to the wishes of his sovereign. -The Emperor Nicholas, then, being desirous of continuing -the policy of his brother, to whom could he better address -himself than to the man who had had the direction -of affairs during the last fifteen years? Nesselrode also -enjoyed the esteem of the Empress-Mother; and what -power that remarkable woman had exercised over political -affairs! She alone always manifested a sovereign -contempt for Napoleon—she alone swayed the mind of -her son Alexander, even after Erfurt; and, according to -the patriarchal fashion, all her children appeared, to a -certain degree, to do homage to her for the crown, as if -they owed the supreme power to her from whom they -had derived their existence.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, Nesselrode soon found it necessary to -modify his opinions. Ideas had advanced since the -death of Alexander, and it was impossible to restrain -the Russian spirit, which had decided in the most energetic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span> -manner in favour of Greece; it therefore required -military food, and a war was indispensable. The influence -of Metternich over the cabinet of St. Petersburg -daily lost ground from this moment, and Nesselrode -began to draw off from Germany, and become more -essentially Russian in his principles and ideas; he also -began to take a decided turn in favour of the Greeks. -Nor in this conduct ought he to be reproached with -inconstancy, for the times and circumstances were no -longer the same, the monarchical principle having triumphed -every where, in Piémont as well as at Madrid -and at Naples, while Poland appeared entirely subject -to her viceroy Constantine. Under these circumstances -it was less difficult to discern the holy and heroic principle -of the Greek revolution, and to rekindle the ardent -hope of an independence, acquired by means of so -many pious sacrifices. From this new tendency of -affairs, Nesselrode found himself the antagonist of Metternich, -with whom he had hitherto been agreed; but -the Russian interest now prevailed over the Austrian -spirit.</p> - -<p>The friendship between France and Russia dates from -the year 1815, and was increased at the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, -under the influence of the Duc de Richelieu; -but at that period, as we learn from the despatches of -Count Nesselrode, France was too much overwhelmed -by the fatal consequences of the two invasions to take -an active part in affairs, or afford a support that -would make her alliance worth seeking by the various -cabinets of Europe: but from the year 1819 France exhibited -such a developement of vital powers and military -energy, that Russia hastened to include her in her diplomatic -means. The inclinations of the French cabinet -turned in this direction, under the Duc de Richelieu and -M. Dessolles; and they continued thus until the more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span> -English administrations of Polignac, of Montmorency, -and of Villèle. The ministry of M. de la Ferronays -again was favourable to the Russian alliance; and the -ties that now bound France to Russia were not merely -those of gratitude for the services rendered at the restoration, -but the well-grounded conviction that the Russian -alliance could on no occasion injure our interests, but -might, on the contrary, on many occasions augment our -diplomatic influence and our territorial boundaries. The -collection of the despatches of Nesselrode and Pozzo di -Borgo during this interval, and all the diplomatic papers -that exist in the Foreign Office, attest the good-will of -the cabinet of St. Petersburg, and the offers made secretly -by it to obtain the alliance and concurrence of France -on the Eastern question.</p> - -<p>Another cause which made this friendship so greatly -desired, was the rivalry that had already become apparent -between Russia and England. The system of -the alliances in 1815 had overturned all the ancient -diplomatic ideas, and all private jealousies had given -way before the common object of Europe,—the destruction -of Napoleon's power. But one great fault -then committed by England was her inordinate augmentation -of the power of Russia, thus, to a certain -degree, creating her future omnipotence; for it was with -the money and subsidies of England that the cabinet of -St. Petersburg acquired the means of influencing for -ever the southern interests. Nesselrode, who had been -engaged in the greater part of the transactions of 1815, -was obliged to detach himself from the traditions of the -alliance of 1812, and great ability is required in order to -make these transitions without abruptness; supple minds -possess their influence as well as those of a more decided -character, and ruin follows close upon the attempt to -resist too much. Nesselrode is essentially the man of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span> -transitions; he has never assumed an inflexible attitude -in a system or an idea, but has constituted himself the -translator of times and interests: from which cause, as I -have before observed, it sometimes occurred that his -opinions as <i>chancelier d'état</i> to the Emperor Nicholas -were opposed to those he professed when he held the -same situation under Alexander. The ideas of these -two princes were not alike, neither were they placed in -the same situations; yet Nesselrode served them both -with the same fidelity and the same intelligence. It is a -talent in public affairs to know how to make one's self -the interpreter of another person; there are but a few -of those very superior minds who, being deeply impressed -with their own conceptions, obtain a dominion -over times and characters, and even they frequently -fall. But many very distinguished ministers never are -able to attain that point of elevation, and, not daring to -make themselves types, they are content with being impressions. -They agree with all periods, all situations, -and all difficulties.</p> - -<p>From the accession of the Emperor Nicholas to the -revolution of 1830, the Russian policy was in some measure -absorbed by the war with the Porte. All the ancient -theory of the Holy Alliance was abandoned for -less undecided interests, and less fear was entertained -concerning revolutions at the time the most complete -revolution took place. Whatever judgment may be -formed of the event of 1830, it must suddenly have -awakened a new train of emotions in the Russian <i>chancellerie</i>; -for the popular principle which had caused this -violent irruption had demonstrated as much energy, as -did formerly the military power of Napoleon, against -whom all Europe had risen in arms. The old education -of Nesselrode was here destined again to be of service to -him; for the first consequence of the revolt was, though<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span> -not exactly to <i>revive</i> the treaties of the Holy Alliance, -an old parchment which had fallen to pieces, at least to -pave the way for a treaty of mutual guarantee. All -private dissensions were naturally compelled to give -way, that people might hasten to provide against the -most pressing danger; Metternich appeared entirely to -resume his former ideas, as if he were returning to the -projects of 1815, and the diplomatic school abandoned -many serious plans for the chances of a crusade against -democratic principles. We are inclined to think Nesselrode -did not dislike this reminiscence of the principles -of political repression, being those which he most perfectly -understood, and which he had particularly dwelt -upon during his early years of study and labour: but -age had now supervened; in 1830 Nesselrode was no -longer young, and it is not at the second period of existence -people are able to encounter the great perturbations -which shake the world to its centre. In recapitulating -the causes of the maintenance of peace, people -have not sufficiently considered the dread of change that -possessed those wearied existences. Truly, it was not -without reason that the Greeks placed in the hands of -the aged the decision concerning peace or war. Let us -suppose Metternich with the impetuosity of youth, and -Nesselrode fifteen years younger, who can tell what -might have occurred? Perhaps a violent war might -have broken out, and with it all the chances of disorder.</p> - -<p>The insurrection in Poland, however, gave plenty of -occupation to Russia, and the ideas of the Emperor -Nicholas on the subject of repression harmonised perfectly -with those of his minister. What the Russian -people desired was the union of Poland to Russia; and -the amalgamation, which had so long been the constant -subject of Nesselrode's thoughts, was, at last, on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span> -point of being finally accomplished. He never fully -entered into the prejudices of the old Muscovites on -this point, but he, nevertheless, was of opinion that -this divided nation, this double and simultaneous government, -injured the political and administrative unity -of Russia.</p> - -<p>The divers administrations which constitute the vast -Russian empire, and which all tend to one common -centre, under the hand of the Emperor, are, as a whole, -very remarkable. Ever since the constituent assembly -established an unity of administration in France, our -system of government has no longer cause to dread that, -in a homogeneous whole, one province or one district will -be opposed to another; their strength has been blended -in a manner very convenient to those in power. But it -is far otherwise in Russia: the cabinet of St. Petersburg -has to command thousands of different races—Tartars, -Mahometans, Poles, and Cossacks; each of these people -has its laws, its customs, its power, and its recollections, -and it is necessary to maintain this individuality without -detracting from the unity of the system. There is -neither one general rule observed in the mode of levying -the taxes, nor even, in a great measure, is there any undeviating -rule for the military conscription. Some pay -tribute, others are subject to contributions of arms and -horses; in some places the recruits are furnished by the -nobles, in others they are obtained by means of <i>levées en -masse</i>; some people are still subject to feudal government -under the Czar, and others, again, depend on the -regular and immediate authority of the princes. In -France the administrative clockwork is so simple that -nothing but a will and a hand for business are required -to set it in motion; nothing can be easier than the -situation of a prefect, or even of a minister for the home<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span> -department; interests, rights, and customs, are all sacrificed -to the strength of the government.</p> - -<p>All these circumstances lead to the necessity in Russia -of a more careful and more finished education for a -statesman; for a young man who is preparing for a -diplomatic situation at St. Petersburg, must not only -be acquainted with French and German, but must also -understand modern Greek and some of the Oriental -languages. Nesselrode, in spite of his long experience, -has been obliged to submit to the general rule; and a -considerable portion of his life has been devoted to the -study of living languages. His mind has become a -repertory of treaties, he is a living catalogue of all the -transactions of his time. The offices over which he presides -are the most extensive, the most multiplied, and -the most minute that can be imagined; there is a division -for the relations with Persia, another for those -with China, and with the little Mahometan princes, independent -of those for the secret correspondence with -the chiefs of the various tribes lately conquered by -Russia. Nesselrode presides over all these affairs of the -<i>chancellerie</i> with an activity nothing can slacken: his -extreme facility in the despatch of business, and his -laborious existence in the midst of the European relations, -have naturally confirmed his credit with the Czar; -who is also accustomed to act very much for himself, and -only requires a minister as a sort of memorandum-book -he can consult when he pleases, and as a faithful arm to -execute his will. During the last five years the system -of diplomatic aides-de-camp has been revived in full -force, for the Emperor likes those semi-military appointments, -which give a constantly armed attitude to Russia; -in fact, it is one of the active sources of his moral influence.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span></p> - -<p>Nesselrode, it is true, is only the enlightened hand -which writes the will of the Emperor; he is valued as a -man of good counsel, which means, that he listens a -great deal, and that he can discover the secret thoughts -of the person that consults him, without himself having -any of those determined plans which clash with the will -of the sovereign.</p> - -<p>The junior diplomatic school of Russia regard Nesselrode -as a living archive, something in the way M. -d'Hauterive was considered in France; and it is of great -importance that a person who is called to direct the -affairs of his country in the present times should be well -acquainted with its former history—it also adds greatly -to the elevation of his position. The temperate system, -adopted by men weary of agitation, is a great benefit -when opposed to the fiery spirits who wish to proceed -with impetuosity in public affairs. The proud and generous -disposition of the Emperor renders it necessary -he should have at his side a man who will not execute -his orders till the following day, because time is thus -afforded for reflection, and an order issued to-day might -very possibly be revoked after the lapse of a night; on -these occasions there is a great advantage in a man of a -temperate mind.</p> - -<p>Nesselrode has, in every respect, the most agreeable -<i>salon</i> in St. Petersburg, and the one where the most -conversation goes on. He takes pleasure in collecting -people who hold the most various opinions, in such a -manner as to form a neutral ground, on which every -body may meet; and when a man has reached a venerable -age, full of years and of honours, what more can be -desired? our tent must be pitched somewhere. When -for forty years, people have been engaged in the most -gigantic events, like the aged men in Homer, they offer -hospitality to the young, when they recount to them all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span> -they have seen, and the judgment they have formed; -they contemplate the present generation with the feelings -experienced by a traveller who, from an elevated -tower, looks down on the cities far below him, and the -people incessantly busy, and thronging to perform the part -assigned to them in the weary task of humanity.