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diff --git a/old/53681-0.txt b/old/53681-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 9a6ee22..0000000 --- a/old/53681-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,27153 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Letters of Ogier Ghiselin de -Busbecq, Volumes I and II, by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Life and Letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Volumes I and II - -Author: Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq - Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell - Charles Thornton Forster - -Release Date: December 6, 2016 [EBook #53681] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE, LETTERS--OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - ————————————————————————————————————————————————————————— - Transcribers note: - - This is the combined version of The Life and Letters - Of Ogier Ghiselin De Busbecq Volume I and Volume II. - ————————————————————————————————————————————————————————— - - OGIER GHISELIN - - DE BUSBECQ - - VOL. I. - -[Illustration: AVGERIVS GISLENVS BVSBEQVIVS. - - _Te voce, Augeri, mulcentem Cæsaris aures - Laudauit plausis Austrius Ister aquis. - Te Ducis Ismarij flectentem pectora verbis - Thrax rapido obstupuit Bosphorus e pelago. - Te gesfisfe domum pro nata Cæsaris, ingens - Sequana conspexit, Parisÿq3 lares_ - - _I. Lernutius._] - - - - - THE - - LIFE AND LETTERS - - OF - - OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ - - SEIGNEUR OF BOUSBECQUE - - KNIGHT, IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR - - BY - - CHARLES THORNTON FORSTER, M.A. - - _Late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge: Vicar of Hinxton_ - - AND - - F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIELL, M.A. - - _Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge: Barrister-at-Law_ - - Πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω - - _IN TWO VOLUMES_ - - VOL. I. - - LONDON - C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE - 1881 - - -(_The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved_) - - - TO - - MONSIEUR JEAN DALLE - - MAIRE OF BOUSBECQUE - - AS A SLIGHT ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF HIS KINDNESS - - AND THE VALUABLE ASSISTANCE WE HAVE - - DERIVED FROM HIS RESEARCHES - - THESE VOLUMES ARE RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED - - - - -PREFACE. - - -We ask to be allowed to introduce the Reader to a kind and genial -cicerone, who can take him back, three centuries deep, into the Past, -and show him the Turk as he was when he dictated to Europe instead of -Europe dictating to him; or conjure once more into life Catherine de -Medici, Navarre, Alençon, Guise, Marguerite the fair and frail, and -that young Queen, whom he loved so well and served so faithfully. - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE FIRST VOLUME. - - - PAGE - - LIFE OF BUSBECQ 1 - - TURKISH LETTER I. 75 - - ” ” II. 174 - - ” ” III. 192 - - ” ” IV. 315 - - - - -_Errata._ - - -The references in footnotes on pp. 105-250, to other passages in this -volume after p. 72, should be advanced by 2 pages, e.g. _for_ 163, -_read_ 165. - - -LIFE OF BUSBECQ. - -[Illustration] - - - - -LIFE OF BUSBECQ. - -_Introductory._ - - -The days are now past when students were content to take their history -at second hand, and there is therefore the less reason to apologise for -introducing to the reader, in an English dress, the letters of one who -was an eyewitness and actor in some of the most important events in the -sixteenth century. - -Several of the most striking passages in Robertson’s _History of -Charles V._ are taken from Busbecq; De Thou has borrowed largely from -his letters; and the pages of Gibbon, Coxe, Von Hammer, Ranke, Creasy, -and Motley, testify to the value of information derived from this -source. It must not, however, be supposed that all that is historically -valuable in his writings has found a place in the works of modern -authors. On the contrary, the evidence which Busbecq furnishes has -often been forgotten or ignored. - -A remarkable instance of this neglect is to be found in Prescott’s -account of the capture of Djerbé,[1] or Gelves, by the Turks. The -historian of Philip II. has made up this part of his narrative from -the conflicting and vainglorious accounts of Spanish writers, and does -not even allude to the plain, unvarnished tale which Busbecq tells—a -tale which he must have heard from the lips of the commander of the -Christian forces, his friend Don Alvaro de Sandé, and which he had -abundant opportunities of verifying from other sources. - -The revival of the Eastern Question has drawn attention in France[2] -to the career and policy of one who was so successful as an ambassador -at Constantinople, and the life of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq has been -the subject of two treatises at least since 1860, while a far more -important work dealing with our author’s life is about to issue from -the press. Of this last we have been allowed to see the proof-sheets, -and we take this opportunity of expressing our obligation to the -author, Monsieur Jean Dalle, Maire de Bousbecque. His book is a -perfect storehouse of local information, and must prove invaluable -to any future historian of the Flemings. It is entitled _Histoire de -Bousbecque_. - -During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries hardly any author was -so popular as Busbecq. More than twenty editions[3] of his letters -were published in the literary capitals of Europe—Antwerp, Paris, -Bâle, Frankfort, Hanau, Munich, Louvain, Leipsic, London, Oxford and -Glasgow. His merits as a recorder of contemporary history are briefly -sketched by a writer of that period, who thus describes his despatches -to Rodolph: ‘C’est un portrait au naturel des affaires de France sous -le régne de Henri III. Il raconte les choses avec une naïveté si grande -qu’elles semblent se passer à nos yeux. On ne trouve point ailleurs -tant de faits historiques en si peu de discours. Les grands mouvemens, -comme la conspiration d’Anvers, et les petites intrigues de la cour -y sont également bien marquées. Les attitudes (pour ainsi dire) dans -lesquelles il met Henri III., la Reine Mere, le duc d’Alençon, le roi -de Navarre, la reine Marguerite, le duc de Guise, le duc d’Espernon, et -les autres Courtisans ou Favoris de ce tems-là, nous les montrent du -côté qui nous en découvre, à coup seur, le fort et le foible, le bon et -le mauvais.’[4] - -All who have studied the letters of Busbecq will endorse this opinion; -nor is it possible for anyone even superficially acquainted with his -writings, not to recognise the work of a man who combined the rarest -powers of observation with the greatest industry and the greatest -honesty. - -He was eminently what is called ‘a many-sided man’; nothing is above -him, nothing beneath him. His political information is important to the -soberest of historians, his gossiping details would gladden a Macaulay; -the Imperial Library at Vienna is rich with manuscripts and coins -of his collection. To him scholars owe the first copy of the famous -Monumentum Ancyranum. We cannot turn to our gardens without seeing the -flowers of Busbecq around us—the lilac, the tulip, the syringa. So much -was the first of these associated with the man who first introduced it -to the West, that Bernardin de Saint Pierre proposed to change its name -from lilac to Busbequia. Throughout his letters will be found hints for -the architect, the physician, the philologist, and the statesman; he -has stories to charm a child, and tales to make a grey-beard weep. - -Of his careful and scientific investigations it is almost unnecessary -to cite examples. Never having seen a camelopard, and finding that one -had been buried at Constantinople, he had the animal dug up, and a -careful examination made of its shape and capabilities. On his second -journey to Constantinople he took a draughtsman with him, to sketch -any curious plants and animals he might find. He sent his physician to -Lemnos to make investigations with regard to Lemnian earth—a medicine -famous in those days; while he despatched an apothecary of Pera to the -Lake of Nicomedia to gather acorus[5] for his friend Mattioli, the -celebrated botanist. - -While furnishing information of the highest value, Busbecq never -assumes the air of a pedant. He tells his story in a frank and genial -way, not unlike that of the modern newspaper correspondent. If to -combine amusement and instruction is the highest art in this branch -of literature, he would have been invaluable as a member of the staff -of some great newspaper. Among books, Kinglake’s _Eothen_ is perhaps -the nearest parallel to Busbecq’s Turkish letters; the former is more -finished in style—Busbecq evidently did not retouch his first rough -draft—but it does not contain one tithe of the information. Such is the -author for whom we venture to ask the attention of the English reader. - -Even to those who can read the elegant Latin in which he wrote, it is -hoped that the notes and articles appended may be found interesting and -useful. They have been gleaned from many different quarters, and to a -great extent from books inaccessible to the ordinary student. This is -specially the case with the _Sketch of Hungarian History during the -Reign of Solyman_. In no modern writer were we able to find more than -scattered hints and allusions to the history of Hungary during this -important epoch, when it formed the battle-field on which the Christian -and the Mussulman were deciding the destinies of Europe. - -The object of Busbecq’s mission was to stay, by the arts of diplomacy, -the advance of the Asiatic conqueror, to neutralise in the cabinet the -defeats of Essek and Mohacz. In this policy he was to a great extent -successful. He gained time; and in such a case time is everything. What -he says of Ferdinand is eminently true of himself.[6] - -There are victories of which the world hears much—great battles, -conquered provinces, armies sent beneath the yoke—but there is also -the quiet work of the diplomatist, of which the world hears little. In -the eyes of those who measure such work aright, not even the hero of -Lepanto or the liberator of Vienna will hold a higher place among the -champions of Christendom than Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq. - - -_Removal of the Rubbish._ - -For the rebuilding of a house, it is absolutely necessary to remove the -rubbish with which the site is encumbered. Unfortunately, the process -is equally necessary in writing the life of Busbecq. There is rubbish -of ancient date and rubbish of modern date, which cannot be ignored and -must be removed. With regard to one story, a writer of the present time -is specially bound to protest. It is to be found in the treatise of -Monsieur Rouzière, entitled, _Notice sur Auger de Busbecq, Ambassadeur -du Roi Ferdinand_ 1^{er} _en Turquie, et de l’Empereur Rodolphe II. -en France_. There is the more need for warning the reader against it, -because Monsieur Rouzière ushers in his narrative with a long tirade -against similar inventions. ‘He is not,’ he tells us, ‘a professor of -history, or one of those knights of the quill who wander from town to -town discovering documents which, like the Sleeping Beauty, are waiting -for the champion who is to break the enchanter’s spell.’ Monsieur -Rouzière is specially bitter against ‘un Américain qui vient de mourir -en parcourant l’Europe pour faire des découvertes historiques, et -qui à l’Escurial avait fait la trouvaille d’une relation sur la mort -de don Carlos écrite par son valet-de-chambre.’ With this preamble, -he introduces his readers to the following story, which is simply a -romance of his own creation: - -‘When Charles V. came to Flanders for the purpose of installing his -sister Mary, Queen of Hungary, in the government, he visited Comines, -in company with Gilles Ghiselin, Seigneur of Bousbecque, father of the -Ambassador. As they were entering the town, the Seigneur, entreating -Charles to wait for a few moments, knocked at the door of a house, -which, though unpretentious, had a dignity of its own. Out of it issued -a boy with sparkling eyes; so interesting was his appearance, that -the words, ‘O! what a lovely child!’ burst from the emperor’s lips. -The Seigneur bade the boy kneel down. ‘Ogier,’ said he, ‘look well at -your lord; when you are older you will serve him as faithfully as your -father and grandfather.’ He then informed the emperor that, not having -any legitimate children, he had allowed all his love to centre on this -offshoot, who, he fondly hoped, would one day be admitted into his -family.’ - -Monsieur Rouzière is certainly not fortunate in his story;[7] the -Seigneur’s name was George[8] and not Gilles, and he had, moreover, -three legitimate children. A house at Comines is shown as the scene of -this event, but from inquiries made on the spot, we have ascertained -that there is no tradition connecting it with Busbecq earlier than the -publication of Monsieur Rouzière’s treatise in 1860. He is a lively and -amusing writer. It is the more to be regretted that he has not regarded -the line which separates biography from romance. - -Monsieur Huysmans, the well-known French artist, has also laid the -foundation of several errors in the striking picture which has been -purchased by the Belgian Government, and now adorns the Hôtel de Ville -of Belgian Comines. Its artistic merits make one regret the more that -he did not select one of the many dramatic events in Busbecq’s life, -instead of giving us a scene which not only is not recorded, but never -could have happened. In the first place, the date 1555 is wrong; in -no case could the scene have taken place earlier than 1556. Secondly, -Monsieur Huysmans has been led into error by a loose translation in the -French version of Busbecq’s letters by the Abbé de Foy. For some time -Busbecq was confined to his house by the Turkish authorities. De Foy, -in speaking of this curtailment of his liberty, uses the expression -‘une étroite prison’ (whence, by the way, some have supposed that -Busbecq was confined in the Seven Towers). Monsieur Huysmans, led -astray by this phrase, and imagining that the Ambassador was confined -in a prison, straightway concluded that if he was imprisoned he must -have been _arrested_. On this he grounded the subject of his work, -‘Soliman fait arrêter Busbecq, diplomat Flamand, Constantinople, -1555.’ There is also a striking error in the persons represented in -the picture. When Busbecq first arrived at Constantinople Roostem was -in disgrace, and Achmet held the post of chief Vizier. The latter had -only consented to accept the seal of office on condition that the -Sultan undertook never to remove him. The Sultan kept his word. When it -was convenient to reinstate Roostem, he did not deprive Achmet of the -seal of office, but _of his life_. The execution of Achmet is one of -the most striking scenes recorded by Busbecq. Unfortunately, Monsieur -Huysmans had not studied his subject sufficiently, for in his picture -Roostem is in office, and Achmet stands by as a subordinate. - -As to errors of a less recent date, they are, for the most part, such -as an intelligent reader of Busbecq’s letters may correct for himself. -For instance, it is not hard to prove that the author of the life -prefixed to the Elzevir edition is wrong in stating that Busbecq’s -father died before the Ambassador went to England, when we find that -he had an interview with him after his return from our island. Neither -is there much danger of the veriest tiro being led astray by De Foy’s -suggestion that, when Busbecq came to England for the marriage of -Philip and Mary, he had long conversations with Henry VIII., who -tried to induce him to enter his service. There is, however, danger -in Howaert’s[9] statement that Busbecq accompanied the younger sons -of Maximilian to Spain, and introduced them to Philip. The story is -not impossible in itself, nor is it even improbable. But there is this -suspicious circumstance about it; those who mention it do not seem to -be aware that Busbecq did accompany the two elder sons of Maximilian, -Rodolph and Ernest, to Spain in the capacity of ‘_Écuyer trenchant_.’ -This latter fact is established on the best of authorities, namely, -the Patent of knighthood issued by the Emperor Ferdinand to Busbecq, -a copy[10] of which we have, through the kindness of a friend, been -enabled to procure from the archives of Vienna. - -That Busbecq accompanied the four younger Archdukes to Spain is perhaps -doubtful, and still more doubtful is the story grafted on to it by -later hands, namely, that Busbecq pleaded the cause of the Netherlands -before Philip II., obtained the recall of Alva and the substitution -of Requesens in his place. No facts could be more interesting if they -should but prove to be true; unfortunately they are at present without -authority. - - -_Bousbecque and its Seigneurs._ - -It is from the seigneury of Bousbecque that Ogier[11] Ghiselin takes -the name by which he is best known, Busbecq (Latin, Busbequius). - -Properly of course his name is identical with that of the seigneury, -but, by common consent, the Ambassador is known as Busbecq, while -the name of the place, after numerous variations—Bosbeke, Busbeke, -Bousbeke, &c., has settled down into the form Bousbecque.[12] - -It will be necessary therefore to speak of the man by one name and the -place by another. - -The geographical position of Bousbecque has an important bearing on -the biography of the Ambassador; as the place is not marked in English -maps, a plan of the district is given in this volume showing the -relative positions of Bousbecque, Comines, Wervicq, Halluin, &c. It -will be seen that Bousbecque lies on the river Lys, about two miles -from Comines. In the times with which we shall have to deal, it formed -part of the County of Flanders; it is now part of the French frontier, -and is included in the Département du Nord. - -The neighbourhood of Bousbecque has a history extending to early times, -for close to it stands Wervicq, marking with its name the Roman station -of Viroviacum; in Bousbecque itself Roman paving-stones have been dug -out on the road now known as the ‘Chemin des Oblaers;’ whence it may -be assumed that the road mentioned in the itinerary of Antoninus, as -running from Tournay to Wervicq, passed through Bousbecque. - -The depth of the river Lys, which is an affluent of the Scheldt, -exposed the neighbouring country to the attacks of the Northmen; the -hardy pirates sailed up the stream, and built their castles and forts -on the banks of the river. Their descendants became the seigneurs, or -lords, of the territories which their ancestors had won. - -A distinction must here be drawn between the seigneury of Bousbecque -and the parish (now commune) of Bousbecque. The parish of Bousbecque -contained a great many other seigneuries besides that from which it -takes its name; notably, for instance, the seigneuries of la Lys and -Rhume. The first mention of Bousbecque occurs in a deed, without -date, but necessarily between 1098 and 1113; in it Baudry, bishop of -Tournay, conveys to the Collegiate Chapter of St. Peter, at Lille, the -whole tithes of Roncq and half the tithes of Halluin and Bousbecque -(Busbeka).[13] - -In 1159, Wautier, Seigneur of Halluin, husband of Barbe daughter of -the Count of Soissons, conveys to the Abbey of St. Aubert, with the -consent of his wife and his children—Wautier, Roger, Guillaume, Alix, -and Richilde—his share of the tithes of Iwuy. The Roger here mentioned, -married Agnes de Bousbecque; hence we see the high position held at -that early date by the family of Busbecq;[14] a daughter of their house -was considered a proper partner for a nobleman of royal family, the -grandson of a Comte de Soissons. - -Adjoining the seigneury of Bousbecque lay the seigneury of la Lys, and -in 1298 both these seigneuries are found in the possession of the same -person, mention being made in the archives of Lille of ‘William de la -Lys, sire de Bousbeke, fius Monseigneur William de la Lys, ki fu sire -de Bousbeke.’ - -Thus for a time the title by which the family was known was not -Bousbecque, but la Lys. - -In December 1348, was signed the Treaty of Dunkirk, by the Earl of -Lancaster, the Earl of Suffolk, and Sir Walter Manny on the part of -England, and on the part of Flanders, by ten delegates of rank; among -their names is found that of Jehan de la Lys. - -About this time the seigneuries of la Lys and Bousbecque passed to -the house of Pontenerie; William of that name marrying Marie de la -Lys, heiress of the seigneuries, and assuming—no doubt as one of the -conditions of the contract—the name of la Lys. His children were -severally known as, Guillaume, Jeanne, and Marie de la Pontenerie, dit -de la Lys. - -Again there was a failure in the male line, and Marie, the youngest -daughter, brought the seigneuries to Bauduin de Hingettes. - -Their son, Jehan de Hingettes, married a Halluin, and dying in -1466, his daughter Adrienne de Hingettes, dit de la Lys, became -representative and heiress of the family. She married Gilles Ghiselin -I., and thus the seigneuries of la Lys and Bousbecque passed into the -possession of the noble house of Ghiselin.[15] - -On the marriage of Adrienne to Gilles Ghiselin I. the title of la Lys -was dropped, and that of Bousbecque resumed. - -Gilles Ghiselin I., Seigneur of Bousbecque, knight of Jerusalem and -Cyprus, was a man of considerable importance, and from the following -notice it would appear that he was a man of high character. In 1474 -there was a dispute between the dean and chapter of Messines[16] on the -one side, and the abbess, convent, and church on the other. It appears -that the bailiffs of the abbess had arrested a man in a house belonging -to the dean and chapter. The chapter resented this intrusion on their -rights, and the case was submitted to two men for arbitration, Gilles -Ghiselin I. and Guillaume Wyts. - - -_George Ghiselin I., great uncle of the Ambassador._ - -Gilles Ghiselin I., died in 1476, leaving six children by his wife -Adrienne; two of whom, George and Gilles, were destined to occupy a -prominent part in the history of their time. - -George, the elder, succeeded to the seigneury of Bousbecque; his -grandmother was a Halluin, and he also was married to a member of the -same house. - -It is not improbable that he owed his promotion to a high place in -the Burgundian Court to the influence of Jeanne de la Clite, dame de -Comines, the wife of Jean Halluin, Seigneur of Halluin, and the head of -that important family. - -At any rate this lady had an influence at the Court of Burgundy -which it is impossible to overestimate, and we find her husband’s -relations,[17] the Ghiselins of Bousbecque, occupying high positions -in the ducal household. - -In June 1478, Mary of Burgundy, daughter and heiress of Charles the -Bold, was married to the Archduke Maximilian, afterwards Emperor; -George Ghiselin was appointed one of his chamberlains, and a member of -his council. - -On August 7, 1479, there was a great battle at Guinegatte, between -Maximilian and the French. The latter were at first successful, their -men at-arms defeated Maximilian’s horse, and chased them off the field, -while the free-archers began plundering the baggage, and murdering the -non-combatants. But the battle had yet to be decided. Maximilian’s -army did not consist solely of horse, for there were two divisions of -Flemish pikemen on foot. To the surprise of Philippe de Comines, who -gives an account of the battle, the Flemish infantry were not shaken -by the defeat of the cavalry; the firm front which they showed was -probably owing to a custom which the Burgundians had adopted from their -English Allies. Their officers, who in this instance consisted of two -hundred of their own nobles and gentlemen, _fought on foot_. These two -divisions were severally commanded by the Count of Nassau and the -Count of Romont. As soon as a French force could be collected, it was -brought up to crush the Flemings; the Count of Nassau’s command was -hard pressed, and in spite of a gallant resistance, Maximilian’s guns -were taken, and turned on the Burgundians. At this critical moment, -the Count of Romont charged with his division, retook the guns, and -sweeping on, captured the whole of the French artillery, thirty-seven -pieces, with their camp and commissariat stores. This battle is -generally spoken of as an indecisive one, because Maximilian retired -instead of following up his success. His strategy may have been bad, -but, as to the great victory he gained, there can be no doubt. On the -Burgundian side, we have the account of Molinet, who tells us that the -French lost ten thousand men, thirty-seven guns, and their camp with -all its stores. On the French side, we have the account of Philippe -de Comines, who endeavours to represent it as a drawn battle; but he -does not disguise the effect which the news of this defeat had on his -master, Louis XI. He was with him when the tidings came, and _from -that very hour_, he tells us, _the French king determined to make -peace with Maximilian_. It was on the field of Guinegatte[18] that -George Ghiselin, Seigneur of Bousbecque, in company with nine other -gentlemen, received knighthood at the hand of Maximilian. It seems -certain that he was fighting on foot, with his retainers, in the ranks -of the Flemish pikemen. - -The scene now changes from the battle-field to the scaffold. The -Flemings, as represented by their four members—Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, -and the belt of villages known as the Francq—were anxious for peace -with France. They had also serious grievances against Maximilian (now -King of the Romans) and his ministers. They declared that the latter -had misappropriated the revenues, and the former been more grievous in -his exactions than Philippe le Bon or Charles the Bold. - -They also objected to having German troops quartered in the country. - -Early in 1488 the smouldering fires of insurrection burst into a flame. -Curiously enough, Maximilian’s treatment of a friend and relation -of the Busbecqs was the proximate cause of the outbreak. Adrien de -Vilain,[19] Seigneur of Rasenghien, had been one of the leaders of the -Gantois after the outbreak in 1485. He had subsequently retired to -Lille, with the approval of Maximilian, who had given him a pardon. -Here no doubt he felt safe in the neighbourhood of the Ghiselins of -Bousbecque and other friends; but one day he was seized by Charlot de -Menneville and a party of the Count of Nassau’s archers, who carried -him off, and imprisoned him in the castle of Villevorde. His relations -were naturally incensed at this breach of faith, and one morning, when -the warden of the castle had gone to Brussels, Vilain’s first cousin, -Adrien de Lickerke, rode into Villevorde with thirteen of his friends; -leaving the rest in the town, he proceeded to the castle with three of -his companions, and knocked at the gate. The porter at first refused -to admit them, but by dint of entreaties, backed by the offer of a -handsome reward, his scruples were at last overcome. On entering, they -asked for Adrien Vilain. The porter replied that he was no longer in -the castle; but a glance into the court-yard disproved his words, for -there was the prisoner drearily pacing up and down in his gown. De -Lickerke went up to him. ‘You have been here long enough, fair cousin,’ -quoth he, ‘come back with us.’ Vilain’s gown (the civilian dress), was -quickly exchanged for a soldier’s doublet, and a hat placed on his -head. The porter, seeing their intentions, attempted to raise an alarm, -but they hustled him against the wall, and nearly killed him. Quitting -the castle with the prisoner they joined their friends in the town, and -taking horse rode for their lives. Avoiding Brussels, they made for -Tournai, some seventy miles distant, not sparing the spur till they -were in a place of safety. - -Whether Maximilian had authorised the seizure of Vilain or not, at any -rate he was deeply annoyed at his escape. De Lickerke was now a marked -man; probably he thought that his safety lay in boldness, for he put -himself at the head of 3,000 Gantois, and one wintry night (January -9, 1488) took Courtrai[20] by surprise, making the inhabitants swear -allegiance to Philippe (Maximilian’s infant son) and the Gantois. - -The King of the Romans was at this time at Bruges, where the States -were assembled to conclude a peace with France. The Gantois had -committed themselves; it was time for the Brugeois to rise. On the -last day of January, 1488, the guild of carpenters made the first move -by seizing two of the gates of Bruges,[21] those of St. Catherine and -Ghent. Maximilian, with his officers, attendants, and body-guard lay at -the Palace (Prinssenhof), not far from the centre of the town; with him -were Pierre Lauchast, Carondelet the Chancellor, George Ghiselin, and -other faithful followers. - -It is difficult to say whether his best plan would have been to remain -quiet, or to follow the example of Philippe le Bon,[22] put himself at -the head of his guard, and fight his way out of the city. Unfortunately -for himself and his friends, he took a middle course. On February 1, -between five and six in the morning, he marched into the market-place -with his household troops. Leaving the larger portion of them there, -he proceeded with his personal attendants to the gates of Ghent and -St. Catherine, where he met with scant courtesy from the guard of -carpenters. - -Meanwhile the troops in the market-place had been standing round a huge -bonfire, and it occurred to their commanding officer that it would be -a good opportunity to put them through their drill. He gave the order -for them to execute a German[23] manœuvre, ‘Faison le limechon à la -mode d’Allemagne,’ and marched them round the square in fours. Next he -gave the order for them to bring their pikes to the charge; there was a -crowd looking on, and, imagining they were about to be attacked, they -fled in confusion and dismay. Maximilian, hearing the uproar, returned, -and led his men back to their quarters. No blood had been shed, but the -mischief had been done. - -At twelve o’clock the same day the trades of Bruges met at their -several halls, arms were served out, flags were unfurled, and columns -of citizens streamed into the market-place. There they formed a -regular encampment, planting their fifty-two banners, throwing up -entrenchments, and arming them with cannon. - -The Brugeois were now masters of the situation. On February 5, at the -request of the Gantois, they compelled Maximilian to leave his palace, -and lodged him in the famous grocer’s shop in the market-place, known -as the Cranenburg. But the king of the Romans was not the chief object -of their wrath; it was against his ministers that they vowed their -direst vengeance. A reign of terror commenced; rewards were offered -for the apprehension of Pierre Lauchast and others connected with the -treasury. Maximilian’s friends and advisers were compelled to seek -safety in concealment or in flight. - -George Ghiselin had his head tonsured, and assumed the dress of a -mendicant friar of the Augustin order. In this disguise he attempted -to leave the city. Unfortunately he was recognised at the gate, and -arrested. - -Shortly afterwards he was called up for examination before the town -judges, in company with Jehan Van Ninove, and a sergeant named -Bontemps. The court had not sat for a full hour, when the dean of the -carpenters brought a detachment of his men to the door, and threatened -to break it open. The judges, seeing that resistance was useless, -allowed them to seize the unfortunate prisoners, whom they straightway -carried off to the market-place, and there examined after their own -fashion. - -The deans of the different trades had enclosed a space for the purpose -of holding their consultations; in the middle of this enclosure stood a -rack, specially constructed for torturing victims of different sizes. -Hard by was a scaffold of unusual size, and there, waiting for his -prey, stood Maistre Charles, the executioner of Bruges. - -Jehan Van Ninove’s turn came first. He was frightfully tortured, -his legs being actually dislocated. Whilst he was being racked, -proclamation was made that he had agreed with Pierre Lauchast to bring -the troops of the guard into the town for the purpose of intimidating -the citizens of Bruges. Bontemps was then tortured, but George Ghiselin -was respited. The unfortunate prisoners had now no doubt as to what -their ultimate fate would be, and they all three asked to be executed, -and forgave those who had compassed their death. - -There was one listening on whose ears the words fell with no unwelcome -sound; Maistre Charles[24] had an eye to his fees, and determined -that there should be no delay on his part. In a trice he was on the -scaffold, getting out his swords and preparing his bandages. Then, -louder than thunder, swelled the shouting in the market-place, some -demanding their immediate execution, and some its postponement. The -latter prevailed. Maistre Charles was disappointed of his prey, and the -unhappy men were sent back to prison. - -On February 28, the leading spirits of the insurrection being absent -from the town and engaged in an attack on Middelbourg, the town judges -made a most meritorious effort to save the lives of these victims of -mob law. They called them up for sentence.[25] Maistre Charles was -again in high glee; his swords and bandages were all ready, and his -palm itching for the fees. He must have been greatly cast down when -the judges passed a merely nominal sentence on George Ghiselin and -his companions; they were to beg pardon in their shirts of the deans, -make some pilgrimages, and distribute certain sums in charity; the -only object of the sentence being to satisfy the people. There was now -a gleam of hope for the unhappy men; but, unfortunately, Middelbourg -surrendered the same day, and the ringleaders, returning in triumph, -were furious at this attempt to frustrate their vengeance. They seized -the unfortunate prisoners, and racked them again in the market-place. - -On the next day, February 29, 1488, Maistre Charles once more made his -preparations, and this time he was not disappointed. Bontemps, whose -turn came last, was pardoned by the mob, now glutted with blood, but -the rest were all executed, and amongst them died that gallant knight, -George Ghiselin, Seigneur of Bousbecque. - - -_Gilles Ghiselin II., Grandfather of the Ambassador._ - -George Ghiselin left no children, and on his death the seigneury of -Bousbecque passed to his brother Gilles. The latter appears to have -entered the public service at an earlier period than his elder brother. -Gilles won his spurs from Charles the Bold, and George from Maximilian. - -At home and at court, Gilles Ghiselin II. must necessarily have -been brought into contact with a man of world-wide fame—Philippe de -Comines,[26] the father of modern history. Living within two miles of -each other during their boyhood, and connected by marriage, they were -both at an early age introduced into the household of Charles the Bold. - -The famous Duke of Burgundy made a point of gathering[27] round him and -educating his young nobles. Philippe de Comines entered his service -when he was about seventeen years old, and it is not improbable that -Gilles Ghiselin II. joined his court at the same time. It will be -necessary here to give some account of the posts which the two young -men severally filled. In the ducal household[28] there were fifty -bread-servers, fifty cupbearers, fifty carvers, and fifty equerries, -each of whom in battle was accompanied by a swordbearer, and the whole -body was commanded by four captains. Thus the officers of Charles the -Bold’s house were formed into an organised band of picked troops. In -this body Philippe de Comines was enrolled as a cup-bearer, ‘_écuyer -échanson_,’ and Gilles Ghiselin II. as a carver, ‘_écuyer trenchant_.’ -They were both at a later date appointed chamberlains to the duke, -and members of his council; they were also both knighted by their -Sovereign, and not improbably on the same occasion. - -Philippe de Comines is supposed to have won his spurs on the occasion -of the Burgundian and French armies entering Liege, an event rendered -familiar to English readers by the pages of _Quentin Durward_. Gilles -Ghiselin II. may have received the accolade at the same time. - -In August 1472, Philippe de Comines deserted his master, and threw in -his lot with Louis XI. of France. Gilles Ghiselin remained constant -to the house of Burgundy in sunshine and in shade. He accompanied his -master in his numerous campaigns, and was with him at the fatal battle -of Nancy.[29] - -Gilles Ghiselin must have taken part in many a victory, but it is only -the disastrous defeat that is recorded by his descendant on his tomb. -That inscription must have been placed by one who valued loyalty above -success, and merit above reward. We know who caused that inscription to -be engraved; it was his grandson, Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq. - -The death of his master on the fatal field of Nancy, January 1477, -apparently marks the termination of Gilles Ghiselin’s military career. -Though he did not become Seigneur of Bousbecque till after his -brother’s death in 1488, there was probably some family arrangement -by which he resided at the château, and represented its absent -lord. During his service under Duke Charles, he must have acquired -considerable wealth, for shortly after his return to Bousbecque he -built the noble church[30] which still stands as a memorial of his -munificence. He also rebuilt, or more probably restored, the seigneur’s -château, the family residence of the Busbecqs, and there with his wife, -Agnes Gommer, he settled down to lead the life of a country gentleman. - -He was, however, too valuable a man to be left without work. In 1480, -three years after the battle of Nancy, he was appointed High Bailiff -of Ypres, ‘grand bailly de la ville, salle et châtellenie d’Ypres.’ -This important town, which formed one of the four members of Flanders, -is situated about ten miles north of Bousbecque. About six miles from -either of these places lies Messines, of which his sister Marie was -lady-abbess. The castles of Halluin and Comines were both in the hands -of his relations; while in the important town of Lille, Gilles Ghiselin -and his wife had a magnificent hotel, whither after her husband’s death -Agnes Gommer retired to end her days. It will be seen, therefore, that -Gilles Ghiselin II., the grandfather of the Ambassador, was, at this -period of his life, a man of very high position and influence. Unlike -his brother George, he did not accept any office in the household of -Maximilian. It would appear that if Gilles Ghiselin II. was a loyal -subject, he was no less a loyal Fleming, and had little taste for the -service of the German Archduke, who had been married by his Sovereign. -That this is the true reading of his story may be gathered with fair -probability from the records of Bousbecque church. It was built by -Gilles Ghiselin about 1480. In 1485 a window was presented to this -church, blazoned with the arms of Ghent and Rasenghien, by a distant -relation of the family, Adrien Vilain, Seigneur of Rasenghien, whose -story has already been told. Now in 1485 Adrien Vilain was one of -the leaders of the Gantois in opposing Maximilian. It may fairly be -inferred that his views met with some sympathy from his friend at -Bousbecque. To admit such a window into his church was not the way to -curry favour with Maximilian. - -With regard to Maximilian’s son Philippe le Beau, Gilles Ghiselin was -in a different position. He was the child not only of Maximilian, but -also of Mary of Burgundy, and the grandson of his old master Charles -the Bold. Moreover, the early education of Philippe had been entrusted -to the neighbour, connection, and doubtless intimate friend and ally of -the Busbecqs, Jeanne de la Clite,[31] of whom mention has already been -made. She probably exercised considerable influence over the selection -of the officers of the young prince’s household, and it is not -surprising to find that Gilles Ghiselin II. filled the post of _écuyer -trenchant_.