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;"><a name="LORD_CASTLEREAGH" id="LORD_CASTLEREAGH">LORD CASTLEREAGH.</a></h2> - -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p style="margin-top: 2em;"><span class="smcap">I am</span> about to write the life of a statesman whose -character has been more violently attacked in the annals -of England—I might almost say of Europe—than any -other with whom I am acquainted. No one ever had to -endure more outrages and insults, and no one ever displayed -more inflexible firmness, in the course of a most -chequered and agitated life. I shall offend many little -prejudices, and hurt many vulgar opinions; but things -of this sort have never prevented me from proceeding -straight to the truths of history, respecting men who -have accomplished a great political career.</p> - -<p>On the picturesque Lake Foyle<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> in Ireland, whose -shores are studded with ancient mansions, and whose -waters are diversified with fertile islands, inhabited by -little colonies of aged fishermen, a young man of eccentric -manners, but whose appearance denoted a being of a superior -class to those around him, had for two years fixed -his residence. His only habitation was his boat: fishing, -hunting, and violent exercises, filled up his time; and in -the evening, surrounded by the fishermen, he made them -relate to him all the old legendary tales of the country, -and, in his turn, instructing the inhabitants of the district, -he drew up laws respecting fishing, and hunting,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span> -as if he were the sovereign of this watery republic. No -one could exhibit more intrepidity than did this singular -being. Upon one occasion he set sail in his frail bark, -in the strait that separates Ireland from England; and -his shipwreck on the Isle of Man, where he had alone -managed his yacht in a stormy sea, like one of the -Ossianic heroes, was long recorded by the peasantry. -His dreams were of the legends of the lake; and being -deeply enamoured of the daughter of one of the fishermen -named Nelly, he sacrificed every thing to this ardent -and romantic passion, wearing simply the dress of the -children of the lake, for he loved and was desirous of -being beloved again. Enthusiastic and passionate in his -feelings, he would endure no contradiction; and an -attempt having one day been made to deprive him of his -mistress, he defied his rival to a duel after the Scandinavian -fashion—that is to say with battle-axes—and conducted -himself with a degree of intrepidity that was -celebrated all over Great Britain.</p> - -<p>This young man, whose eccentricity took so poetical -a form, for his youth was like a ballad, was Robert -Stewart, afterwards Viscount Castlereagh and Marquess -of Londonderry. His family was not originally Irish, -but came from Scotland. James I., as every one is -aware, created some great fiefs in Ireland, and bestowed -them upon some of his most faithful subjects, in the hope -of more closely uniting Ireland to the British empire. -Eight of these fiefs, with a kind of <i>suzeraineté</i>, fell to the -share of the Duke of Lennox; and the Stewarts, that -noble name in Scotland, no doubt allied to the royal -line, held some of the lands subject to the Lennox family. -It has always been the fate of Ireland to be under the -dominion of strangers to her soil; the yoke of conquest -becomes more heavy after each impatient tumult. Her -oppression arises from her disturbed condition; each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span> -unsuccessful revolt produces additional servitude, and -much of her suffering is owing to the crime of the -popular agitators, who are instigated by nothing but -their own insatiable vanity to endeavour to destroy all -old and respectable national feeling.</p> - -<p>The Stewarts, however, decided in favour of William -III., and of what is termed in England the glorious -Revolution. As possessors of military fiefs they were -naturally inclined to second the accession of a new dynasty, -by whom their usurpation of the conquered country -was likely to be sanctioned. When great alterations -have taken place in the rights and tenure of property, -a change of power is required, and, indeed, is almost -indispensable to restore peace and quiet to the country. -The Orangemen, therefore, formed a closely-united party -in Ireland, and exercised military dominion over the people. -In vain did the unfortunate James, in his rapid passage -through Ireland, cause the parliament of Dublin to pronounce -a sentence of confiscation, on account of felony, -against the estates of Colonel Stewart, serving under -William of Orange. This confiscation continued in force -but a short time; and William, having gained the victory, -lavished his rewards upon the officer who had so powerfully -supported his cause. William Stewart, thus loaded -with wealth by the king of 1688, was one of the most -determined oppressors of Ireland—one of those who -ruled with a rod of iron the country reconquered after -the battle of the Boyne.</p> - -<p>The young man dwelling among the fishermen on the -shores of the lake, therefore, came of a noble lineage; -and his mother was a Seymour, named Sarah-Frances, -like the Puritan dames who have been re-animated by -the genius of Walter Scott. Robert Stewart, like the -rest of the youth of Great Britain, had pursued his -studies at the University of Cambridge; and, on leaving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span> -college, he had precipitated himself into this romantic -sort of life, some said from his love for the fisherman's -daughter, while others, on the contrary, declared such a -passage was merely incidental to his eccentric life, like a -wreath of wild flowers on the brow of a Scandinavian -warrior. He, however, led a generous life, for money -appeared to be of no value to him; and he spent largely -in constructing little ports for the fishermen, and distributing -among them boats of a superior construction, like -a beneficent deity. Such is the great source of the -power enjoyed by the English aristocracy. While their -public life is passed in the midst of cities, their private -life is in the country. All that was benevolent in the -old feudal system is still to be found in their castles: -from their turrets flow the alms still, as in ancient times, -conferred upon the people; the donjon is converted into -a dispensary, where medicines and assistance are afforded -to the sick. And thus the aristocracy reign over the -peasantry, in virtue of the powerful aid they are ready -to afford to all who require it in their neighbourhood.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, the wish to distinguish himself in public -life began to animate the heart of young Stewart. Parliament -appears necessary to the youth of Great Britain, -and it is there they prepare themselves for political life, -taking their place among the Whigs or Tories according -to a certain order of political principles. It was necessary -the Stewarts should have seats in the Irish parliament, -for they had a great stake in the country; but, owing to -the family being Protestants, the election was violently -contested, and cost the successful candidate thirty thousand -pounds. These corruptions are a general rule in -England, and they even add to the strength of the country; -for there is no danger a bad choice should result -from them, every thing being fixed according to settled -rules; every thing is so well foreseen and organised by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span> -the mechanical arrangements made, that the elections -that take place are always of men of safe principles. -Pecuniary corruption in the existence of states often acts -as a corrective of another, and far more injurious, corruption -for a people—I mean ideas tending to revolutionary -principles.</p> - -<p>The Irish parliament, then still existing, was a great -cause of disorder in the unity of the British government, -until the illustrious Pitt placed every thing under the -common law of the triple crown. There is something -strange and perfectly inconsistent in the pretensions of -Ireland. The people profess to respect the Union without -ever wishing to depart from it; and then they claim -a parliament for themselves, and desire something resembling -a republic independent of England. Let them -exult in their Catholic emancipation; they have a right -to do so, and cannot value it too highly. But do they -wish still to make part of the British empire?—do they -wish the harp of Erin still to hold her place on the -escutcheon of England? Alone, Ireland cannot subsist. -Her commerce is supported by the vast trade of England: -she only exists by means of the colonies, and the -day she ceases to be English she will be ruined. What, -then, is the meaning of all those revolts, those protests -on all occasions, which serve no purpose except that of -conferring a certain sort of renown upon street orators -and demagogues?</p> - -<p>The election of Robert Stewart, however, though anti-Catholic, -was not ministerial; for he promised on the -hustings to support parliamentary reform, and on taking -his seat in the House of Commons he placed himself on -the opposition benches. This was a sort of sacrifice to -popularity necessary from all statesmen at the beginning -of their career, and the most powerful have not been -exempt from paying this tribute to rhetoric. However,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span> -even at that time, young Stewart appeared to keep -within certain limits of order and principles; and, avoiding -declamation, he spoke seriously, and restrained himself -while speaking. He was not an orator with a -sonorous, reverberating voice, who, by means of biting -epigrams, drew peals of laughter from his auditors. His -speeches bore the impress of the Toryism of his family, -and all his inclinations were those of an eminently -Conservative mind.</p> - -<p>England and Ireland were at this time agitated more -especially by two questions; the first was parliamentary -reform, and the other the free commerce of Ireland with -the colonies. On the first of these points, the Castlereagh -family, like the Wellesleys, considered it absurd -to impose upon the Catholics a conscientious oath, which -would exclude them from participating in the benefit of -the elections; but, at the same time, was it not very -unwise to prepare an indefinite reform, which would -overturn the whole of the social condition of Great Britain? -It was with a view to the admission of the Catholics -into parliament that the Irish Tories became friends -with the opposition; they shewed themselves favourably -inclined to the emancipation of those who differed with -them in belief, and at the same time opposed to radical -reform: and this last subject was the cause of Castlereagh's -withdrawal from the Irish agitators, who now -began to aim murderous blows at the Union.</p> - -<p>Robert Stewart, also, considered that Ireland could -not with justice be deprived of an extensive commerce -with the colonies. What was the use of a system which -made all the advantages fall to the share of England and -Scotland, without allowing the essentially agricultural -population of Ireland, to participate in them? Young -Stewart defended the interests of Ireland with energy -and great ability, and he immediately attracted the attention<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span> -of those in power, more especially the Marquis -of Buckingham and Lord Westmoreland.</p> - -<p>The rebellion in Ireland took place at this juncture; -the people were determined to separate themselves from -the English crown; the time was past when the questions -raised by the opposition were those of religious -liberty or political independence; they now wanted to -establish a sort of Irish republic, under the protection of -the democracy that was then setting Europe in a blaze. -Treasonable correspondence with the French republic -could not fail to place the society of United Irishmen -without the pale of the constitution and of all patriotic -feelings. Ireland called for the assistance of foreigners, -and a strong party was naturally formed to oppose these -evil designs. The Orangemen, who sided with the government, -organised the yeomanry—a sort of feudal -system against the insurgents, and a civil war broke -out in Ireland at the time of the expeditions to their -coasts, commanded by Generals Hoche and Humbert. -The members of parliament could not venture on further -hesitation; for it was necessary either to take part -with the United Irishmen supported by foreigners, or to -declare for the government of Mr. Pitt. Robert Stewart, -who had just acquired the title of Castlereagh, upon his -father being created Earl of Londonderry, exhibited no -indecision as to the course he was to pursue, and from -this time forth he was always firmly convinced that the -only real statesmen are those who know how to repress -the tumultuous movements of popular excitement.</p> - -<p>He now devoted himself to repressive measures, with -the energy that formed the basis of his character. He -had been appointed secretary for Ireland under Lord -Camden, and by this means became identified with the -Orange party. It was principally owing to his vigorous -measures that the insurrection was brought to a termination,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span> -for he never was arrested by any of the trifling -obstacles which often form the ruin of causes; he considered -it necessary the government should display perfect -inflexibility, for the salvation of the country was at -stake: amnesties were granted, it is true, but not until -the tumult was over and the rebels had laid down their -arms. During this struggle Lord Castlereagh was particularly -distinguished for the strength and importance -he conferred upon the Orange party, consisting of men -of property who were formed into a body for the defence -of their land. Lord Cornwallis was able, after a time, to -succeed Lord Camden in the government of Ireland, and -the repressive system had then produced such a state of -security, that the government considered the season of -pardon and oblivion to have arrived.</p> - -<p>The most violent hatred was now aroused against -Lord Castlereagh: it is, alas! the fate of all who by -violent means restore order in a country, for they occasion -discontent, and all the spirits whose turbulence -had troubled the country are, of course, opposed to -them; because their proceedings have been severe, people -insist that they have been sanguinary. These invectives -of the Irish did not permit Lord Cornwallis to -retain Lord Castlereagh as secretary, he therefore gave -in his resignation; for, in peaceful times, the men who -commanded during the storm are no longer required, -and when the tempest is over the services of the hardy -pilot are scarcely remembered: thus Marquis Cornwallis, -whose government was distinguished for its indulgence, -no longer required the inflexible hand of the -former secretary. No part of his conduct, however, had -escaped the vast intellect of the statesman then at the -head of the English government. Mr. Pitt had discovered -the secretary for Ireland to possess an inflexible -mind, which, when once convinced of the expediency of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span> -any measure, was capable of making every exertion, and -encountering every risk, in order to carry out an idea he -had formed; and this kind of disposition must have -been particularly satisfactory to Mr. Pitt at a time when -England was threatened with so many dangers. In unsettled -times, the presence of men of firm and determined -characters, who will prevent society from falling to -pieces, is of the greatest importance to a government. -From this moment, a communication took place between -Pitt and Lord Castlereagh. The great minister required -a powerful supporter in the definitive question of -the parliamentary union of Ireland and England; for -the late disturbances, and more especially the unfortunate -appeal to a foreign power, and to the leaders of -the French revolution, had inspired Mr. Pitt with a firm -conviction, that neither strength nor order were to be -hoped for, except through the means of the Union, and -that the existence of the Irish parliament was in direct -opposition to the spirit of centralisation, which can alone -secure the prosperity and glory of a country. After -every insurrection Ireland was losing some portion of -her freedom,—a fate always prepared by agitators for -those who trust too much to their words! A nation -obtains concessions only when it remains in a quiescent -position, and when its well-founded complaints are uttered -with calm sobriety of manner; silent suffering -produces a great effect on the minds of the beholders, -and the feeling of justice exercises an unspeakable influence. -Lord Castlereagh in the Irish parliament made -himself the zealous champion of Mr. Pitt, in his plan -for uniting the two parliaments; the country comprehended -the advantages to be derived from this measure, -and it was decided that the three crowns of England, -Scotland, and Ireland, ought to form one great whole, -which would hereafter be the support of the Continent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span> -when threatened with danger. Pitt was highly satisfied -with Lord Castlereagh's speech for the Union; he was -summoned by the ministerial party to the united House -of Commons, and appointed president of the Board of -Control for the affairs of India. This is one of the appointments -conferred in England by the ministers upon -the talented men with whom they surround themselves, -for the sake of their support in parliament.</p> - -<p>No man could be better acquainted with the situation -of Ireland than Lord Castlereagh, or more perfectly -aware of all the resources of the Orange party which -could be employed for the purpose of repression. This -knowledge rendered him a person of great importance, -for the prime minister was then anxious to put into execution -the union between England and Ireland, which -had been decided upon in parliament, and Lord Castlereagh, -who by his profound acquaintance with the moral -topography of Ireland was the man most calculated to -realise this design, was consulted upon all the measures -to be pursued. Mr. Pitt especially possessed the practical -genius which enabled him to discover men of particular -capacity, and around him were a multitude of -young and clever men, each with his appointed station -and employment. The system of under-secretaries of -state in England produces wonderful results; it gives to -affairs their full developement, enabling the statesman -to confine himself to generalities, both of ideas and systems, -while the young under-secretaries devote all their -energies to the statistics of detail and the internal administration. -Thus was Lord Castlereagh situated; a -man of an inflexible and laborious disposition, who never -arrived at a general idea except by means of the most -careful and minute study of all the circumstances.</p> - -<p>This special knowledge of affairs caused Lord Castlereagh -to be retained even during Mr. Addington's ministry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span> -which lasted but a very short time, and was -succeeded by Mr. Pitt's still more decided plans against -the French revolution. Addington signed the peace of -Amiens, and Castlereagh, as president of the Board of -Trade, had to deliberate upon all the measures which -augmented the commercial relations of England with -India and the colonies. He assumed no position as a -political character, for he did not agree with the ideas -entertained by Addington, and he, therefore, completely -gave himself up to his duties at the Board of Control -and to the affairs of Ireland. His heart was full of detestation -for France, and, in imitation of his master, he -allowed this administration to pass without taking any -part in it. As a reward for his conduct on this occasion, -Pitt, on resuming his situation at the head of affairs, -gave him the portfolio of the War department.</p> - -<p>It is necessary to observe that Pitt's great ambition -was that all the various departments should be entirely -dependent upon him; he did not like to have any men -about him except those of his school, or immediately -attached to his system,—his <i>fides Achates</i>, as they were -classically termed by Dundas; and among these young -men the names of Castlereagh and Canning are especially -resplendent: both were subject to his power, but of -essentially opposite characters, and jealous of each other. -Castlereagh was so firm and decided, that he never gave -up an idea he had once formed; his manner of speaking -was slow, and rather heavy, but serious, and never -thoughtless. Canning, on the contrary, was sarcastic, and -rather inclined to classic declamation; an orator, rather -spoiled from a constant striving after effect. Castlereagh -was often listened to with impatience, nevertheless, he -generally attained his object; while Canning, by the -generality of people, was only viewed in the light of an -eloquent speaker. Castlereagh was a statesman; Canning,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span> -a man of words, rather theatrical, not to be relied -on, and with an indescribable levity of language and -purpose. Castlereagh would have laid down his life for -his party, or for an idea; Canning was a renegade to his -party, he supported every thing with ability, and gloried -in his oratorical triumphs, at the very time he was compromising -his cabinet.</p> - -<p>When Pitt, their illustrious chief, died broken-hearted -by the victory of Austerlitz, the king considered it indispensable, -in order to conclude a peace with France, -that Fox and Grenville, the leaders of the Whigs, -should assume the ministry; it was an unfortunate attempt, -often repeated in England. Fox, and all his -friends, shewed themselves perfectly devoid of political -knowledge, and they also evinced extreme incapacity, -which gave occasion to the remark that a Whig ministry -was a misfortune both for the country and for the party -itself; for the country, because it compromises it, and -for the party, because the Whigs always forfeit their -reputation, throwing away, in a ministry which lasted -fifteen months, the fruit of fifteen years of popularity. -As might be expected, Canning and Castlereagh were -the most violent opponents of Fox's cabinet. The debates -in parliament during this ministry form a curious -study; Canning and Castlereagh did not like each other, -though they were on the same side of the question, and -this was mainly owing to the difference in their talents, -as well as in the character of their minds and intellects. -Castlereagh attacked the administration by means of -reasoning, an appeal to figures, and a sort of traditional -influence, which produced a great effect upon the Tories; -while Canning, on the contrary, trusted to poetical sallies, -or ridicule. Above all, Fox was out of place at the head -of affairs.</p> - -<p>Men whose whole life is passed in attacking others,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span> -are essentially in a bad position when they assume the -direction of affairs; they are unable to breathe, they are -neither free nor happy in this sphere, for it is not congenial -to them. The men of business, on the contrary, -who are for a short time in the opposition, become very -dangerous opponents, especially if they possess a flow of -language and a quick and earnest manner; as they have -seen a great deal, they preserve an incontestable degree -of authority while reproaching the opposition with succeeding -no better than <i>they</i> did when in power, and with -imitating awkwardly the very conduct they had formerly -attacked with great violence. The men who declaim are -not to be feared; the only really formidable adversaries -are those who have had much experience in the course -of events.</p> - -<p>The wretched administration of Lord Grey, after the -death of Fox, was a continuation of the Whig politics. -His lordship had at all times been rather the bulwark -than leader of his party, and the tool of the able men -who availed themselves of his high reputation: there are -generally in politics some characters who serve as a -stalking-horse for certain opinions; they have a great -name, which is taken hold of, to be employed or absorbed -according to circumstances.</p> - -<p>The ministry of Lord Grey, and Grenville, only -lasted for a few months after the death of Fox, for the -continental questions began to assume so serious an -aspect that it was not possible for the Whigs to direct -them. Fox had been desirous of a peace with France—one -of those bastard truces attempted by Addington at -the peace of Amiens; but how was it possible there -should be peace between two such proud and powerful -authorities as Napoleon and the English aristocracy? -the irrevocable fall of one or other of the parties was -inevitable. Austerlitz had given birth to Fox's ministry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span> -and the awaking of Prussia from the torpor in which she -had been plunged brought about the fall of the Whigs. -The Duke of Portland, belonging to the moderate Tory -party, undertook the difficult and painful task of directing -the affairs of Great Britain, and the two most determined -and unvarying opponents of the former administration -were naturally included in the present ministry: as I -have before observed, they were men of perfectly different -characters. Castlereagh returned to the War -Office, with the detail of which he was perfectly well -acquainted; and Canning was appointed minister for -foreign affairs, as being the favourite pupil of Pitt and -the inheritor of his doctrines.</p> - -<p>From this time a peace with France was no longer -thought of; that idea gave place to the determination to -engage in a fierce and implacable war against Napoleon, -who had now reached the <i>apogée</i> of his glory, and on -this point the opinion of Lord Castlereagh was firm and -unvarying. His great object was to find the leaven of war, -on that continent now humbled under the sword of the -Emperor; and, by means of secret springs, to arouse the -governments and people, crushed beneath his gigantic -power. The influence of France extended from Cadiz to -Hamburg, from Antwerp to Trieste; Austria had made -peace with her after the sad defeat at Austerlitz; and -Prussia, after appearing for a moment as if roused to -resistance, had again bowed beneath the yoke. Germany -was subject to the Confederation of the Rhine; Switzerland -to the predominant mediation of the French empire; -Italy was in a state of vassalage under the Iron crown; -at Tilsit a friendship had been formed between Russia -and France, and the two emperors were about to meet -again at Erfurt, to cement the alliance projected at -Tilsit, and divide the world between them.</p> - -<p>England, therefore, stood <i>alone</i> in the struggle now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span> -fiercely undertaken against Napoleon. Castlereagh, who -held the same opinions that Mr. Pitt had done, resolutely -rejected every attempt at peace with a power -whose principle had hitherto been to grasp at every -thing, and which appeared resolved it should continue -so to be. The Duke of Portland had a degree of rashness, -and something chivalrous, in his disposition, which -led him to engage boldly in the struggle; and the new -connexion between Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of -Wellington gave him a sort of pre-eminence in the -cabinet, which offended the vanity of Canning. Like all -political speakers, the minister for foreign affairs aimed -at power, and, because he possessed a happy facility in -quoting some classical verses acquired at the University, -he considered himself fitted to occupy a higher situation -than Castlereagh, whose speech was slow and embarrassed. -This jealousy increased after the brilliant expedition to -Copenhagen, in which the minister of war had displayed -very great ability, and the arrangements of which were -so perfectly successful that the Danish fleet remained in -the power of the English. The opposition in vain -declared it was an iniquitous action, contrary to all the -principles of the law of nations: but necessity has no -law; and was it not absolutely necessary that Great -Britain should prevent the coalition of the Danish -squadron and the fleet of Antwerp? The lukewarm -neutrality of Denmark was not a sufficient guarantee to -England, and it was indispensable either to force that -government to declare itself, or to destroy a fleet which -lay too near the formidable arsenal of Napoleon. Mr. -Canning was very jealous of his ministerial colleague; -he had always considered himself to hold the first place -since the death of Mr. Pitt, and he could not bear that -another should share in this renown: this enmity soon -burst forth in a striking manner.