[32] - -It is not probable that Philippe le Beau had like his grandfather fifty -squires to discharge the duties of this office. It is more likely that -Gilles Ghiselin II. was his sole _écuyer trenchant_, though it is -possible that he may have had one or two coadjutors. - -On attaining his eighteenth year Philippe was united to Joanna the -second daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. In its political -issues this marriage was probably the most important event of its kind -in the history of the world. Philippe was already Sovereign of the Low -Countries, as his mother’s heir; through his father he was entitled -to the reversion of the possessions of the house of Hapsburg, and had -practically a claim on the Imperial title. Joanna, on her part, was -destined to become by the death of her brother and her nephew heiress -of Spain, and to transmit not only Spain itself, but vast empires in -the western hemisphere to the descendants of this marriage. - -Of Philippe and Joanna were born two sons, Charles V., the famous -Emperor, and Ferdinand, who was born in Spain, and brought up there -by his grandfather Ferdinand of Aragon, to whom his brother resigned -Austria, Styria, and the Tyrol, and who succeeded eventually to the -Imperial title. The last of these two princes specially commands -our notice, for he it was who invited young Ogier Ghiselin into -his service, and sent him first to England, and afterwards to -Constantinople. - -In November 1501 Philippe and Joanna left the Netherlands for a visit -to Spain. The Count of Nassau was entrusted with the government of the -country, and with the care of their children whom they left behind -them. Their family then consisted of Charles, the future Emperor, and -his two sisters, Leonora[33] and Elizabeth.[34] Mechlin was appointed -as their residence, and an establishment was created for them, in which -the post of _premier écuyer trenchant_ was assigned to Gilles Ghiselin, -who had been the faithful servant of their father and their great -grandfather. - -Gilles Ghiselin did not live to see his young master and mistresses -ascend the thrones, to which they were destined; he died in 1514, full -of years and honours. - -The careers of George and Gilles Ghiselin had an important bearing on -the destinies of Ogier; his credentials to Ferdinand were the eminent -services of his grandsire and great uncle. - -Possibly the calm courage with which he faced the prospect of death -and torture at Constantinople, may have arisen in some degree from the -memory of what his ancestors had been. - -In Bousbecque church still stands the monument which marks Ogier’s -regard for the grandsire he never saw. - -To this object he devoted what was probably the first large sum he was -able to save from his salary as ambassador. - -It bears the date 1559, and the following inscription:— - - CY GIST MESSIRE GILLES CHEVALIER SEIGNEUR DE BOUSBEKE - FILZ DE FEU GILLES AUSSY CHEVALIER EN SON TEMPS S^R DUDICTE - BOUSBEKE DU HEULLEHOF ET WASTINES &C EN SON TEMPS ESCUIER - TRENCHANT A FEU DUC CHARLE DE BOURGOGNE LE SERVIT A LA - JOURNEE DE NANSY ET DEPUIS AU DICT ESTAT A TRES PUISSANT - ROY PHILIPPE DE CASTILLE ET PREMIER ESCUIER TRENCHANT A - MESSEUR LES ENFFANS DU ROY QUAND IL SE PARTIT DES PAYS - DEMBAS POUR ESPAIGNE LEQUEL TERMINA VIE PAR MORT LE XVIII^E - JO^R DU MOIS D’APVRIL ANNO XV^CXIIII ET DAME AGNIES GOMMER SA - COMPAIGNE EN SON TEMPS DAME DESPLANQUES, ET DE LE PHALESQUES - LAQUELLE TERMINA VIE PAR MORT LE SECOND JOUR DE JUILLET - XV^CXLI PROES DIEU POUR LEURS AMES. - - -_Jeanne de la Clite and her son George Halluin._ - -Hitherto the family history has been traced, but before proceeding -further, it will be necessary to describe the man to whom the -Ambassador must have owed more than to anyone else. - -This was George Halluin, son of Jeanne de la Clite, cousin of Philippe -de Comines,[35] and an intimate friend of the great Erasmus. Mention -has already been made of alliances between the Busbecqs and the -Halluins; in the map it will be seen that Bousbecque lies half way -between Halluin and Comines, being about two miles distant from either. - -Towards the end of the fourteenth century, Colard de la Clite I. -married Jeanne de Wazières, Lady of Comines, and thus became seigneur -of the place. He had two sons, (1) Jean de la Clite I.,[36] Seigneur of -Comines, guardian of Philippe de Comines; (2) Colard de la Clite II., -dit de Comines, father of Philippe de Comines. - -Jean de la Clite I. married Jeanne de Ghistelles, and had a son, Jean -de la Clite II., who was united to Jeanne d’Estouteville. - -The sole child of the pair last mentioned was Jeanne de la Clite, who -was destined to exercise so important an influence on the current of -modern history. - -It will be seen therefore that Jeanne de la Clite was the -granddaughter, and Philippe de Comines the nephew, of Jean de la Clite -I., but though the girl belonged to a younger generation, she was older -than her cousin Philippe, having been born in the Castle of Comines in -1440, while the historian was born in the same place in 1445. - -Philippe de Comines, being yet a child when his father died, was handed -over to the care of his uncle; and there is a manifest probability that -he and Jeanne were brought up together. His name is famous, she was one -of the most accomplished women of her age. As she was so much older, -it is probable that hers was the predominating influence: what that -influence was likely to be may be traced in the education she bestowed -on her son. - -Charles the Bold, as has been already stated, made his court a sort of -school for young men of noble birth; it was not likely therefore that -he would neglect the education of his only child. - -He provided for it by appointing Jeanne de la Clite as _première -gouvernante_ to the young princess. - -On three remarkable occasions in the life of Mary of Burgundy we meet -with Jeanne de la Clite; (1) when tidings came of the disastrous defeat -of Nancy, and the death of Duke Charles, the Chancellor Hugonet asked -Jeanne de la Clite[37] to break the news to her young mistress before -he himself made the official announcement; (2) when it was proposed to -marry the princess to the Dauphin of France, a sickly child of eight, -Jeanne de la Clite[38] put her veto on the project. Her interference -was not altogether approved of by the Burgundian Council, but it was -decisive; (3) Mary of Burgundy’s first-born, Philippe le Beau, was -baptised when six days old. Jean Molinet, the court chronicler, -thought it necessary to record the order in which the great nobles and -ladies went to the ceremony: of Jeanne de la Clite[39] we read that she -stopped behind to take care of her young mistress. - -After Mary’s accession to the throne, Jeanne de la Clite became her -_première dame d’honneur_; her next office was _gouvernante_ to -Philippe le Beau, who lost his mother when he was scarce five years -old. She saw her young charge grow up, and became _dame d’honneur_ to -his wife, the unfortunate Joanna of Spain, accompanying her in that -capacity to Spain in 1501. - -She had been _gouvernante_ to Mary of Burgundy, and in all probability -she was present at the birth and christening of her grandchildren, -Charles and Ferdinand, but her long connection with the royal family -was now to terminate. Of her own choice she retired to Comines, and -spent her last days in ministering to the welfare of her people. - -Her important duties had not prevented her forming domestic ties. -Early in life she was married to Jean Halluin, or Halewin, Seigneur of -Halluin, and chief of what may be termed the Halluin clan,[40] bringing -as her marriage portion the important seigneury of Comines. Five -children were the fruit of this marriage, three daughters, Wautier, who -died young, and George Halluin. - -The last succeeded to the seigneuries of Halluin and Comines, and -also to the title[41] which had been bestowed on his mother for her -eminent services. George Halluin was born in 1470, his father died in -1473, so that, from his earliest infancy, his mother must have had the -supreme direction of his education. Probably no woman was ever better -fitted for the task. It is remarkable that Philippe de Comines, who -was an excellent modern linguist, regretted deeply his ignorance of -the ancient languages, when we couple this circumstance with the fact -that his cousin and playmate, Jeanne, gave her son an education which -made him one of the first Latin scholars of his age. With regard to -his literary merits, we can produce two unimpeachable witnesses; the -one is a man whose name was for centuries familiar to the schoolboy, -Jean Despauteres, the writer of Latin grammars, the other is the great -Erasmus. - -Long before his mother had resigned her influential position at the -Court, George Halluin had grown to man’s estate. A brilliant career, -accompanied with wealth and high honours, seemed the manifest destiny -of the young Seigneur. He was a gallant knight, placed at the head, not -only of numerous vassals, but also of an important clan. His advice -was sought by his Sovereign, and his voice in the council chamber was -listened to with respect.[42] - -As a loyal gentleman he was ever ready to give his country the benefit -of his services, but of ambition he had none. The campaign over, -the crisis past, George Halluin sought once more his books and his -friends. He collected a magnificent library, he surrounded himself -with students, young and old, and became the guide and oracle of the -best scholars of his age. He took an interest not only in the pursuits -of finished scholarship, but also in the best method of instructing -beginners. He had a theory, which Erasmus thought he pushed too far, -that grammars and rules were a hindrance rather than a help, and that -the only road to a real knowledge of the Latin language lay through the -best Latin authors. - -In order to establish his views, he wrote a treatise on modern and -ancient writers, showing how many mistakes arose from the grammars -used by the former. It is curious that such a man should have been -brought into so close connection with Despauteres, the great writer -of grammars. When the latter was schoolmaster at St. Winoc, he showed -George Halluin his treatise on Versification, ‘Ars Versificatoria,’[43] -which it had cost him three years to prepare, feeling confident of his -approval. George Halluin examined it, and at once hit the blot. - -Despauteres had to a great extent followed the lines of his -predecessors, instead of mastering the authors for himself. George -Halluin’s first question was, ‘Have you read Silius Italicus?’ -Despauteres had not. ‘Read him by all means,’ said the Seigneur, ‘and -you will then see your mistakes.’ When Silius Italicus was finished, -he sent the schoolmaster Lucretius, Virgil, Manilius, Catullus, -Tibullus, Propertius, &c., all of which were new to Despauteres, with -the exception of Virgil. Despauteres read them, and rewrote his book -at the cost of three years more labour. The preface testifies his -gratitude to George Halluin. At this time Despauteres was schoolmaster -of St. Winoc, but not long afterwards he became master of the ancient -chapter school at Comines,[44] a post which he owed no doubt to the -patronage of the Seigneur. - -The following extracts from the letters of Erasmus will show what the -great leader of the Renaissance thought of George Halluin. - - -_Erasmus to George Halluin, Seigneur of Comines._ - -‘Dearest George, if I am not very much mistaken, I have a clue to the -man who quarrels with my book on Folly.[45] He is a monk, he is a dark -man, and his stomach is the biggest part of him. At first my book was -understood by few, till Listrius published notes on it; but when, -thanks to your translation, people were able to read it in French, -fellows understand it who cannot construe the Psalms they patter. - - ‘Louvain, August 29, 1517.’ - - -_Erasmus to Thomas More._ - -‘In time we shall have scholars, for there is hardly a gentleman who -is not giving his children a classical education, though there is not -in the Court circle a single well-educated man, _with the solitary -exception of George Halluin_. - - ‘Anderlecht, 1520.’ - - -_Erasmus to George Halluin, Seigneur of Comines._ - -‘I cannot tell you with what pleasure I received your letter. You have -not then forgotten your old friend Erasmus, and in spite of your rank -can condescend to write to him. - -‘You say you are not satisfied with any of the Latin grammars or -exercise books yet published, or with the Latin of modern writers. I am -not sure, my dear friend, that you would not criticise Cicero himself, -just as some have accused Virgil of solecisms, and Livy of writing dog -Latin. - -‘For my own part, I approve not of those who neglect either their -authors for their grammar, or their grammar for their authors. The -grammar rules should be few and sound; all the rest should be picked -up from reading the best authors, or in conversation with good Latin -scholars.... I should be more inclined to agree with you, if an -instance could be given of a man who had learnt to write Latin without -the aid of a grammar. I have with me here Ulrich von Hutten,[46] an -exquisite Latin scholar, of gentle birth and good breeding. I should -recommend you to discuss the subject with him. I will come to you -the day after to-morrow, health permitting, for I am still poorly, -otherwise this letter would have been in my own handwriting, instead -of being dictated. Most honoured Sir, farewell. - - ‘Louvain, June 21, 1520.’ - - -An account of George Halluin would be incomplete without a list of his -works, which are, (1) A translation into French of the [Greek: Enkômion -Môrias], written by Erasmus, and dedicated to Sir Thomas More. (2) A -treatise _De Restauratione Linguæ Latinæ_. (3) _On the Coronation of -Emperors._ (4) A work on Music. (5) A treatise against Luther. (6) -Notes on Virgil.[47] - -This list shows the wide range of his studies, and also implies no -small amount of literary toil, for George Halluin was one who loved -to polish and mature his work. As Despauteres puts it, ‘nothing would -satisfy him that fell short of perfection.’ - -Such was the man who must have exercised the greatest influence -over Busbecq’s earlier years. The latter was born in 1522. George -Halluin did not die till 1536, when Busbecq had left his home for the -University of Louvain. - -As, however, we have no direct record of the connection between George -Halluin and Busbecq, the probabilities, which in this case seem to -amount to certainty, must be set before the reader. (1) Busbecq was -born at Comines, and passed his earlier years at his father’s house, -two miles from Comines. (2) Though Jean Despauteres was dead, the -school at Comines under his pupils maintained its high reputation. -(3) George Halluin was a great patron of scholars, and had the finest -library in Flanders. (4) The Busbecq family, as has been already -shown, had made constant alliances with the Halluins; moreover, not -only were they their nearest neighbours, but they had also been brought -into close relations by the positions that George and Gilles Ghiselin -and Jeanne de la Clite had severally occupied in the Burgundian Court. -(5) Busbecq’s father was on intimate terms with George Halluin, -hawking and feasting with him (see _infra_, page 39). Taking all these -points into consideration, is it probable that Busbecq’s father, the -neighbour, relative, fellow seigneur, and intimate friend of George -Halluin, would fail to consult him as to the education of his scholar -son? Erasmus, it is to be remembered, writing of these days, says that -all the noblemen were anxious to give their sons a good education, but -that George Halluin was the only member of the Court circle who was -himself a scholar. Is it likely, therefore, that Busbecq’s father, -having such a man at his door, went elsewhere for advice? Then there is -the other side. Busbecq’s writings will show that he was formed in the -mould of George Halluin. A Latin scholar of exquisite taste and wide -reading, a student of many different subjects; in religion a reformer -within the pale of the Church, desiring comprehension and objecting -to schism; in short, a follower of George Halluin and a follower of -Erasmus. At the end of Busbecq’s fourth Turkish letter will be found a -distinct reference to the life which George Halluin led, as his _beau -idéal_ of earthly happiness. His wants are summed up thus—a quiet home, -a good garden, a few friends, and plenty of books. This was the lot -which George Halluin deliberately chose: this the life which Busbecq -would fain have led. - -The following epitaph was engraved on George Halluin’s tomb:— - - Munera qui sprevit aulæ fumosa superbæ - Pro dulci Aonidum ludo et sudore Minervæ, - Nec tamen abstinuit regum, si quando vocatus, - Conciliis, gravibus consultans publica dictis, - Nec patriæ duros sudanti Marte labores - Defuit, et neutram contempsit tempore laudem. - Qui, quos antiqua populos ditione tenebat, - Legibus instituit, fuerant ut tempora, sanctis. - Comminii genetrix, Halewini cui pater arcem - Jure dedit prisca majorum laude regendam, - Ejus habes clausos cineres hoc marmore, mentem - Pronus ei precibus commenda, siste viator, - Æternum cineres faciat qui vivere rursus. - -Of which the following is a free translation. - - He left ambition’s phantom-chase, - The glare of Court, the greed of place, - For joys that letters yield; - But yet should Halluin’s sovereign call, - He gave good counsel in the hall, - And struck a blow amongst them all - For country on the field. - At once the scholar and the knight, - He taught his people what was right— - At least the best he knew. - The Seigneur he of old Comines, - And on his scutcheon might be seen - The arms of Halluin too. - On either side of lineage high, - He ruled each ancient seigneury, - The head of Halluin’s clan. - Then, traveller, pause awhile, and pray - To Him who can revive this clay - Mid realms of everlasting day. - There’s One alone who can. - - -_George Ghiselin II., father of the Ambassador._ - -Gilles Ghiselin II. had four children, (1) Gilles Ghiselin III., who -died childless; (2) Marie Ghiselin, who appears to have accompanied -her widowed mother to Lille, and after her death to have occupied the -family mansion. It was with her, in all probability, that Busbecq was -staying when he received the summons to Vienna (see page 75); (3) Barbe -Ghiselin, married to François de Hocron, governor of Bethune; (4) -George Ghiselin II., Knight, Seigneur of Bousbecque. - -The lives of George Ghiselin I. and his brother Gilles introduce us -to the scenes of public life, the Court, the battle-field, and the -scaffold. George Halluin has given us a glimpse of the library and -the student. From the story of George Ghiselin II. may be gleaned not -less valuable knowledge of a seigneur’s life whilst living amongst -his people. It is not impossible that the influence of his friend, -relative, and near neighbour, the student Seigneur of Comines, may have -induced George Ghiselin to prefer home duties and home pleasures to the -perilous honours of a public career. At any rate, the life of Busbecq’s -father is the life of a country gentleman, interested in the welfare of -those around him, and joining in the recreations and festivities of his -neighbours. - -Comines had long been celebrated for its cloth, and George Ghiselin -II. endeavoured to establish the manufacture in his own seigneury. -Nearly two hundred years before, 1352, the inhabitants of Bousbecque -had been given a charter, entitling them to manufacture cloth. Their -right appears to have lapsed, for on June 7, 1531, George Ghiselin -II.[48] obtained from Charles V. a renewal of the privilege. It does -not appear, however, that his vassals reaped much advantage from this -right. About this time the trade of Comines began to decline, and under -these circumstances it is not surprising to find that the attempt to -revive the industry in Bousbecque proved a failure. It is interesting, -however, to notice the source from which the Ambassador acquired his -knowledge of the mysteries of the craft.[49] - -A curious document has been discovered among the archives of Lille, -which furnishes us with a striking picture of the sort of life led by -George Ghiselin II. and his brother seigneurs. It will be found in the -Appendix, under the head of _Pardon of Daniel de Croix_. From this -interesting record it appears that on a certain day in the summer of -1519, George Halluin, Seigneur of Comines, had a meeting in the broad -meadows beneath the castle, for the knightly sport of hawking. Thither -came George Ghiselin, the father of the Ambassador, from his château at -Bousbecque, bringing with him the Seigneur of Wambrechies, Daniel de -Croix, a relative of his wife’s, and thither rode other gentlemen of -the country, Jacques de le Sauch and the Seigneur of Croiselle; while -Comines was represented by its bailiff, Jehan Homme, and several other -townsmen who had fought against the French under the banner of the -Halluins. - -The noble seigneurs and the worthy clothiers passed a merry day with -hawk and hound; they had their sport in the field, and they feasted -in the castle. Their host was one whom they all respected, a gallant -knight, a safe adviser, a prince of scholars, one who could hold his -own in the field or in the council-chamber, and yet preferred his -library at Comines, and a chat with Erasmus, to the honours of a Court -and the condescensions of an Emperor. - -Between eight and nine in the evening, the festivities drew to a close. -George Halluin and the Seigneur of Croiselle, according to the official -account, retired to bed. It is pardonable to imagine that the former -may have sought his library, to add another note to his Virgil, to -have a chat about Latin grammars with Jean Despauteres, or to indite a -letter to Erasmus in the most faultless of Latin. - -Meanwhile, George Ghiselin, in company with Jehan Homme, bailiff of -Comines, Jacques de le Sauch, and Daniel de Croix, strolled towards the -market-place of the town. It happened to be a fête-day, so there was -a general holiday and merry-making. To this fête had come a minstrel -named Chariot Desrumaulx. Perhaps he may have helped to entertain -the gentlemen at the castle, at any rate he attached himself to the -party of seigneurs as they went towards the market-place. Possibly -in Provence he would have been allowed to associate with men of -rank, but the Flemish seigneurs evidently thought that the man was -taking a liberty. On the road one of them suggested that they should -adjourn to the inn of Master Francis Barbier, on the Place de Comines, -and there prolong their festivities. The proposal met with general -approval. Daniel de Croix and Jacques de le Sauch went on in front, -while the Seigneur of Bousbecque and the bailiff followed at some -little distance. When the two gentlemen first mentioned came to the -inn, Charlot Desrumaulx insisted on entering with them. De Croix, who -still had his hawk upon his wrist,[50] remonstrated with him, and told -him in plain terms that he was too drunk and quarrelsome for them to -wish for his company. The minstrel persisted in entering, whereupon de -Croix took him by the collar, and, with the assistance of de le Sauch, -expelled him from the house. Desrumaulx grew violent, and attempted -to draw his sword, but his hand was stopped by de le Sauch before he -could disengage his weapon. At this moment up came Jehan Homme, bailiff -of Comines, and George Ghiselin. The former immediately executed his -office by arresting Desrumaulx, and was on the point of consigning -him to the gaol, when the bystanders good-naturedly interfered. They -made what excuses they could for the man; ‘he was drunk and saucy now, -but if he were allowed to sleep it off, he would come to his senses in -the morning.’ Desrumaulx promised to go to bed quietly, and on this -understanding he was released. On regaining his liberty, however, -instead of going off to his lodgings, he stationed himself at the -entrance to the Place, laid down his violin, took off his coat, and in -loud insulting language challenged the best of the seigneurs to single -combat. Young Daniel de Croix, no doubt with good reason, considered -the challenge as specially addressed to himself. According to his -ideas, his reputation as a gentleman and a soldier was at stake; if he -permitted a base-born minstrel publicly to insult him, he could never -hold up his head again among his comrades at arms. Assuming, probably, -that with his superior skill he would have no difficulty in disarming -his tipsy antagonist, he threw his hawk to his man-servant, and sallied -out into the market-place. Desrumaulx, on seeing him, repeated his -insults, and drawing his sword advanced to meet him. Hereon de Croix, -unsheathing his rapier, exchanged some passes with the minstrel; the -latter’s skill proved greater than the young Seigneur had anticipated, -and he succeeded in hitting his antagonist’s shoulder. De Croix, -smarting under the blow, made a lunge at the minstrel, and ran him -through the body; his rapier entered a little below the right breast, -inflicting a wound that was almost immediately fatal. De Croix was now -in a very serious position, for not only was the man dead, but he had -died before he could be confessed and shriven, consequently the young -Seigneur had to answer for the perdition[51] of his soul, as well as -the destruction of his body! We are left to imagine the hurried council -held in the market-place by the seigneurs; how the swiftest horse was -saddled, and de Croix rode forth into the night to escape for his life. -The French frontier was not far distant, and there probably he took -refuge. When the time came for trial at Lille, de Croix did not appear, -being afraid that the justice of the court would not be tempered with -mercy. Application was made to Charles V. for a pardon; the petition -was no doubt backed up by the influence of the Halluins, Ghiselins, and -other noble houses connected with the family of de Croix. At any rate -it was successful; and de Croix received a free pardon, on condition of -his paying all legal expenses, and compensating the family of the man -he had killed. - -The scene preserved in this curious document furnishes a picture of a -seigneur’s life in the country, and conveys some idea of the tone of -the society from which Busbecq went forth to sketch the manners and -customs of the East. - -George Ghiselin II. died in 1561, leaving three legitimate children, -(1) Jean Ghiselin, Seigneur of Bousbecque, whose name[52] is found -amongst the signatures appended to a remonstrance addressed by the -Estates of Lille to Margaret of Parma, against the decrees she had -issued for enforcing the edicts of Charles V. for the suppression of -heresy. He died childless, November 1578; (2), Marguerite Jacqueline -Ghiselin, married November 28, 1565, to Jean Baptiste de Thiennes, -Seigneur of Willersies; she died March 27, 1611. (3), Agnes Ghiselin, -who succeeded her brother Jean in the seigneury of Bousbecque. She -married Jacques Yedeghem, Seigneur of Wieze, captain, governor, and -high bailiff of Termonde (Dendermonde). - -These last had a son, Charles de Yedeghem, who became Seigneur of -Bousbecque; from him, his uncle, the Ambassador, on December 18, 1587, -bought a life-interest in the seigneury.[53] - - -_Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq._ - -Besides the children born in lawful wedlock, George Ghiselin II. had, -by Catherine Hespiel,[54] an illegitimate son, who is the subject of -this memoir, Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq. The mother was an unmarried -woman, in a humble position of life, and is supposed to have been a -servant at the Bousbecque château. If this was the case, there is -nothing surprising in the fact that she was at Comines when her son was -born, in 1522; for it is hardly likely that her mistress would allow -her to remain an inmate of the Seigneur’s house. In justice to George -Ghiselin himself, it must be remembered that the standard of morality -in Flanders, with regard to such connections, was not high, as is shown -by Motley’s[55] description of a seigneur’s privileges in old times; -and also by the fact that up to a late date they retained the right -of legitimating their bastard children. At any rate, his conduct as -a father was unimpeachable; he received the little fellow into his -château, and gave him an excellent education. - -From considerations already stated, it is impossible to doubt that -Busbecq came under the influence of George Halluin. He must often have -been found in the famous library[56] of the Seigneur of Comines, with -his head buried in some weighty folio; thither, no doubt, he brought -the botanical specimens he had discovered in the woods and fields of -Bousbecque, and the Roman coins he had unearthed at Wervicq. From his -kind patron he must have heard of the great Erasmus, of Melancthon, -Thomas More, and other leaders of that age. One can picture to oneself -how Ogier may have questioned him as to Luther, and asked how it was -that he and Erasmus were so far apart, when they agreed so heartily -in detesting the greed and superstition of the monks. ‘My boy,’[57] -one can imagine George Halluin saying, ‘when your grandsire, Gilles -Ghiselin, was about to restore the Bousbecque château, he took me to -see the old place. The great hall was well-nigh perfect, and all the -windows had been closed with boards. On entering, we found it had been -made a home for the owl and the bat; the creatures flew up against me; -and as I tried to escape, I stumbled over the rubbish, and fell on the -floor, which was covered with filth. I was so disgusted that I would -fain have persuaded your grandfather to leave the old place to its -present occupants, and build a fair castle at some little distance; but -he laughed at my boyish fancy, saying it were foul scorn that he should -be ousted from the roof of his ancestors by a set of night-birds. -He called in his men, the windows were unbarred, and broad streams -of light poured into the hall. Then might you have seen owl and bat -shrinking from the bright sunbeams; thenceforth the Bousbecque hall was -no resting-place for them, for they love not to roost save where there -is perpetual darkness and night.[58] Here is my parable, Ogier; Luther -would quit our Church because of the many corruptions and abuses that -have crept in; he would leave the monks to their darkness, and build -himself a brand-new chapel after his own design. Erasmus would count -it shame to allow such night-birds to deprive him of his inheritance -in the Church. He would do what your grandsire did, open the windows -and pour in the light; that is a power against which neither monks -nor bats can stand.’ ‘But where is the light,’ says Ogier, ‘and where -are the windows?’ ‘There,’ replies the Seigneur, pointing to his -well-stored shelves, ‘there is the light of antiquity, which will chase -the night-birds from our Church. Never think, Ogier, that the Bible -is the only revelation of God; all knowledge comes from him. Seneca, -who never read a word of the Bible, can help us to the truth; and if -it be the truth, it is God’s truth, as much as if it had been uttered -by inspired lips. I will tell you a secret, boy; you remember the old -line, “Fas est et ab hoste doceri.” The drones in the monasteries have, -like other animals, that intuitive knowledge which tells them what is -fatal to their existence; so we may learn from them their vulnerable -part. Erasmus has said many hard things of them, but that is not the -chief reason of their hate. What is it then? _It is because he has sent -the world to school with Greece and Rome for its masters._[59] Just as -the owls and bats in your grandsire’s hall might have held their own -had we attacked them with sticks and stones, but shrank discomfited -before the light of day, so the monks might battle against downright -attacks, but they know that the light of antiquity must drive them -from their roosts. My ancestors have left their mark on the history -of Flanders; but I doubt whether they ever discharged a more glorious -office than that which fell to me when I undertook the translation of -the great satire which Erasmus[60] dedicated to Sir Thomas More. I -once spoke of it to my friend. He shook his head. “You have brought -me, my dearest George, into some trouble with your translation; it is -too good; it seems incredible, but the lazy crew positively understand -it. No, no, stick to your Virgil; they cannot attack me about it; and, -between ourselves, you will frighten them much more.” As he said to me, -so I say to you, my dear young friend, leave religious questions alone; -they will right themselves, if we only let in the light. - -‘And why should not you help in this work, Ogier? There are manuscripts -yet to be discovered, there are inscriptions yet to be copied, there -are coins of which no specimen has been garnered. Then there is the -great field of Nature before you; plants with rare virtues for healing -sicknesses, fruits that are good for food, flowers with sweet scents -and various hues. Why, again, should you not utilise the taste you have -for observing the habits of the animal world? Depend upon it, these -studies are intended by God for the improvement and advancement of the -human race. Let monk and sectary fight it out as they will; do you be -content to let in the light, and leave the rest to God.’ - -Such was the influence that presided over Comines during Busbecq’s -earlier years; for the ideas of George Halluin were the ideas of -Erasmus. We may be quite certain also that, under the same guide, -Busbecq was not allowed to damp his ardour and stupefy his brains with -too copious doses of Latin grammar, before he was made free of his Livy -and his Virgil. As much as possible of the works of the ancients, and -as little as possible of the cut and dried rules of the moderns—such -would be George Halluin’s advice. If any one be curious as to the -result of such a system, they have but to look at Busbecq’s Latin for -the answer. - -At the age of thirteen Busbecq became a student at Louvain, the -celebrated University of Brabant, where Erasmus once taught. Here he -spent five years, at the end of which he received a reward, which must -have been more precious to him than any of his University laurels. In -consideration of his merits as a student, and other good qualities, -Charles V. issued a Patent,[61] removing the stain from his birth, and -admitting him into the noble family of Busbecq. - -According to the fashion of the times, the young man’s education was -not completed at Louvain. He went the round of the great Universities -of Europe, studying at Paris, Bologna, and Padua; at the last he became -the pupil of the famous Baptista Egnatius, the friend and fellow-worker -of Erasmus. - -The ideas which he imbibed in the course of his education appear to be -a sort of continuation or development of those of Erasmus. There is -a striking resemblance between the views of Busbecq and those of his -contemporary, Pierre de la Ramée. These views and theories consisted in -making the results achieved by the ancients a new point of departure -for the learning of modern times.[62] In medicine, for instance, the -works of Galen and Hippocrates were to be taken for the foundation, and -all later writers ignored; on this substratum the medical science of -the future was to be built. That these ideas rested on a sound basis -there can be no doubt. Immense results, in almost every field of human -knowledge, had been achieved during the palmy days of Greece and Rome; -with the downfall of the latter a flood of barbarism had poured over -the civilised world. The human race had been struggling again towards -the light, but struggling with slow and feeble step. In Busbecq’s days -they had not nearly reached the point where Greece and Rome left off. - -Compare, for instance, the writings of Philippe de Comines, one of -the ablest men of his time, with those of Busbecq sixty years later. -The former are stamped with the ideas of the middle ages, the latter -are bright with the freshness of a modern writer. The difference is -simply enormous, and it is to be attributed to the fact that Philippe -de Comines, who was fully conscious of his loss, was ignorant of Latin, -while Busbecq had kept company, as it were, with the brightest wits -and most learned men of ancient times. - -But it must not be supposed that the men of Ramée’s school had any -idea of contenting themselves with the knowledge of the ancients; on -the contrary, they made it the starting-point for the prosecution of -further discoveries. Busbecq’s letters furnish us with an excellent -instance of the practice of these ideas. With Pliny, Galen, Vopiscus at -his fingers’ ends, he is ever seeking to verify, correct, or enlarge -the store he has received. For him all knowledge is gain, and he seeks -it in every quarter; inscriptions, coins, manuscripts; birds, beasts, -and flowers; the homes, customs, and languages of mankind; the secrets -of earth, air, and water—all alike are subjects of interest to him. One -trait marks the man. On his journeys he made it a rule, as soon as he -reached his halting-place for the night, to sally forth in search of -some discovery. Occasionally an inscription, or some of his favourite -coins, was the result; at other times it would be a strange plant, or -even a quaint story; but whatever it was, it was duly garnered. - -It seems probable that Busbecq, after the completion of his studies, -returned to Flanders, and for a few years led that quiet life with his -books and a few friends, which afterwards, amid the blaze and glare of -a court, seemed to him the perfection of human happiness. We have no -record of his life during these years, but it is easy to picture it. -Many a quiet morning spent in reading at Bousbecque, or in a corner of -the Halluin library at Comines, a chat with a chance student friend -as to the last news from the Universities, a stroll to inspect Roman -coins or pottery lately discovered at Wervicq, a search for some rare -plant, a series of observations on the habits of some animal. Nor would -his life be spent only in the country. At Lille there was the family -mansion, and his aunt Marie Ghiselin to welcome him; there he could -find a larger circle of literary friends, and ransack their libraries -for books, which might be absent from the collections at Bousbecque and -Comines. - -It may seem strange that he was so thoroughly accepted in the family, -but the explanation is not difficult. His address was singularly -winning, and at the same time he inspired every one with confidence in -his honesty;[63] he was remarkable for his tact[64] in dealing with the -prejudices of his fellow-creatures, and when it was necessary to be -firm[65] he could be firm without blustering. The qualities which made -him so successful as a diplomatist were the qualities most calculated -to endear him to his friends. The man who could ingratiate himself with -Roostem was not likely to be unpopular among his own kith and kin. - -We now come to the event which first introduced Busbecq into public -life. On July 25, 1554, in Winchester Cathedral, Mary of England gave -her hand to Philip of Spain. Among those who witnessed the ceremony was -Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq. - -It was only natural that Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V., should -send an ambassador to represent him at the marriage of his nephew -to the daughter of his unfortunate aunt, Catherine of Aragon. For -this purpose he selected a Spanish gentleman, Don Pedro Lasso de -Castilla,[66] who had been the companion of his boyhood in Spain, -and had since continued to be a member of his household. With him -Busbecq went as attaché. In the life appended to the Elzevir edition -of Busbecq’s letters, we are told that he joined the embassy on Don -Pedro’s invitation; but in a document of infinitely higher authority, -the Patent of knighthood given in the Appendix, it is distinctly stated -that the summons came from Ferdinand himself, who thus adopted into -his service the grandson of the _écuyer trenchant_ who had served his -brother, his father, and his great-grandfather. - -In order to mark the importance of the occasion, Don Pedro Lasso was -attended to England by a numerous train, many of whom were gentlemen. -Altogether there were nearly seventy persons in his suite.