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span></p> - -<p>The active diplomatic proceedings of England on the -Continent had excited the fears of Austria, as to the -probable results of a war; the interview at Erfurt -determined the cabinet of Vienna to take arms against -Napoleon, and England immediately contracted a league -of offence and defence with Austria, based upon subsidies -which she agreed to furnish.</p> - -<p>It was well known that, ever since the commencement -of the war in Spain, great dissatisfaction had existed in -the French empire against the insatiable ambition of -Buonaparte; and several ministers, as for instance -Talleyrand and Fouché, had begun to look forward to -the possibility of the death or downfall of the Emperor. -When generals like Bernadotte were out of favour, one -might easily imagine that, in case of the death of Napoleon, -or of a military insurrection, the vast empire raised -by one man would fall into complete decay and dissolution. -This was, from henceforward, the groundwork of -the plans of England. It was intended an English army -should land in Holland, at the same time that Austria -should open the war by an immense military demonstration, -and thus effect a rapid popular insurrection. The -thing Lord Castlereagh considered of the most importance -was the destruction of the fleet and arsenal of -Antwerp, in the same manner as the capture of the -Danish fleet had formerly been effected; he therefore, as -minister of war, made immense preparations for the -Walcheren expedition; but,—must it be said?—here -commenced the treachery of Mr. Canning towards his -country and his colleague. It is incontestable that Mr. -Canning furnished information to Fouché, to let him -know the intentions of Lord Castlereagh;<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> for when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span> -jealousy has taken possession of the heart it listens to -nothing. As to his conduct towards his colleague, -Canning persuaded the Duke of Portland to get rid of -Lord Castlereagh, as a man of a harsh and inflexible -disposition, incapable of conducting the war department, -or of directing or supporting a debate. In parliament, -Mr. Canning wanted to rule over the Tory party, and -Lord Castlereagh was an obstacle to his ambitious -designs.</p> - -<p>The Walcheren expedition failed, and explanations -naturally took place between the colleagues. Unfortunate -catastrophes are always followed by harsh and -bitter words, because no one is willing to stand by the -consequences. A feeling was raised against Lord -Castlereagh, who was denounced by the Whigs as -unfit for his situation. "How had it happened," said -they, "that a fine English army had been thus plunged -into sickness and misery?" Lord Castlereagh was -obliged to defend himself, and the storm which was -growling around him rendered it impossible for him to -retain his situation; but he wrote a sharp and angry -letter, openly accusing Canning, if not of actual treason, -at least of underhand practices, which had occasioned all -these disasters. Canning replied in a confused manner, -by details on the delays that had taken place in the -departure of troops, and the wrong address of the -despatches; he was only ardent and cutting when he -came to personal recriminations against Castlereagh, -who, deeply offended, sent a challenge to his adversary. -He was thus returning to the early and poetic part of his -existence, to the reminiscences of the eccentric youth on -the shores of Lough Foyle, where he had fought a duel -in the Scandinavian fashion; and now, when he was a -serious and reflecting statesman, he considered that in -personal questions the only means of terminating a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span> -quarrel was by a personal encounter. Canning and -Castlereagh fought with pistols: in England people are -ready to lay down their lives for an idea or a system; -both were brave men, and would not draw back, but -Castlereagh was the most fortunate, for Canning was -severely wounded. The resignation of the minister of -war was nevertheless accepted, while Canning continued -in office, and the Duke of Portland pursued the middle -course which had occasioned the rupture between his two -colleagues.</p> - -<p>The situation of parties and of affairs is sometimes -such, that a man is possessed of more influence when out -of the cabinet than when he actually forms one of the -ministry; and the firm and inflexible attitude of Lord -Castlereagh, and his implacable hatred towards France, -secured him a degree of ascendancy among the Tories, -which Canning had striven for in vain. The Wellesleys, -then rendered so powerful by the successes of the Duke -of Wellington, shared their credit with the ex-minister; -and he followed in parliament the energetic political -system which infallibly leads to the downfall of all feeble -or temporising measures. The ministry of the Duke of -Portland and Mr. Canning had already taken some steps -towards peace with Buonaparte, but Castlereagh was -constantly opposed to it; he agreed with the ministers -whenever repressive measures, or any plan favourable to -Conservative ideas was in debate, but opposed them when -they were inclined to make any concessions to Whiggism, -or the idea of peace. By this skilful conduct he gradually -rose in public estimation, and when the unfortunate -death of Mr. Perceval occasioned the dissolution of -the ministry, the Tories proposed Lord Castlereagh as -minister for foreign affairs in the room of Mr. Canning.</p> - -<p>The situation of Europe at this time rendered it imperatively -necessary that the conduct of England should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span> -be decided and full of energy. Though it can hardly be -said that war was actually on the point of breaking out -on the Continent, there were every where the elements -of an universal conflagration: Spain had hoisted the -signal of independence, and the English armies extended -in the Peninsula, from Lisbon to Cadiz. Immediately -after he had taken charge of the Foreign Office, Lord -Castlereagh was called upon to explain himself concerning -the question of peace or war with France. Buonaparte -was then on the eve of undertaking the Russian -campaign, and in order to give an undeniable proof of his -pacific inclinations, and also as a lure to public opinion, -he caused M. Maret to write to Lord Castlereagh, proposing -peace upon what he termed easy and simple -conditions, which reduced themselves to the following -points. At Naples and at Madrid, the actual dynasty, -and in Portugal and Sicily also the reigning dynasty -(without any further explanation). The English -minister, being closely connected with Russia, had little -inclination to treat with Napoleon; and it was no doubt -sarcastically that he proposed the following question to -M. Maret,—"First of all, it is necessary to understand -what dynasty you are speaking of; in Spain, is it -Ferdinand VII. or Joseph Buonaparte? At Naples, -is it the House of Bourbon or Murat, that is considered -as the actual dynasty?" And when M. Maret replied that -his majesty Don Joseph and his majesty Joachim were -meant, Lord Castlereagh, with proper spirit, declared any -further proceedings were out of the question, because he -had nothing to do with these usurpers,—it was only with -the legitimate sovereigns of Spain and Naples that -England had any connexion. The accession of the leader -of the active Tory party, therefore, caused the politics of -England to assume a firmer attitude respecting all the -affairs of Europe. When Buonaparte undertook his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span> -adventurous expedition against Russia, the English minister -turned his closest and most careful attention upon -Turkey and Sweden, both of which possessed powerful -means of action. The negotiation feebly entered into by -the agents of M. Maret, had been rendered abortive by -the abrupt and imperative character of Buonaparte; -and Lord Castlereagh, more fortunate and more adroit, -went direct to his object with regard to Bernadotte and -the Porte. He knew the Crown Prince was displeased -with the haughtiness of Napoleon, and offered him subsidies -if he would maintain a strict neutrality, reserving -to himself the chance of future events. In his relations -with Europe he was still more fortunate in bringing -about the peace of Bucharest, which left the Czar master -of all his forces. This plan of increasing the strength of -the enemies of Buonaparte, and thus depriving him of -the necessary alliances, was an admirable mode of attack. -The peace of Bucharest enabled the Czar to advance -with the army, which attacked Napoleon on the flank -and encircled him in its vast coils; and the neutrality -observed by Sweden permitted to Russia the disposition -of her forces near Riga—a circumstance that did more -towards causing the defection of Prussia than people -are aware.</p> - -<p>The active mind of Lord Castlereagh, and the determined -energy which distinguished his character, were -more especially manifested in the European movement -which led to the fall of Napoleon. In 1813, the whole -continent was full of English agents; they were everywhere—at -Vienna, at Berlin, and at Stockholm, and -even among the secret societies of Germany: for the -Tories perceived that the time was come for them to -act with vigour, and put an end to the power by which -they had so long been threatened. Parliament never -presented a more animated or truly national spectacle,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span> -or evinced a more unanimous devotion to the cause supported -by the old English aristocracy; no sacrifice appeared -too great, and subsidies were granted almost without -limitation. The disasters of Moscow had inflamed -all hearts, and with the assistance of one magic word, -<i>Liberation</i>, the plans most hostile to Napoleon were realised. -Treaties of alliance and subsidy were concluded -by Lord Castlereagh with almost all the powers of -Europe; and in order more completely to identify himself -with his system, the minister appointed his brother, -Sir Charles Stewart, to a special mission to the courts -of Prussia and Sweden. This officer, now Marquis -of Londonderry, was sent as commissioner with the -English armies, and has himself published his despatches -addressed to him whom he mentions as his illustrious -brother. The English commissioners, who all -received appointments both military and political, were -at the same time soldiers, negotiating agents, and commandants -of troops. We see in these despatches the -painful efforts made by Sir Charles Stewart to produce -some degree of unity in the coalesced camp. As England -was paying armies to the right and left, with unheard-of -liberality, she was desirous of retaining the -political direction of events in her own hands, and as -this supremacy encountered obstacles raised by the spirit -of calculation and of self-love, it was necessary to be -perpetually engaged in discussions with the generals-in-chief -and the government. Sir Charles was at that time -a young man, with a warm temper and some pride of -birth; and Bernadotte, in spite of his doubtful position, -preserved a certain degree of personal dignity: this led -to perpetual differences of opinion, and even to quarrels, -which required the skilful and moderate interference of -the Russian commissioner, Count Pozzo di Borgo. Sir -Charles having conceived a feeling of mistrust regarding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span> -Bernadotte, no doubt with reason, watched him closely, -and his elevated position as brother to the Prime Minister -of England invested him with an undoubted superiority -in all negotiations. The attitude of England at that -time was so proud! I am not acquainted with any -period in the history of empires more magnificent, from -the energy displayed, than that of England from the -year 1792 to 1814; and this energy led to the general -rising of Europe against Napoleon. Castlereagh was the -soul of it, for the elements of which the English ministry -were then composed were subject to his power; -indeed when a character of great strength is anywhere -met with, every thing gives way to his influence, for a -superior mind never fails to be acknowledged. Lord -Liverpool was no doubt a man of great consideration, -and he held the first place officially in the cabinet; but -when Europe began to rouse herself from her sleep, -Castlereagh gave so powerful an impulse to the English -diplomacy that it very soon ruled the world: let us -now see what an immense task she had to perform.</p> - -<p>Europe, with all her desire of acting vigorously against -Buonaparte, possessed neither money nor credit, and this -to such a degree, that Prussia, for instance, had not a -million of florins at her disposal; England not only provided -subsidies, but also the means of negotiating loans: -she became security for Prussia, Austria, and Russia; -thus taking upon herself the credit of the world. The -whole of the subsidies were not paid in money—arms, -clothing, and provisions were also sent; and this extraordinary -effort gave employment to her machinery, -work to the labouring classes, and immense occupation -to her mercantile navy. Her inexhaustible liberality -demanded in return the abatement of the tariffs and -free entry for her manufactures; by which means she -regained a great portion of the advantages she afforded.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span> -In order to be convinced of this, it is only necessary to -consult the rate of exchange for that period, which was -almost always in favour of London; that is to say, that -while she appeared to be furnishing money, it was -merely changing the location of her funds. Hamburg, -Frankfort, Vienna, and Berlin, were in debt to London, -and the loans thus compensated themselves; shewing -the prodigious strength of the commercial principle, and -the magnificent power of an aristocratic state, directed -by a superior mind.