[67] - -The arrival of this embassy was peculiarly gratifying to Queen Mary, -and she caused Don Pedro and his staff to be received with special -honours. As they entered London, June 26, 1554, a salute was fired from -the Tower, a compliment which excited the jealousy of Noailles, the -French ambassador.[68] - -Busbecq must have had no ordinary powers as a linguist, for we have -it on the authority of his contemporary, L. Guicciardini, that there -were six languages with which he was as familiar and ready as with his -mother tongue (Flemish). These were Latin, Italian, French, Spanish, -German, and Slav; unfortunately, a knowledge of English was not amongst -the number of his accomplishments, and this may partially account for -the absence in his letters of any allusion to the manners and customs -of our country. It is much to be regretted that we have not got some -record of his visit; if he acted as secretary, as is supposed, possibly -his despatches from England may still be lying among the archives at -Vienna to gladden the heart of some future discoverer. - -Don Pedro Lasso with Busbecq and the rest of his suite, stayed in -England till October 1554. They then took leave of the Queen, and -travelled down to Dover with the intention of crossing over to the -Continent. Here they found themselves stopped. Every day French -vessels could be seen hovering off the harbour in search of a Prize. -The Ambassador found it necessary to write[69] to Queen Mary, reminding -her that he had only come to England by his master’s orders to do -honour to her nuptials, and asking her to give such instructions as -would ensure his safe departure. It is not likely that an ambassador -who was received with such high distinction made so reasonable a -request in vain, and there can therefore be little doubt, that Busbecq -and his chief were escorted to Calais by a squadron of English ships -manned with stout sailors from the Cinque Ports. - -On reaching the Netherlands, the embassy was broken up, Don Pedro -repaired to Brussels, and Busbecq went back to his friends and -relatives. It is evident that the young diplomatist had impressed his -chief with a very high idea of his ability and discretion, for a few -days after his return from England, whilst staying with his aunt Marie -Ghiselin, at Lille, he received a summons from Ferdinand to undertake -the duties of ambassador at Constantinople. He was called to a most -difficult and apparently hopeless task. - -Ferdinand of Austria, King of the Romans, and afterwards Emperor, -Sovereign of Hungary and Bohemia, was in a most critical position; it -is no exaggeration to say that he and his kingdoms lay at the mercy -of the Sultan, who might any day annihilate his forces, and take -possession of his dominions. His only hope of rescuing his subjects -from slavery lay in the skill of his ambassadors. In 1545 Gerard -Veltwick[70] (Velduvic), had been sent to represent the two brothers, -Charles V. and Ferdinand, at the Turkish court; on his return, John -Maria Malvezzi, one of his companions, had succeeded to the post. -Malvezzi was not fortunate; the Turks regarded an ambassador simply in -the light of a hostage,[71] and when Ferdinand in the autumn of 1551 -broke faith with them by taking possession of Transylvania, they threw -Malvezzi into a horrible dungeon; there the unfortunate man remained -till August 1553, when his release was procured by Francis Zay and -Antony Wranczy (Verantius) afterwards Bishop of Erlau, who came to -Constantinople as Ferdinand’s representatives. - -Malvezzi returned to Vienna broken in health by his sufferings in the -Turkish dungeon. It was not long, however, before Ferdinand ordered -him to resume his duties at Constantinople; Malvezzi did his utmost to -comply with his master’s wish; he struggled as far as Komorn and there -broke down. Ferdinand suspected him of pretending to be worse than he -really was, in order to avoid a post of the perils of which he had had -such painful experience. As Busbecq forcibly remarks, Malvezzi’s death -a few months later removed this doubt! - -Ferdinand had need of some one to succeed Malvezzi. It was not an -enviable post, and the courtiers of Vienna had no fancy for the risk of -being slowly done to death in some noisome dungeon at Constantinople, -or of returning, as the Pashas at one time intended Busbecq should -return, noseless and earless! But Ferdinand felt that it was absolutely -necessary to have a representative at the Turkish Court to assist him -in staving off the evil day. Accordingly he sent a summons to Busbecq, -and at the same time despatched a message to his late chief, Don Pedro -Lasso, asking him to use his influence with the young diplomatist, -and urge him to start at once for Vienna. It would seem as if the -post were but little coveted, when such pressure had to be applied. -Busbecq, however, needed no urging; he was a man capable of finding -intense pleasure in new scenes, new work, new discoveries, and all were -included in the prospect now opening to his eager eyes. - -It was on November 3, 1554, that Ogier received Ferdinand’s message. He -at once started for Bousbecque, and paid a last visit of love to his -father, his friends, and the home that was so dear to him. Thence he -hurried off to Brussels, where he had an interview with his old chief, -and before many hours were past he was galloping along the road to -Vienna. A comparison of dates will show how very prompt Busbecq must -have been. He received the summons on November 3, and by the eighteenth -he had reached Vienna, having paid at least two visits in the meantime, -and made his preparations for his distant journey. It was probably -at Bousbecque that he enlisted the followers who were to accompany -him in his long and perilous expedition; it is evident that they were -Flemings, sturdy fellows who knew no fear, fond of a bottle of wine, -and not averse to a practical joke.[72] There were amongst them men of -fair education,[73] who had perhaps been trained in the chapter-school -of Comines, and there was one man of eminent ability, who came from the -neighbouring town of Courtrai, William Quacquelben.[74] He acted as -physician to the party, and at first seems to have occupied a position -little differing from that of a servant; how Busbecq learnt to love and -appreciate him will be told in his own words. - -Even the journey to Vienna had dangers of its own. A system of posting -had already been established between Brussels and Vienna, so that -Busbecq could change his weary steeds at every stage; but it was -November, the days were short and the nights long, and his business -being urgent, he had to risk his neck by galloping over villainous -roads long after it was dark. - -At Vienna he was welcomed by an old friend and fellow-countryman, John -Van der Aa, who was now acting as one of Ferdinand’s privy council; -it was in a great measure owing to his strong recommendation that -Ferdinand invited Busbecq into his service. John Van der Aa had now the -pleasure of presenting the young Ambassador to Ferdinand, who received -him in a manner betokening at once kindness and confidence. - -It is not the object here to anticipate his account; how he visited his -dying predecessor Malvezzi, and all the particulars of his journey to -Constantinople, may be read in his own words. Busbecq tells his story -in his own pleasant way; this memoir is only intended to fill up the -blanks as far as possible; as to the rest, the writer will be left to -speak for himself.[75] - -Something perhaps ought to be said as to the style of his work. It -was the fashion among the students of that day to compose short -accounts of their journeys for the information and amusement of -their friends. These were generally written in Latin verse, very -much after the model of Horace’s journey to Brundisium. (Hor. _Sat._ -i. 5.) Busbecq speaks of his first Turkish letter as containing two -of these itineraries,[76] and it was originally published under the -title of _Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum_; the other three -letters, though not strictly itineraries, are written in the same -style. Probably these letters would not have been half so amusing, or -half so instructive, if Busbecq had intended them for publication; so -far was he from thinking, when he wrote them, of committing them to -print, that it was not till some twenty years later that any of them -saw the light, and then only the first was published. Neither did the -author ever sanction the publication. His countryman, L. Carrion, took -on himself the responsibility of sending the work to the press. It is -from him we learn that the letters were written to Nicolas Michault, -seigneur of Indeveldt, Busbecq’s fellow-student in Italy, and for many -years Ambassador[77] to the Court of Portugal; he also tells us that -the writer never intended to give them to the public. That Busbecq had -at any rate no hand whatever in the publication is abundantly proved by -the mistakes of Carrion, some of which have been repeated in subsequent -editions. For instance, the first letter ought to be dated September -1, 1555, whereas in all the Latin editions it is printed September 1, -1554, the internal evidence being conclusive as to the correctness of -the former date. - - -_Busbecq at the Court of Vienna._ - -The four Turkish letters supply us with a full account of the eight -years which Busbecq spent at the Court of Solyman, and it will not be -necessary to take up the thread of his story till his return to Germany -in the autumn of 1562. - -At first he was uncomfortable, and felt out of his element in the -atmosphere of a court; he hoped for a peaceful paradise after George -Halluin’s model, by the waters of the Lys, a quiet home furnished with -plenty of books, a good garden, and a few friends. - -But his services were far too highly valued by Ferdinand and his son -Maximilian to allow of his retirement. - -It was not long before a new post was found for him. Very soon after -Busbecq’s return from Constantinople, an application was made to -Maximilian, which, if it gratified his ambition, must also have -filled him with the greatest anxiety. Philip of Spain proposed to -bestow the hand of his daughter on one of Maximilian’s sons, and, -distrusting no doubt the more liberal tone which prevailed at the Court -of Vienna, coupled the proposal with the condition, that the young -Archdukes, Rodolph and Ernest, should be entrusted to his charge. -Though Maximilian acceded to his request, it was probably not without -compunction that that wise and tolerant prince committed his two -boys—the eldest of whom was only eleven years of age—into the keeping -of the royal bigot. - -The only precaution open to him lay in the appointment of the officers -of the household which was to accompany them to Spain. To Busbecq was -assigned the post of _écuyer trenchant_,[78] an appointment which met -with the warm approval of Ferdinand. - -The young Archdukes proceeded to Spain. They were handed over to the -Jesuits to be educated, and Busbecq left their service. It is easy -to understand that a man brought up in the school of Erasmus was not -likely to prove acceptable to the staff of instructors appointed -by Philip; but whatever the circumstances may have been through -which he lost his post, it is certain that he in no way fell in the -estimation of Ferdinand and Maximilian. The latter, on his coronation -as King of Hungary (September 8, 1563), bestowed on Busbecq the -honour of knighthood; the occasion was peculiarly appropriate, as the -Ambassador had by his diplomatic skill greatly mitigated the lot of the -inhabitants of that unfortunate kingdom. This distinction was confirmed -by the Emperor, who issued the Patent, dated April 3, 1564, a copy of -which will be found in the Appendix. A far greater proof, however, of -Maximilian’s esteem and confidence was received by Busbecq about this -time. Rodolph and Ernest, his two eldest sons, were being educated -by Philip’s Jesuits; but the Archdukes Matthias, Maximilian, Albert, -and Wenceslaus, were still under their father’s care, and by him -Busbecq was appointed their governor and seneschal. For several years -he was engaged in superintending the household and education of the -young Archdukes, whom, according to Howaert,[79] he had the honour of -escorting to Spain and introducing to Philip. His youthful charges had -not yet arrived at manhood, when his services were required for their -sister. - - -_Busbecq in France._ - -Maximilian’s daughter, the Archduchess Elizabeth (Isabella), had to -leave her family and her country to unite her fortunes with Charles IX. -of France, the unhappy king whose memory will be for ever associated -with the massacre of St. Bartholomew. The position she went to occupy -was as perilous as it was brilliant. Queen of France, wife of Charles -IX., daughter-in-law of Catherine de Medici, with Marguerite de Valois -(afterwards Queen of Henry of Navarre), for a sister-in-law, she had -need of the trustiest and wisest counsellor her father could supply; -and it was therefore no idle compliment to Busbecq, when he was called -from the care of her brothers to take his place at the head of her -household. He had, like his grandfather Gilles Ghiselin II., held the -post of _écuyer trenchant_ in the imperial family. He had next been -appointed governor and seneschal to the young Archdukes, and he was now -sent as seneschal, or high steward, of the Archduchess’s household when -she left parents and fatherland to share a foreign throne. - -The marriage took place by proxy, October 23, 1570, and in the -following month the Archduchess set out for France under the care of -her faithful seneschal. A reader of the life of Busbecq prefixed to the -Elzevir edition, would be led to suppose that he remained at the head -of the Queen’s household in France from that time forth. Such, however, -was not the case. Various notices by his friends Lipsius,[80] the -celebrated scholar, and de l’Ecluse, the botanist, prove beyond doubt -that he shortly afterwards returned to Vienna. At any rate he was there -in the summer of 1572 and the winter of 1573, apparently the life and -soul of the literary and scientific society of the Austrian capital. -Here he was able to keep up to some degree his connection with Turkey, -for we find that he received parcels of tulip bulbs and other rare -plants from Constantinople, of which his countryman de l’Ecluse reaped -the benefit. - -Such a life must have been nearly as much after Busbecq’s own heart -as the paradise of which he dreamed by the waters of the Lys; perhaps -he thought his troubles were over, and he would be allowed to go -peacefully to his grave after enriching the world with the fruits of a -long course of scientific study. Such, however, was not to be the case. -On May 30, 1574, Charles IX. of France ended his brief and unhappy -life. The Archduchess Elizabeth was now a widow. What her position was -may be gathered from the graphic touches in Busbecq’s letters; from -the first it was difficult, and at last—to use her own words—it became -intolerable. - -The Emperor, on hearing of his son-in-law’s death, immediately -despatched his old friend and faithful servant to comfort his daughter, -and take charge of her affairs. - -The instructions which Busbecq received were by no means simple. It -was thought probable that the new king, Henry III., would make an -offer of his hand to Elizabeth, and this alliance would, it appears, -have been acceptable to Maximilian; the widowed Queen did not care for -her brother-in-law, but was prepared to yield to her father’s wishes. -There was a possibility also of a match with Sebastian, the chivalrous -boy-king of Portugal, or, again, of her being asked to undertake the -government of the Netherlands. - -There was also the question whether if she remained a widow, she was -to live in France or return home, and whether, if she came back, she -would be allowed to bring with her her delicate little daughter. -Important above all other matters though, in the eyes of Maximilian, -was the question of her dower. The usual allowance for a widowed Queen -of France was 60,000 francs per annum, and this sum had been settled -on Elizabeth at her marriage. Busbecq was to see that this income -was properly secured, and this was no easy matter. He found from the -case of Mary Queen of Scots, that promises to pay were of little -value unless the sums were charged on part of the crown lands, and it -was only with great difficulty that he managed to effect a tolerably -satisfactory arrangement. Such was the general purport of Busbecq’s -instructions. He had also a sort of roving commission to report on -the general condition of France, and the character of her public men; -he was to chronicle passing events, and give an estimate of what the -future was likely to bring forth. Reports on these heads, with an -occasional piece of gossip, form the contents of his letters to the -Emperor Maximilian.[81] The first of this series is dated Speyer, -August 22, 1574, and the last, Wasserburg, February 8, 1576. - -After conducting his widowed mistress back to her parents, Busbecq -returned to France to take charge of her affairs. He had to collect the -revenues of her dower, which were charged on sundry lands in Berry, -Marche, and Forez, and generally to protect her interests at the court. -To this employment more important duties were afterwards united. On -the death of Maximilian, his son Rodolph succeeded to the throne. The -new Emperor was well acquainted with Busbecq, who, as has already been -mentioned, had acted as his _écuyer trenchant_ when he left his home -for Spain; and though Rodolph’s mind was to a certain extent warped -by the education he had received from the Jesuits, he nevertheless -inherited his father’s and grandfather’s appreciation of Busbecq. -Accordingly, we find him employing Busbecq as his representative at -the Court of France, and receiving letters from him containing not -only the news, but the gossip of the capital. It is generally stated -that Busbecq’s position was that of ambassador; this is doubtful, -though there is no question as to his having discharged the duties -and exercised the influence of an ambassador. There is an obvious -reason for his not having been accredited as a regular diplomatic -representative. He was a Fleming, and therefore a subject of Philip of -Spain. Even at the court of Constantinople this circumstance had proved -an obstacle in the course of his negotiations, and it was still more -likely to be a stumbling-block at the court of France. His services, -however, being too valuable to be dispensed with by the Emperor, it -would appear that the difficulty was surmounted by giving him the work -without the title—in short, he was ambassador without the credentials -of an ambassador. - -The letters of Busbecq to Rodolph, as printed in the Elzevir edition, -are fifty-three in number. The first is dated March 25, 1582; the last -was written December 8, 1585. We have in them a description of France -on the eve of a most important epoch, the wars of the League; and we -have also a most valuable account of the progress of events in the -Low Countries, in which Busbecq as a Fleming felt a strong personal -interest. - -It is not necessary to enter into the history of a period which has -been made familiar to English readers by Motley’s _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, and _United Netherlands_; but, on the other hand, it must -not be supposed that there is no additional information to be gleaned -from Busbecq’s letters by those who are already acquainted with the -works of the American historian. On the contrary, there are points -omitted by Motley which are of considerable importance; as, for -instance, Alençon’s plan for making Dunkirk the seat of his government. -Again, there are questions like that of Salceda’s conspiracy, in -which Busbecq’s evidence does not appear to have been sufficiently -considered. To those who are content to take their history at second -hand, it is useless to suggest the advisability of comparing Busbecq’s -letters with the received modern histories; to real students the -advantages are obvious. Here is a witness almost, one might say, under -cross-examination. Busbecq had to send off his despatches to his master -periodically. He could not alter or retouch them; he was obliged to -content himself with giving the news of the day, and his estimate of -its value at the time. A distinguished general has said that in his -profession it was necessary to be near the troops who were actually -engaged, in order to feel the pulse of the battle; and it is only by -reading the works of contemporary writers that we can feel the pulse of -history. - -It is not impossible that Busbecq had his own hopes and ambitions with -regard to the Netherlands. On September 15, 1578, the eldest of his -Imperial pupils, the Archduke Matthias, was appointed Governor-General -of the insurgent Provinces. It is vain now to inquire into what might -have been, but in 1578 it could not have seemed altogether impossible -that peace and happiness might be in store for the Netherlands under -the government of the son of Maximilian and grandson of Ferdinand. It -is a significant fact that Busbecq’s despatches to Rodolph prior to -March 1582 have not been allowed to see the light. Matthias left the -Netherlands in October 1581, so that Busbecq’s published correspondence -commences just six months after the departure of the Archduke. If ever -the earlier letters should be forthcoming, they will, no doubt, be -found to contain much interesting information as to this episode in the -history of the Netherlands, and this, in all probability, is the reason -they have been suppressed. - -In writing to Maximilian of William the Silent, Busbecq speaks of the -great patriot of the Netherlands in terms of the highest respect. When -writing to Rodolph some eight years later, his tone is completely -altered. It is evident that he dislikes him. This change is not -surprising if we remember the treatment which Busbecq’s pupil had in -the interval experienced at his hands. It seems evident that in this -instance Orange placed his faith in the strong battalions; he preferred -a treacherous scoundrel to an honest and capable[82] man, because the -one could bring French troops into the field, and the other had but -his own sword to offer. It would be a curious problem to consider -whether in this matter Orange was wise in his generation. What did the -Netherlands gain by substituting Alençon for Matthias? - -With regard to the religious aspect of the struggle, Busbecq’s evidence -is peculiarly valuable. He was a Netherlander, who had left his -native country before the struggle broke out. Circumstances had never -compelled him to cast in his lot with the one party or the other. - -A reference to his conversation at Prinkipo with Metrophanes[83] the -Metropolitan, shows us what Busbecq’s wishes must have been. If he -desired to see the Greek Church reunited to the Western, he must have -been anxious to preserve the latter from schism. His views were those -of Erasmus; he wished for union and he wished for reform. That Busbecq -was a deeply religious man may be gathered from his description of the -death of Quacquelben and other passages; that he was not in any way -imbued with the superstitions of his time may be seen by the fact that -he went to Constantinople accompanied not by his priest, but by his -Bible. From the circumstances of the case it is almost necessary that -the evidence with regard to a religious war should be the evidence of -partisans; hence the great authority due to the testimony of a neutral. - -The reader will be left to gather from Busbecq’s own letters an idea of -his life at Paris, and it will only be necessary to resume the story at -the point where his letters cease. - -At the end of his fifty-first despatch we find that his couriers have -difficulty in passing through the country, on account of the outbreak -of hostilities between the Guises, the King, and Henry of Navarre. - -At this point in the Elzevir edition, Busbecq’s letters come to an -end, and we should have to part company with him at the close of 1585, -if it were not for the edition by Howaert already referred to, which -fortunately preserves five more letters to Rodolph, dated from November -13, 1589 to August 27, 1590. These despatches contain interesting and -valuable information as to the state of France during the wars of the -League; among the more striking passages is an account of the siege of -Paris, and a comparison of the relative chances of Parma and Henry IV. -in the struggle that was then imminent. - -During these troublous times, Busbecq must have led an uncomfortable -life in France, with no certain resting-place, but driven hither and -thither, as the tide of battle ebbed and flowed. It is no wonder that -he sighed for the day when he should bid farewell to his dangerous -task, and enter the quiet haven he had prepared for his old age. - -In spite of his long sojourn in foreign courts, his heart still yearned -for the home of his forefathers. The château had suffered at the hands -of the insurgents, and the vassals of the seigneury were well nigh -ruined by the requisitions of the Spaniards; but its associations had a -charm for Busbecq such as no other place on earth could have. His first -step was to purchase[84] a life interest in the seigneury from his -nephew, Charles de Yedeghem. He next proceeded to restore and repair -the château, so as to make it fit for his residence. A tradition still -lingers at Bousbecque of the beautiful garden[85] which he formed, and -the lilacs, tulips, and other new plants with which he filled it. Nor -was he forgetful of the interests of his vassals. In the Mairie of -Bousbecque may still be seen the _Sauvegarde_ which Parma granted to -the inhabitants, in token of his respect for their Seigneur. A copy -of it will be found in the Appendix. Its date will recall a famous -event—the defeat of the Spanish Armada. - - -_Busbecq’s Death._ - -In the autumn of 1592, when he was seventy years old, Busbecq obtained -six months’ leave of absence from his post,[86] and set forth to -revisit the home of his youth. It does not appear that he had seen it -since the day he parted with his father, nearly forty years before; -meanwhile, the generation he knew must have well nigh passed away, and -it was, no doubt, with a melancholy pleasure that the old man set out -to take possession of his château and his seigneury. - -The country was in an unquiet state on account of the civil war which -was then raging, and Busbecq took the precaution of furnishing himself -with the passports both of the Leaguers and the Royalists. While -passing through Normandy he stopped for the night at Cailly, a small -village about nine miles from Rouen. This part of the country had in -the preceding year been the scene of a long and desperate struggle -between Parma and Navarre, and parties of armed men were prowling -about, who combined the calling of the soldier with the exploits of the -brigand. During the night one of these troops, who professed to be -fighting for the League, swept down on the little hamlet where Busbecq -was lodging, took possession of his portmanteaux, and carried him off, -telling him that they were acting under the orders of the governor of -Rouen. The old man, nothing daunted by their violence, gave them a -lecture on the ambassadorial privileges to which he was entitled, and -told them that he did not believe that any such order had been issued -by the governor of Rouen. Perhaps he frightened them, more probably -he persuaded them—at any rate, next morning they brought him back to -Cailly, and restored his baggage. - -The governor of Rouen, on hearing of the affair, apologised for the -outrage, and offered to inflict severe punishment on the offenders. -The good old man replied that he was too much occupied in making his -peace with God to think of revenging injuries. He felt he was dying. -The shock he had received in his encounter with the marauders proved -fatal. He was never to see the home for which he had so often yearned -in distant lands. He was removed from Cailly to the château of the Lady -of Maillot, near St. Germain, not far from Rouen, and there he died, -October 28, 1592. - -Even when the hand of death was upon him, his thoughts were of the -home he loved. He desired that his heart at least should be laid in -Bousbecque Church by the side of his forefathers. - -But his wish was not immediately fulfilled. All his attendants -could then do was to consign his body with due honours to a tomb in -the church of St. Germain. Six years later, when Busbecq’s former -pupil, Archduke Albert, was Governor-General of the Netherlands, -his dying wish was remembered. His heart was placed in a leaden -casket and conveyed to Bousbecque, where it was consigned to its last -resting-place amid all the pomp[87] and ceremony of a great military -funeral. - -In Bousbecque Church may still be seen the monument which the -Ambassador erected to his grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin, _écuyer -trenchant_ to three generations of the house of Burgundy, and Agnes -Gommer, his wife. Underneath that monument their remains are still -resting to-day, and in the same grave still lies their grandson’s -heart. - - - - -TURKISH LETTERS. - - - - -LETTER I. - - Introduction—Return from England—Visit to - Bousbecque—Posting to Vienna—Interview with - Ferdinand—Malvezzi’s misfortunes—Preparations for - the expedition—Impatience of Ferdinand—Komorn—Paul - Palyna—His ideas of punctuality—Meeting the Turkish - escort—Gran—A Sanjak-bey—Feats of Turkish horsemen—A - Tartar whose hair served as hat and helmet—Buda—The Pasha - of Buda—His sickness and its cause—William Quacquelben - called in—Busbecq’s fears—Janissaries—Their duties as - policemen—Their dress—Their visits to Busbecq—Turkish - guests and hard drinkers—Determined on making a night - of it—Why Turks never drink in moderation—The old - gentleman at Constantinople who gave notice to his - soul—Description of Buda-Pesth—Turkish ideas with regard - to houses—The fish in the boiling spring—Interview with - the Pasha of Buda—A dilemma—Turkish customs—Busbecq - embarks on the Danube for Belgrade—Heydons—Turkish - sailors—Belgrade—Roman coins—Defence and capture of - Belgrade—Louis of Hungary—Importance of fortresses - against Turkish inroads—Trajan’s bridge—A Servian - funeral—Servian marriage customs—Description of a - Turkish Khan—A Turkish hostel—Sleeping in a stable—How - Busbecq made himself comfortable—How the party obtained - supplies of wine—Turkish methods for measuring - time—Busbecq’s escort acknowledge the advantages - of a watch—Sophia—The Bulgarians—Dress and bonnets - of the women—Baldwin, Count of Flanders—Trajan’s - pass—Philippopolis—Adrianople—Turks fond of flowers—An - open purse necessary in Turkey—Tchourlou—Selim’s - defeat—Selimbria—Reverence of the Turks for paper—Reasons - assigned by themselves for this superstition—The - red-hot gridiron and the cock—Busbecq arrives at - Constantinople—Visits Roostem—The story of Roostem’s - fall from power—Solyman—Roxolana—Mustapha—Roostem - once a pig-driver—His services as a financier—Makes - a profit out of the vegetables and flowers from the - Sultan’s gardens—Why a Sultan is obliged to murder his - brothers—Mustapha summoned to his father’s camp—The - death sentence—The case submitted to the Mufti—The - mutes—A look from Solyman—Mustapha strangled—Mutiny in - the camp—Roostem dismissed—Mustapha’s wife and son—Visit - from Ibrahim Pasha—Trick played on the mother—Murder - of the boy—Constantinople—St. Sophia—Superstitions as - to unclean fish—The Greek and the snails—The cost of - absolution in the Greek Church—Ancient columns—Ingenuity - of a Greek architect—Wild beasts—A dancing elephant—A - camelopard—Sailing up the Bosphorus—Thoughts - suggested by the beauty of the scene—Lazarus the - Albanian—Busbecq summoned by Solyman to Amasia—Crosses - into Asia—Nicomedia—Jackals—Nicæa—Angora goats—Fat-tailed - sheep—The duck and the post-horn—Angora—Turkish tombs—The - hyena—Its knowledge of language—How to catch it—Coins and - plants—Town of Angora—Monumentum Ancyranum—Manufacture - of mohair—Fishing in the Halys—Ignorance of the - people—Sour milk—Turkish diet—Sherbet—Grapes preserved - in mustard—Dervishes—Legend of Chederle the same as that - of St. George—Amasia—Turkish incendiaries—Houses of - Amasia—Visit to Achmet Pasha—Interview with Solyman—The - Sultan’s court—Promotion among the Turks—A body of - Janissaries—Their steadiness in the ranks—The Persian - Ambassador and his presents—Ali Pasha—Dinner given to the - Persian Ambassador and his suite—Audience with Solyman - on leaving—Why the Sultan uses rouge—Departure from - Amasia—Busbecq ill—Returns to Constantinople—Schiites - and Sunnites—Busbecq leaves Constantinople—Meets a train - of Hungarian captives—One of the party dies from the - plague—Others are attacked—Providential discovery of a - remedy—Belgrade—Fertility of Hungary—Essek—Busbecq down - with the fever—Mohacz—Plots of the brigands—Busbecq - nearly caught—Interview with the Pasha of Buda—Departure - for Komorn—How one of Busbecq’s escort lost his nose and - his horse—The Sanjak-bey improves the occasion—The value - of a nose—The amount of compensation affected by the - doctrine of predestination—Return to Vienna—Busbecq looks - so ill that his friends think he is poisoned—Is regarded - with envy—Apologises for his want of style. - - -I undertook, when we parted, to give you a full account of my journey -to Constantinople, and this promise I now hope to discharge with -interest; for I will give you also an account of an expedition[88] to -Amasia, which is by far the rarer treat of the two. - -To an old friend like yourself[89] I shall write very freely, and I am -sure you will enjoy some pleasant passages which befell me on my way; -and as to the disagreeables which are inseparable from a journey so -long and so difficult, do not give them a thought, for I assure you -that, though they annoyed me at the time, that very annoyance, now they -are past and gone, only adds to my pleasure in recalling them. - -You will remember that, after my return home from England, where I -attended the marriage of King Philip and Queen Mary,[90] in the train -of Don Pedro Lasso, whom my most gracious master, Ferdinand, King of -the Romans, had deputed to represent him at the wedding, I received -from the last-mentioned Sovereign a summons to undertake this journey. - -The message reached me at Lille[91] on November 3, and without any -delay, except such as was entailed by a detour to Bousbecque for the -purpose of bidding adieu to my father and my friends, I hurried through -Tournai, and thence to Brussels. - -Here I met Don Pedro himself; and he, to use an old proverb, gave the -spur to a right willing horse, by showing me a letter he had received -from the King, in which he charged him to make me set out as soon as -possible. Accordingly, I took post-horses, and came with all speed to -Vienna. Even at this early stage my journey brought troubles of its -own, for I was quite unaccustomed to riding, and the time of year was -by no means favourable to such an expedition, involving as it did bad -weather, muddy roads, and short days. I had, therefore, to pursue my -journey long after nightfall, and to gallop over a track, which hardly -deserved the name of a road, in complete darkness, to the great danger -of my neck. - -On my arrival at Vienna I was presented to King Ferdinand by John Van -der Aa, a member of his privy council. He received me with the kindness -which invariably marks his intercourse with those of whose loyalty and -honesty he has formed a favourable opinion. He told me at great length -his hopes with regard to me, and how important it was to his interests -that I should accept the office of ambassador, and start forthwith. -He informed me he had promised the Pasha of Buda that his ambassador -should be there without fail by the beginning of December, and he was -anxious there should be no want of punctuality on the part of his -representative, lest it should furnish the Turks with a pretext for not -fulfilling the engagements which they had undertaken in consideration -of this promise. - -We were within twelve days of the date. There was barely time to make -preparations for a short journey, and I had a long one before me. - -Even from this short space I had to deduct some days for a hurried -visit to John Maria Malvezzi at Komorn, whither I went by the commands -of the King, who considered it of great importance that I should -have an interview with Malvezzi, and receive from his own lips such -information and advice as he might be able to give me with regard to -the character and disposition of the Turks, inasmuch as I myself had no -knowledge or experience of them. - -He had been for some years Ferdinand’s ambassador at the court of -Solyman, to which post he was first appointed when the Emperor Charles, -for divers weighty reasons, negotiated a truce with the Turks through -Gerard Veltwick;[92] for on that occasion he had also made a truce with -them for eight years on behalf of King Ferdinand. - -Now Malvezzi had been one of Veltwick’s companions, and on his -return he was sent back to Constantinople by Ferdinand to act as his -ambassador, in the hope that his presence at the Sultan’s court would -be of service in checking the raids of the Turks in the kingdom of -Hungary, as there would be some one on the spot to remonstrate with -Solyman with regard to the outrages committed by his officers, and -demand satisfaction. - -But it happened not long after, that an opportunity, which Ferdinand -felt he could not afford to lose, occurred for re-uniting Transylvania -to Hungary.