</p> - -<p>The principal object Lord Castlereagh had in view -was to bring about a degree of persevering unity in the -European coalition; it was the ruling idea of Mr. Pitt -and the labour of his life: but the statesman had so -often failed in his object. The weakness of Europe -against Buonaparte resulted from its divisions, from its -conflicting interests, and the separation of one cabinet -from another; it was therefore necessary to unite them -all in one common cause, and this was not the least difficult -task he had to perform. If they might reckon upon -the willingness of Russia to proceed to extremities -against Napoleon, if the national spirit had been roused -in Prussia to strive earnestly for the fall of the Emperor, -were they likely to meet with the same concurrence, the -same absolute devotion on the part of Austria, and of -Sweden under Bernadotte? What obstacles and opposition -Lord Castlereagh had to encounter in the course of -the year 1813, at the time of the armistice of Plesswitz -and the congress of Prague! Fresh discussions were -incessantly started, and the coalition was repeatedly ready -to fall to pieces, from the selfish tendencies of private -interests. As for him he had but one object, one desire—the -fall of Napoleon and the dissolution of the French -Empire, and no words can express the power possessed -by a man who has one idea constantly present to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span> -mind, and follows it up with undeviating energy. The -dissolution of the congress of Prague was occasioned by -this absorbing passion in the mind of Lord Castlereagh, -who induced Metternich to engage more decidedly in the -coalition; he was like the intrepid hunter who sounds -the halloo in pursuit of the stag at bay.</p> - -<p>The vast plan he had conceived rested upon two -points—exertion on the part of the various governments -to promote the march of troops, and a general rising -among the people to second the efforts of the cabinets. -The material impulse was given by Russia, and he allowed -it to proceed and develope itself, well knowing the -example of that great power would be followed by -Prussia and Austria, and that their efforts would be sufficient -for the liberation of Germany. It then became -necessary in the north to urge Sweden to take the field, -and with her Denmark and Holland; all his efforts were -therefore directed to this point, and gave rise to the mission -of Sir Charles Stewart and General Graham. He -considered there would be no difficulty in inducing a -revolt among the oppressed Dutch and Belgian population, -and a popular movement would bring about the -restoration of the House of Orange; while in the south -the armies of England overspread Spain and Portugal, -and France was thus attacked at both extremities at the -same time. This has always been the favourite political -system of England; by acquiring influence in Spain and -Portugal, and also in Belgium, she prevents France from -affecting her either commercially or diplomatically; and -as English statesmen, in what situation soever they may -be placed, never lose sight of the hereditary diplomatic -traditions, one plan is transmitted through many generations, -in the same manner that it formerly descended -in our monarchy, when under the dominion of kings, and -of able and distinguished ministers. Nothing is done in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span> -that country from a sudden impulse; every plan is -maturely weighed, and England in the nineteenth century -is swayed by the same principles as in the sixteenth.</p> - -<p>Lord Castlereagh's task, however, increased in difficulty -as the allied armies drew near France, and their -interests became more personal and more divided. It -then became a question whether Austria would be willing -to overturn France, and whether the Emperor -Francis would sacrifice his son-in-law; there was also a -doubt whether Russia would consent to the proposed -augmentation of Austria and Prussia, which would add -so considerably to their importance; and in addition to -all the other questions, what compensation was likely -to be awarded to England? Such were the difficulties -that arose at every step after the Allies had reached the -Rhine, until at last Pozzo di Borgo was despatched to -England, with the firm determination to induce Lord -Castlereagh, if possible, to visit the Continent; his presence -now seemed really indispensable amidst the clashing -of ideas and interests, which threatened to lead to the -dissolution of the coalition. England alone was capable -of reconciling all their wishes, and restoring to the various -forces the unity which, like the bundle of sticks in -the fable, rendered them invincible when united, though -each separately would be easily overcome.</p> - -<p>Lord Castlereagh arrived on the Continent to confer -with Lord Aberdeen, Lord Cathcart, and his own brother -Sir Charles Stewart; and from this time the influence -of the British legation was complete and paramount. -The intervention of the English minister was indispensable, -as I have before observed, to fortify the bonds -of cohesion between the various cabinets, and more especially -for the purpose of enforcing the principle, that -no treaty was possible with Napoleon. In the conferences -that took place between Metternich and M. de St.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span> -Aignan at Frankfort, the English legation observed -that the Allies appeared rather inclined to a pacific arrangement, -which would leave the Rhine as the boundary -of the French empire, and would consequently include -Belgium; but never would England have consented -to a proceeding which would abandon Antwerp -to France: she had too long coveted her fleet and -great arsenal, and many had been the expeditions she -had undertaken with that object!</p> - -<p>The opinion of Castlereagh was therefore inflexible; -France, he declared, must be reduced within her ancient -limits, and this resolution led to the conviction that -with the ancient frontiers the ancient dynasty would be -necessary. It was not that the English minister had -entered into any engagements with the house of Bourbon; -the Tories might consider the restoration of Louis XVIII. -as a desirable circumstance after the general disorder -that had existed in Europe, but it did not make one of -the necessary conditions of a general peace, for the selfishly -English interest was paramount over every other -consideration. This state of affairs is evident in the -correspondence between Lord Castlereagh and the -French princes who had taken refuge in England; and -though he might insinuate to the Comte d'Artois and -the Duc d'Angoulême that they might appear on the -Continent, he would not officially approve of their conduct, -so as not to make the restoration a necessary condition -for the re-establishment of peace. This caution -affords an explanation of the Duke of Wellington's conduct -after the battle of the Pyrenees; he made no -objections to the Duke of Angoulême's presence in the -south of France, but the white flag was not hoisted, because -Lord Castlereagh was completely engaged in the -negotiations at Châtillon.</p> - -<p>In these conferences, so fatal to our interests, the predominance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span> -of the English minister was manifested in -the highest degree. As England furnished the subsidies, -she exercised very great influence over the movements -of the Allies, and Lord Castlereagh's language often assumed -an imperious tone. Upon the first hesitation -manifested by Austria, he declared that England would -no longer be security for the money borrowed by the -cabinet of Vienna, if they should attempt to enter into -a separate treaty; and he was supported in his design of -a general unity against Napoleon by Pozzo di Borgo, -who had not left his side since they had travelled together -from London. In fact, he was convinced it was not -possible to make a treaty with Buonaparte. What peace -would there be for Europe as long as he continued to -wear the French crown? Had they not for many years -been engaged in a protracted and constantly recurring -struggle? For this reason, upon firm conviction, he supported -as a statesman the maxim adopted by the Tory -party,—<i>The ancient territory and the ancient dynasty</i>.</p> - -<p>Although Lord Castlereagh held no acknowledged -diplomatic office at the congress of Châtillon, he nevertheless -swayed all the resolutions formed there; he was the -principal author of the treaty of Chaumont, which placed -the military direction of the campaign under the influence -of England. It was a singular example of the power that -may be exercised by a commercial and monied government -over military powers, for England had hardly any -soldiers engaged in this war, but by means of her subsidies -alone she set in motion a million of men, and made -them subservient to her national and exclusive interests. -Thus it was admitted as a general principle, that France -was to be reduced within her ancient limits, and the -object of England was gained by our being deprived of -Antwerp; her vast arsenal was no longer dangerous, -and her fleet was to be divided. It may be said that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span> -treaty of Paris in 1814, which was the consequence of -the treaty of Châtillon, formed in some measure a realisation -of the leading ideas of Toryism; that is to say, -the re-establishment of the House of Orange, with a -territory extending to our frontier; Prussia increased -in strength and importance, Austria assumed a predominant -position in the south of Germany, while they -both served as barriers to Russia; and above all, the -maritime and commercial supremacy of Great Britain, to -such a degree that, in the secret treaty of 1814, Lord -Castlereagh imperatively insisted on the rupture of the -family compact among the various branches of the -House of Bourbon, for the purpose of rendering her influence -as secure over Spain as over Holland.</p> - -<p>One might have supposed that, after this long and -painful struggle against Buonaparte, the English minister -would have enjoyed some rest from his anxieties; but -such was far from being the case, for the Colossus had -scarcely been hurled from its base before intestine dissensions -arose in the coalition which had so lately set -the world in motion. Various interests were the subject -of secret discussion at Vienna; and the questions concerning -Saxony, Poland, and Italy occasioned him extreme -uneasiness. Throughout the whole period of the -French revolution, England had undoubtedly played the -principal part, and her perseverance alone had saved the -Continent from a general and overwhelming oppression; -but in diplomatic matters, as in politics, ancient services -are less considered than the new situation in which -countries are placed: England had been too much engaged -in continental affairs not to continue to feel -great anxiety concerning them, and on the question of -Poland, Lord Castlereagh was opposed to the plans of -the Russian cabinet, and he did not restrain the expression -of his dissatisfaction respecting the Polish <i>suzeraineté</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span> -which the Emperor Alexander was desirous of -reserving to himself. No one ever surpassed his lordship -in the union of firmness of character with the most -polished manners, the distinguishing mark of a true -gentleman; there was a degree of steadiness, I may -almost say of nobleness, in his private conferences with -Alexander, in the midst of the splendid <i>salons</i> of Vienna, -that was quite admirable.</p> - -<p>No aristocracy in Europe is more magnificent than -that of England. Lady Castlereagh's parties at Vienna -exceeded in splendour those even of the Emperor of -Austria, and were replete with every pleasure and -amusement; while her ladyship, who was a woman of -extraordinary abilities, afforded considerable assistance to -the diplomatic proceedings of her husband. The bold -and rather presumptuous manner of Sir Charles Stewart, -Lord Castlereagh's brother, were tempered by the studied -mildness of Lord Aberdeen and the military profusion -of Lord Cathcart; and the <i>soirées</i> of the English -legation were cited as the most brilliant of the season, -not excepting those of the sovereigns. The English -minister, however, was not satisfied with the decidedly -Russian tendency of the congress. He had carefully -studied the character of Alexander, and was well aware -that vast ideas and infinite ambition lay concealed under -the religious mysticism he had adopted under the influence -of Madame Krüdner; and looking at it under this -point of view, he naturally came to the conclusion that, -if the English policy had been the means of saving the -Continent from the absorbing power of Napoleon, it -would be necessary to guard against a new danger, and -prevent the power of Russia from becoming too great -and exercising too absolute a dominion over the destinies -of the world. This feeling, common to them all, -formed a tie between Castlereagh, Metternich, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span> -Talleyrand, all of whom were equally convinced that the -combination of the three sovereignties would not be too -much to oppose the projects of Russia; and their dissatisfaction -increased so much towards the termination of the -congress, that the three plenipotentiaries signed the -treaty of alliance concluded in February, 1815, to guard -against any possibilities that might arise regarding -Saxony and Poland. Thus the man who had been the -keystone of the coalition, whose powerful hand had -cemented and directed it, contributed at this moment to -introduce divisions into its bosom, because the common -danger had passed away.</p> - -<p>This danger, however, appeared again when intelligence -was received of the landing of Buonaparte and -his march to Paris; and the English minister had no -hesitation in placing himself at the head of the coalition, -for Napoleon was considered as the general enemy of -Europe. In 1814, Lord Castlereagh had opposed the -sovereignty of the island of Elba being awarded to the -ex-Emperor, and now, laying aside all other considerations, -he looked at nothing but at the necessity of restoring -unity to the confederation, and marching at once -against the man who had been placed at the ban of -Europe. Reports were in circulation that England had -favoured the return from Elba, in order again to humble -France and to impose heavier conditions upon her; and -Lord Castlereagh, when asking for subsidies, was obliged -in the House of Commons to enter into an explanation -upon the subject. He had only to answer, that it was -against his opinion a sovereignty had been granted to -Buonaparte; but that, after he had once been acknowledged -as an independent sovereign, no one had any -right to watch his actions and proceedings. He and the -Duke of Wellington now shared the arrangements between -them, the one directing the debates in parliament<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span> -while the other was employed in organising the army. -Immense subsidies were again required to assist the -coalition, and set a million of men in motion against the -glorious adventurer who had made but one step from the -Gulf of Juan to Paris.