[93] In this he was warmly supported by the Hungarians, who -looked on Transylvania as an appanage of the kingdom. Accordingly, he -came to an understanding with the widow and son of John the Voivode, -who had formerly usurped the title of King of Hungary, and recovered -Transylvania in exchange for other provinces. - -When the Turks got wind of these transactions—and, indeed, they could -not have been kept secret—Roostem, the son-in-law of Solyman and chief -of the councillors who are called Vizierial Pashas, summoned Malvezzi -to his presence, and asked him whether the news was true. He, without -the slightest hesitation, contradicted the report, and offered, -moreover, to stake his life on the result, and to submit to their worst -tortures if his statement proved incorrect. But when, on Ferdinand’s -taking possession of the whole of Transylvania, the truth became clear, -and further concealment was impossible, the Sultan was furious with -Roostem for having placed so much confidence in Malvezzi’s assurances, -and Roostem was still more enraged with Malvezzi, and often declared -that he had cheated him. Not to make too long a story, Malvezzi was -thrown into prison, his goods confiscated, and his servants sold as -slaves. In this prison he was kept in close custody for nearly two -years. Sickness attacked him, and as he was not allowed to receive any -medicines, he contracted a disease which, some time after, terminated -his life. The Turks, in such matters, have no idea of moderation; they -are excessively complaisant when they wish to show their friendship, -and excessively bitter when their anger is roused. But when their -troubles at home made them desirous of peace, and their attempt to -recover Transylvania by force of arms was unsuccessful, they were -easily induced to leave off fighting and to arrange the dispute by -negotiation. The Turkish demand was that the whole of Transylvania -should be restored; but inasmuch as his treaty with the Voivode was -the result neither of force nor fraud, Ferdinand[94] maintained that -it ought not to be set aside, and declined to evacuate Transylvania. -With a view to satisfying the Turks on these matters, he despatched to -the Sultan’s Court two ambassadors, in whose loyalty and zeal he had -the greatest confidence—Antony Wranczy (or Verantius), Bishop of Erlau, -and Francis Zay, the commander of the ships which the Hungarians call -Nassades. On their arrival Malvezzi was released from his dungeon, -and sent back to Ferdinand with despatches from Solyman. Shortly -after this, the King desired him to return to Constantinople to act -as his ambassador in ordinary when peace should have been concluded. -Accordingly he set out, but a fresh attack of the disease he had -contracted during his confinement compelled him to stop at Komorn, a -fortress which lies at the point where the river Waag joins the Danube, -and is our furthest outpost against the Turk. - -He felt that his end was drawing near, and wrote to Ferdinand, asking -him to appoint some one to take his place as ambassador. The King did -not altogether believe what Malvezzi said, nor, on the other hand, -was he disposed to think it quite without foundation. However, he was -rather inclined to suspect that his reason for avoiding the office -of ambassador was not so much the severity of his attack, as the -recollection of what he had suffered before, and the dread of what -might be in store for him in the future; at the same time, he felt -that he could not in decency compel a man who had done good service to -King and country to proceed on an errand for which he declared himself -unfit. The death of Malvezzi a few months afterwards gave ample proof -that his illness was neither an excuse nor a sham. The result of all -this was that I became Malvezzi’s successor; but inasmuch as I had -no experience in the tactics and character of the Turk, the King, as -I told you before, thought that a visit to Malvezzi would be useful, -since he could give me directions and suggestions as to the best -method of dealing with Turkish chicanery. Accordingly, I spent two -days with Malvezzi, and learnt as much as I could in so short a time -of the policy to be followed and the things to be avoided in one’s -daily transactions with the Turk Thence I returned to Vienna, and -set to work, as hard as I could, to get together what I wanted for my -journey. But there was so much business to be done, and the time was -so short, that when the day came on which I had arranged to leave, I -was not ready. The King kept pressing me to go, and I had been busy -arranging and packing since three o’clock that morning; but it was with -great difficulty that I managed to complete my preparations shortly -after dusk. The gates of Vienna, which at that hour are locked, were -unbolted, and I set out. - -The King had gone hunting that day; and when he left he told me he felt -quite sure that before he returned in the evening I should be on my -road. And so I was; but there was very little difference between the -time of his return and of my departure. - -At eleven, p.m., we reached Fiscagmund, a borough town of Hungary, four -miles[95] from Vienna, where we stopped for supper, for in our haste we -had left Vienna supperless, and then pursued our way towards Komorn. -One of the king’s instructions was that I should get hold of one Paul -Palyna at Komorn, who had great knowledge of the raids and robberies -of the Turks, and take him with me to Buda; since, if he were at hand -to prompt me, I should find it a great advantage when remonstrating -with the Pasha concerning the outrages, and demanding satisfaction -for the same. But that I should start punctually appeared to Palyna -the most unlikely thing in the world, and accordingly, when I arrived -at Komorn, he had not yet left his home, and not a soul could give me -any information as to when he was likely to arrive. I was intensely -annoyed. I despatched a report of the matter to Ferdinand, and devoted -the next day to waiting for this precious companion of mine at Komorn. -All in vain; so on the third day I crossed the river Waag, and pursued -my way towards Gran, the first fortress within the Turkish boundary -line. - -The officer in command at Komorn, John Pax, had given me an escort of -sixteen hussars, as the Hungarians call these horsemen, with orders -not to leave me until we came in sight of the Turkish outposts. The -Turkish officer in command at Gran had given me to understand that -his men would meet me midway between that town and Komorn. For three -hours, more or less, we had advanced through a flat and open country, -when four Turkish horsemen appeared in the distance; my Hungarians, -however, continued to ride with me, until at last I advised them to -retire, fearing that, if they came nearer, some troublesome breach of -the peace might ensue. When the Turks saw me coming, they rode up, and, -halting by my carriage, saluted me. In this manner we advanced a short -distance, conversing with each other, for I had a lad who acted as -interpreter. - -I was not expecting any addition to my escort, when suddenly, as we -came to a spot a little below the level of the rest of the country, I -found myself surrounded by a troop of 150 horsemen, or thereabouts. I -had never seen such a sight before, and I was delighted with the gay -colours of their shields and spears, their jewelled scimitars, their -many-coloured plumes, their turbans of the purest white, their robes of -purple and dark green, their gallant steeds and superb accoutrements. - -The officers ride up, give me a courteous welcome, congratulate me on -my arrival, and ask whether I have had a pleasant journey. I reply in -terms befitting the occasion, and so they escort me to Gran, which -consists of a fort situated on a hill, at the foot of which flows the -Danube, and a town hard by on the plain, where I take up my quarters. -The archbishop of this place stands first among the nobles of Hungary -both in rank and wealth. My lodging had more of the camp than the city. -Instead of beds there were planks covered with coarse woollen rugs; -there were no mattresses, no linen. And so my attendants had their -first taste of Turkish luxury! As for myself, I had brought my bed with -me. - -Next day the Sanjak-bey in command of the place repeatedly urged me -to visit him. This is the title which the Turks give to an officer in -command; and the name comes from the sanjak,[96] or standard, which is -carried in front of his squadron of cavalry; it consists of a lance, -on the top of which is a brass ball plated over with gold. I had no -despatches or commission for this officer, but he was so persistent -that I had to go. It turned out that all he wanted was to see me, to go -through some civilities, ask my errand, urge me to promote a peace, and -wish me a prosperous journey. On my way to his quarters I was surprised -to hear the frogs croaking, although it was December and the weather -was cold. The phenomenon was explained by the existence of some pools -formed by hot sulphur springs. - -I left Gran after a breakfast, which had to serve for a dinner as well, -as there was no resting-place between it and Buda. - -In spite of my entreaties that he would spare himself the trouble of -paying me so great an attention, the Sanjak-bey must needs escort -me with all his household, and the cavalry under his command. As the -horsemen poured out of the gates they engaged in mimic warfare, and -also performed several feats, one of which was to throw a ball on the -ground, and to carry it off on the lance’s point when at full gallop. -Among the troopers was a Tartar with long thick hair, and I was told -that he never wore any other covering on his head than that which -nature afforded, either to protect him against weather in a storm, or -arrows in a battle. When the Sanjak-bey considered that he had gone far -enough, we exchanged greetings, and he returned home, leaving an escort -to conduct me to Buda. - -As I drew near to the city I was met by a few Turks, who were by -profession cavasses. These cavasses act as officials, and execute the -orders of the Sultan and Pashas. The position of cavasse is considered -by the Turks to be one of high honour. - -I was conducted to the house of a Hungarian gentleman, where, I -declare, my luggage, carriage, and horses were better treated than -their owner. The first thing the Turks attend to is to get carriages, -horses, and luggage into safe quarters; as for human beings they think -they have done quite enough for them, if they are placed beyond the -reach of wind and weather. - -The Pasha, whose name was Touighoun (which, by the way, signifies a -stork in Turkish), sent a person to wait on me and pay me his respects, -and asked me to excuse him from giving me audience for several days, on -account of a severe illness from which he was suffering, and assured me -that he would attend to me as soon as his health permitted. - -This circumstance prevented my business from suffering at all by -Palyna’s delay, and enabled him also to escape the charge of wilful -negligence. For he used all diligence to reach me in time, and shortly -afterwards made his appearance. - -The illness of the Pasha detained me at Buda for a considerable -time. The popular belief was that he had fallen sick from chagrin on -receiving the news that a large hoard of his, which he had buried in -some corner, had been stolen. He was generally supposed to be an arrant -miser. Well, when he heard that I had with me William Quacquelben, -a man of great learning and a most skilful physician, he earnestly -desired me to send him to prescribe for his case. I made no objection -to this proposal, but my consent was like to have cost me dear; for -when the Pasha gradually got worse, and a fatal termination to his -illness seemed probable, I was in great alarm lest, if he joined his -Mahomet in Paradise, the Turks should accuse my physician of murdering -him, to the danger of my excellent friend, and my own great disgrace as -an accomplice. But, by God’s mercy, the Pasha recovered, and my anxiety -was set at rest. - -At Buda I made my first acquaintance with the Janissaries; this is -the name by which the Turks call the infantry of the royal guard. The -Turkish state has 12,000 of these troops when the corps is at its full -strength. They are scattered through every part of the empire, either -to garrison the forts against the enemy, or to protect the Christians -and Jews from the violence of the mob. There is no district with any -considerable amount of population, no borough or city, which has not a -detachment of Janissaries to protect the Christians, Jews, and other -helpless people from outrage and wrong. - -A garrison of Janissaries is always stationed in the citadel of Buda. -The dress of these men consists of a robe reaching down to the ankles, -while, to cover their heads, they employ a cowl which, by their -account, was originally a cloak sleeve,[97] part of which contains the -head, while the remainder hangs down and flaps against the neck. On -their forehead is placed a silver-gilt cone of considerable height, -studded with stones of no great value. - -These Janissaries generally came to me in pairs. When they were -admitted to my dining room they first made a bow, and then came quickly -up to me, all but running, and touched my dress or hand, as if they -intended to kiss it. After this they would thrust into my hand a -nosegay of the hyacinth or narcissus; then they would run back to the -door almost as quickly as they came, taking care not to turn their -backs, for this, according to their code, would be a serious breach -of etiquette. After reaching the door, they would stand respectfully -with their arms crossed, and their eyes bent on the ground, looking -more like monks than warriors. On receiving a few small coins (which -was what they wanted) they bowed again, thanked me in loud tones, and -went off blessing me for my kindness. To tell you the truth, if I had -not been told beforehand that they were Janissaries, I should, without -hesitation, have taken them for members of some order of Turkish -monks, or brethren of some Moslem college. Yet these are the famous -Janissaries, whose approach inspires terror everywhere. - -During my stay at Buda a good many Turks were drawn to my table by -the attractions of my wine, a luxury in which they have not many -opportunities of indulging. The effect of this enforced abstinence -is to make them so eager for drink, that they swill themselves with -it whenever they get the chance. I asked them to make a night of it, -but at last I got tired of the game, left the table, and retired to -my bedroom. On this my Turkish guests made a move to go, and great -was their grief as they reflected that they were not yet dead drunk, -and could still use their legs. Presently they sent a servant to -request that I would allow them access to my stock of wine and lend -them some silver cups. ‘With my permission,’ they said, ‘they would -like to continue their drinking bout through the night; they were not -particular where they sat; any odd corner would do for them.’ Well, I -ordered them to be furnished with as much wine as they could drink, and -also with the cups they asked for. Being thus supplied, the fellows -never left off drinking until they were one and all stretched on the -floor in the last stage of intoxication. - -To drink wine is considered a great sin among the Turks, especially in -the case of persons advanced in life: when younger people indulge in -it the offence is considered more venial. Inasmuch, however, as they -think that they will have to pay the same penalty after death whether -they drink much or little, if they taste one drop of wine they must -needs indulge in a regular debauch; their notion being that, inasmuch -as they have already incurred the penalty, appointed for such sin, -in another world, it will be an advantage to them to have their sin -out, and get dead drunk, since it will cost them as much in either -case. These are their ideas about drinking, and they have some other -notions which are still more ridiculous. I saw an old gentleman at -Constantinople who, before taking up his cup, shouted as loud as he -could. I asked my friends the reason, and they told me he was shouting -to warn his soul to stow itself away in some odd corner of his body, or -to leave it altogether, lest it should be defiled by the wine he was -about to drink, and have hereafter to answer for the offence which the -worthy man meant to indulge in. - -I shall not have time to give you a full description of the good town -of Buda, but that I may not pass it over altogether, I will give you a -sketch of such sort as is suitable for a letter, though it would not be -sufficient for a book. The town is built on the side of a hill, in a -most delightful situation, the country around being rich and fertile. -On the one side it is bordered by vine-clad hills, and on the other it -commands a view of the Danube, as it flows past its walls, with Pesth -beyond, and the broad fields on the other side of the river. Well -might this town be selected as the royal capital of Hungary. In past -times it was adorned with the magnificent palaces of the Hungarian -nobility, some of which have fallen down, while others are only kept -from falling by a liberal use of props and stays. The inmates of these -mansions are generally Turkish soldiers, who, as their daily pay is all -they have to live on, can spare nothing for the purpose of mending the -walls or patching the roofs of these vast buildings. Accordingly, they -do not take it to heart if the roof lets in rain or the wall cracks, -provided they can find a dry spot to stable their horses and make -their own bed. As to the chambers above, they think it is no concern -of theirs; so they leave the rats and mice in full enjoyment of them. -Another reason for this negligence is that it is part of the Turkish -creed to avoid display in the matter of buildings; they consider that -a man proves himself a conceited fellow, who utterly misunderstands -his position, if he aims at having a pretentious house, for he shows -thereby, according to their notion, that he expects himself and his -house to last for ever. They profess to use houses as travellers use -inns, and if their habitations protect them from robbers, give them -warmth and shade, and keep off rain, they want nothing more. Through -the whole of Turkey it would be hard to find a house, however exalted -or rich its owner may be, built with the slightest regard to elegance. -Everyone lives in a hut or cottage. The great people are fond of -fine gardens and sumptuous baths, and take care to have roomy houses -to accommodate their retinues; but in these you never see a bright -verandah, or a hall worth looking at, nor does any sign of grandeur -attract one’s attention. The Hungarians also follow the same practice, -for with the exception of Buda, and perhaps Presburg, you will scarcely -find a city in the whole of Hungary containing buildings of any -pretension whatever. For my own part, I believe that this is a very old -habit of theirs, and arises from the circumstance that the Hungarians -are a warlike nation, accustomed to camp life and expeditions far from -home, and so, when they lived in a city, they did so as men who must -shortly leave it. - -Whilst at Buda I was much struck with a spring which I saw outside -the gate on the road to Constantinople. The surface of the water was -boiling hot, but at the bottom you could see fish swimming about, so -that, if they were caught, you might expect them to come out ready -boiled! - -At length, on December 7, the Pasha was ready to receive me. I gave -him a present with a view to securing his favour, and then proceeded -to complain of the arrogance and misdeeds of the Turkish soldiers. I -demanded the restitution of the places which had been taken from us in -violation of the truce, and which he had undertaken in his letters to -restore to my master on his sending an ambassador. The Pasha replied -with complaints as heavy as mine about the losses and injuries he had -sustained at the hands of our people. As to restoring the places, he -took refuge in the following dilemma:—‘I,’ said he, ‘either did not -promise to restore these places, or I did promise to restore them. In -the former case, I am not bound to restore them; while in the latter -case, a man of your intelligence must comprehend that I made a promise -which I have neither the right nor the power to keep; for my master has -assigned me the duty of enlarging his dominion, not of diminishing it; -and I have no right to impair his estate. Remember it is _his_ interest -that is in question, not _mine_. When you see him you can ask him for -whatever you like.’ He concluded by remarking that ‘it was very wrong -of me to bother a man still weak from illness with a long discourse -about nothing.’ - -When he had delivered this decision with the air of a judge, I had -leave to go. All I gained by my interview was the conclusion of a truce -until an answer should be brought back from Solyman. - -I observed, when we were presented to the Pasha, that they kept up the -custom of the ancient Romans, who put in the word ‘feliciter’ at the -end of their speech, and used words of good omen. I noticed also that -in most cases the left-hand side was considered the more honourable. -The reason they assign for this is that the sword confers honour on -that side, for if a man stands on the right, he has in a certain sense -his sword under the hand of the man who flanks him on the left; while -the latter, of course, would have his sword free and disencumbered. - -Our business at Buda being thus concluded, in so far as we were able -to accomplish it, my companion returned to the King, while I, with my -horses, carriages, and people, embarked on some vessels which were -waiting for us, and sailed down the Danube towards Belgrade. This route -was not only safer than that by land, but also occupied less time, for -encumbered as I was with baggage, I should have been twelve days at the -very least on the road, and there would also have been danger of an -attack from Heydons—for so the Hungarians call the banditti who have -left their flocks and herds to become half soldiers, half brigands. By -the river route there was no fear of Heydons, and the passage occupied -five days. - -The vessel on board which I sailed was towed by a tug manned by -twenty-four oarsmen; the other boats were pulled along by a pair -of sweeps. With the exception of a few hours during which the -wretched galley-slaves and the crew took food and rest, we travelled -incessantly. I was much impressed on this occasion with the rashness -of the Turks, for they had no hesitation in continuing their voyage -during the night, though there was no moon and it was quite dark, amid -a gale of wind. We often, to our very great danger, encountered mills -and trunks and branches of trees projecting from the banks, so that -it frequently happened that the boat was caught by the gale and came -crashing on to the stumps and branches which lined the river side. On -such occasions it seemed to me that we were on the point of going to -pieces. Once, indeed, there was a great crash, and part of the deck -was carried away. I jumped out of bed, and begged the crew to be more -careful. Their only answer was ‘Alaure,’ that is, ‘God will help us;’ -and so I was left to get back to my bed and my nap—if I could! I will -venture to make one prophecy, and that is, that this mode of sailing -will one day bring about a disaster. - -On our voyage I saw Tolna, a Hungarian borough of some importance, -which deserves special mention for its excellent white wine and the -civility of the people. I saw also Fort Valpovar, which stands on high -ground, as well as other castles and towns; nor did I fail to notice -the points at which the Drave on the one side, and the Theiss on the -other, flow into the Danube. Belgrade itself lies at the confluence of -the Save and Danube, and at the apex of the angle where these streams -join, the old city is still standing; it is built in an antiquated -style, and fortified with numerous towers and a double wall. On two -sides it is washed by the rivers I mentioned, while on the third side, -which unites it to the land, it has a citadel of considerable strength, -placed on an eminence, consisting of several lofty towers built of -squared stone. - -In front of the city are very large suburbs, built without any regard -to order. These are inhabited by people of different nations—Turks, -Greeks, Jews, Hungarians, Dalmatians, and many more. - -Indeed, throughout the Turkish Empire the suburbs, as a rule, are -larger than the towns, and suburbs and town together give the idea of -a very considerable place. This was the first point at which I met -with ancient coins, of which, as you know, I am very fond, and I find -William Quacquelben, whom I mentioned before, a most admirable and -devoted fellow-student in this hobby of mine. - -We found several coins, on one side of which was a Roman soldier -standing between a bull and a horse, with the inscription ‘Taurunum.’ -It is a well-ascertained fact that the legions of Upper Mœsia were -quartered here. - -Twice in the days of our grandfathers great efforts were made to -take Belgrade, on the first occasion by Amurath, and on the second -by Mahomet, the captor of Constantinople. But the efforts of the -barbarians were on both occasions baffled by the gallant defence of the -Hungarians and the champions of the Cross. - -It was not till the year 1520 that Belgrade was taken. Solyman, who -had just ascended the throne, advanced against the city with powerful -forces. He found it in a weak state, the garrison not having been kept -at its proper strength, owing to the neglect of the young King Louis -and the feuds of the Hungarian nobles; consequently he made himself -master of the city without much loss. We can now see clearly that -Belgrade was the door of Hungary, and that it was not till this gate -was forced that the tide of Turkish barbarism burst into this unhappy -country. The loss of Belgrade entailed the death of Louis[98] on the -battle-field, the capture of Buda, the enthralment of Transylvania, -and the utter prostration of a flourishing realm, amid the alarm of -neighbouring kingdoms lest their turn should come next. The loss of -Belgrade ought to be a warning to the Princes of Christendom that they, -as they love their safety, should take the utmost possible care of -their forts and strongholds. For the Turks resemble in this point great -rivers swollen by the rains; if they can burst their banks in any -single place, they pour through the breach and carry destruction far -and wide. In yet more fearful fashion do the Turkish hordes, when once -they have burst the barriers in their path, carry far and wide their -unparalleled devastations. - -But we must now return to Belgrade, with full purpose to make our -way straight to Constantinople. Having procured in the city what we -thought needful for our journey by road, leaving Semendria, formerly a -stronghold of the Despots[99] of Servia, on our left, we commenced our -journey towards Nissa. When we came to high ground the Turks showed us -the snow-capped mountains of Transylvania in the distance, and they -also pointed out by means of signs the place near which some of the -piles of Trajan’s bridge may still be seen.[100] - -After crossing a river, called Morava by the natives, we took up our -lodgings in a village named Jagodin, where we had an opportunity of -seeing the funeral ceremonies of the country, which are very different -from ours. The body was laid in a chapel, with its face uncovered, and -by it was placed food in the shape of bread and meat and a cup of wine; -the wife stood by the side, and also the daughter, dressed in their -best clothes; the latter wore a head-dress of peacock’s feathers. The -last present which the wife made to her husband, after he had been -waked, was a purple cap of the kind that young ladies wear in that -country. - -Then we heard wailing and crying and complaining, as they asked the -dead man ‘What they had done that he should desert them? Had they -in any way failed in showing submission to him or in ministering to -his comfort? Why did he leave them to loneliness and misery?’ &c. -&c. The religious ceremonies were conducted by priests of the Greek -Church. I noticed in the burial-ground a great many wooden figures of -stags, fawns, &c., placed on the top of posts or poles. On inquiring -the reason, I was informed that the husbands or fathers placed these -monuments as memorials of the readiness and care with which the wives -and daughters had discharged their domestic duties. On many of the -tombs were hanging tresses of hair, which the women and girls had -placed there to show their grief for the loss of relations. We heard -also that it was the custom in these parts, when the elders had -arranged a marriage between a young man and a young woman, for the -bridegroom to seize his wife by force and carry her off. According -to their ideas, it would be highly indelicate for the girl to be a -consenting party to the arrangement. - -Not far from Jagodin we came to a little stream, which the inhabitants -call Nissus. This we kept on our right, skirting its bank until we came -to Nissa (Nisch). Some way on, we found on the bank (where the traces -of an old Roman road still remained) a little marble pillar with a -Latin inscription, but so mutilated as to be undecipherable. Nissa is -a small town of some account, to which the people of the country often -resort. - -I must now tell you something as to the inns we make use of, -for that is a subject on which you have been some time wanting -information. At Nissa I lodged in the public inn, called by the Turks -a caravanserai—the most common kind of inn in those parts. It consists -of a huge building, the length of which somewhat exceeds the breadth. -In the centre is an open space, where the camels and their baggage, as -well as the mules and waggons, have to be quartered. - -This open space is surrounded by a wall about three feet high, and -this is bonded into the outer wall surrounding the whole building. -The top of the former is level, and about four feet broad. This ledge -serves the Turks for bedroom and dining-room, and kitchen as well, -for here and there fireplaces are built into the outer wall, which I -told you encloses the whole building. So they sleep, eat, and cook on -this ledge, three feet high and four feet broad; and this is the only -distinction between their quarters and those of the camels, horses, and -other beasts of burden. - -Moreover, they have their horses haltered at the foot of the ledge, so -that their heads and necks come right over it; and as their masters -warm themselves or take their supper, the creatures stand by like so -many lackeys, and sometimes are given a crust or apple from their -master’s hand. On the ledge they also make their beds; first they -spread out the rug which they carry for that purpose behind their -saddles, on this they put a cloak, while the saddle supplies them -with a pillow. A robe, lined with skins, and reaching to the ankles -furnishes their dress by day and their blanket at night. And so when -they lie down they have no luxuries wherewith to provoke sleep to come -to them. - -In these inns there is no privacy whatever; everything is done in -public, and the only curtain to shield one from people’s eyes is such -as may be afforded by the darkness of the night. - -I was excessively disgusted with these inns, for all the Turks were -staring at us, and wondering at our ways and customs, so I always did -my best to get a lodging with some poor Christian; but their huts are -so narrow that oftentimes there was not room enough for a bed, and -so I had to sleep sometimes in a tent and sometimes in my carriage. -On certain occasions I got lodged in a Turkish hostel. These hostels -are fine convenient buildings, with separate bedrooms, and no one is -refused admittance, whether he be Christian or Jew, whether he be rich -or a beggar. The doors are open to all alike. They are made use of by -the pashas and sanjak-beys when they travel. The hospitality which I -met with in these places appeared to me worthy of a royal palace. It -is the custom to furnish food to each individual who lodges there, and -so, when supper-time came, an attendant made his appearance with a huge -wooden platter as big as a table, in the middle of which was a dish of -barley porridge and a bit of meat. Around the dish were loaves, and -sometimes a little honey in the comb. - -At first I had some delicacy in accepting it, and told the man that my -own supper was being got ready, and that he had better give what he -had brought to people who were really in want. The attendant, however, -would take no denial, expressed a hope ‘that I would not despise their -slender fare,’ told me ‘that even pashas received this dole, it was -the custom of the place, and there was plenty more for supplying the -wants of the poor. If I did not care for it myself I might leave it -for my servants.’ He thus obliged me to accept it, lest I should seem -ungracious. So I used to thank whoever brought it, and sometimes took -a mouthful or two. It was not at all bad. I can assure you that barley -porridge is a very palatable food, and it is, moreover, recommended by -Galen[101] as extremely wholesome. - -Travellers are allowed to enjoy this hospitality for three full days; -when these have expired, they must change their hostel. In these places -I found, as I have already told you, most convenient lodgings, but they -were not to be met with everywhere. - -Sometimes, if I could not get a house to lodge in, I spent the night in -a cattle shed. I used to look out for a large and roomy stable; in one -part of it there would be a regular fire-place, while the other part -was assigned to the sheep and oxen. It is the fashion, you must know, -for the sheep and the shepherd to live under the same roof. - -My plan was to screen off the part where the fire was with my tent -hangings, put my table and bed by the fire side, and there I was as -happy as a king. In the other part of the stable my servants took -their ease in plenty of good clean straw, while some fell asleep by -the bonfire which they were wont to make in an orchard or meadow hard -by, for the purpose of cooking our food. By means of the fire they -were able to withstand the cold; and, as to keeping it burning, no -vestal virgin at Rome was ever more careful than they. I dare say you -will wonder how I managed to console my people for their bad lodgings. -You will surmise that wine, the usual remedy for bad nights, is not -easily found in the heart of Turkey. This is quite true. It is not in -every district that you can get wine, and this is especially the case -in places where Christians do not live. For ofttimes, getting wearied -of Turkish insolence, they leave the neighbourhood of the high road, -and take refuge in pathless wilds, where the land is poorer, and they -themselves are safer, leaving their conquerors in possession of the -more fertile spots. When we drew near to such places, the Turks warned -us that we should find no wine there, and we then despatched a caterer -the day before under the escort of a Turk, to obtain a supply from the -neighbouring Christian districts. So my people did not lack this solace -of their hardships. To them wine supplied the place of feather beds and -bolsters, and every other comfort that induces sleep. As for myself, I -had in my carriage some flasks of excellent wine, which supplied my own -private table. - -I have now told you how I and my people provided ourselves with wine; -but we had one hardship almost worse than want of wine, and this was -the dreadful way in which our nights were broken. Sometimes, in order -to reach a good halting-place betimes, it was necessary to rise very -early, while it was still dark. On these occasions it not unfrequently -happened that our Turkish guides mistook the moonlight for the approach -of dawn, and proceeded to wake us soon after midnight in a most noisy -fashion. For the Turks, you must know, have neither hours to mark -their time, nor milestones to mark their roads. - -They have professional people, called talismans, set apart for the -service of their mosques, who use a water-glass; and when these -talismans know that morning is at hand, they utter a cry from a lofty -minaret built for that special purpose, in order to call and invite the -people to the performance of their devotions. They utter the same cry -when one quarter of the day has elapsed, at midday, again when three -quarters of the day are over, and, last of all, at sunset; each time -repeating the cry in shrill quavering tones, the effect of which is -not unpleasing, and the sound can be heard at a distance that would -astonish you. - -Thus the Turks divide their day into four portions, which are longer or -shorter according to the season. They have no method for marking time -during the night. - -But to return to my subject. Our guides, deceived by the brightness -of the moon, were wont to give the signal for striking camp when the -day was yet far distant. Up we jumped in haste, for fear of causing -any delay, or being blamed for any misadventure that might ensue. Our -baggage was got together, the bed and tents thrown into the waggon, our -horses harnessed, and we ourselves stood ready and equipped, waiting -for the signal to start. Meanwhile, our Turks had found out their -mistake, and turned into bed for another sleep. - -When we had waited some time for them in vain, I would send a message -to tell them that we were quite ready, and that the delay rested with -them. My messengers brought back word that ‘the Turks had returned to -their bedclothes, and vowed that they had been atrociously deceived -by the moon when they gave the signal for starting; it was not yet -time to set out, and we had much better all go to sleep again.’ The -consequence was that we had either to unpack everything at the cost of -considerable labour, or to spend a good part of the night shivering -in the cold. To put a stop to this annoyance, I ordered the Turks not -to trouble me again, and promised to be responsible for our being up -in good time, if they would tell me the day before, when we ought -to start, assuring them that ‘I could manage it, as I had watches -that could be trusted; they might continue their slumbers,’ I added, -‘relying on me to have the camp roused at the proper time.’ - -My Turks agreed, but were not quite comfortable about it; so at first -they would come early, and wake up my servant, bidding him go to me, -and ask what the fingers of my timepieces said. On his return he would -tell them, as best he could, what the time was, informing them that -it was nearly morning, or that the sun would not rise for some time, -as the case might be. When they had once or twice proved the truth of -his report, they trusted the watches implicitly, and expressed their -admiration at their accuracy. Thenceforward we were allowed to enjoy -our night’s rest without having it cut short by their uproar. - -On our way from Nissa to Sophia we had fair roads and good weather, -considering the season of the year. Sophia is a good-sized town, with -a considerable population both of residents and visitors. Formerly it -was the royal city of the Bulgarians; afterwards (unless I am mistaken) -it was the seat of the Despots of Servia, whilst the dynasty still -existed, and had not yet succumbed to the power of the Turk. After -quitting Sophia we travelled for several days through fruitful fields -and pleasant valleys, belonging to the Bulgarians. - -The bread we used through this part of our expedition was, for the most -part, baked under ashes. The people call these loaves ‘fugacias:’ they -are sold by the girls and women, for there are no professional bakers -in that district. When the women hear of the arrival of strangers, from -whom they may expect to earn a trifle, they knead cakes of meal and -water without any leaven, and put them under the hot ashes. When baked -they carry them round for sale at a small price, still hot from the -hearth. Other eatables are also very cheap. A sheep costs thirty-five -aspres,[102] a fowl costs one; and fifty aspres make a crown. I must -not forget to tell you of the dress of the women. Usually, their sole -garment consists of a shirt or chemise of linen, quite as coarse as -the cloth sacks are made of in our country, covered with needlework -designs, of the most absurd and childish character, in different -colours. However, they think themselves excessively fine; and when -they saw our shirts—the texture of which was excellent—they expressed -their surprise that we should be contented with plain linen instead -of having worked and coloured shirts. But nothing struck us more than -their towering head-dresses and singular bonnets—if bonnets they can -be called. They are made of straw, woven with threads; the shape is -exactly the reverse of that which is usually worn by our women in -country districts; for their bonnets fall down on the shoulders, and -are broadest at the lowest part, from which they gradually slope up -into a peak. Whereas, in Bulgaria the bonnet is narrowest at the lowest -part; above the head it rises in a coil about three-quarters of a foot; -it is open at the top, and presents a large cavity towards the sky, so -that it seems expressly made for the purpose of catching the rain and -the sun, just as ours are made for the purpose of keeping them off. - -The whole of the bonnet, from the upper to the lower rim, is ornamented -with coins and figures, bits of coloured glass, and anything else that -glitters, however rubbishy it may be. - -This kind of bonnet makes the wearer look tall, and also obliges her -to carry herself with dignity, as it is ready to tumble off at the -slightest touch. When they enter a room you might imagine it was a -Clytemnestra,[103] or Hecuba such as she was in the palmy days of Troy, -that was marching on to the stage. - -I had here an instance of the fickleness and instability of that which, -in the world’s opinion, constitutes nobility. For when, on noticing -some young women, whose persons had an air of better breeding than the -rest, I inquired whether they belonged to some high family, I was told -that they were descended from great Bulgarian princes, and, in some -cases, even from royal ancestors, but were now married to herdsmen and -shepherds. So little value is attached to high birth in the Turkish -realm. I saw also, in other places, descendants of the imperial -families of the Cantacuzeni[104] and Palæologi, whose position among -the Turks was lower than that of Dionysius at Corinth. For the Turks -do not measure even their own people by any other rule than that of -personal merit. The only exception is the house of Othman; in this -case, and in this case only, does birth confer distinction. - -It is supposed that the Bulgarians,[105] at a time when many tribes -were migrating of their own accord or under compulsion, left the -Scythian river Volga to settle here, and that they are called -Bulgarians (an equivalent for Volgarians) from that river. - -They established themselves on the Balkan range, between Sophia and -Philippopolis, in a position of great natural strength, and here they -long defied the power of the Greek Emperors. - -When Baldwin[106] the elder, Count of Flanders, gained possession of -the imperial throne, they took him prisoner in a skirmish, and put him -to death. They were not able to withstand the power of the Turks, who -conquered them, and subjected them to their heavy yoke. They use the -language of the Illyrians, as do the Servians and Rascians.[107] - -In order to descend to the level country in front of Philippopolis it -is necessary to cross the mountain by a very rough pass. This pass the -Turks call ‘Capi Dervent’[108]—that is to say, The Narrow Gate. On this -plain the traveller soon meets with the Hebrus, which rises at no great -distance in Mount Rhodope. Before we had crossed the pass I mentioned -above, we had a good view of the summit of Rhodope, which stood out -cold and clear with its snowy covering. The inhabitants, if I am not -mistaken, call the mountain Rulla. From it, as Pliny tells us, flows -the Hebrus, a fact generally known from the couplet of Ovid:— - - ‘Quâ patet umbrosum Rhodope glacialis ad Hæmum, - Et sacer amissas exigit Hebrus aquas.’ - -In this passage the poet seems to refer to the river’s want of depth -and its scant supply of water; for though a great and famous stream, -it is full of shallows. I remember, on my return, crossing the Hebrus -by a ford close to Philippopolis, in order to reach an island, where -we slept under canvas. But the river rose during the night, and we had -great difficulty next day in recrossing and regaining our road. - -There are three hills which look as if they had been torn away from the -rest of the range. On one of these Philippopolis is situated, crowning -the summit with its towers. At Philippopolis we saw rice in the marshes -growing like wheat. - -The whole plain is covered with mounds of earth, which, according to -the Turkish legends, are artificial, and mark the sites of the numerous -battles which, they declare, took place in these fields. Underneath -these barrows, they imagine, lie the victims of these struggles. - -Continuing our route, we followed pretty closely the banks of the -Hebrus, which was for some time on our right hand, and leaving the -Balkans, which ran down to the Black Sea, on our left, we at last -crossed the Hebrus by the noble bridge built by Mustapha, and arrived -at Adrianople, or, as it is called by the Turks, Endrene. The name -of the city was Oresta until Hadrian enlarged it and gave it his own -name. It is situated at the confluence of the Maritza, or Hebrus, -and two small streams, the Tundja and Arda, which at this point -alter their course and flow towards the Ægean Sea. Even this city is -of no very great extent, if only that portion is included which is -within the circuit of the ancient walls; but the extensive buildings -in the suburbs, which have been added by the Turks, make it a very -considerable place. - -After stopping one day at Adrianople, we set out to finish the last -stage of our journey to Constantinople, which is not far distant. -As we passed through these districts we were presented with large -nosegays of flowers, the narcissus, the hyacinth, and the tulipan (as -the Turks call this last). We were very much surprised to see them -blooming in midwinter, a season which does not suit flowers at all. -There is a great abundance of the narcissus and hyacinth in Greece; -their fragrance is perfectly wonderful, so much so, that, when in great -profusion, they affect the heads of those who are unaccustomed to the -scent. The tulip has little or no smell; its recommendation is the -variety and beauty of the colouring. - -The Turks are passionately fond of flowers, and though somewhat -parsimonious in other matters, they do not hesitate to give several -aspres for a choice blossom. I, too, had to pay pretty dearly for these -nosegays, although they were nominally presents, for on each occasion -I had to pull out a few aspres as my acknowledgment of the gift. A man -who visits the Turks had better make up his mind to open his purse as -soon as he crosses their frontier, and not to shut it till he quits -the country; in the interval he must sow his money broadcast, and may -thank his stars if the seed proves fruitful. But even assuming that -he gets nothing else by his expenditure, he will find that there is -no other means of counteracting the dislike and prejudice which the -Turks entertain towards the rest of the world. Money is the charm -wherewith to lull these feelings in a Turk, and there is no other way -of mollifying him. But for this method of dealing with them, these -countries would be as inaccessible to foreigners as the lands which are -condemned (according to the popular belief) to unbroken solitude on -account of excessive heat or excessive cold. - -Half way between Constantinople and Adrianople lies a little town -called Tchourlou, famous as the place where Selim was defeated by his -father, Bajazet. Selim,[109] who was only saved by the speed of his -horse Caraboulut (i.e. the dark cloud), fled to the Crimea, where his -father-in-law exercised supreme power. - -Just before we reached Selimbria, a small town lying on the coast, we -saw some well-preserved traces of an ancient earthwork and ditch, -which they say were made in the days of the later Greek emperors, and -extended from the Sea of Marmora to the Danube. - -These fortifications were intended to defend the land and property of -the people of Constantinople which lay within their defences, against -the inroads of barbarians. They tell of an old man in those days who -declared that the existence of these works did not so much protect what -was inside, as mark the surrender of the rest to the barbarians, and so -encourage them to attack, while it damped the spirit of the defenders. - -At Selimbria we stopped awhile to enjoy the view over the calm sea and -pick up shells, while the waves rolled merrily on to the shore. We were -also attracted by the sight of dolphins sporting in the waters; and, -in addition to all these sights, we enjoyed the heat of that delicious -clime. I cannot tell you how warm and mild the air is in this charming -spot. As far as Tchourlou there was a certain amount of cold, and the -wind had a touch of the North about it; but on leaving Tchourlou the -air becomes extremely mild. - -Close to Constantinople we crossed over bridges, which spanned two -lovely bays.[110] If these places were cultivated, and nature were to -receive the slightest assistance from art, I doubt whether in the whole -world anything could be found to surpass them in loveliness. But the -very ground seems to mourn its fate, and complain of the neglect of its -barbarian master. Here we feasted on most delicious fish, caught before -our eyes. - -While lodging in the hostels, which the Turks call Imaret, I happened -to notice a number of bits of paper stuck in the walls. In a fit of -curiosity I pulled them out, imagining that there must be some reason -for their being placed there. I asked my Turks what was written on the -paper, but I could not find that they contained anything which could -account for their being thus preserved. This made me all the more eager -to learn why on earth they were kept; for I had seen the same thing -done in other places. My Turks made no reply, being unwilling to answer -my question, either because they were shy of telling me that which I -should not credit, or because they did not wish to unfold so mighty a -mystery to one outside the pale of their religion. Some time later I -learned from my friends among the Turks, that great respect is paid -to a piece of paper, because there is a possibility that the name of -God may be written on it; and therefore they do not allow the smallest -scrap to lie on the ground, but pick it up and stick it quickly in some -chink or crack, that it may not be trodden on. There is no particular -fault, perhaps, to be found with all this; but let me tell you the rest. - -On the day of the last judgment, when Mahomet will summon his followers -from purgatory to heaven and eternal bliss, the only road open to them -will be over a red-hot gridiron, which they must walk across with -bare feet. A painful ordeal, methinks. Picture to yourself a cock -skipping and hopping over hot coals! Now comes the marvel. All the -paper they have preserved from being trodden on and insulted, will -appear unexpectedly, stick itself under their feet, and be of the -greatest service in protecting them from the red-hot iron. This great -boon awaits those who save paper from bad treatment. On some occasions -our guides were most indignant with my servants for using paper for -some very dirty work, and reported it to me as an outrageous offence. -I replied that they must not be surprised at such acts on the part -of my servants. What could they expect, I added, from people who are -accustomed to eat pork? - -This is a specimen of Turkish superstition. With them it is a fearful -offence for a man to sit, even unwittingly, on the Koran (which is -their Bible); in the case of a Christian the punishment is death. -Moreover, they do not allow rose-leaves to lie on the ground, because -they think that the rose sprang from the sweat of Mahomet, just as the -ancients believed that it came from the blood of Venus. But I must -leave off, or I shall tire you with these trifling matters. - -I arrived at Constantinople on January 20, and there I found the -colleagues I mentioned above, Antony Wranczy and Francis Zay. The -Sultan was away in Asia with the Turkish army, and no one was left at -Constantinople except the eunuch Ibrahim Pasha, governor of the city, -and Roostem, who had been deprived of his office. Nevertheless, we -visited the ex-chief-Vizier, showed him every courtesy, and gave him -presents to mark our esteem; for we did not forget the great influence -he once had, and his prospect of shortly regaining it. - -Now that I am speaking of Roostem, I may as well tell you how he came -to be deprived of his high office. Solyman had a son by a concubine, -who came from the Crimea, if I remember rightly. His name was Mustapha, -and at the time of which I am speaking he was young, vigorous, and -of high repute as a soldier. But Solyman had also several other -children by a Russian woman (Roxolana).[111] To the latter he was -so much attached that he placed her in the position of a wife, and -assigned her a dowry, the giving and receiving of which constitutes -a marriage amongst the Turks. In taking her as his wife, he broke -through the custom of his later predecessors on the throne, none of -whom, since the days of Bajazet the elder, had a lawful wife. For of -all the indignities which the vanquished Sultan endured, when he and -his wife fell into the hands of Tamerlane,[112] nothing seemed more -dreadful than the insults which his wife received before his eyes. His -humiliation made so deep an impression on his successors that, up to -the time of Solyman, they abstained from contracting a legal marriage -with any woman, by way of insuring themselves, under all circumstances, -against a similar misfortune. The mothers of their children were women -in the position of slaves, the idea being that, if they were insulted, -the disgrace to the Sultan would not be so great as in the case of a -lawful wife. You must not be surprised at this, for the Turks do not -consider the position of the children of concubines and mistresses -inferior to that of the offspring of wives; both have precisely the -same rights of inheritance to their father’s property. - -Thus, then, matters stood. Mustapha’s high qualities and matured years -marked him out, to the soldiers who loved, and the people who supported -him, as the successor of his father, who was now in the decline of -life. On the other hand, his step-mother, by throwing the claim of a -lawful wife into the scale, was doing her utmost to counterbalance his -personal merits and his rights as eldest son, with a view to obtaining -the throne for her own children. In this intrigue she received the -advice and assistance of Roostem, whose fortunes were inseparably -linked with hers by his marriage with a daughter she had had by -Solyman. Of all the Pashas at Solyman’s court none had such influence -and weight as Roostem; his determined character and clear-sighted -views had contributed in no small degree to his master’s fame. Perhaps -you would like to know his origin. He was once a pig-driver;[113] and -yet he is a man well worthy of his high office, were his hands not -soiled with greed. This was the only point as to which the Sultan was -dissatisfied with him; in every other respect he was the object of his -love and esteem. However, this very fault his master contrived to turn -to his advantage, by giving him the management of the privy purse and -exchequer, Solyman’s chief difficulties being on the score of finance. -In his administration of this department he neglected no gain, however -trivial, and scraped up money from the sale of the vegetables and -flowers which grew in the imperial gardens; he put up separately to -auction each prisoner’s helmet, coat-of-mail, and horse, and managed -everything else after the same fashion. - -By these means he contrived to amass large sums of money, and fill -Solyman’s treasury. In short, he placed his finances in a sound -position. His success in this department drew from a very bitter enemy -of his an expression, which will surprise you as coming from a Turk. He -declared that, even had he the power to hurt Roostem, he would not use -it against one whose industry, zeal, and care had re-established his -master’s finances. There is in the palace a special vault, where these -hoards are kept, and on it is this inscription, ‘The moneys acquired by -the care of Roostem.’ - -Well, inasmuch as Roostem was chief Vizier, and as such had the whole -of the Turkish administration in his hands, he had no difficulty, -seeing that he was the Sultan’s adviser in everything, in influencing -his master’s mind. The Turks, accordingly, are convinced that it was -by the calumnies of Roostem and the spells of Roxolana, who was in ill -repute as a practiser of witchcraft, that the Sultan was so estranged -from his son as to entertain the design of getting rid of him. A few -believe that Mustapha, being aware of the plans of Roostem and the -practices of his stepmother, determined to anticipate them, and thus -engaged in designs against his father’s throne and person. The sons of -Turkish Sultans are in the most wretched position in the world, for, -as soon as one of them succeeds his father, the rest are doomed to -certain death. The Turk can endure no rival to the throne, and, indeed, -the conduct of the Janissaries renders it impossible for the new Sultan -to spare his brothers; for if one of them survives, the Janissaries -are for ever asking largesses. If these are refused, forthwith the -cry is heard, ‘Long live the brother!’ ‘God preserve the brother!’—a -tolerably broad hint that they intend to place him on the throne. So -that the Turkish Sultans are compelled to celebrate their succession -by imbruing their hands in the blood of their nearest relatives. Now -whether the fault lay with Mustapha, who feared this fate for himself, -or with Roxolana, who endeavoured to save her children at the expense -of Mustapha, this much at any rate is certain—the suspicions of the -Sultan were excited, and the fate of his son was sealed. - -Being at war with Shah Tahmasp, King of the Persians, he had sent -Roostem against him as commander-in-chief of his armies. Just as he -was about to enter the Persian territory, Roostem suddenly halted, and -hurried off despatches to Solyman, informing him that affairs were -in a very critical state; that treason was rife everywhere; that the -soldiers had been tampered with, and cared for no one but Mustapha; -that he (the Sultan) could control the soldiers, but that the evil -was past his (Roostem’s) curing; that his presence and authority were -wanted; and he must come at once, if he wished to preserve his throne. -Solyman was seriously alarmed by these despatches. He immediately -hurried to the army, and sent a letter to summon Mustapha to his -presence, inviting him to clear himself of those crimes of which he was -suspected, and indeed openly accused, at the same time assuring him -that, if he proved innocent, no danger awaited him. Mustapha had now -to make his choice. If he obeyed the summons of his angry and offended -father, the risk was great; but if he excused himself from coming, it -would be tantamount to an admission of treason. He determined to take -the course which demanded most courage and involved most danger. - -He left Amasia, the seat of his government, and went to his father’s -camp, which lay at no great distance,[114] either trusting in his -innocence, or feeling confident that no evil would happen to him in the -presence of the army. However that may be, he fell into a trap from -which there was no escape. - -Solyman had brought with him his son’s death doom, which he had -prepared before leaving home. With a view to satisfying religious -scruples, he had previously consulted his mufti. This is the name given -to the chief priest among the Turks, and answers to our Pope of Rome. -In order to get an impartial answer from the mufti, he put the case -before him as follows:—He told him that there was at Constantinople a -merchant of good position, who, when about to leave home for some time, -placed over his property and household a slave to whom he had shown the -greatest favour, and entrusted his wife and children to his loyalty. -No sooner was the master gone than this slave began to embezzle his -master’s property, and plot against the lives of his wife and children; -nay, more, had attempted to compass his master’s destruction. The -question which he (Solyman) wished the mufti to answer was this: What -sentence could be lawfully pronounced against this slave? The mufti -answered that in his judgment he deserved to be tortured to death. -Now, whether this was the mufti’s own opinion, or whether it was -pronounced at the instigation of Roostem or Roxolana, there is no doubt -that it greatly influenced Solyman, who was already minded to order -the execution of his son; for he considered that the latter’s offence -against himself was quite as great as that of the slave against his -master, in the case he had put before the mufti. - -There was great uneasiness among the soldiers, when Mustapha arrived -in the camp. He was brought to his father’s tent, and there everything -betokened peace. There was not a soldier on guard, no aide-de-camp, no -policeman, nothing that could possibly alarm him and make him suspect -treachery. But there were in the tent certain mutes—a favourite kind -of servant among the Turks—strong and sturdy fellows, who had been -appointed as his executioners. As soon as he entered the inner tent, -they threw themselves upon him, and endeavoured to put the fatal noose -around his neck. Mustapha, being a man of considerable strength, made -a stout defence, and fought—not only for his life, but also for the -throne; there being no doubt that if he escaped from his executioners, -and threw himself among the Janissaries, the news of this outrage on -their beloved prince would cause such pity and indignation, that they -would not only protect him, but also proclaim him Sultan. Solyman felt -how critical the matter was, being only separated by the linen hangings -of his tent from the stage, on which this tragedy was being enacted. -When he found that there was an unexpected delay in the execution of -his scheme, he thrust out his head from the chamber of his tent, and -glared on the mutes with fierce and threatening eyes; at the same -time, with signs full of hideous meaning, he sternly rebuked their -slackness. Hereon the mutes, gaining fresh strength from the terror he -inspired, threw Mustapha down, got the bowstring round his neck, and -strangled him. Shortly afterwards they laid his body on a rug in front -of the tent, that the Janissaries might see the man they had desired as -their Sultan. When this was noised through the camp, the whole army was -filled with pity and grief; nor did one of them fail to come and gaze -on that sad sight. Foremost of all were the Janissaries, so astounded -and indignant that, had there been anyone to lead them, they would have -flinched from nothing. But they saw their chosen leader lying lifeless -on the ground. The only course left to them was to bear patiently that -which could not be cured. So, sadly and silently, with many a tear, -they retired to their tents, where they were at liberty to indulge -their grief at the unhappy end of their young favourite. First they -declared that Solyman was a dotard and a madman. They then expressed -their abhorrence of the cruel treachery of the stepmother (Roxolana), -and the wickedness of Roostem, who, between them, had extinguished -the brightest light of the house of Othman. Thus they passed that day -fasting, nor did they even touch water; indeed, there were some of them -who remained without food for a still longer time. - -For several days there was a general mourning throughout the camp, -and there seemed no prospect of any abatement of the soldiers’ -sorrow, unless Roostem were removed from office. This step Solyman -accordingly took, at the suggestion (as it is generally believed) of -Roostem himself. He dismissed him from office, and sent him back to -Constantinople in disgrace. - -His post was filled by Achmet Pasha, who is more distinguished for -courage than for judgment. When Roostem had been chief Vizier he -had been second. This change soothed and calmed the spirits of the -soldiers. With the credulity natural to the lower orders, they were -easily induced to believe that Solyman had discovered Roostem’s -machinations and his wife’s sorceries, and was coming to his senses -now that it was all too late, and that this was the cause of Roostem’s -fall. Indeed, they were persuaded that he would not even spare his -wife, when he returned to Constantinople. Moreover, the men themselves -met Roostem at Constantinople, apparently overwhelmed with grief and -without the slightest hope of recovering his position. - -Meanwhile, Roxolana, not contented with removing Mustapha from her -path, was compassing the death of the only son he had left, who was -still a child; for she did not consider that she and her children were -free from danger, so long as his offspring survived. Some pretext, -however, she thought necessary, in order to furnish a reason for the -murder, but this was not hard to find. Information is brought to -Solyman that, whenever his grandson appeared in public, the boys of -Ghemlik[115]—where he was being educated—shouted out, ‘God save the -Prince, and may he long survive his father;’ and that the meaning of -these cries was to point him out as his grandsire’s future successor, -and his father’s avenger. Moreover, he was bidden to remember that the -Janissaries would be sure to support the son of Mustapha, so that the -father’s death had in no way secured the peace of the throne and realm; -that nothing ought to be preferred to the interests of religion, not -even the lives of our children; that the whole Mussulman religion (as -they call it, meaning ‘the best religion’) depended on the safety of -the throne and the rule of the house of Othman; and that, if the family -were to fall, the foundations of the faith would be overthrown; that -nothing would so surely lead to the downfall of the house as disunion -among its members; for the sake, therefore, of the family, the empire, -and religion itself, a stop must be put to domestic feuds; no price -could be too great for the accomplishment of such an end, even though -a father’s hands had to be dipped in his children’s blood; nay, the -sacrifice of one’s children’s lives was not to be esteemed of any great -account, if the safety of the faith was thereby assured. There was -still less reason, they added, for compunction in this case, inasmuch -as the boy, as Mustapha’s son, was already a participator in his -father’s guilt, and there could be no doubt that he would shortly place -himself at the head of his father’s partisans. - -Solyman was easily induced by these arguments to sign the death-warrant -of his grandson. He commissioned Ibrahim Pasha to go to Ghemlik with -all speed, and put the innocent child to death. - -On arriving at Ghemlik, Ibrahim took special care to conceal his errand -from the lad’s mother, for that she should be allowed to know of her -son’s execution, and almost see it with her eyes, would have seemed -too barbarous. Besides, his object, if it got wind, might provoke an -insurrection, and so his plans be frustrated. - -By the following artifice he threw her off her guard. He pretended -he was sent by Solyman to visit her and her son; he said his master -had found out, when too late, that he had made a terrible mistake in -putting Mustapha to death, and intended, by his affection for the son, -to atone for his injustice to the father. - -Many stories of this kind he told, in order to gain credence with the -fond mother, whose fears had, at that time, been to a great extent -dispelled by the news of Roostem’s fall. After thus flattering her -hopes, he presented her with a few trifling gifts. - -A couple of days later he threw in a word about the confined atmosphere -of the city, and the desirability of change of air, and so obtained her -consent to their setting out next day for a seat near the city. She -herself was to go in a carriage, and her son to ride in front of the -carriage on horseback. There was nothing in these arrangements that -could excite suspicion, and so she agreed. A carriage was got ready, -the axle-tree of which was so put together as to ensure its breaking -when they came to a certain rough place, which they needs must cross. -Accordingly, the mother entered the carriage, and set forth, poor -woman, on her journey into the country. The eunuch rode well in front -with the lad, as if to take the opportunity for a chat; the mother -followed with what speed she might. When they reached the rough ground -I told you of, the wheel struck violently against the stones, and -the axle broke. The mother, whom this accident filled with the worst -forebodings, was in the greatest alarm, and could not be kept from -leaving the carriage, and following her son on foot, attended only by a -few of her women. But the eunuch had already reached his destination. -As soon as he had crossed the threshold of the house which was to be -the scene of the murder, he uttered the sentence of death: ‘The order -of the Sultan is that you must die.’ The boy, they say, made answer -like a true Turk, that he received the decree, not as the order of the -Sultan, but the command of God; and, with these words on his lips, -suffered the fatal noose to be placed round his neck. And so—young, -innocent, and full of promise—the little fellow was strangled. When -the deed was done the eunuch slipped out by a back door, and fled for -his life. Presently came the mother. She had already guessed what had -taken place. She knocked at the door. When all was over, they let her -in. There lay her son before her eyes, his body still warm with life, -the pulses throbbing, the breath hardly departed from him. But we had -better draw a veil over the sad scene. What a mother’s feelings must -have been to see her son thus entrapped and murdered, it were easier to -imagine than describe. - -She was then compelled to return to Ghemlik. She came into the city -with her hair dishevelled and her robe rent, filling the air with her -shrieks and moanings. The women of Ghemlik, high and low, gathered -round her; and when they heard of the fearful deed that had been -perpetrated, like frenzied Bacchantes they rushed out of the gates. -‘Where’s the eunuch? Where’s the eunuch?’ is their cry. And woe to -him had he fallen into their hands. But he, knowing what impended, -and fearing to be torn in pieces by the furious women, like a second -Orpheus,[116] lost no time in making his escape. - -But I must now return to my subject. A messenger was despatched to -Solyman, with a letter announcing my arrival. During the interval, -while we were waiting for his answer, I had an opportunity of seeing -Constantinople at my leisure. My chief wish was to visit the Church of -St. Sophia; to which, however, I only obtained admission as a special -favour, as the Turks think that their temples are profaned by the -entrance of a Christian. It is a grand and massive building, well worth -visiting. There is a huge central cupola, or dome, lighted only from a -circular opening at the top. Almost all the Turkish mosques are built -after the pattern of St. Sophia. Some say it was formerly much bigger, -and that there were several buildings in connection with it, covering -a great extent of ground, which were pulled down many years ago, the -shrine in the middle of the church alone being left standing. - -As regards the position of the city, it is one which nature herself -seems to have designed for the mistress of the world. It stands -in Europe, Asia is close in front, with Egypt and Africa on its -right; and though these last are not, in point of distance, close to -Constantinople, yet, practically, the communication by sea links them -to the city. On the left, are the Black Sea and the Sea of Azoff. Many -nations live all round the coasts of these seas, and many rivers pour -into them; so that, through the length and breadth of these countries, -which border on the Black Sea, there is nothing grown for man’s use, -which cannot, with the greatest ease, be brought to Constantinople -by water. On one side the city is washed by the Sea of Marmora, on -the other the creek forms a harbour which, from its shape, is called -by Strabo ‘the Golden Horn.’ On the third side it is united to the -mainland, so that its position may be described as a peninsula or -promontory formed by a ridge running out between the sea on one side, -and the frith on the other. Thus from the centre of Constantinople -there is a most exquisite view over the sea, and of Mount Olympus in -Asia, white with perpetual snow. The sea is perfectly crowded with -shoals of fish making their way, after the manner of their kind, from -the Sea of Azoff and the Black Sea through the Bosphorus and the Sea -of Marmora into the Ægean and Mediterranean, or again returning to the -Black Sea. The shoals are so big, and so closely packed, that sometimes -fish can be caught with the hand. Mackerel, tunnies, bigheads, bream, -and sword-fish are to be had in abundance. The fishermen are, for the -most part, Greeks, as they take to this occupation more readily than -the Turks, although the latter do not despise fish when brought to -table, provided they are of the kinds which they consider clean; as for -the rest, they would as lief take a dose of poison as touch them. I -should tell you, by the way, that a Turk would sooner have his tongue -or teeth torn out, than taste anything which he considers unclean, as, -for instance, a frog, a snail, or a tortoise. The Greeks are subject -to the same superstition. I had engaged a lad of the Greek Church as -purveyor for my people. His fellow-servants had never been able to -induce him to eat snails; at last they set a dish of them before him, -cooked and seasoned in such a way that he fancied it was some kind -of fish, and helped himself to it most liberally. But when the other -servants, laughing and giggling, produced the snail shells, and showed -him that he had been taken in, his distress was such as to baffle all -description. He rushed to his chamber, where there was no end to his -tears, misery, and sickness. He declared that it would cost him two -months’ wages, at the least, to obtain absolution for his sin; it being -the custom of Greek priests to charge those who come for confession a -price varying with the nature and extent of the offence, and to refuse -absolution to those who do not comply with their demand. - -At the end of the promontory I mentioned, stands the palace of the -Turkish Sultan, which, as far as I can see—for I have not yet been -admitted within its walls—has no grandeur of design or architectural -details to make it worth a visit. Below the palace, on lower ground -near the shore, lie the Sultan’s gardens fringing the sea. This is -the quarter where people think that old Byzantium stood. You must not -expect here to have the story of why in former days the people of -Chalcedon were called blind,[117] who lived opposite Byzantium—the -very ruins of Chalcedon have now well nigh disappeared; neither must -you expect to hear of the peculiar nature of the sea, in that it flows -downwards with a current that never stops nor changes; nor about the -pickled condiments which are brought to Constantinople from the Sea -of Azoff, which the Italians call moronellas, botargas, and caviare. -Such matters would be out of place here; indeed, I think I have already -exceeded the limits of a letter; besides, they are facts which can be -read both in ancient and modern authors. - -I now return to Constantinople. Nothing could exceed the beauty or the -commercial advantages of its situation. In Turkish cities it is, as I -told you before, useless to expect handsome buildings or fine streets; -the extreme narrowness of the latter renders a good effect impossible. -In many places are to be found interesting remains of ancient works of -art, and yet, as regards number, the only marvel is that more are not -in existence, when we remember how many Constantine brought from Rome. -I do not intend to describe each of them separately, but I will touch -on a few. On the site of the ancient hippodrome are a pair of bronze -serpents,[118] which people go to see, and also a remarkable obelisk. -There are besides two famous pillars at Constantinople, which are -considered among the sights. One of them is opposite the caravanserai -where we were entertained, and the other is in the market-place which -the Turks call ‘Avret Bazaar,’ i.e. the female slave market. It is -engraven from top to bottom with the history of the expedition of -Arcadius, who built it, and by whose statue it was long surmounted. It -would be more correct to call it a spiral staircase than a column, for -there is inside it a set of steps, by ascending which one can reach the -top. I have a picture of it. On the other hand, the column[119] which -stands opposite the inn where it is usual for the imperial Ambassadors -to be lodged, is formed, with the exception of its base and capital, -of eight solid blocks of porphyry, united in such a way as to present -the appearance of a single block. Indeed, the popular belief is that -it is made out of one piece; for each separate joining is covered by -a band running right round the column, on which laurels are carved. -By this means the joinings are concealed from the eyes of those who -look at it from the ground. Having been shaken by several earthquakes, -and scorched by a fire in the neighbourhood, the column is splitting -in many places, and is here and there belted with iron to prevent its -coming to pieces. They say that it was at one time surmounted by a -statue of Apollo, afterwards by one of Constantine, and lastly by that -of Theodosius the elder, all of which were successively thrown down by -a gale or an earthquake. - -The Greeks tell the following story about the obelisk in the -hippodrome, which I mentioned above. They say that it was torn from its -base, and lay on the ground for many years, and that in the time of the -later Emperors, an architect was found who undertook to replace it on -its pedestal. The contract being concluded, he set up a huge machine, -which was chiefly worked by ropes and pulleys; by this means he got -the huge stone into an upright position, and raised it within three -inches of the blocks, on which it had to be placed. The spectators -forthwith concluded that all the architect’s trouble, and the labour -he had bestowed on his machine, had been to no purpose, and that the -work would have to be begun afresh, at the cost of great toil and great -expense. But the architect was not in the least alarmed, and, profiting -by one of nature’s secrets, he ordered large supplies of water to be -brought. With this for several hours the machine was drenched. As the -ropes, by which the obelisk was suspended, got wet, they gradually -contracted, and of course became shorter, so that the obelisk was -raised higher and placed on the blocks, amid the cheers and admiration -of the crowd.