</p> - -<p>Lord Castlereagh had vowed an implacable hatred to -all the ridiculous dynasties who sheltered themselves -under the mantle of Napoleon, and he revealed to the -House of Commons the correspondence between Murat -and the Emperor; thus paving the way for the downfall of -that melodramatic king who was playing his part among -the lazzaroni at the palace of Portici, or at the Villa Reale. -In the stormy debates in the House of Commons he always -exhibited the same tenacity of principles and resolution -which had supported him in the imperial crisis, and even -the present situation awakened in his mind the pride of -a statesman who has realised some great thing for his -country; for the supreme power henceforth belonged to -England, and no one could dispute with her the empire -of the sea: for a short time she had been at war with -America, but peace had just been concluded, and all -these circumstances had greatly augmented her power.</p> - -<p>In the struggle now taking place, his lordship was -possessed with one great object: in 1814 he had made -some concessions to France, and he considered the -affair terminated when her ancient limits, augmented by -Savoy and the Comté Venaissin, were assigned to her, -under the government of her ancient dynasty; but he -now found all his work had fallen to the ground, and he -concluded from thence that the power of France was still -too great, and predominated too much on the Continent: -for the sake, therefore, of obtaining the applause of Germany -and the support of Prussia, he entered unhesitatingly -into all the hatred vowed to us by them. Waterloo -had placed France under the especial direction of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span> -England and Prussia, and deprived her of the Russian -influence; therefore his lordship was at liberty to explain -his ideas, and there was every facility for the execution -of his system. His principles being in perfect agreement -with those of the Duke of Wellington, he communicated -to him his opinion about the future condition of France. -In the first place, the ministerial system must be entirely -English; and as a good understanding had existed -between him and Talleyrand at Vienna, he chose him to -fill the situation of prime minister. Then again, the -Tories do not like revolutionists; but as these last -assumed a suppliant attitude before the English, and -that the patriots, under the shield of Fouché and of the -representative chamber, were at the feet of the Duke of -Wellington, even to obtain a foreign prince, they decided -Fouché should be appointed to the ministry with -Talleyrand.</p> - -<p>But this was only the commencement of the system. -Lord Castlereagh had observed that the material power -of France was too considerable for the balance of power -in Europe, and also that Belgium was not sufficiently -protected; he therefore considered it necessary another -frontier should be adopted, to prevent any irruption on -that side; and as England wanted to secure the good -will of Germany, he agreed to support, if necessary, the -proposal for the cession of Alsace and Lorraine to the -Germanic confederation. These ideas gave birth to the -hard conditions insisted upon by England, and rendered -it necessary that France should have recourse to the -Emperor Alexander to obtain better terms after her -heavy afflictions.</p> - -<p>With regard to Buonaparte, the minister's conduct -was perfectly consistent. In 1814 he had strenuously -opposed the idea of an independent sovereignty in the -island of Elba, and the enemy of England was now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span> -again in his power. It has been written and currently -reported, that Napoleon's resolution to throw himself -for protection upon the generosity of England was a free -and spontaneous action; but such was far from being -the case: too well did he know the unpitying and irritated -feelings entertained against him by that nation, but -he went on board the English man-of-war because he -could no longer escape the cruisers, and perhaps the -sailors in those vessels might have done him some injury, -in vengeance of the sufferings of Captain Wright, -who died in so mysterious a manner in the Temple. -His letter to the Prince Regent was only an attempt to -escape his fate by assuming the position of a free agent, -when a few hours later he would have been a prisoner -of war. As soon as Buonaparte was on board the -Bellerophon, Lord Castlereagh hastened to acquaint the -plenipotentiaries of the allied powers, assembled at Paris, -with the fact; and then he naturally returned to his -original and favourite idea of placing him under the -charge of the Allies, in some spot sufficiently remote from -the Continent to secure Europe against the risk of -any further bold attempt on his part. This proposal -did not arise from any personal hatred or feeling of animosity, -but was the result of a profound and well-considered -conviction. As for the rest, every thing was -done with proper attention and consideration; but no one -ever shewed more sulkiness, ill-humour, and I may say -more littleness, than did Napoleon in adversity. How -had he treated the Duc d'Enghien? Had he not -pursued and striven to ensnare Louis XVIII. in every -part of Europe? Was it too much, immediately after -his adventure of the hundred days, which had cost us so -dear, to send him to a place of security, from whence he -would no longer be able to torment Europe? Buonaparte -took offence because the title of majesty was refused<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span> -him, and because he was not permitted to live -quietly like one of the citizen classes in England or the -United States (a proposition he made with just the same -degree of sincerity as his request to be appointed <i>juge -de paix</i> of his district before the 18 Brumaire). Imagine -Buonaparte a citizen of Westminster or Charleston! -After so long a drama on the theatre of the world, if a -man has not been able to die he ought to know how to -submit to obscurity; but he, at St. Helena, did not -exhibit the greatness that ought to have arisen from his -recollections and his glory, and I would willingly believe -his flatterers garbled his conversations in the narratives -published of his exile.</p> - -<p>By the treaty concluded in the month of November, -which was the completion of the transactions at Vienna, -a magnificent position was allotted to England. In the -south of Europe her influence over Portugal was secured, -and the family compact was broken; in the north, a -kingdom was constructed of Holland and Belgium, under -her patronage, for the Prince of Orange, one of her -generals; Prussia was closely attached to her system, and -the Elbe opened to her the road to Germany; Hanover -belonged to the British crown; she absorbed the factories -and establishments of France in India, and acquired the -Cape of Good Hope, the Isle of France, and Ceylon, -besides Malta and the Seven Islands in the Mediterranean. -She had reached the highest degree of power permitted -to a state, and it was the firm and resolute conduct of -Lord Castlereagh that had led to these great results; -for had the weak and unconnected opinion of the Whigs -carried the day, had peace been signed with Buonaparte, -based on the terms approved by Fox and Grenville, -never would England have attained to such a pitch of -power and splendour. In mortal struggles like these -one party must perish; and as it was, Napoleon sunk<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span> -under the efforts of Britain. The captive of St. Helena -was well aware of this, for he never accused any one of -his fall but Lord Castlereagh and the English aristocracy, -whom he devoted to the execration of future -ages; no doubt for thus having succeeded in exalting the -grandeur of England, as he had dreamed of doing with -the magnificence of his nation and his race.</p> - -<p>In the history of states, two periods usually occur. -When there is a strong inclination to foreign wars, it -very seldom occurs that there is much agitation among -parties at home, because when society is hurried with -violence into affairs of great importance, she has no -time for considering her own troubles or inquiring -closely into her domestic afflictions; but when the war -is over she turns her attention upon herself, and internal -dissensions take place. This was the case in England -after the treaty of Paris in 1815, extreme irritation -was displayed in her troubles; and this requires some explanation: -that there was much suffering among the -various classes of British subjects is an undoubted fact, -and it proceeded from many different causes. The successive -debts she had been obliged to contract had inordinately -increased the taxes; a war, lasting for twenty -years, had been suddenly succeeded by a peace which -had injured the interests of many people, because war, -by occasioning an unnatural excitement to industry of -every kind, had given employment to thousands, for the -commerce of the world was in the hands of England. -Peace opened an immense competition; Great Britain, -formerly alone in the market, now met with the French -and Americans, and the ports were no longer exclusively -open to her manufactures. Besides this, pauperism, -that species of leprosy in a nation, had greatly increased, -and it had now become an actual sore in the British -government, a vermin on the velvet robes of her rulers.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span></p> - -<p>A radical and deep-seated movement had also taken -place in the public mind. Great excitement always -leaves a degree of fermentation behind; the revolutionary -doctrines had sheltered themselves behind the shield of -parliamentary reform, and this very reform became a -pretext gladly seized upon by agitators; thus England -found herself covered, not with secret societies, for on -her soil people breathe freely, but with clubs and inflammatory -meetings, so that the country resounded -with petitions. On this occasion it again became necessary -to display a degree of firmness; the inflexible character -of Lord Castlereagh was alone capable of opposing -to doctrines which manifested themselves by riotous -assemblies of 100,000 men in various cities.</p> - -<p>Independent of these domestic troubles, there were also -difficulties connected with foreign affairs that exhibited -a no less serious aspect. Ever since the year 1792 but -one great danger had occupied the mind of Europe, the -absorbing and inordinate power of the republic and -empire of Napoleon. England having always been at -the head of the implacable movement which attacked -the revolutionary power in France, had also naturally -taken the lead in the political transactions; and Europe -did not stop to examine whether the cabinet of London -assumed too great an influence while protecting the -general interest; for Buonaparte excited alarm, and the -assistance of Great Britain was required to oppose him: -but as soon as this powerful Colossus was overthrown, a -continental system was formed under the influence of the -Emperor of Russia, and led to all those congresses, annually -repeated, in which England could not take an -active or predominant part. The statesmen of Great -Britain, both Whigs and Tories, rejected all the theories -of absolute power; they had been educated in the principles -of 1688, and neither would, nor could, adopt the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span> -maxim of the divine right of kings. Thus Lord Castlereagh -could not unite in all the manifestoes and declarations -of principles which the Emperor Alexander issued -in his mystical ideas of the Holy Alliance. We must -not lose sight of this circumstance in the last four years -of the minister's life. The treaty of 1815 had hardly -been signed before a formidable conspiracy of Radicalism -in arms arose in England, not merely easily suppressed -riots, but bodies of 100,000, who broke the power-looms -and pillaged the houses, and the ancient aristocracy -appeared threatened with the most imminent danger; -yet such is the spirit of order in that country, and the -reliance to be placed on the English population, that -these tumults were not attended with danger. On this -occasion the firm repressive spirit of Lord Castlereagh -was fully manifested; without hesitation, he demanded -from parliament the suspension of all liberty, even of -the <i>habeas corpus</i>, that powerful security of the English -citizen. The troops ordered to act vigorously -against the rioters, shewed no compassion, because there -appeared no limit to the disturbances. How many -accusations were brought against Lord Castlereagh after -the riots at Manchester and Birmingham! The pamphlets -published on the occasion represented him as a -butcher of human victims, and Lord Byron wrote some -lines on the cold impassiveness of his countenance. Was -England to be allowed to perish to please the poets? or -were the designs of housebreakers and destroyers of -machinery to be seconded? The minister only did his -duty as a statesman—he saved society, and what do people -want more? He did it even at the peril of his fame—a -great sacrifice for those who devote themselves to the -idea of order in the midst of disorder. Very vigorous -bills were passed, on the demand of the minister, against -foreigners, and against the instigators of the disturbances,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span> -and he undertook in parliament the painful task of obtaining -repressive measures. In England there are -resources, even in times of the greatest danger, because -there exists a race of statesmen, the Tories, who never -give way to public clamour; in the midst of the most -formidable riot a degree of respect for the laws is still -felt, and people submit to the summons of a constable.