[120] - -I saw at Constantinople wild beasts of different kinds—lynxes, wild -cats, panthers, leopards, and lions, so subdued and tame that one of -them, when I was looking on, suffered its keeper to pull out of its -mouth a sheep that had that moment been thrown to it. The creature -remained quite quiet, though its jaws were but just stained with blood. - -I saw also a young elephant which could dance and play ball most -cleverly. When you read this, I am sure you will not be able to -suppress a smile. ‘An elephant,’ you will say, ‘dancing and playing -ball!’ Well, why not? Is it more wonderful than the elephant which, -Seneca tells us, walked on the tight rope, or that one which Pliny -describes as a Greek scholar? - -But I must make myself clear, lest you should think I am romancing, or -misunderstand me. When the elephant was told to dance, it hopped and -shuffled, swaying itself to and fro, as if it fain would dance a jig. -It played ball after the following fashion:—On the ball being thrown to -it, the elephant caught it cleverly, driving it back with his trunk, as -we do with the palm of the hand. If this is not enough in your eyes to -warrant the assertion that the animal danced and played ball, you must -go to some one who can make up a story with less scruple and more wit -than your humble servant. - -Just before I reached Constantinople there was a camelopard (giraffe) -in the menagerie; but at the time of my visit it was dead and buried. -However, I had its bones dug up for the purpose of examining them. The -creature is much taller in front than behind, and on that account unfit -for carrying burdens or being ridden. It is called a camelopard because -its head and neck are like a camel’s, while its skin is spotted like a -pard (panther). - -If I had not visited the Black Sea, when I had an opportunity of -sailing thither, I should have deserved to be blamed for my laziness, -since the ancients held it to be quite as great an exploit to have -visited the Black Sea, as to have sailed to Corinth. Well, we had a -delightful voyage, and I was allowed to enter some of the royal kiosks. -On the folding doors of one of these palaces I saw a picture of the -famous battle[121] between Selim and Ismael, King of the Persians, -executed in masterly style, in tesselated work. I saw also a great many -pleasure-grounds belonging to the Sultan, situated in the most charming -valleys. Their loveliness was almost entirely the work of nature; to -art they owed little or nothing. What a fairyland! What a landscape for -waking a poet’s fancy! What a retreat for a scholar to retire to! I do -declare that, as I said just now, these spots seem to grieve and ask -for Christian help and Christian care once more; and still truer are -these words of Constantinople, or rather of the whole of Greece. That -land was once most prosperous; today it is subject to an unnatural -bondage. It seems as if the country, which in ancient times discovered -the fine arts and every liberal science, were demanding back that -civilisation which it gave to us, and were adjuring us, by the claim -of a common faith, to be its champion against savage barbarism. But -it is all in vain. The princes of Christendom have other objects in -view; and, after all, the Greeks are not under heavier bondage to the -Turks, than we are to our own vices—luxury, intemperance, sloth, lust, -pride, ambition, avarice, hatred, envy, malice. By these our souls -are so weighed down and buried, that they cannot look up to heaven, -or entertain one glorious thought, or contemplate one noble deed. The -ties of a common faith, and the duty we owe our brethren ought to have -drawn us to their assistance, even though glory and honour had no charm -for our dull hearts; at any rate, self-interest, which is the first -thing men think of nowadays, should have made us anxious to rescue -lands so fair, with all their great resources and advantages, from the -hand of the barbarian, that we might hold them in his stead. At present -we are seeking across the wide seas the Indies[122] and Antipodes. And -why? It is because in those lands there are simple, guileless creatures -from whom rich booty may be torn without the cost of a single wound. -_For these expeditions religion supplies the pretext and gold the -motive._ - -This was not the fashion with our ancestors. They scorned to place -themselves on the level of a trader by seeking those lands where gold -was most plentiful, but deemed that land most desirable which gave them -the best opportunity of proving their valour and performing their duty. -They, too, had their toil; they, too, had their dangers; they, too, had -their distant expeditions; but honour was the prize they sought, not -profit. When they came home from their wars, they came home not richer -in _wealth_, but richer in _renown_.[123] - -These words are for your private ear, for perhaps some may hold it -foul wrong for a man to suggest that the moral tone of the present day -leaves aught to be desired. However that may be, I see that the arrows -are being sharpened for our destruction; and I fear it will turn out -that if we _will_ not fight for glory, we shall be _compelled_ to fight -for existence. - -I will now take you back to the sea which the ancients call Pontus -and the Turks call Caradenis, or the Black Sea. It pours through -a narrow outlet into the Thracian Bosphorus, down which it rolls, -beating against the curving headlands with many an eddy till it reaches -Constantinople after the space of one day. At this point it rushes into -the Sea of Marmora by a passage almost as narrow as that by which it -enters the Bosphorus. In the middle of the mouth next the Black Sea -is a rock with a column, on the base of which a Roman name is written -in Latin characters (‘Octavian,’ if I remember rightly); then on the -European shore is a lofty tower, which serves as a lighthouse to ships -by night. They call it Pharos.[124] Not far from it a brook flows -into the sea, from whose bed we gathered some pebbles almost equal to -the onyx and sardonyx; at any rate, when they are polished they are -nearly as brilliant. A few miles from the entrance I mentioned are -shown the straits across which Darius led his army in his expedition -against the Scythians of Europe; then half-way between the northern and -southern entrances to the Bosphorus stand two castles opposite each -other, one in Europe and the other in Asia. The latter was held by -the Turks a long time before the attack on Constantinople; the former -was built by Mahomet, and fortified with strong towers, a few years -before he stormed Constantinople. At present the Turks use it for the -incarceration of prisoners of rank. Not long ago, Lazarus, an - -Albanian chief, made his escape from it. He was recaptured with the -Spaniards at Castel Nuovo,[125] and brought back to Constantinople. For -this offence he suffered the fearful punishment of impalement, but bore -his sufferings with wonderful composure. - -And now, perhaps, you will want me to tell you something about the -floating islands, called the Cyanean[126] islands, or Symplegades. I -honestly confess that during the few hours I was there I was unable -to discover any Cyanean islands, though possibly they had floated off -somewhere else! If you are disposed to be curious on this head you will -before long have a more accurate account from P. Gilles,[127] whose -researches into all subjects of this kind are most precise; from me you -must not expect to hear of more than meets the traveller’s eye. - -One matter it would be unpardonable to pass by in silence, viz. that -Polybius is utterly wrong in the conclusion which he deduces from -various arguments, that in process of time the Black Sea would be -so choked by the alluvial soil brought into it by the Danube, the -Dneiper, and other rivers, as to become unnavigable. He is utterly -wrong, I say, for there is not one atom more difficulty in sailing over -the Black Sea now than there was in his days. - -This is one of those numerous instances in which time and experience -upset conclusions, which in theory seemed impregnable. - -In former days everyone subscribed to the opinion that the lands under -the torrid zone were uninhabitable, and yet the accounts of men who -have visited those regions prove that they are for the most part quite -as thickly populated as other countries; nay more, they tell us that -at the very time when the sun is at its highest, and its rays fall -perpendicularly on the earth, the heat[128] is tempered by continuous -rains shading and cooling those lands. - -When the Sultan had received the despatches announcing my arrival, -orders were sent to the Governor of Constantinople to convey us over -to Asia, and send us on to Amasia (or Amazeia, as it is spelt on -ancient coins). Accordingly, we made our preparations, our guides -were appointed, and on March 9 we crossed into Anatolia, as the Turks -now call Asia. On that day we did not get further than Scutari. This -village lies on the Asiatic shore opposite ancient Byzantium, on the -very ground, or possibly a little below, where the site of the famous -city of Chalcedon is supposed to be. - -The Turks thought it quite sufficient progress for one day to get -horses, carriages, luggage, and suite across the straits; their -special reason for not going further on that day was, that, if they -had forgotten anything necessary for the journey, (a very ordinary -circumstance), they would not have far to send for it. Leaving Scutari -on the next day, we passed through fields full of lavender, and other -fragrant plants. Here we saw a great many big tortoises crawling about. -They were not afraid of us, and we should have caught and eaten them -with the greatest pleasure, had we not shrunk from hurting the feelings -of the Turks who accompanied us; for had they touched them, or so much -as seen them brought to our table, they would have held themselves to -be defiled, and would have required endless washings to remove their -imaginary pollution. You will remember my telling you of the extent -to which both Greeks and Turks carry their superstition in avoiding -contact with animals of this kind. Since no one, therefore, would -snare as vermin a creature so harmless, and no one will eat it, the -consequence is that tortoises swarm in these parts. I kept one which -had two heads for several days, and it would have lived longer had I -not neglected it. - -That day we came to a village called Cartali. By the way, I shall -from this point be glad to give you the names of our halting-places. -The journey to Constantinople has been taken by many, but the road -to Amasia has, to the best of my knowledge, been traversed by no -European before us. From Cartali we came to Gebise, a town of Bithynia, -which they think was formerly Libyssa, famous as the burial-place of -Hannibal. From it there is a most lovely view over the sea and bay of -Ismid; I observed also some cypresses of extraordinary height and girth. - -Our fourth stage from Constantinople brought us to Nicomedia (Ismid). -It is an ancient city of great renown; but we saw nothing in it worth -looking at except its ruins and rubbish, which contained, in the -remnants of column and architrave, all that is left of its ancient -grandeur. The citadel, which stands on a hill, is in a better state -of preservation. Shortly before our arrival, a long wall of white -marble had been discovered under the earth by some people who had been -digging, which, I am inclined to think, formed part of the ancient -palace of the kings of Bithynia. - -After leaving Nicomedia, we crossed the range of Mount Olympus, and -arrived at the village of Kasockli; thence to Nicæa (Isnik), which -we did not reach till late in the evening. I heard not far from the -city loud shouting, and what seemed to be cries of mockery and insult -issuing from human lips. I asked what it was, suggesting that it might -proceed from some boatmen on the Lake of Isnik, which was not far -off, and that they were chaffing us for being so late on the road. They -told me that it was the howlings of certain wild beasts, which the -Turks call jackals. They are a species of wolf, not so large as the -common wolf, but larger than foxes, and quite a match for the former in -greed and gluttony. They hunt in packs, doing no harm to human beings -or cattle, and obtaining their food by thievery and cunning rather -than by force. Hence the Turks call sharpers and swindlers, especially -if they come from Asia, jackals. They enter the tents, and even the -houses, of the Turks at night, and devour any eatables they find; -indeed, if they can get nothing else, they gnaw any leathern article -they may chance upon, such as boots, leggings, belts, scabbards, -&c. They are very clever in this manner of stealing, except in one -particular, for, absurdly enough, they sometimes give evidence against -themselves. When in the very act of stealing, if one of the pack -outside happens to set up a howl, they answer the cry, quite forgetting -where they are. The sound awakes the inmates; they catch up their arms -and visit the thieves, whom they have taken red-handed, with condign -punishment. - -We remained the following day at Nicæa, and I am inclined to think -that the building I slept in was the very one in which the Nicene -Council was formerly held. Nicæa lies on the shores of the Lake of -Isnik. The walls and gates of the town are in fairly good condition. -There are four gateways in all, and they can be seen from the centre -of the market-place. On each of them is an ancient inscription in -Latin, stating that the town had been restored by Antoninus. I do not -remember which Antoninus it was, but I am quite certain that it was an -Antoninus, who was Emperor. He also built some baths, the remains of -which are still in existence. - -Whilst we were at Nicæa, some Turks, who were digging up stone from -the ruins for the construction of public buildings at Constantinople, -came across a statue of an armed soldier, of excellent workmanship, -and almost perfect. But with their hammers they soon reduced it to a -shapeless mass. On our expressing vexation at this act of theirs, the -workmen jeered at us, and asked us if we wanted, in accordance with our -customs, to worship the statue and pray to it. - -From Nicæa (Isnik) we came to Jenysar (Yeni Shehr), next to Ackbyuck, -and thence to Bazargyck (Bazarjik), from which place we came to -Bosovick, or Cassumbasa, which lies in the gorge of the pass over Mount -Olympus. From Nicæa our road lay almost entirely along the slopes of -Mount Olympus, until we reached Bosovick. - -Here we lodged in a Turkish hostel. Opposite stood a rock somewhat -higher than the building, in which was cut a square cistern of -considerable size, and from the bottom of it a pipe ran down to the -highway road. The ancient inhabitants used in winter to fill the -cistern with snow; as it melted, the iced water, trickling down to the -road through the pipe, refreshed the thirsty wayfarer. - -The Turks consider public works of this kind the noblest sort of -almsgiving, inasmuch as they help not only everyone, but everyone -equally. Not far from this spot Otmanlik was pointed out to us on our -right—the retreat, as I imagine, of the famous Othman, founder of the -family which bears his name. - -From this pass we descended into wide plains, where we spent our -first night under tents, on account of the heat. The place was called -Chiausada. Here we saw a subterranean house, which was lighted only -by an opening in the roof. We saw also the famous goats[129] from -whose fleece—or hair, if you like the word better—is woven the watered -stuff known as mohair. The hair of these goats is extremely fine and -marvellously flossy, hanging down to the very ground; the goatherds do -not shear it, but comb it off, and it is almost as beautiful as silk. -The goats are frequently washed in running water. Their food is the -scanty dry grass peculiar to these plains, and it is to this that the -fineness of their coats is chiefly owing; for it is an ascertained -fact, that when the goats are removed elsewhere, their wool does not -retain its silky character, but changes with the pasturage; indeed, the -whole animal degenerates to such an extent that one would scarcely -recognise the breed. These fleeces, after being spun into thread by -the women of the country, are taken to Angora,[130] a city of Galatia, -and there woven and dyed; further on I will give you a description of -the process. In this locality is also to be found that curious breed -of sheep with great fat tails; indeed, their flocks consist of little -else. The tails weigh from three or four to as much as eight or ten -pounds;[131] so big are the tails of some of the older sheep, that it -is necessary to furnish them with a carriage for their support, which -consists of a little board running on a pair of small wheels, so that -the sheep may drag that which it cannot carry. This, perhaps, you -will hardly believe, and yet I am telling you the truth. Now, while I -fully admit that there is a certain advantage in these tails from the -supply of fat which they yield, I must say I found the rest of the meat -tough and wanting in flavour, as compared with ordinary mutton. The -shepherds, who manage these flocks, never leave the pasture grounds -by night or day, carrying their wives and children about with them in -waggons, which they use as houses, except on certain occasions when -they pitch small tents. These men wander to great distances, choosing -plain, hillside, or valley, according to the season of the year and the -state of the pasturage. - -I flatter myself that I discovered in this district some species -of birds which our countrymen have never seen, nor even heard of. -Amongst these is a kind of duck, which may fairly be classed among -horn-blowers, since its cry is exactly like the sound of a postman’s -horn. This bird, in spite of its inability to defend itself, is bold -and saucy. The Turks believe that it can frighten evil spirits away. -However that may be, it is so fond of its liberty that after being -kept a good three years in a farm-yard, if it gets the opportunity, it -prefers freedom and hunger to captivity and plenty, and flies off to -its old haunts by the river. - -From Chiausada we came to Karaly, thence to Hazdengri, and so to -Mazzotthoy. We then crossed the river Sangarius (Sakariyeh) which rises -in Phrygia and flows into the Black Sea, to Mahathli, thence to Zugli, -Chilancyck, Jalanchich, Potughin, and so to Angora (Ancyra)—which the -Turks call Angur. - -We remained one day at Angora. As the weather was hot we made but -short stages. Moreover, our Turks assured us that there was no need -for hurry, as the Persian Ambassador was still lingering on the road, -and the authorities wished us both to arrive at Amasia as nearly as -possible at the same time. - -In none of the villages mentioned above did we see anything worth -notice, save that, among the Turkish burial places we sometimes lighted -on ancient columns, or blocks of fine marble, on which traces still -remained of Greek and Roman inscriptions, but so mutilated that they -could not be read. It was my amusement, on reaching our lodgings for -the night, to inquire for ancient inscriptions, or coins of Greece or -Rome, and, if these were not forthcoming, for rare plants. - -It is a practice of the Turks to cover in the tombs of their friends -with huge stones, which they bring from a great distance. No earth -is thrown upon the graves, and but for these stones they would lie -open. They are intended to furnish the dead man with a convenient -seat when he pleads his case, as he will have to do—according to -their notion—with his evil angel as his accuser and examiner, and his -good angel as counsel for the defence. The object of placing a heavy -stone on the grave is to protect the body from dogs, wolves, and other -beasts; the most pertinacious of which is the hyena, a creature often -met with in these parts. It burrows its way into the graves, pulls -out the bodies, and carries them off to its den, the mouth of which -is marked by a huge heap of bones of men, horses, and other animals. -The hyena is a creature not quite so tall as a wolf, but quite as long -in body. Its skin resembles that of a wolf, except that the hair is -rougher, and it is also marked with large black spots; the head is -firmly attached to the backbone, without any joint between, so that -when it wants to look back it must turn right round. They say that it -has, in the place of teeth, one continuous bone. - -The Turks, like the ancients, think that the hyena has great efficacy -in love charms, and though there were two hyenas at Constantinople -when I was there, the owners refused to sell them to me; assigning as -a reason that they were keeping them for the Sultana, i.e. the wife -of the Sultan—the popular belief being that she retains her husband’s -affection by means of philtres and sorceries. Belon,[132] I must tell -you, is wrong in thinking that the civet cat is the same as the hyena. - -Now for one of the best jokes you ever heard in your life. I will tell -you the story just as I had it from the lips of the natives. They say -that the hyena, which they call Zirtlan, understands the language of -men (the ancients, by the way, said that it also imitated it), and that -it is therefore captured in the following way. The hunters go to its -den, which is not hard to find, being marked by a heap of bones, as -I mentioned before. One of them enters with a rope, one end of which -he leaves in the hands of his friends outside the cave. He creeps in, -saying, ‘Joctur, joctur ucala,’ that is, ‘I cannot find it; it is not -here.’ Meantime, imagining from what he says that its hiding-place is -not discovered, the beast remains perfectly still, until the hunter -has succeeded in attaching the rope to its leg, shouting out all the -time ‘that the hyena is not there.’ Then, with the same words, he goes -back, and as soon as he has got out of the den he shouts out at the -top of his voice that the hyena is inside; the creature, understanding -what he says, makes a rush to escape, but all in vain, the hunters hold -him fast by the rope round his leg. After this fashion they say it -is killed; or, if pains be taken, it may be captured alive; but this -is a difficult matter, for it is a fierce brute, and makes a stout -resistance. So much for the hyena. - -We found, in some places, ancient coins in great abundance, especially -those of the later emperors, Constantinus, Constans, Justinus, Valens, -Valentinianus, Numerianus, Probus, Tacitus, &c. In many places the -Turks used them for the drachm and half-drachm weights. They call them -‘giaur manguri,’ or, ‘the infidel’s money.’ - -There were, besides, many coins of the neighbouring cities of Asia, -Amysus, Sinope, Comana, Amastris, and lastly, some of Amasia, the city -to which we were going. Talking of coins, a coppersmith roused my anger -by telling me, when I inquired for coins, that a few days before he -had had a whole potful of them, and that, thinking they were worthless, -he had melted them down, and made several copper kettles out of the -metal. I was greatly vexed at the destruction of so many interesting -relics; but I had my revenge. I informed him that, if he had not -destroyed the coins, I would have given him a hundred gold pieces for -them. So I sent him away quite as unhappy at the loss of the windfall -which he had been so near getting, as I was at the sacrifice of these -records of antiquity. - -We did not meet with many new botanical specimens on the road. The -plants were, for the most part, identical with those in our country; -the only difference being that they grew more or less luxuriantly, -according to the nature of the soil. - -We sought unsuccessfully for the balsam tree, which Dioscorides tells -us is indigenous in Pontus, so that I cannot tell whether the stock has -died out, or migrated to another country. - -Angora formed our nineteenth halting place from Constantinople. It -is a town of Galatia, and was, at one time, the head-quarters of the -Tectosages, a Gallic tribe. Pliny and Strabo both mention it, but it is -not improbable that the present city covers only a part of the ancient -town. The Kanûns[133] call it Anquira. - -Here we saw a very beautiful inscription,[134] containing a copy of -the tablets in which Augustus gave a summary of his achievements. We -made our people copy out as much as was legible. It is engraven on the -marble walls of a building now ruinous and roofless, which formerly may -have formed the official residence of the governor. As you enter the -building one half of the inscription is on the right, and the other -on the left. The top lines are nearly perfect; in the middle the gaps -begin to present difficulties; the lowest lines are so mutilated with -blows of clubs and axes as to be illegible. This is indeed a great -literary loss, and one which scholars have much reason to regret; the -more so as it is an ascertained fact that Ancyra was dedicated[135] to -Augustus as the common gift of Asia. - -Here we also saw how the famous watered stuff, or mohair, which is -woven of the hair of the goats I have already described, is dyed; and -how, when water has been poured on, it takes those waves from the -action of the press, from which it derives its name, and for which -it is prized. The stuff which bears the mark of a very large wave, -and keeps its pattern, is considered the best; but if, in any part, -smaller and uneven waves occur, although the colour and material be -precisely the same, it is worth less by several gold pieces on account -of the flaw. Elderly men among the Turks, when they are of high rank, -are generally distinguished by dresses made of this material. Solyman -prefers it to any other dress for state occasions, wearing that which -is of a green colour; a hue which, according to our notions, is hardly -becoming to a man of advanced years; but their religion, and the -example of their prophet Mahomet, who wore it constantly, even in his -old age, gives it favour in the eyes of the Turks. Among them black -is considered a mean and unlucky colour, and for any one in Turkey to -appear dressed in black is held to be ominous of disaster and evil. -On some occasions the Pashas would express their astonishment at our -going to them in black clothes, and make it a ground for serious -remonstrance. No one in Turkey goes abroad in black unless he be -completely ruined, or in great grief for some terrible disaster. Purple -is highly esteemed, but in time of war it is considered ominous of a -bloody death. The lucky colours are white, orange, light blue, violet, -mouse colour, &c. In this, and other matters, the Turks pay great -attention to auguries and omens. It is a well-known fact that a Pasha -has sometimes been dismissed from office because his horse stumbled, -under the idea that it portended some great misfortune, and that, -if the man were removed from his office, it would fall on a private -individual, and not on the state. - -From Angora we came to the village of Balygazar, thence to Zarekuct, -next to Zermeczii, after which we arrived at the bank of the river -Halys (Kizil Irmak). - -As we crossed the country towards the village of Algeos, we had a -distant view of the mountains near Sinope. They have a red appearance -from the red chalk which takes its name from Sinope. - -Here is the famous Halys, once the boundary between the kingdoms of -Media and Lydia, about which the ancient prophecy said that ‘Crœsus, -if he crossed the Halys to make war on the Persians, would destroy a -mighty realm’—but he did not know that the realm he was to destroy was -his own. On the bank was a copse of trees, which at first excited our -attention, as we thought we had discovered a new kind of fruit tree; -but we soon became aware that it was the liquorice tree, and gorged -ourselves with the juice from its roots. - -It happened that a country fellow was standing there, so we asked him -through an interpreter whether there were plenty of fish in the river, -and how they were caught. His answer was, that there were plenty of -fish, but that it was impossible to catch them. When we expressed our -surprise at this intelligence, the man explained the matter thus: -‘Well, if anyone tries to put his hand on one of these fish, they jump -away, and will not wait for him to catch them.’ - -On a former occasion, when we met with some birds of a species unknown -to us, and asked how they could be caught, another fellow declared that -‘it was impossible to catch them, because, when anyone tried to lay -hold of them, they flew away.’ One of my colleagues, Francis Zay, had -with him nets, which he ordered to be unpacked with a view to fishing. -Amongst other fish, we caught the common Danube shad. There are also -crabs in the Halys in large numbers, which, if they are not sea crabs, -are, at any rate, very like them. - -The Turks, who stood by, were amazed at the great pains we Christians -took in fishing. ‘How so,’ you will say, ‘are there no fishermen in -Turkey?’ Well, there are some, but in those districts they are very -rare. I remember, in another place, we were greeted with roars of -laughter when we drew off the water of a stream and captured a quantity -of gudgeons. They were greatly amused at our fishing for anything so -small, and could not make out what gain or advantage we expected to -get from them. The foolish fellows did not understand that a large -supply of these little fishes enabled us to prepare big dishes of stew -sufficient to dine a great many people. - -But these Turks live so sparingly, and care so little for the pleasures -of the table, that if they have bread and salt with an onion or leek, -or a kind of sour milk which Galen mentions by the name of oxygala, -and they call yoghoort, they are quite content. They mix this milk -with very cold water, and crumble bread into it, using it when the -heat is overpowering, to allay their thirst. We, too, often found this -drink most useful in hot weather, for not only is it very pleasant -and wholesome, but it also has, to a remarkable degree, the power of -quenching thirst. - -At all the caravanserais (or Turkish inns, as I explained before) there -is plenty of it for sale, and other relishes are also to be bought. -For the Turks do not, when travelling, require hot dishes or meat; -their relishes are sour milk, cheese, dried prunes, pears, peaches, -quinces, figs, raisins, cornel berries. Dainties of this description -are set out for sale on great pans of earthenware, having been first -boiled in plain water. Each man buys what he fancies most, and eats -the fruit with his bread by way of a relish; when he has finished the -fruit he drinks the water. Thus these men’s food and drink costs them -very little, so little, indeed, that I would venture to say that one of -our people will spend more on his food in one day than a Turk does in -twelve. Moreover their yearly feasts generally consist only of cakes -and buns, and other confectionery, with several dishes of rice, to -which they add mutton and chickens—not capons,[136] for poultry of that -kind is unknown to the Turks. As to pheasants, thrushes, becaficos, -&c., they have never even heard them mentioned. If honey or sugar be -mixed with their draught of water, they would not envy Jove his nectar. - -I must not, however, pass over one kind of drink, if I am to give you -a full account. They take raisins and have them ground; when ground -and pounded they throw them into a wooden vessel, and pour over them a -certain proportion of hot water and mix them up; they then cover the -vessel carefully, and leave the liquor to ferment for a couple of days; -if the fermentation is not sufficiently active they add the lees of -wine. If you taste it when first it begins to ferment, it seems insipid -and disagreeably sweet; afterwards it gets a kind of acid flavour; in -this stage it is extremely palatable when mixed with the sweet liquor. -For three or four days it forms a most pleasant drink, especially when -cooled with plenty of snow, of which there is an unfailing supply at -Constantinople. They call it ‘Arab sherbet,’ i.e. ‘the drink of the -Arabs.’ But after three or four days it is spoilt, and gets quite sour. -In this stage it affects the head, and makes people stagger quite as -much as wine, and on this account is condemned by the religious laws of -the Turks. I must confess that I thought sherbet a most pleasant drink. - -I found also the grapes, which in many places they keep till the -summer, most refreshing at times. The following is their method of -preserving them, as I took it down from their lips:—They select a bunch -in which the grapes are of a good size and fully ripe, a condition -which is easily brought about by the sun in Turkey. This bunch they -put into a vessel of wood or earthenware, after first covering the -bottom with a good layer of ground mustard; on the top of this they -put the grapes; then they pour the mustard flour in gradually, so as -to pack the grapes in it; lastly, having filled the vessel with grapes -up to the top, they end by pouring in unfermented wine as fresh as -possible; this done, they shut up the vessel and keep it till the hot -summer weather sets in, when people are thirsty, and refreshment of -this kind is acceptable. They then unseal the vessel, and put out the -grapes for sale, together with the sauce, which last the Turks like -quite as well as the grapes themselves. But the flavour of mustard was -not at all to my taste, so I had my grapes carefully washed. I found -them very refreshing and wholesome during the great heats. - -You must not be surprised at my gratefully recording in my letter to -you the things which proved beneficial to myself, for you will remember -that the Egyptians carried this feeling to such an absurd length, that -they worshipped as gods the vegetables of their own gardens from which -they had derived benefit. - -But it is high time for me to return to my road. Leaving the bank -of the Halys (which the Turks, I think, call Aitoczu) we came to -Goukurthoy, and thence to Choron (Chorum), and after this to Theke -Thioi (Tekiyeh). Here there is a famous monastery of Turkish monks, -or dervishes, from whom we learned a great deal about a hero named -Chederle, a man of great prowess and courage, whom they try to identify -with our St. George, ascribing to him the same feats as we claim for -our saint—to wit, that he saved a maiden, who had been given up to a -fierce and terrible dragon, by slaying the monster; to this they add -many other stories of their own invention, telling how their hero was -wont to wander through distant lands, and at last came to a river whose -waters gave immortality to those that drank thereof. - -They do not mention the geographical position of this river (methinks -it ought to be marked down in Dreamland); all they tell me is that it -is concealed beneath a covering of deep darkness and thick night, and -that no mortal since Chederle has had the luck to see it; but that -Chederle himself, being released from the laws of death, rides to and -fro on a gallant steed, which, like its master, has, by a draught of -this same water, purged itself of mortal dross. They represent him -as one who loves the battle shock, and helps in war those who are -in the right, and those who have invoked his aid, of whatever faith -they may be. These tales seem absurd, but I will tell you one still -more ridiculous. They declare that he was one of the companions and -friends of Alexander the Great. The Turks have not the slightest idea -of chronology, or of different epochs, and they mix up together in -a wonderful way all historical events. Should the thought occur to -them, they have no hesitation in stating that Job was king Solomon’s -seneschal, and Alexander the Great commander-in-chief of his armies. -Even these are not the greatest of their absurdities. - -There is in the mosque (as the Turks call their temples) a fountain -of choice marble, fed by a spring of the purest water; and this they -believe to have been miraculously produced by Chederle’s steed. They -have many stories also about Chederle’s comrades, his groom and his -sister’s son, whose tombs they show in the neighbourhood. They tried -hard to persuade us that miracles daily took place for the benefit of -those who come to these tombs to ask for aid. They firmly believed, -moreover, that chips of stone and earth taken from the spot, where -Chederle stood waiting for the dragon, were, when mixed with water, -efficacious against fever, headache, and diseases of the eye. I must -tell you that the neighbourhood is full of snakes and vipers; they are -so numerous that some places in the hot hours positively swarm with the -venomous beasts, who are basking in the sun, to such an extent that men -dare not approach them. I must not forget to tell you that the Turks -shake with laughter when they see in the Greek churches pictures of St. -George, whom they declare to be their own Chederle, with a boy sitting -on the haunches of his master’s steed, mixing wine and water for -him—for this is the manner in which St. George is painted by the Greeks. - -But our journey has been long and we must shortly rest. There was -now only one stage, namely Baglison (Baglijah), between us and our -destination, Amasia, which last we reached on April 7, thirty days -after our departure from Constantinople. As we drew near we were met by -some Turks, who came to congratulate us on our arrival, and to do us -the compliment of escorting us into the city. - -Amasia is the chief town of Cappadocia, and there the governor of the -province is wont to hold his courts, and to keep the main body of his -troops. But even from the time of Bajazet the place seemed in some -mysterious fashion to be associated with misfortune, and that this -idea was not groundless is proved by the miserable end of Mustapha. -Strabo tells us that this was his native place. The town lies between -two ranges of hills, and the river Iris (Yeshil-Irmak) flows through -its centre; so that both banks are covered with houses, which rise -gradually up the sides of the hills, like the tiers of seats in a -theatre; every part of the town therefore commands a view of the river, -and those who live on one side of the town are completely exposed to -the eyes of those who live on the other. It is, indeed, so hemmed in -by hills that there is only one road by which carriages and beasts of -burden can enter or leave the city. - -On the night of our arrival there was a great fire, which the -Janissaries extinguished after their own fashion by pulling down the -neighbouring buildings. How it arose I cannot say, but there is no -doubt that the soldiers have good reasons for wishing for fires, for, -inasmuch as they are employed to put them out, and in most cases this -is only effected by pulling down the neighbouring houses, as I told you -before, they pillage, not only the goods and chattels of the people -whose houses are on fire, but also those of their neighbours as well. -So the soldiers themselves are often guilty of incendiarism in order to -get an opportunity of plundering the houses. - -I remember an instance of this when I was at Constantinople. There -had been a great many fires, and it was quite certain that they were -not accidental, yet the incendiaries were never caught. Most people -laid the blame on Persian spies; but at length, after a more careful -investigation, it was discovered that they were the work of marines -from ships lying in the harbour, who set fire to the houses in order to -cover a raid on the goods of the neighbourhood. - -On the highest of the hills which overhang Amasia there is a citadel -of respectable strength, which is permanently occupied by the Turks, -either to overawe the tribes of Asia, who (as I shall explain later) -are not over well disposed towards their Turkish masters, or to hold -the Persians in check; for, great as the distance is, they have -sometimes extended their