</p> - -<p>This agitated situation lasted nearly five years; the -counties were in a blaze; and at last the Queen's trial -became the pretext for fresh disorders. No one could -take any interest in a queen who, in the decline of life, -had carried on her intrigues in Syria, in Greece, and in -Italy, with true English disregard of public opinion, -which is in itself an eccentricity. Every one was aware -of the irregularities of the Princess of Wales, now queen -by the death of George III., and retaining in her service -the witness and partaker of her excesses, her chamberlain, -Bergami. But the Radical party did not look so -closely at the affair; all they wanted was a pretext to -excite the public mind, and they had recourse to the -queen's trial as a means of occasioning riot and disorder. -The Tories, deeply sensible of the embarrassed state of -the country, and desirous, if possible, of avoiding a -scandalous trial, proposed a middle course to the princess. -Her name was not to be mentioned in the Liturgy, but -she would still be queen, only she would be required to -remain abroad, constantly travelling about, and a large -pecuniary allowance would be made to her; but upon -the Radical party being consulted, the old queen refused -all the offers, and a long and disgraceful trial was -obliged to take place. Lord Castlereagh determined -upon the measure with firm and respectful energy; the -more unwilling he had been to resort to this mode of -proceeding, the more vigorously he was resolved to -carry it through. When we contemplate the angelic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span> -figure of Anne Boleyn, beside the gross and sensual -Henry VIII., every one feels a strong and lively interest -in the unfortunate victim; but who could have the -slightest feeling for a queen grown old with the most -degrading passions?</p> - -<p>The minister here again was opposed by his old adversary -Canning, who was then aiming at extreme popularity. -He had constituted himself the Queen's -champion, not because he esteemed her, but because -this course furnished him with the means of the most -violent opposition to the ministry over which Castlereagh -presided. The trial began, and was followed by -debates, and the disgraceful and disgusting revelations -are too well known. The oratorical fame of Brougham -and Canning was greatly augmented by these proceedings; -their popularity became immense, and their -opponents were visited with a degree of reprobation to -which men of distinguished capacity must accustom -themselves in the course of their painful and wearisome -task.</p> - -<p>All these domestic events occurred at a period when -Europe, still full of agitation, was constantly holding -congresses, in order to declare her principles, or to -decide upon general arrangements. Since the declaration -of Alexander, bearing the title of the Holy Alliance, -England had taken up a separate position; her -statesmen, more especially Lord Castlereagh, had declared -the principles of that convention to be too vague -to allow the English ministers to admit them, under -their legal responsibility. From this first separation of -interests from the rest of Europe, two political systems -resulted: the one Russian, whose ascendency over the -congress was almost absolute; the other English, which -opposed any general deliberation upon interests now -divided.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span></p> - -<p>Lord Castlereagh assumed this position when he attended -the congresses of Troppau and Laybach; he -signed the protocols without adopting the ideas of the -Holy Alliance, but simply as the consequence of the -treaties of 1815 and the articles of the congress of Vienna. -In his conversations with Metternich he advanced -this principle, that, although Europe might enter -into an agreement to repress disturbances affecting the -security of crowned heads, she neither could, nor ought -to interfere with any modifications which a people might -freely and spontaneously choose to make in their respective -governments. This declaration referred to several -very important questions that had lately arisen: -first, the separation of the Spanish colonies from the -mother-country; secondly, the disturbances in Greece; -and, thirdly, the revolution in Spain. The emancipation -of the Spanish colonies of an ancient date originated -in the commercial interests of England, which -constantly require to be satisfied; the markets opened -by peace must replace those of war, and a new world -was requisite for the overflow of her manufactures; -under this point of view, therefore, the emancipation of -the Spanish colonies secured a market to England, she -henceforth became favourable to their independence, and -her consuls resided with their <i>exequatur</i> in these colonies. -Lord Castlereagh's position at this juncture was rather -delicate; for with one hand he favoured the sedition of -the colonies, and with the other he severely repressed -the riots in the English counties.</p> - -<p>Being a partisan of the emancipation of the colonies, he -naturally felt no repugnance towards the government of -the Cortes at Madrid. What is considered of importance -in England, is not the form of government adopted by -a power, but its tendency with regard to herself and her -interests. She seldom breaks a lance for a mere chivalrous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span> -idea. Both Whigs and Tories are equally actuated -by the same spirit of national selfishness, which -is, in fact, patriotism; and, while holding this doctrine, -that England is not to meddle with the internal form of -government, the path remains open, so that they can -decide according as interest advises. With regard to -the emancipation of the Greeks, Lord Castlereagh viewed -it in its true light, without weakness, and without sentimental -feelings, allowing the question to rest on the -ground of Russia and Turkey: thus, to emancipate the -Greeks would be to aggrandise Russia, open to her the -gates of the Bosphorus, and drive the Turks into Asia, -and this policy would be unfaithful and puerile as far as -the interests of England were concerned; it was, on the -contrary, most advantageous to her to protect the Ottoman -empire by the British flag, to develope her strength, -and create in that country a commercial alliance for -herself. Thus at the same time to give a new world to -industry, by the emancipation of the Spanish colonies, -to take no heed of the revolutions at Naples and in -Spain, but watch Russia and restrain any ambitious -projects she might have formed, by supporting the -Porte: such were the politics of Lord Castlereagh in -the first five years that succeeded his vigorous contest -with Napoleon.</p> - -<p>The disturbances in England had begun to subside, -when the ancient civil war was again renewed in Ireland -between the Orangemen and the Catholics; it was a constantly -recurring quarrel, as between two races who -entertained the greatest detestation for each other. All -the people who thought seriously on the subject felt -that something must be done for the Catholics; the -reason for the former oppression having ceased to exist, -Ireland could not always remain in a state of slavery. -Lord Castlereagh was well acquainted with this country,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span> -where his youth had been passed, and, whenever business -left him leisure, was accustomed to visit the ancient -towers of Londonderry, the beautiful lakes, and the old -fishermen, whom his munificence assisted in rebuilding -their villages and their boats, portioning their daughters, -or increasing their own comforts. The bill for the admission -of the Catholic lords into parliament was then -in debate; it was opposed by the Orange party in Ireland, -and, after passing the House of Commons, was -thrown out by the Lords; and this was the cause of the -sanguinary troubles which again threw Ireland into the -most fearful state of disorder. The ministry shewed no -indulgence, for the country was deluged with blood; and -Lord Wellesley, then lord-lieutenant, declared at last -that, if they were desirous of saving that country, more -agitated than the ocean, it must be placed under a most -vigorous system of legislative exception.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> The old laws -of the conquest were put in force against the parties of -Whiteboys who ravaged the country, but by degrees -these demonstrations gave way before the severe measures -used to repress them.</p> - -<p>As soon as order was restored, it was necessary the -ministry should take measures to relieve the sufferings -of the three kingdoms, and they devoted themselves with -the greatest attention to their difficult task. It is a historical -truth worthy of the remembrance of agitators, that -they occasion the slavery of all for the sake of the vain -pleasure they derive from some ovations to themselves. -Despotism is the successor of disorder, and there is more -influence in reason and resignation than in the noisy -acclamations of the public streets. O'Connell appears to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span> -me, to be just the man destined to bring about the complete -subjection of Ireland; he will be the destroyer of -his country for the sake of a little personal vanity, for -the applause of 100,000 men, collected round the hustings. -The Tories did every thing that was possible for -Ireland when it was quiet: the emancipation of the -Catholics was promoted by the Wellesleys, nor did they -stop there.</p> - -<p>Lord Castlereagh, deeply sensible that there was real -suffering among all classes of the people, now unfolded -his vast plan of economy, with all the logic of Pitt in his -admirable budget of 1798. Taking his ground on the -existence of much distress in the agricultural districts, -and in the principles of credit, he proceeded at once to -retrenchments. The expenses of the army and navy -were reduced by two millions sterling a-year; the interest -of the public debt was reduced from 5 to 4 per -cent; and the sinking fund was considerably increased.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> -These measures permitted the decrease of imposts, the -suppression of all additional taxes, and a system of loans -to agriculture by means of the bank, the grand instrument -he always had recourse to, in order to make advances -to parishes, and more especially to the producers -of corn, so as always to keep down the price. It was an -earnest undertaking, and the last he had to carry on during -this session. In the meanwhile he could not fail to -observe that the renown of his old adversary, Canning, -was marvellously increasing; he was becoming a popular -character, he was the favourite of the mob, while the -firm and persevering minister who had aroused the -world, and saved England, was branded with reprobation -by the populace, who broke the panels of his carriage. -Ought he to allow himself—he, so proud and haughty,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span> -to be drawn into the wake of Canning, on the boundless -waste of revolutionary ideas? Partially reconciled to his -adversary on the Catholic question, his lordship took -only a secondary part in the debate; and he was stung -by the conviction, that, while in foreign relations his influence -was overpowered by the Holy Alliance, at home -Canning was the person considered most necessary to -the administration, because he was better suited to the -new liberal situation in which they were becoming entangled; -and he repeatedly expressed his grief and vexation -at this circumstance. In England, where public -questions are adopted like a mission, and the feelings of -statesmen on the subject are deep and interwoven in -their whole being, the destruction of a system involves -that of the man. Mr. Pitt was killed by the battle of -Austerlitz, and Lord Castlereagh belonged to that noble -school. He whose life had commenced in so poetical a -manner, who had feared neither single combat, nor the -dangers of the raging waves in his shipwreck on the Isle -of Man, could not be afraid of death; but as his hour -drew near, his disposition became extremely irritable, -and he expressed himself in parliament with a degree of -bitterness and sullen haughtiness: I should almost say -he looked with pity and contempt upon the opposition -of the Whigs, who were advancing towards fresh storms -and disturbances. There are times when people wish to -have done with a situation which oppresses them, and -with adversaries of whom they are weary; they utter -their last words to their face, and after that they die -without regret.</p> - -<p>Lord Castlereagh announced his intention of visiting -the Continent, with the intention, if not of being present -at the congress of Verona, at least of meeting the assembled -sovereigns there; and Canning was in hopes -that, when his colleague had once left England, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span> -would send in his resignation, and consequently leave -him at the head of affairs. But matters were more -rapidly drawing to a close: Lord Castlereagh had been -unwell for several days, and there was every appearance -of extreme nervous irritability about him; some expressions -that fell from his lips shewed that he had some -sinister ideas in his head, and when he went to take -leave of the king, the state of his mind did not escape -the monarch, who had a great esteem for him. From -that time he constantly complained of a feeling of oppression -in his head, and his physician, Dr. Bankhead, -reported that when he visited him he was calm, though -there were symptoms of impatience and caprice in -his manner, and a few short and hurried words were -all that he could draw from him; he let fall some observations -on the troubles of life which raised apprehensions -of suicide, and he was watched: but on Monday, -the 12th of August, 1822, just as his physician -entered his dressing-room, Lord Castlereagh uttered -these few words: "Doctor, let me fall on your arm; it is -all over!" and fell with the heaviness of a corpse. The -blood was flowing in torrents, from a deep wound which -he had inflicted in the carotid artery, with a small penknife -he had concealed in a letter-case. Such was the -end of the man, who had conducted the affairs of England -with so much firmness and consistency for the last -ten years!</p> - -<p>Since then people have endeavoured to prove that he -was raving mad, and the opposite party have even asserted, -that the energy of his government shewed a -tendency to mental alienation: would they not have -considered any man mad, who wanted to contend vigorously -against them? No, Lord Castlereagh was <i>not</i> -mad; he only felt the deep sorrow of a statesman who, -after having fulfilled a great duty, finds himself forgotten -and abandoned at the end of his career. Mr. Pitt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span> -had died at his post while his work was progressing -towards its accomplishment, and Lord Castlereagh saw -it completed by the fall of Buonaparte. But he, in his -turn, had to contend with the revolutionary opinions -that were again invading the world; Canning was like -his evil genius, and as in a long political career they -were both constantly before the public, we may inquire -what services they rendered to England. Castlereagh -gave his country the pre-eminence she every where exercises; -he signed the treaties of 1815, he secured to her -vast stations, colonies, and new worlds, and he was -forced to escape, by suicide from the reprobation of the -people; while Canning the declaimer, the renegade from -the opinions of Pitt, and who, though threatening all -the cabinets, did not dare to oppose the expedition to -Spain in 1823, died peaceably in his bed, and was -crowned with universal applause. Alas! it is because -men who devote themselves to the serious affairs of -their country, are in general persecuted and misunderstood; -for with the populace, noise and clamour are -thought more of, than good measures. Let it, however, -be said to the credit of England, that she is returning to -the men she formerly blamed. The noble hierarchy of -statesmen which begins with Pitt and Castlereagh, and -extends to Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington, -is now hailed as the school most fitted to afford -protection to Great Britain; and Fox, Sheridan, and -Canning, are only mentioned as eloquent speakers, who -passed away long nights in the House of Commons.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>There is not the slightest doubt that the unfortunate -termination of Lord Castlereagh's existence was owing -to delirium.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - - -<p class="center" style="margin-top: 3em;">Printed by George Barclay, Castle Street, Leicester Square.</p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="footnotes"><h2 style="margin-top: 3em; margin-bottom: 1.5em;">FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Nothing can exceed the paternal government of Austria to -her hereditary states, or the severity of the police in her Italian -dominions. In Hungary the Austrian power has never been sufficient -to enable her to ameliorate the prominent defects of their -still feudal system. The Italians, Sclavonians, and Hungarians, -are still far from being amalgamated with the Austrians.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The French commissioners were attacked on leaving the -city and many killed.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See "Europe during the Consulate and the Empire of -Napoleon."</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Prince Metternich told me the Emperor had locked the door.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The sum of 5,000,000<i>l.</i> sterling was to be furnished for the -year 1814, to be increased if necessary.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Suzeraineté.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> M. de Talleyrand, who had naturally an inclination in favour -of ancient honours, preferred his title of duke of the old monarchy -to his principality; for the title of prince, unless in connexion with -the Blood Royal, was considered as of foreign extraction, and not -to possess any aristocratic importance.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> The arms of M. de Talleyrand were, Gules, three lions, or, -langued, armed, and crowned azure, prince's coronet on the shield, -ducal crown on the mantle. Device, <i>Re que Diou</i> (Nothing but -God above us).</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> A pawnbroking establishment in Paris under the protection -of the government.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> About 20,000<i>l.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Histoire de la Restauration.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Signed in the month of March, <i>vide</i> Metternich.—<i>Tr.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Histoire de la Restauration.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> About 160,000<i>l.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> I speak of the time before Lord Durham had taken the side -of Russia and of Conservatism.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> "Il nobile Pasquale Pozzo di Borgo, oratore dei popoli di -là da' monti in Corsica...." 1584.</p> - -<p>"... Per egregium virum Pasqualem Pozzo di Borgo, civem -Adjacii, oratorem et procuratorem populorum provinciæ Adjacii -et Sartenæ, et aliorum hominum ultra montes Corsicæ."</p> - -<p>"Tutta la provincia di là da' monti nell' isola di Corsica in -generale, ha eletto per oratore il Capitano Secondo Pozzo di -Borgo sì per assistere presso le VV. SS...." 1597.</p> - -<p>All these charters are extracted from the work published by -the wise and judicious magistrate, C. Gregori, <i>Statuti Civili e -Criminali di Corsica</i>.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> I saw all these papers, which were printed in 1793, in the -hands of Count Pozzo di Borgo; he took pleasure in shewing -the curious decree against Napoleon, afterwards the pride -and glory of Corsica. The <i>consulta</i> was composed of 1200 -deputies.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> This observation appears to indicate some inaccuracy regarding -the date of Paoli's demise. It took place in Feb. 1807.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> the article "Metternich."</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> I have seen the rough copy of this proclamation written in -pencil by Count Pozzo and corrected by Alexander himself.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> "Histoire de la Restauration."</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> This memorial was found again some years afterwards at -Warsaw. The Emperor Nicholas wrote to Pozzo di Borgo in -1830, "How rightly you foresaw what would happen! You -would have saved us much difficulty and embarrassment."</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> About twenty-eight millions sterling.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> On the 5th of April, 1824, the minister of finance brought -forward a plan to substitute <i>rentes</i> at three per cent for those already -existing at five per cent, reserving to the holders of the five -per cent <i>rentes</i> the option between the repayment of their nominal -capital and its conversion into three per cents at the rate of -seventy-five. Some modifications were suggested, but the plan -failed at the time. In the following year it was renewed, and -then it was decreed that the proprietors of five per cent <i>rentes</i> -should be allowed till the 22d of June (afterwards extended to -the 5th of August) the faculty of demanding from the minister of -finance their conversion into three per cents at the price of seventy-five, -and till the 22d of September the faculty of requiring their -conversion into four and a half per cent stock at par, with a -guarantee in both cases against being paid off till September 1835. -The <i>rentes</i> so converted were to continue to bear interest at five -per cent until the 22d December, 1825.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Alexander had gone on a tour of inspection to the southern -parts of his empire, and on arriving at a village in the Crimea, he -insisted upon attending the service in a church which had long -been shut up, in spite of the remonstrances of his attendants, who -represented the danger arising from malaria. He was shortly -afterwards seized with the fever common in the Crimea, and -refused to submit to the strong measures recommended by his -medical attendants, resolving to trust to abstinence and the mild -remedies he had usually found successful when attacked by illness, -but which were insufficient in this instance; and when he at last -resigned himself into the hands of his physicians, it was too late. -Reports were raised of his having been poisoned, but they were -totally devoid of foundation.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> See "L'Europe pendant le Consulat et l'Empire de Napoleon."</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Sapeurs-pompiers.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> The Comte de Chabrol had been appointed prefect of the -Seine upon the dismissal of Frochot after Mallet's conspiracy, -and had distinguished himself by the most inflated expressions of -devotion to the Emperor. "What is life," said he, "compared to -the immense interests which rest upon the sacred head of the heir -of the Empire? For me, whom an unexpected glance of your -imperial eye has called from a distance to a post so eminent, -what I most value in the distinction is the honour and right of -setting the foremost example of loyal devotion!"—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> The law to authorise arbitrary arrests was equivalent to the -suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in England: and it was -originally brought forward by M. Decaze and strenuously supported -by Baron Pasquier. It was proposed that it should -continue in force for one year, and after a debate which -lasted for several sittings, it was passed by a majority of nineteen -votes, modified however by the introduction of a clause forbidding -arrests to be made under it during the night. A law restraining -the liberty of the press was also passed after being most obstinately -contested. The majority in the chamber of peers was only -<i>two</i> on this occasion.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> He was accused of great political tergiversation, and M. Vaublanc, -a keen royalist, designated him as "a man who never left one -administration till he had prepared to enter another, who never -deserted one set of friends till he had looked out for another -more in favour at court, and who had skipped into successive -cabinets with that ease which marked all his movements."—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> At the same moment that he dissolved the chamber of deputies, -the king created seventy-six new peers, all of them people -devoted to the government.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Gawilghur.—<i>Ed.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> 20th January, 1812.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> 7th April, 1812.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> 24th July, 1812.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Witness Assaye, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajos, Vittoria, &c.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> He had long had a seat in the House of Peers, but the mistake -is very natural for a foreigner.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Upon this occasion the Duke of Wellington voted against -his brother's measure.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> The editor begs to remind the reader that he is not answerable -for M. Capefigue's opinions.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <a href="#FNanchor_36_36">See Note</a>, page 208.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> About 800<i>l.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Now about 80,000.—<i>Ed.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> The government of Odessa includes the island of Taman, -and part of the Caucasian line, inhabited by the Cossacks of the -Black Sea, who were settled on the Lower Kouban by Potemkin, -as a defence against the incursions of the Circassians; forming a -chain of intrenched villages, sufficiently near to communicate by -signals, and supported by some regiments of infantry and artillery. -The Circassians have never been able to make any serious -impression on this line; and the Russians, whose object was -purely defensive, never even crossed the Kouban with an intention -of permanently establishing themselves beyond the river till -the conclusion of the last Turkish war, during which Anapa, -and all other forts possessed by the Turks on the Black Sea, -were ceded to Russia. The Circassians had only tolerated these -nominal dependencies of Turkey, as affording convenient points -of trade and export for the slaves captured from Russia and -Georgia, as well as those taken during their own domestic wars. -The natural strength of the country and its deadly climate have -hitherto checked the Russian conquests, but, sooner or later, it -must yield to a power capable of sending unlimited reinforcements, -while every action permanently diminishes the strength of -the mountain tribes. The war, which has now lasted sixty years, -can have no effect on the prosperity of the southern provinces of -Russia, nor is it felt twenty miles from the frontier. The few -Circassians that have been educated in Russia are not permitted -to return to the tribes. The Caucasian guard formed by Prince -Paskewitch in 1830, and who return periodically to their own -country, may have a much greater effect; they are taken indiscriminately -from all the tribes, Circassians, Lesghis, Chechens, -and Ossatinians, forming a body of about two hundred men, in -some measure resembling the Mamelukes of Napoleon.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> art. Pozzo di Borgo.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> 64 millions sterling.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Ministres secrétaires d'état.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> art. Pozzo di Borgo.</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Vide</i> articles "Pozzo di Borgo" and "Richelieu."</p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Count Capo d'Istria was murdered in September, 1831, by -the brother and son of a Mainote he had imprisoned.—<i>Ed.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Quære, Coyne?—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> This assertion is untrue, and not borne out by any evidence.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Parliament decided upon the re-enactment of the Insurrection -Act, and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, in -Ireland.—<i>Editor.</i></p> - -<p style="margin-top: 1em;"><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> This is a mistake.—<i>Editor.</i></p> -</div></div> - -<p> </p> -<hr class="chap" /> -<p> </p> - -<div class="transnote"> - -<p class="ph2" style="margin-top: 3em;">TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE:</p> - -<p>Obvious printer errors have been corrected. 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