raids as far as Amasia. - -On this hill are many traces of ancient monuments, possibly those of -the kings of Cappadocia themselves. But neither the houses nor streets -of Amasia have any beauty to attract one’s notice. The houses are built -of white clay, almost in the same fashion as those in Spain; even the -roofs are made of this material, being flat without any gable. They use -a fragment of some ancient pillar for a roller, and when any part of -the roof is damaged by rain or wind, they pull this roller backwards -and forwards until the roof is once more solid and smooth. In summer -time the inhabitants sleep on these roofs in the open air. In these -districts rain does not fall either often or heavily; but when it -does come down, the clothes of the people walking in the streets are -terribly soiled by the mud which drips everywhere from the roofs. On a -house top near our lodgings I saw a young Sanjak-bey eating his supper -on a couch after the fashion of the ancients. - -On our arrival at Amasia we were taken to call on Achmet Pasha (the -chief Vizier) and the other pashas—for the Sultan himself was not -then in the town—and commenced our negotiations with them touching -the business entrusted to us by King Ferdinand. The Pashas, on their -part, apparently wishing to avoid any semblance of being prejudiced -with regard to these questions, did not offer any strong opposition to -the views we expressed, and told us that the whole matter depended on -the Sultan’s pleasure. On his arrival we were admitted to an audience; -but the manner and spirit in which he listened to our address, our -arguments, and our message, was by no means favourable. - -The Sultan was seated on a very low ottoman, not more than a foot -from the ground, which was covered with a quantity of costly rugs and -cushions of exquisite workmanship; near him lay his bow and arrows. -His air, as I said, was by no means gracious, and his face wore a -stern, though dignified, expression. - -On entering we were separately conducted into the royal presence by the -chamberlains, who grasped our arms. This has been the Turkish fashion -of admitting people to the Sovereign ever since a Croat,[137] in order -to avenge the death of his master, Marcus, Despot of Servia, asked -Amurath for an audience, and took advantage of it to slay him. After -having gone through a pretence of kissing his hand, we were conducted -backwards to the wall opposite his seat, care being taken that we -should never turn our backs on him. The Sultan then listened to what -I had to say; but the language I held was not at all to his taste, -for the demands of his Majesty breathed a spirit of independence and -dignity, which was by no means acceptable to one who deemed that his -wish was law; and so he made no answer beyond saying in a tetchy way, -‘Giusel, giusel,’ i.e. well, well. After this we were dismissed to our -quarters. - -The Sultan’s hall was crowded with people, among whom were several -officers of high rank. Besides these there were all the troopers of -the Imperial guard,[138] Spahis, Ghourebas, Ouloufedgis, and a large -force of Janissaries; but there was not in all that great assembly -a single man who owed his position to aught save his valour and his -merit. No distinction is attached to birth among the Turks; the -deference to be paid to a man is measured by the position he holds in -the public service. There is no fighting for precedence; a man’s place -is marked out by the duties he discharges. In making his appointments -the Sultan pays no regard to any pretensions on the score of wealth -or rank, nor does he take into consideration recommendations or -popularity; he considers each case on its own merits, and examines -carefully into the character, ability, and disposition of the man -whose promotion is in question. It is by merit that men rise in the -service, a system which ensures that posts should only be assigned to -the competent. Each man in Turkey carries in his own hand his ancestry -and his position in life, which he may make or mar as he will. Those -who receive the highest offices from the Sultan are for the most part -the sons of shepherds or herdsmen, and so far from being ashamed of -their parentage, they actually glory in it, and consider it a matter -of boasting that they owe nothing to the accident of birth; for they -do not believe that high qualities are either natural or hereditary, -nor do they think that they can be handed down from father to son, -but that they are partly the gift of God, and partly the result of -good training, great industry, and unwearied zeal; arguing that high -qualities do not descend from a father to his son or heir, any more -than a talent for music, mathematics, or the like; and that the mind -does not derive its origin from the father, so that the son should -necessarily be like the father in character, but emanates from heaven, -and is thence infused into the human body. Among the Turks, therefore, -honours, high posts, and judgeships are the rewards of great ability -and good service. If a man be dishonest, or lazy, or careless, he -remains at the bottom of the ladder, an object of contempt; for such -qualities there are no honours in Turkey! - -This is the reason that they are successful in their undertakings, that -they lord it over others, and are daily extending the bounds of their -empire. These are not our ideas, with us there is no opening left for -merit; birth is the standard for everything; the prestige of birth is -the sole key to advancement in the public service. But on this head I -shall perhaps have more to say to you in another place, and you must -consider what I have said as strictly private. - -For the nonce, take your stand by my side, and look at the sea of -turbaned heads, each wrapped in twisted folds of the whitest silk; look -at those marvellously handsome dresses of every kind and every colour; -time would fail me to tell how all around is glittering with gold, with -silver, with purple, with silk, and with velvet; words cannot convey -an adequate idea of that strange and wondrous sight: it was the most -beautiful spectacle I ever saw. - -With all this luxury great simplicity and economy are combined; every -man’s dress, whatever his position may be, is of the same pattern; -no fringes or useless points are sewn on, as is the case with us, -appendages which cost a great deal of money, and are worn out in three -days. In Turkey the tailor’s bill for a silk or velvet dress, even -though it be richly embroidered, as most of them are, is only a ducat. -They were quite as much surprised at our manner of dressing as we were -at theirs. They use long robes reaching down to the ankles, which have -a stately effect and add to the wearer’s height, while our dress is so -short and scanty that it leaves exposed to view more than is comely of -the human shape; besides, somehow or other, our fashion of dress seems -to take from the wearer’s height, and make him look shorter than he -really is.[139] - -I was greatly struck with the silence and order that prevailed -in this great crowd. There were no cries, no hum of voices, the -usual accompaniments of a motley gathering, neither was there any -jostling; without the slightest disturbance each man took his proper -place according to his rank. The Agas, as they call their chiefs, -were seated, to wit, generals, colonels (bimbaschi), and captains -(soubaschi). Men of a lower position stood. The most interesting sight -in this assembly was a body of several thousand Janissaries, who were -drawn up in a long line apart from the rest; their array was so steady -and motionless that, being at a little distance, it was some time -before I could make up my mind as to whether they were human beings or -statues; at last I received a hint to salute them, and saw all their -heads bending at the same moment to return my bow. On leaving the -assembly we had a fresh treat in the sight of the household cavalry -returning to their quarters; the men were mounted on splendid horses, -excellently groomed, and gorgeously accoutred. And so we left the royal -presence, taking with us but little hope of a successful issue to our -embassy. - -By May 10 the Persian Ambassador had arrived, bringing with him a -number of handsome presents, carpets from famous looms, Babylonian -tents, the inner sides of which were covered with coloured tapestries, -trappings and housings of exquisite workmanship, jewelled scimitars -from Damascus, and shields most tastefully designed; but the chief -present of all was a copy of the Koran, a gift highly prized among the -Turks; it is a book containing the laws and rites enacted by Mahomet, -which they suppose to be inspired. - -Terms of peace were immediately granted to the Persian Ambassador with -the intention of putting greater pressure on us, who seemed likely to -be the more troublesome of the two; and in order to convince us of the -reality of the peace, honours were showered on the representative of -the Shah. In all cases, as I have already remarked, the Turks run to -extremes, whether it be in honouring a friend, or in pouring contempt -and insult on a foe. Ali Pasha, the second Vizier, gave the Persian -suite a dinner in his gardens, which were some way from our quarters, -with the river between, but still we could command a view of the place -where they dined, for, as I told you before, the city is so situated on -the hill sides that there is hardly a spot in it from which you cannot -see and be seen. Ali Pasha, I must tell you, is by birth a Dalmatian, -he is a thorough gentleman, and has (what you will be surprised to hear -of in a Turk) a kind and feeling heart. - -The table at which the Pashas and the Ambassador were seated was -protected by an awning. A hundred pages all dressed alike acted as -waiters; their method of bringing the dishes to table was as follows. - -First they advanced toward the table where the guests were seated, -following each other at equal distances. Their hands were empty, as -otherwise they would not have been able to make their obeisance, which -was performed by their putting them on their thighs, and bending their -heads to the earth. Their bows being made, the page who stood nearest -the kitchen began taking the dishes and handing them on to the next, -who delivered them to the page next him, and so down the row until they -reached the page who stood nearest the table, from whose hands the -chief butler received them and placed them on the board. After this -fashion a hundred dishes or more streamed (if I may use the expression) -on to the table without the slightest confusion. When the dinner was -served the pages again did reverence to the guests, and then returned -in the same order as they had come, the only difference being that -those who had been last as they came were the first as they retired, -and that those who were nearest the table now brought up the rear. All -the other courses were brought on to the table after the same fashion, -a circumstance showing how much regard the Turks pay to order even in -trifles, while we neglect it in matters of extreme importance. Not far -from the Ambassador’s table his retinue was feasting with some Turks. - -Peace having been concluded with the Persian, as I have already told -you, it was impossible for us to obtain any decent terms from the Turk; -all we could accomplish was to arrange a six months’ truce to give time -for a reply to reach Vienna, and for the answer to come back. - -I had come to fill the position of ambassador in ordinary; but inasmuch -as nothing had been as yet settled as to a peace, the Pashas determined -that I should return to my master with Solyman’s letter, and bring -back an answer, if it pleased the King to send one. Accordingly I had -another interview with the Sultan; two embroidered robes of ample size, -and reaching down to the ankles, were thrown over my shoulders (they -were as much as I could carry). All my people were likewise presented -with silk dresses of different colours, which they wore as they marched -in my train. - -With this procession I advanced as if I was going to act the part -of Agamemnon[140] or some other monarch of ancient tragedy. Having -received the Sultan’s letter, which was sealed up in a wrapper of -cloth of gold, I took my leave; the gentlemen among my attendants were -also allowed to enter and make their bow to him. Then having paid my -respects in the same way to the Pashas I left Amasia with my colleagues -on June 2. - -It is customary to give a breakfast in the Divan (as they call the -place where the Pashas hold their court), to ambassadors on the eve of -their departure, but this is only done when they represent friendly -governments, and no peace had as yet been arranged with us. - -You will probably wish me to give you my impressions of Solyman. - -His years are just beginning to tell on him, but his majestic bearing -and indeed his whole demeanour are such as beseem the lord of so vast -an empire. He has always had the character of being a careful and -temperate man; even in his early days, when, according to the Turkish -rule, sin would have been venial, his life was blameless; for not -even in youth did he either indulge in wine or commit those unnatural -crimes which are common among the Turks; nor could those who were -disposed to put the most unfavourable construction on his acts bring -anything worse against him than his excessive devotion to his wife, -and the precipitate way in which, by her influence, he was induced to -put Mustapha to death; for it is commonly believed that it was by her -philtres and witchcraft that he was led to commit this act. As regards -herself, it is a well-known fact that from the time he made her his -lawful wife he has been perfectly faithful to her, although there was -nothing in the laws to prevent his having mistresses as well. As an -upholder of his religion and its rites he is most strict, being quite -as anxious to extend his faith as to extend his empire. Considering -his years (for he is now getting on for sixty) he enjoys good health, -though it may be that his bad complexion arises from some lurking -malady. There is a notion current that he has an incurable ulcer or -cancer on his thigh. When he is anxious to impress an ambassador, who -is leaving, with a favourable idea of the state of his health, he -conceals the bad complexion of his face under a coat of rouge, his -notion being that foreign powers will fear him more if they think that -he is strong and well. I detected unmistakable signs of this practice -of his; for I observed his face when he gave me a farewell audience, -and found it was much altered from what it was when he received me on -my arrival. - -June was at its hottest when we began our journey; the heat was too -much for me, and a fever was the consequence, accompanied by headache -and catarrh. The attack, though mild and of an intermittent kind, -was a lingering one, and I did not get rid of it till I reached -Constantinople. - -On the day of our departure the Persian Ambassador also left Amasia, -setting out by the same road as ourselves; for, as I mentioned before, -there is only one road by which the city can be entered or left, since -the rugged character of the surrounding hills makes it difficult of -access on every other side; the road shortly branches off in two -directions, one leads eastward and the other westward; the Persians -took the former and we the latter. - -As we left Amasia we could see everywhere throughout the broad plains -the lines of the Turkish camps crowded with tents. - -There is no need for me to waste your time with a description of our -return journey, since we traversed almost the same ground, and made -nearly the same halts as we had done in coming, save that we travelled -somewhat quicker, and occasionally got over two of our former stages -in one day. Thus we reached Constantinople on June 24, and I will -leave you to picture to yourself the wear and tear of the journey to -one suffering like myself from a lingering fever. I returned worn to a -shadow; however, after a time, having had some rest and gone through a -course of warm baths, recommended by my physician Quacquelben, I soon -recovered strength. He also soused me with cold water on leaving the -bath; I cannot say it was pleasant, but it did me a great deal of good. - -Whilst I was still at Constantinople a man who had come from the -Turkish camp told me an anecdote which I shall be glad to include in -my letter, as it illustrates the great dislike which the natives of -Asia entertain to the religion[141] and supremacy of the Ottomans. He -informed me that Solyman, as he was returning, was entertained by a -certain Asiatic and spent the night in his house. When the Sultan had -left, the man considering it to have been polluted and defiled by the -presence of such a guest, had it purified with holy water, fumigation, -and religious rites. When Solyman heard of this insult to himself he -ordered the man to be executed, and his house razed to the ground. So -he paid heavily for his dislike to the Turks and partiality for the -Persians. - -After a delay of fourteen days at Constantinople, for the purpose of -recruiting my strength, I set out for Vienna. But the beginning of my -journey was marked by an evil chance. Just as I left Constantinople I -met some waggons of boys and girls who were being carried from Hungary -to the slave market at Constantinople; this is the commonest kind of -Turkish merchandise, and just as loads of different kinds of goods meet -the traveller’s eye, as he leaves Antwerp, so every now and then we -came across unhappy Christians of all ranks, ages, and sexes who were -being carried off to a horrible slavery; the men, young and old, were -either driven in gangs or bound to a chain and dragged over the road in -a long file, after the same fashion as we take a string of horses to a -fair. It was indeed a painful sight; and I could scarce check my tears, -so deeply did I feel the woes and humiliation of Christendom. - -If this is not enough to make you think that my path was crossed with -evil, I have something more to tell. My colleagues had placed under my -care some members of their retinue who were tired of being in Turkey, -in order that I might take them back with me. Well, when I had been two -days on the road, I saw the head man of this party, whom they called -their Voivode, riding in a waggon. He was ill, and on his foot was the -plague ulcer, which he kept uncovered in order to relieve the pain. -This circumstance made us all very uncomfortable, since we were afraid -that, this disease being contagious, more of us would be attacked. - -On reaching Adrianople, which was not far off, the poor fellow’s -struggles were terminated by death. Then, as if the peril were not -sufficiently great, the rest of the Hungarians seized the dead man’s -clothes; one took his boots, another his doublet, another, for fear -anything should be lost, snatches up his shirt, and another his linen; -though the risk was perfectly obvious, we could not stop them from -endangering the lives of the whole party. My physician flew from one to -another, imploring them for God’s sake not to touch articles, contact -with which would bring about certain death, but they were deaf to his -prophecies. - -Well, on the second day after our departure from Adrianople, these -same fellows crowded round my physician, asking him for something to -cure their sickness, which they described as an attack of headache and -general languor, accompanied with a feeling of deep depression; on -hearing of these symptoms my physician began to suspect that this was -the first stage of the plague. He told them that ‘he had not warned -them without reason; they had done their best to catch the plague, and -they had caught it. In spite of their folly he would do what he could -for them; but what means had he of doctoring them in the middle of a -journey, where no medicines could be procured.’ - -On that very day, when, according to my custom on reaching our lodgings -for the night, we had set out for a walk in search of interesting -objects, I came across a herb in a meadow which I did not recognise. I -pulled off some leaves and putting them to my nose perceived a smell -like garlic; I then placed them in the hands of my physician to see if -he could recognise the plant. After a careful examination he pronounced -it to be scordium,[142] and raising his hands to heaven offered thanks -to God for placing in his path, in the hour of our need, a remedy -against the plague. He immediately collected a large supply, and -throwing it into a big pot he placed it on the fire to boil; he told -the Hungarians to cheer up, and divided the brew amongst them, bidding -them take it, when they went to bed, with Lemnian earth[143] and a -diascordium[144] electuary; he recommended them also not to go to sleep -until they had perspired profusely. They obeyed his directions and came -to him again on the following day, telling him that they felt better. -They asked for another dose of the same kind, and after drinking it -they became convalescent. Thus by God’s goodness we were delivered -from the fear of that dreadful malady. But as if all this were not -enough, we were not able to accomplish the rest of our journey without -further misfortune. - -After passing through the lands of the Thracians and Bulgarians, which -extend as far as Nissa, we traversed the country of the Servians, -which reaches from Nissa to Semendria, where the Rascians begin, and -so arrived at Belgrade, the weather being intensely hot, as might be -expected in the dog-days. - -Whilst at Belgrade we were offered one fast-day a plentiful supply -of excellent fish; among them were some fine fat carp caught in the -Danube, which are considered a dainty. My men stuffed themselves with -this fish, and in consequence many of them were attacked by fever, -which was caused more or less by their greediness. This great supply -of fish—enough to satisfy forty men—cost half a thaler, and almost -everything else at Belgrade is equally cheap. Hay fetches absolutely -nothing; everyone is allowed to take as much as he likes out of the -rich meadows; he is only charged for the cutting and the carrying. All -this, as we crossed the Save, made us admire still more the wisdom of -the ancient Hungarians in choosing Pannonia, and thus securing for -themselves a land of plenty, capable of producing every kind of crop. -We had travelled far, through many a land both in Europe and Asia, -and in all that long journey we had seen nothing but stunted crops of -grass, barley, oats, and wheat, with the very life scorched out of them -by the heat; but when we entered Hungary, the grass was so high that -those in the carriage behind could not see the carriage in front—a good -proof of the fertility of the soil. - -After Semendria, as I told you, the Rascians begin, and occupy the land -as far as the river Drave. They are great drinkers, and are considered -treacherous. I cannot tell you how they got their name, or whence they -sprang, but, at any rate, they were most anxious to do what they could -for us. - -After passing through some of their villages, which were of no -particular interest, we came to Essek, which is often inaccessible by -reason of the swamps in which it lies. This is the famous battle-field -which witnessed the rout of Katzianer and the destruction of a -Christian army.[145] Here, in consequence of the excessive heat to -which we were exposed whilst passing through the open plains of -Hungary, I was seized with an attack of tertian fever. - -After leaving Essek, we crossed the Drave, and arrived at Laszko. -Whilst resting here, wearied with the journey and worn out by heat and -sickness, I was visited by the officials of the place, who came to -congratulate me on my arrival. They brought enormous melons, and pears -and plums of different kinds; they also furnished us with wine and -bread. Everything was most excellent, and I doubt whether the famous -Campania itself, highly as it is praised by past and present writers -for the fertility of its soil, could produce anything to surpass the -fruits they brought us. A long table standing in my bedroom was filled -with these gifts. My people kept the Hungarians to supper, and gave the -state of my health as the reason for not introducing them to my room. -On waking, my eyes fell on the table, and I could not tell whether I -was awake or dreaming, for there before my eyes appeared the veritable -Horn of Plenty! At last I asked my doctor, and he informed me that -he had had them set out on the table, that I might at least have -the pleasure of looking at them. I asked him if I might taste them. -He told me I might do so, but it must only be a ‘taste.’ Accordingly -all the fruits were cut, and I took a little morsel of each, to my -great refreshment. On the next day the Hungarians came and paid their -respects. After complaining of wrongs received from some of their -neighbours, they asked for the King’s protection. - -From this place we came to Mohacz,[146] the fatal field on which Louis -of Hungary fell. I saw not far from the town a small stream flowing -between high precipitous banks, into which the unhappy young King was -thrown with his steed, and so died. He was unfortunate, but he also -showed great want of judgment in venturing, with a small force of raw -troops and unarmed peasants, to make a stand against the numerous and -highly disciplined forces of Solyman. - -From Mohacz we came to Tolna, and from Tolna to Feldvar. Here I crossed -over to an island in the Danube of no great size, inhabited by the -Rascians, who call it Kevi. Crossing the Danube again at this point, -I arrived at Buda on August 4, twelve days after our departure from -Belgrade. - -During this part of our journey we lost several horses from congestion, -brought on by their eating the new barley and drinking water when it -was too cold. I had also been in much danger from brigands, by whom -this part of the country is infested; they are for the most part -Heydons.[147] - -I had evidence a little later of the risk I had run in the confession -of some fellows who were executed by the Pasha of Buda. They admitted -that they had hidden themselves in the gully of a broad watercourse, -over which ran a crazy bridge, with the intention of starting up from -this ambuscade and attacking us. It is the easiest thing in the world -for a few men to cut off a party greatly outnumbering their own on a -bridge of this kind. The bridges are in such bad condition, and so full -of cracks and holes, that even with the utmost care it is impossible to -traverse them without great danger of one’s horses falling; and so if -there are brigands to meet the party in front, and others press them in -the rear, while their flanks are galled by the fire of those who are in -the gully, lurking in the underwood and reeds, there would be little -chance of escape; and the whole party on the bridge being on horseback, -and therefore scarce able to move, would be in a worse case than ever -the Romans were in the Caudine forks, and at the mercy of the brigands, -to be slain or captured at their pleasure. What deterred them I know -not; possibly it was the number of our party. Again, it may have been -the sight of the Hungarians who accompanied me, or the circumstance -that we advanced in a long column, and were not all on the bridge at -the same time. Whatever the reason may have been, by God’s mercy we -came safe to Buda. - -The Pasha was not in the city, having encamped opposite Buda, in the -plains near Pesth, called Rakos,[148] where, after the custom of the -Hungarians, he was holding a muster of Turkish feudal militia. Several -of the neighbouring Sanjak-beys were with him, but more were expected; -and so when I asked for an audience, he put me off for three days, -in order that he might have a greater assemblage of Sanjak-beys and -soldiers. On receiving a summons, I crossed the Danube and came to his -camp. He made many complaints of the outrages committed by certain -Hungarians. There is one point in which the Turks and Hungarians have -precisely the same way of proceeding, the latter being quite as bad -as the former. When they have committed some outrage, they complain -of their unfortunate victim as if he were the one in fault. The Pasha -also added threats of reprisals, thinking, probably, that I should be -intimidated by the presence of his army. I replied briefly that his -charge against the Hungarians might with much better reason be brought -against the Turks. I told him that, even on my way there, I had come -across soldiers of his who were engaged in plundering and harrying the -property of some unhappy Christian peasants who were _subjects of his -Royal Majesty_ (King Ferdinand), which was perfectly true. The Pasha -replied that he had handed over to the soldiers certain rebellious -Christians, who were _the Sultan’s subjects_, to be chastised and -pillaged. After rejoinders of this kind, he dismissed me, more dead -than alive, for this was the day on which my fever recurred. - -On the next day we set out for Gran, under the escort of some Turkish -horsemen. My intention was to cross the Danube, and spend the night in -a village which lies on the opposite bank over against Gran, so that -the next day I might reach Komorn at an earlier hour, and in this way -lessen the effects of the fever, which I expected to recur on that day. -Accordingly I requested our conductor to send some one forward to bring -the ferry-bridge across to our bank, with a view to accelerating our -passage. Although there were several reasons which rendered this plan -scarcely feasible, still, partly from a wish to please me, and partly -because he was anxious to announce my coming to the Sanjak-bey, he -despatched a couple of men. - -When the men had ridden forward for the space of one hour, they noticed -four horsemen under the shade of a tree, which stood at a little -distance from the road. As they were dressed in Turkish fashion, they -took them for Turks, and rode up. On coming nearer, they inquired -whether the country in that direction was fairly quiet. The four -horsemen made no reply, but charged on them with drawn swords, and -slashed one of the Turks over the face, cutting his nose nearly off, -so that the greater part of it hung down on his chin. One of the Turks -was leading his horse by the rein. This the horsemen seized, and one -of them mounted on its back, leaving his own scurvy jade in its place. -After this exchange of steeds they took to flight, while the Turks -fell back to our party—the man whose face had been damaged bellowing -lustily, and showing the horrid wound he had received. They told us -to make ready for fighting our way through an ambuscade they had -discovered. Even I got into the saddle, in the hope of encouraging my -men. But we came too late; the battle was all over. The fellows, who -were far more anxious to carry off their booty than to bandy blows, -were already galloping back to Raab, a town which our people hold, and -of the garrison of which they formed a part. The Turks pointed them out -to us, as they rode across the neighbouring hills on their way to Raab. - -After this adventure we came to Gran, where next day the Sanjak-bey, -after giving me a hearty welcome, recommended me, amongst other things, -not to forget the proof I had just received of how insolent Hungarian -soldiers could be, and to remember that not even the respect due to -the presence of his Royal Majesty’s ambassador had kept them from -playing their old tricks. He requested me also to see that the horse -which had been taken away was returned. Meanwhile, my friend the Turk -who had been wounded was standing in a corner of the Sanjak-bey’s hall, -with his head covered with bandages and his nose freshly sewn up. As -he drew his breath there was a kind of hoarse, uncomfortable sound. He -kept asking me for something to comfort him under his misfortune. I -promised to give him that which should cure his wound, and presented -him with two gold ducats. He wanted more, but the Sanjak-bey cut him -short, and declared that it was enough, and more than enough, to cure -him, reminding him that his misfortune must have been predestined, and -therefore I could not justly be held responsible for it! - -After this I was allowed to resume my journey, and on the same day -reached Komorn. Here I waited patiently for my fever to come on at its -regular time. At last I found that it had left me, and that the Turkish -fever had not ventured to cross into Christian territory! Hereupon I -gave thanks to God for delivering me, in one and the same day, both -from sickness and also from the toils and troubles of a long and -difficult journey. - -Two days later I reached Vienna, but I did not find my most gracious -master Ferdinand, King of the Romans, in the city. At present his -place at Vienna is occupied by Maximilian, King of Bohemia, whose -kindness has made me well nigh forget the hardships I have undergone; -but I am still so reduced by loss of flesh and lack of care, and the -inconveniences arising from travelling whilst sick, that many imagine -I have been poisoned by the Turks. At any rate, the other day, when -the Archduke Ferdinand was here and I bowed to him, on his asking one -of his people who I was, the man replied, loud enough for me to hear, -that ‘my looks might tell from what country I had come;’ probably -intending to suggest that I had swallowed the same sort of mushroom as -Claudius[149] of old. But I am quite certain that I am suffering from -nothing of the kind, and that after a little rest I shall recover my -colour, my strength, and my general condition; indeed, I feel every day -that there is a gradual change for the better. - -In the meantime I have sent news of my return to the King of the -Romans, informing him at the same time of the six months’ truce, and -giving him a short account of the negotiations in which I have been -engaged. When he returns from the Diet, in the affairs of which he is -now engaged, I shall be able to give him a full report. - -Many, who from fear or some other reason, shrank from accompanying me -to Constantinople, would now give a handsome sum for the honour of -having returned with me. Their case reminds me of the famous line in -Plautus— - - ‘Let him who would eat the kernel crack the nut.’ - -A man has no right to ask for _part_ of the profit, if he has not taken -on himself _part_ of the work. - -You have now got an account of my journey to Amasia as well as the -history of my journey to Constantinople; the yarn I have spun is rough -and ready, just as I should tell it if we were chatting together. You -will be bound to excuse the want of polish, inasmuch as I have complied -with your request, and despatched my letter at an early date. In mere -fairness you cannot expect fine writing from a man who is hurried and -overwhelmed with business. As to fine writing indeed, I do not believe -I am capable of it, even if I had time to think and leisure to compose. - -But while I own my deficiencies in this respect, I have the -satisfaction of feeling that I can claim for my poor narrative one -merit, compared with which all other merits are as nothing. It is -written in a spirit of honesty and truth. - - Vienna, September 1, 1555.[150] - - - - -LETTER II. - - Reasons for returning to Constantinople—Roostem restored - to power—Negotiations—Busbecq’s nose and ears in - danger—Bajazet—Account of Solyman’s family—Story of - Prince Jehangir—Roxolana’s partiality for Bajazet—The - temper of Mustapha’s partisans—Bajazet suborns a man - to personate Mustapha—The impostor in Bulgaria—His - artful address—Solyman’s appreciation of the crisis—The - Sanjak-beys—Pertau Pasha—Seizure of the impostor—Tortured - by order of the Sultan—The impostor’s revelations—Drowned - at midnight—Danger of Bajazet—Roxolana’s intercession - for her son—Bajazet’s visit to his father—The cup of - sherbet—Bajazet more fortunate than Mustapha—Achmet - Pasha—Various reasons assigned for his execution—Strange - request to his executioner—Busbecq’s best friends. - - -I have received your letter, in which you tell me that you have heard -of my departure for Thrace, while you wonder at the infatuation which -has induced me to revisit a country destitute of civilisation, and -notorious for deeds of cruelty. - -Well, you wish me to tell you of my journey, the position of affairs -when I arrived, my reception at Constantinople, etc.; in short, you -want to know how I am, whether I am enjoying myself, and whether I -have any immediate prospect of returning. You claim an answer to your -questions on the score of our ancient friendship. - -Here is my reply to your inquiries. First, the report which you heard -of my return hither was quite correct, nor need you be surprised at my -taking this step. My word was pledged, and having once undertaken the -duty, I could not consistently draw back. - -My position was this: I had been appointed by my most gracious master -Ferdinand, King of the Romans, ambassador in ordinary to Solyman for -several years. This appointment, however, and my acceptance of it, -appeared to rest on the assumption that peace had been concluded; -still, as the hope of an arrangement had not been altogether abandoned, -I did not, until the matter was finally settled, one way or the other, -feel justified in avoiding the toils and risks of my present position. - -Accordingly though I was under no delusion as to the extent of the -danger I was incurring, and should have much preferred to hand over -the duty to another, still, since I could not find a substitute, I was -obliged to obey the wish of my most kind and considerate Sovereign—a -wish which to me was law. As soon as he had returned from the session -of the Imperial Diet,[151] and had given me an interview, in the course -of which I informed him of the state of our negotiations with Solyman, -he ordered me to hold myself in readiness to carry back his answer to -the Sultan. - -It was winter, and the weather was bad, being wet, cold, and windy, -when I was ordered back to Constantinople with despatches which could -hardly be acceptable to those to whom I went. Here you will exclaim -at my infatuation in venturing a second time on such a risk. I cannot -look on it in this light. It seems to me that what was the right course -before must be the right course now. And surely the proper measure of -the credit to be attached to an honourable act, is the amount of toil -and danger involved in its accomplishment. - -In the month of November I left Vienna to retrace my steps to the -shores of the Euxine. I have no intention of abusing your patience -by wearying you with a repetition of the trifling occurrences which -befell me on my way, for I think you must have been so bored with the -account of my former journey, as hardly yet to have recovered from its -effects. Repetition is all the more needless, because we took almost -identically the same route as before. - -Early in January I reached Constantinople, after losing one of my -companions from an attack of acute fever, brought on by the hardships -of the road. I found my colleagues safe and sound, but a great change -had taken place in the Turkish Government. Bajazet, the younger son -of Solyman, had been delivered from a position of serious danger, and -forgiven by his father. Achmet Pasha,[152] the Chief Vizier, had been -strangled; and Roostem restored to his former honours. - -Of these things more anon. I will now tell you of the unfavourable -reception I had from the Sultan, the Pashas, and the rest of the Turks. - -In accordance with their usual practice before admitting an ambassador -to the presence of their Sovereign, the Pashas desired me to tell them -the purport of the answer with which I was entrusted; on learning -that his Majesty declined to make any concession, and insisted on his -right to the fulfilment of the treaty which he had fairly and honestly -negotiated with the widow and son of John the Voivode[153] (i.e. -Governor) of Transylvania, the wrath and indignation of the Pashas knew -no bounds. A long career of success has made the Turks so arrogant, -that they consider their pleasure to be the sole rule of what is right -and what is wrong. - -At first they tried to frighten us, and enlarged on the danger of -entering the Sultan’s presence with such despatches. When we were not -to be intimidated, and again asked for an audience, they refused to -involve themselves in our dangers by presenting us to their Sovereign. -To use their own phrase, they asked us ‘how many spare heads we thought -they had got, that we expected them to introduce us to their master’s -presence with an answer of this kind? It was a downright insult on our -part, and one which their master was not the man to pocket. He was in -his capital, surrounded by his victorious troops; his successes against -the Persians had raised his spirit and swelled his pride, while the -son who had aspired to his throne had been put to death, from which -last circumstance we might learn a lesson as to how far his wrath could -go. What could possibly suit him better than a campaign in Hungary, -where his war-worn soldiers might forget their hardships, and enjoy the -plunder of a well-stocked country, while he annexed to his empire the -remainder of that province, which in good sooth was not much? In short -our wisest course was to keep quiet, and not arouse his anger; there -was no need for us to hasten on the evil day; it would come quite soon -enough without our interference.’ Such was the advice of the Pashas, -nor was more comfort to be derived from the opinions expressed by the -rest of the Turks; for the mildest punishment they threatened us with -was, that two of us would be thrust into a noisome dungeon, while the -third (your humble servant, to wit), would be sent back to his master, -after being first deprived of his nose and ears. Moreover, we noticed -that people, as they passed our lodging, scowled at us in a way that -boded no good. From this time we met with harsher treatment, our -confinement was closer, no one was suffered to visit us, our people -were not allowed to go abroad; in short, although we were ambassadors, -our lot was scarcely better than that of prisoners. This has been our -position for the last six months, and what will be the end of it God -only knows; we are in His hands, and whatever may befall us, whatever -we may have to bear, we shall have the great comfort of feeling that -there is nothing on our part of which we need be ashamed. - -I will now proceed to answer your inquiries touching Bajazet, but -in order to make my explanation clearer, I must give you further -explanations about the Sultan’s family. Solyman has had five sons, -the eldest of whom was Mustapha, whose unhappy end I have already -described; he was the son of a woman who came from the Crimea; by a -Russian[154] woman, to whom he is legally married, he has had four -sons—Mahomet, Selim, Bajazet, and Jehangir. Mahomet, after marrying a -wife (for the Turks give the title of wife to concubines), died while -still young. The surviving sons are Selim and Bajazet. - -Jehangir, the youngest, is dead, and of his death I shall now proceed -to give you an account. The news of Mustapha’s death, when it arrived -at Constantinople, overwhelmed the young prince with terror and dismay. -The poor lad, whose person was disfigured by a hump, had no strength -of mind or body to enable him to resist the shock. The death of his -brother reminded him of the fate in store for himself at no distant -day. His father’s death would seal his doom. The consignment of the -old Sultan to the tomb would mark at once the commencement of his -successor’s reign, and the termination of his own life. Whoever that -successor might be, it was certain he would regard all his brothers -as rivals to his throne, who must be got rid of without delay; and of -these brothers he was one. These sad thoughts took hold of him to -such an extent, that an order for his instant execution could not have -terrified him more. So great was his misery that it brought on an -illness which terminated in his death. - -Two sons, as I said, survive; one of whom, Selim, being the elder, is -intended by his father to succeed him on the throne. Bajazet’s claims -are warmly supported by his mother, who is devoted to him. Possibly his -hopeless position may have excited her pity, or she may be influenced -by his dutiful bearing towards herself; but whatever the reason may -be, no one doubts that, if it depended on her, Bajazet would be placed -on the throne to the exclusion of Selim. She must, however, yield to -the father’s will, and he is thoroughly determined that, if the fates -permit, no one but Selim shall succeed him. Bajazet, being aware -how matters stand, is anxiously looking round for an opportunity of -escaping the fate marked out for him, and exchanging a pitiless doom -for a throne. Indeed the support of his mother and Roostem prevents his -altogether despairing of success; and to fall fighting for the chance -of empire seems to him a more honourable lot than to be butchered -like a sheep by his brother’s hangman. Such were Bajazet’s feelings, -and his difference with Selim was becoming more and more marked, -when he discerned in the odium excited by the execution of Mustapha -an opportunity of putting in motion the revolution he had long been -planning. - -So intense was the sorrow for Mustapha, that many after his death grew -weary of life; all their prospects had been bound up in his fortunes, -and what they most longed for was an opportunity of avenging his wrongs -or sharing his fate. Some of his supporters were rendered so uneasy -by their own fears, that they thought there could be nothing worse -than their present position, and therefore were looking out for the -means of bringing about a general revolution; all that was wanted was a -leader; Mustapha indeed could not be recalled to life, but a pretender -could be set up. Bajazet was on the watch, and the idea struck him as -one admirably calculated for the furtherance of his design. At his -instigation, some of his followers induced a fellow of low origin, -but daring and resolute, to announce himself as Mustapha, and boldly -personate the dead prince. In height, features, and general appearance -he was not unlike that unhappy youth. Feigning to have escaped from the -Sultan by flight, the pretender began to show himself first northward -of Constantinople, on the slopes[155] of the Balkan leading down to the -Danube, not far from the provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia. - -There were two reasons for choosing this locality; first, because the -proximity of the above-mentioned provinces afforded a good opening for -revolutionary schemes, and, secondly, because the whole country was -full of Spahis, a branch of the service which had provided Mustapha -with most of his followers. He landed there with a few attendants, -pretending to be a traveller, who desired to escape notice. When his -companions were questioned as to who he was, they made people think -it was Mustapha by timid hints, rather than by downright statements; -nor did their leader himself deny that such was the case. This -cunning device made people still more anxious to see him. Hereon the -pretender threw away all disguise; and after expressing his joy at -his safe arrival among them, and thanking God for his preservation, -proceeded to tell them the following story. He said that ‘when he was -summoned,[156] he had not ventured to enter into the presence of his -offended father or trust himself in his hands, but that by the advice -of his friends he had, by means of large promises, procured a man who -resembled him to go in his stead, that he might learn his father’s -disposition towards himself, at the risk of another man’s life: this -man, before he was admitted to his father, or given any opportunity -of pleading his case, had been cruelly strangled, and exposed in -front of the Sultan’s tent; at the time there were many who had a -sort of suspicion of the trick, but a still larger number, owing to -the features of the wretched man being rendered undistinguishable by -his agonising death, had been induced to believe that he himself had -suffered. On learning this, he had felt that he must without loss of -time fly for his life. Knowing that his safety depended on secresy, he -had only allowed a few of his companions to share his flight; he had -made his way along the north coast of the Black Sea through the tribes -of the Bosphorus,[157] and had come amongst them, because he felt that -in their loyal protection lay his best chance of safety. He implored -them not to fail him in the hour of trial, when he was suffering from -the persecution of his wicked stepmother, or hold him of less account -than they had been wont to do in the time of his prosperity; his object -was to avenge his wrongs, and draw the sword in self-defence. What else -remained to him? If he still lived, it was only because another had -died in his stead; proof enough had been given of his father’s feelings -towards him; to his parent’s mistake, not to his parent’s affection, -he owed his life; all this misery arose from the sorceries of his -mother-in-law; the poor old Sultan being hardly in his right mind, and -madly devoted to his wife, she was able to sway him at her pleasure, -and with Roostem’s assistance, to drive him to the commission of any -crime she chose; but, thank God, he had true friends to help him out -of his misfortunes, and inflict condign punishment on his enemies; he -still had devoted followers, on his side were the Janissaries and the -greater part of his father’s household, large forces would pour in -when they heard of his standard being raised, and hosts of friends, -who mourned his death, would rally round him when they found he still -lived. He only asked them to receive him kindly as a guest, and protect -him in the day of adversity, until such time as his supporters could be -assembled.’ - -At first he used this language privately, but afterwards he harangued -in a similar strain the inhabitants of the places he visited; the men -who were supposed to have been the companions of his flight supported -his assertions by similar narratives; while persons of considerable -position, who had been suborned by Bajazet, made statements to the -same effect. By this means a great number of people who had no -connection with Bajazet, were drawn into the mistake. For the affair -was so artfully managed that some who had known Mustapha during his -life, and had recognised his body when it lay before his father’s -tent, were nevertheless anxious to discredit their own senses, and -allowed themselves to be persuaded that this was the true Mustapha. -And though the intimate friends and dependants of Mustapha, on whose -memories his features were imprinted, were in no wise deceived by the -impostor, nevertheless, they were so blinded by fear and resentment, -that they were among the first to give in their allegiance. There was -nothing they were not willing to undergo sooner than live any longer -without a Mustapha. Their adhesion prevented the rest from having any -doubts as to his being the true Mustapha, and convinced them that the -story of his execution was founded on a mistake. Nor was the impostor -himself idle; for some he had fine words and promises, while on many -he bestowed money and presents, purporting to be a remnant saved from -the wreck of his former fortune (for Bajazet had taken care that there -should be no lack of funds), and so, by one means or another, he -managed to keep his followers together, and add to their number. - -Accordingly, in a few days a large and daily increasing force had been -collected; the muster had already assumed the proportions of a regular -army, when Solyman was suddenly informed of the insurrection; letters -and messengers came in hot haste from the neighbouring Sanjak-beys to -tell him that the insurrection was rapidly gaining head, and the crisis -had become serious. - -The Sultan, rightly surmising that one or other of his two sons was -privy to the conspiracy, considered it a most serious matter, and sent -despatches severely reprimanding the Sanjak-beys for their remissness -in allowing the insurrection to assume such formidable proportions, -instead of nipping it in the bud; moreover, he threatened to punish -them severely if they failed to send him the impostor in chains at the -very earliest date possible, and with him all the other ringleaders -in this monstrous treason. He told them that, in order to expedite -matters, he was sending one of his Vizierial Pashas to their assistance -(the name of this officer was Pertau, he is married to the widow of the -Mahomet of whom I told you), and that he was accompanied by a large -force of household troops; but if they desired to clear themselves, -they had better bring the matter to a conclusion with their own forces, -before the reinforcements arrived. - -Pertau’s command was not numerous, but it was composed of the most -loyal of the Sultan’s troops; for Solyman had taken care to select his -most faithful colonels, captains, and cavalry officers. There was, -indeed, serious apprehension of Pertau’s forces being induced to go -over to the enemy in a body, as it was impossible to say how far they -had been tampered with, or to what length their party feeling might -carry them. The rank and file of the Janissaries, excited by the idea -of a revolution with Mustapha at its head, were well inclined towards -the insurgents, and eager for the rising to become general. There were, -therefore, serious reasons for anxiety. - -On receiving Solyman’s commands, the Sanjak-beys felt the necessity of -vigorous action, and, with many mutual exhortations, set to work in all -haste to oppose and check the pretender’s plans, doing their utmost to -cut off the bands that were coming up, and to break up the force which -he had already collected, whilst they cowed the whole country side with -threats of the Sultan’s vengeance. - -Meanwhile, the column of Pertau Pasha was advancing towards the -scene of insurrection. The effect produced by the approach of the -regular troops was such as might have been expected. The raw levies -of the pretender were panic-stricken when they saw that they were -out-generalled and attacked on every side. At first small parties -dropped away; after a while the whole army, throwing honour and -obligation to the winds, deserted their leader, and scattered in every -direction. The pretender, with his chief officers and advisers, -attempted to follow the example of his men, but was stopped by the -Sanjak-beys, and taken alive. They were all handed over to Pertau -Pasha, and sent off to Constantinople with a guard of picked troops. -On their arrival, Solyman had them carefully examined under torture. -Their confession established the guilt of Bajazet, and made his father -acquainted with his treasonable designs. He had intended, it appears, -as soon as the forces of the insurgents had reached a certain size, -to join them with a strong body of troops, and either to lead them -straight against Constantinople, or to fall with all his strength upon -his brother, according as circumstances might favour either attempt; -but whilst he hesitated, his designs were nipped in the bud by the -prompt action of his father. Solyman, having satisfied himself on these -points, ordered them all to be drowned in the sea at dead of night, -deeming it most inexpedient that any of these transactions should be -noised abroad, and his family misfortunes become the gazing-stock of -neighbouring princes. The Sultan, who was grievously displeased with -Bajazet for this audacious attempt, was debating in his mind how he -should punish him; but his wife being a clever woman, his intentions -were not long a secret to her. - -Having allowed a few days to elapse, in order to give time for his -anger to cool, she alluded to the subject in Solyman’s presence, and -spoke of the thoughtlessness of young men, quoting similar acts which -had been done by his forefathers. She reminded the Sultan that ‘natural -instinct teaches everyone to protect himself and his family, and that -death is welcome to none; that the mind of a young man can easily -be seduced from the right path by the suggestions of unscrupulous -advisers. It was only fair,’ she said, ‘to pardon a first fault, -and if his son came to his senses he would have saved him to his own -great benefit as a father; but if Bajazet should go back to his former -ways, it would then be time to punish him, as he deserved, for both -his misdeeds. If he would not grant this mercy to his erring son, she -implored him to grant it to a mother’s prayers. She begged for the -life of the son she had borne, and entreated him to spare their common -child. What must be her feelings,’ she continued, ‘if, of the two sons -whom God had spared her, one should be reft away by his unrelenting -father. He ought to control his wrath, and lean to mercy rather than -severity, however just that severity might be; for the Deity, whose -power and justice were infinite, did not clothe himself always in -severity, but to a great extent allowed mercy to prevail, otherwise the -human race could not suffice to supply victims for his vengeance. To -whom ought a man to extend mercy, if not to his children? Henceforth -Bajazet would be a dutiful son, and, freed by this great act of grace -from his present fears, overflow with love and obedience towards his -father; there was no surer bond for noble souls than kind and generous -treatment; the recollection of the pardon he had received would prevent -Bajazet from repeating his offence. She pledged her word for him, and -undertook that he should henceforth be a good and dutiful son.’ - -By these words, accompanied as they were with tears and caresses, -Solyman was softened; and being at all times too much under his wife’s -influence, he changed his resolve, and determined to spare Bajazet, -on condition of his coming and receiving his commands in person. The -mother was equal to the occasion, and wrote secretly to Bajazet, -telling him not to be afraid to come when he was sent for, he would -be perfectly safe; she had obtained his restoration to his father’s -favour, from whose mind all displeasure had been removed. On receiving -this message his hopes rose, and he determined to trust himself in his -father’s hands; but he was not without fears, as he thought every now -and then of his brother Mustapha, whose fate testified pretty clearly -to the magnitude of the danger he was incurring. Accordingly, he came -to the place appointed for the conference, which was a public inn a few -miles from Constantinople, called Carestran. This was in accordance -with a rule of the Turkish Court, that no grown-up son of the Sultan -should during his father’s lifetime set foot within the walls of -Constantinople, lest he should tamper with the household troops, and -endeavour to seize the throne. On dismounting, he found his father’s -slaves waiting for him with an order to lay aside his sword and dagger. -Nor was there anything unusual in this, as it is the general rule -for those who are admitted to an audience with the Sultan; still it -was a precaution which was not calculated to allay the fears of his -conscience-stricken son. But his mother, foreseeing how frightened he -would be when entering his father’s presence, had stationed herself in -a chamber close to the entrance of the house, by which Bajazet must -pass. As he went by, he could hear his mother calling to him through a -little canvas-covered window, and saying, ‘Corcoma, oglan, corcoma’; -i.e., Do not fear, my son, do not fear. These words from his mother -gave Bajazet no little comfort. On entering, his father bade him -take a seat by his side, and proceeded to lecture him most seriously -on the rashness of his conduct in venturing to take up arms under -circumstances which made it not improbable that he himself was the -object of his attack; and granting that his attempt was directed only -against his brother, it was even then an outrageous crime. - -‘He had done what he could towards destroying the very foundations -of the Moslem faith, by bringing to the verge of ruin through family -feuds that which was nowadays its only support—the imperial power of -the house of Othman; this consideration alone ought to prevent a true -believer from entertaining such a design. - -‘On the wrong and insult to himself,’ continued the Sultan, ‘he would -not dwell, though he had attempted to seize the throne during his -lifetime, and thus committed an unpardonable offence, for which no -possible punishment could ever atone; in spite of all this, he had -determined to spare him, and deal with him rather as a kind father -than as a strict judge, in the hope that he would henceforward leave -the care of the future in the hands of God; none of these matters -depended on man’s pleasure, it was by God’s decree that kingdoms -went and kingdoms came. If fate ordained that after his death he -(Bajazet) should reign, the matter was settled, the realm would come -to him without any effort on his part; no human means could avail to -hinder that which was appointed from on high; but if God had decreed -otherwise, it was mere madness to toil and strive against His will, -and, as it were, to fight against God. In short, he must leave off -fomenting disorders, cease to attack a brother who did nothing to -provoke him, and refrain from troubling his aged father. But if he -returned to his old courses, and stirred up another storm, it should -break on his own head, and there should be no pardon for a second -offence; in that case he would not find in him a gentle father, but a -stern judge.’ - -When he had thus spoken, and Bajazet had made a short and judicious -reply, apologising for his fault rather than palliating it, and -promising submission for the future to his father’s will, Solyman -ordered the national beverage to be brought in, and handed to his -son—it was a compound of sugar and water, flavoured with the juice of -certain herbs. Bajazet, longing, but not daring, to refuse it, drank -as much as appearances required, with misgiving in his heart that this -might be the last cup he should ever taste. But presently his father -removed his anxiety by taking a draught from the same cup. Bajazet -therefore was more fortunate than Mustapha in his interview with his -father, and was allowed to return to his government.[158] - -I have a few things to tell you about Achmet’s death. Some think he -was accused of a secret leaning towards Mustapha, or at any rate of -negligence in not detecting the conspiracy of the pretender and Bajazet -till it was almost too late. Others think that he had long before been -sentenced to death for robberies and depredations committed by him at -a time when he was without official rank, and fighting for his own -hand; and that this sentence, which, on account of his gallantry and -military skill, had been postponed, though never actually remitted, -was now to be put into execution. Others, again, think that the wish -to restore Roostem to his old position was the one and only reason for -putting Achmet to death. Solyman was believed to have promised Achmet -never to deprive him of the seal of office so long as he lived. When -circumstances necessitated the restoration of the seal to Roostem, he -was obliged, in order to keep his pledge and avoid a breach of faith, -to put Achmet to death, and hence the order for his execution. They -declare also that Solyman said, it was better for him to die once than -to die a thousand times, as would be the case, if he survived to be -perpetually tormented with vain regret for the power that had been -snatched from his hands and given to another. However that may be, one -morning when he had gone to the Divan (which I have already explained -to be the council chamber), without the slightest knowledge of what -was about to happen, a messenger came to sentence him to death in the -Sultan’s name. Achmet, being a man of marvellous courage, received the -announcement with almost as much composure as if it were no concern -of his. All he did was to repulse the hangman, who was preparing to -perform his office, deeming it unfitting that one who had but lately -held so exalted a position, should be touched by his polluted hands. -Glancing round on the bystanders, he begged as a favour of a gentleman, -with whom he was on friendly terms, to act as his executioner, telling -him that it was a kindness he should greatly value, and the last he -would ever be able to do to him; after many entreaties, his friend -acceded to his request. When this was settled, Achmet enjoined him, -after putting the bowstring round his neck, not to strangle him at the -first pull, but to slacken it and allow him to draw one breath; after -which he was to tighten the string until he was dead; this fancy of his -was duly complied with. A strange wish, methinks, to pry at such a time -into the mystery of death, and pay one visit to the threshold of the -king of terrors before passing his portals for ever! - -After his death the badges of his former office and the post of Chief -Vizier were restored to Roostem. As to your inquiry about my return, I -may answer in the words of the famous quotation, ‘Facilis descensus -Averni.’ Well, He who guided me on my way hither will bring me back -in His own good time. In the meanwhile, I shall console myself in my -loneliness and troubles with my old friends, my books; friends who have -never failed me hitherto, but have done their master true and loyal -service by night and day. Farewell. - - Constantinople, July 14, 1556.[159] - - - - -LETTER III. - - Introduction—Departure of Busbecq’s colleagues and - preceding negotiations—Turkish hawking—Busbecq summoned - to Adrianople—Earthquake there—Account of earthquake at - Constantinople—Busbecq returns to Constantinople—Hires - a house there—Is forced to go back to his former - abode—Description of it—Anecdotes of animals in - it—Busbecq’s menagerie—How Busbecq’s friend availed - himself of the Turkish abhorrence of pigs—Stories of - a lynx, a crane, a stag—Turkish mendicants—Turkish - slaves—Busbecq’s kite-shooting—His tame partridges from - Chios—Mode of keeping them—Artificial egg-hatching in - Egypt—Turkish horses—Camels—Their use in war—Turkish - commissariat—Turkish and Christian soldiers - contrasted—Their clothing and equipment—Illustration - from Cæsar of Turkish tactics—Turkish kindness to - animals—Cats preferred to dogs—Mahomet and his - cat—Narrow escape of a Venetian who ill-treated a - bird—Turkish fondness for birds—Tame nightingales - and goldfinches—Turkish women and marriage - laws—Divorces—Baths for women—Extraordinary story of - an old woman—Busbecq’s letters intercepted—Pashas - puzzled by supposed cipher—Conversations with - Roostem—Hungarian affairs—Ali Pasha appointed commander - there—His character and appearance—Besieges Szigeth - unsuccessfully—Turkish army preserved by advice of a - Sanjak-bey—His subsequent treatment—Retreat and death - of Ali Pasha—Capture of Gran—Skirmishes and raids in - Croatia—Turkish and Persian dread of fire-arms—Story - of Roostem’s corps of musketeers—Turkish opinion of - duelling—Arslan bey—Account of the Mingrelians and - their king—Busbecq’s life and occupations—Turkish - archery—Turkish readiness to adopt foreign inventions - and customs—Lemnian earth—Why some Turks have their - children baptised—Parthian tactics of the Turks—Busbecq’s - acquaintances of various nations—Rudeness of a Cavasse - and Busbecq’s retaliation—Story of Roostem—Turkish - treatment of ambassadors—Story of a Venetian - ambassador—Emblematic present from Roostem—Beginning - of Bajazet’s rebellion—Removal of him and Selim to new - governments—Reluctance of Bajazet to obey—Selim marches - on Ghemlik—Bajazet’s remonstrances and his father’s - reply—Missions of Mehemet and Pertau Pashas to Selim - and Bajazet—Reluctance of Solyman’s troops—The Mufti - consulted—Message of Bajazet to Solyman—His preparations - at Angora—Characters of the rival brothers—Address of - Bajazet to his army—His defeat at Koniah and retreat - to Amasia—Reputation he gains by his conduct—Solyman - crosses to Asia—His motives—Busbecq a spectator of - his departure—Description of the procession—Busbecq - summoned to Solyman’s camp—Description of it—Turkish - observance of Ramazan—Impression made on a Turk by the - carnival—Why wine was forbidden by Mahomet—Turkish - military punishments—Quarrel of Busbecq’s servants - with some Janissaries—Light in which the Janissaries - are regarded by the Sultan—Albert de Wyss—Bajazet’s - proceedings at Amasia—Description of Persia—Characters - of Shah Tahmasp and his son—Solyman’s policy towards - Bajazet—Flight of Bajazet to Persia—Description of the - celebration of Bairam by the army—Return of Busbecq to - Constantinople—Incidents of Bajazet’s flight—Solyman - is dissuaded from marching against Persia—Disaffection - among his troops—Bajazet’s arrival in Persia—His - reception by the Shah—Duplicity of the Shah—His probable - motives—Bajazet’s troops separated and massacred in - detail—He and his family are thrown into prison—Opinions - as to his probable fate—Influence of these events on - Busbecq’s negotiations—His course of policy—Conclusion. - - -Of course you have heard of the last arrangements. Well, my colleagues -left me some time ago, and I am alone at Constantinople. A strange -fancy, I think I hear you say. What on earth can have induced him to -stay among savages, an exile from his dear native land? But while you -exclaim at my choice, you do not forget to ask for every scrap of -news I have to give, solemnly promising to accept it all—good, bad, -and indifferent—just as it comes. You have other questions which you -wish answered. What books am I reading? What am I doing? How do I get -through the day? Do I ever go out? Come, come, what you are plaguing -me for is, I see, not a letter but a diary. Again, you are specially -anxious for information about Bajazet’s fortunes, touching which, you -say, there are many rumours at home. You assert that I am under an -engagement to give you news of him, and you demand heavy damages for -breach of contract! I believe you intend dragging me into court, and -are already preparing your pleadings! Pray do not be so hard! Restrain -your passion, my friend; or if nothing else will serve, take the full -sum; I will pay interest as well, in fact do or pay anything sooner -than be brought into court, though indeed a demurrer would probably lie -to your claim, for surely after so long an interval I might set up the -Statute of Limitations. - -When my colleagues, with whom my former letters have made you -acquainted, saw that we had already wasted three years here, and that -no progress had been made towards peace, or even towards an armistice -of any duration, and there appeared hardly any hope of gaining anything -if they stayed, they sought leave to return. Now I must tell you that -it is easy enough to get here; the difficult thing is to get away![160] -and they had much trouble before they could obtain Solyman’s consent. -After this we had to decide whether we should all three leave, or I -should remain behind, while my two colleagues, who had been longer at -Constantinople, returned home. For this point Solyman had left for our -decision, as he was afraid, if he kept one of us, that people would -think that he was anxious for peace. My colleagues considered it was -essential to the Emperor’s interest that one of us should remain. This -was tolerably obvious; but, while I shared their opinion, I thought -it politic to dissemble, and so, whenever the subject was mentioned -in the presence of Turks, I took care to express my dissatisfaction -with any arrangement which kept me at Constantinople. ‘Admitting that -I had come to discharge the duties of an ambassador in ordinary, yet -such a position implied that peace had been concluded. While this was -uncertain, I did not see how I could remain at the Sultan’s court -without disobeying my instructions, or at any rate going beyond them. -The proper course,’ I added, ‘would be for one and all of us to receive -our passports.’ - -I took this line in order to make them press me to stay, knowing that -it would make a material difference in my position whether I remained -at the request of the Turkish Government or of my own free will. I -was fully alive to the fact that if none of us remained to represent -his Majesty, there was a probability, or rather a certainty, of war; -whereas if I stayed, the prospects of a peaceful arrangement would not -be prejudiced. While communications were being exchanged between Vienna -and Constantinople, a long time would elapse, in which many things -might occur to improve our position. Finally, anything was better than -needlessly to plunge into the horrors of war. These considerations did -not blind me to the fact, that, as far as my own personal interest was -concerned, I was acting imprudently in remaining behind. I foresaw the -additional responsibility I must undertake, and the risks and dangers -of the position I was to occupy, which, great as they must be in any -case, would become extremely serious if the negotiations ended in war. -But men who take upon themselves the onerous office of ambassador must -not allow considerations of this kind to come between them and their -duty to the State. - -Roostem, in his excessive anxiety to keep me, played as it were -into my hands. No doubt he understood how much the chances of peace -would be diminished by our departure in a body, and the rupture of -the negotiations which were pending. His chief reason for dreading -an outbreak of hostilities was the effect it would probably have on -Solyman’s sons, who would be sure to take up arms as soon as their -father marched for Hungary. However quiet Selim might be, he knew that -Bajazet would be certain to attack him; and the deep interest which -he, his wife, and his mother-in-law took in the younger prince, made -him anxious that nothing should occur to provoke a step on his part -which he foresaw would be his destruction. Therefore, having summoned -us to his house, he communicated at great length to my colleagues the -considerations he wished to be brought before his Majesty to induce him -to agree to the terms the Sultan offered. But he urged me to stay at my -post, and to persevere in my efforts for the re-establishment of peace. -There was no doubt, he said, that the course he recommended would meet -with the Emperor’s approval, as he had never shown himself averse to -peace. I, on the other hand, expressed annoyance at his proposals, -and made objections to them, as far as I could do so with decency and -safety. On this Roostem grew eager, and begged me not to take a step -which must necessarily put an end to all prospect of peace, saying that -his Emperor[161] was eager to lead his army into Hungary, and would -have done so long ago, if he himself had not through the influence of -certain ladies[162] (meaning his wife and mother-in-law) prevented him. -To use his own expression, they had detained him by seizing the hem of -his garment. He implored us not to go on teasing and provoking against -ourselves the rage of a sleeping lion. I began to be less decided in -my refusals, and to say that I would stay, did I not fear that the -Pashas would be unreasonable in their treatment of me. I felt sure, I -added, that if anything occurred to displease them they would hold me -responsible for it, and make me the scapegoat, even for matters totally -out of my power to prevent. Roostem told me not to be afraid, saying -that whatever turn things might take, nothing should be laid to my -charge; if I would only remain he would undertake to protect me, and, -to use his own expression, would regard me as his brother. I replied -that I would think it over, and so we departed. - -The next day we were summoned to the Divan,[163] or Council of State, -where almost the same scene was enacted, except that Roostem, on -account of the presence of the other Pashas was more guarded in his -language. Before I finally agreed to remain, I deposited a protest -with the Pashas, in which I put on record that I was remaining without -knowing what my master’s wishes might be, and therefore reserved all -questions for his decision without prejudice. I undertook nothing, -and did not engage to be responsible for the result which God had -foreordained. This protest was afterwards of great service to me -when affairs looked gloomy, and the Pashas were inclined to treat me -harshly. I have now given you my reasons for remaining. - -The departure of my colleagues took place towards the end of August -1557. In the following winter the Sultan, according to his usual -custom, removed to Adrianople, with the double object of making a -demonstration against Hungary and of enjoying the good hawking and the -bracing climate, which he thought were beneficial to his health. At -the junction of the rivers near Adrianople are wide tracts of flooded -lands, on which there are great quantities of wild ducks, geese, -herons, eagles, cranes, and buzzards. To capture these he generally -uses a small species of eagle; these birds are trained to seek their -quarry in the clouds, and bring it down, or to seize it as it flies -beneath them, and with one swoop dash it to the ground.[164] I hear he -has falcons so well trained that they can bring down a crane, striking -it under the wing in such a way as to keep clear of its beak, on which -they would otherwise be impaled. Their boldness, however, is not always -successful, for if they make the least mistake, they immediately suffer -for it; the crane’s beak goes through them like an arrow, and they -tumble lifeless to the ground. - -For the reasons I have mentioned, the Sultan makes a practice every -year of repairing to Adrianople at the beginning of the winter, and -of not returning to Constantinople till the frogs drive him away with -their croaking. - -Shortly after the departure of the Court, I received a letter from -Roostem ordering me to follow. Some horsemen were attached to me as an -escort, and also sixteen Janissaries, either as a mark of honour or to -prevent my escaping. As I was directed to come with all speed, at first -we travelled by long stages, but we had scarcely commenced our third -day’s journey when the Janissaries began to grumble. It was winter, and -they had to trudge along muddy roads, so our long marches were not at -all to their liking; they declared that when they were campaigning with -the Sultan they did not march more than half the distance, and said -they could not stand it. This troubled me, as I did not wish to be hard -on them. At last, while I was considering with my attendants what to -do for them, one of them suggested that they were very fond of a sort -of omelette, which my cook compounded of wine and eggs with plenty of -sugar and spices. ‘Possibly,’ said he, ‘if they were served with this -for breakfast every day, they would make fewer complaints of fatigue -and be more obliging.’ Queer as the suggestion was, I determined to -try it, and the result was a most complete success, for they were so -charmed with the omelette, and so merry with the wine with which I -plied them, that they were ready to start before the order came, and -volunteered to follow me to Buda if I would always treat them so. - -Travelling thus, I arrived at Adrianople, where I was obliged to listen -to the complaints, not to say abuse, of Roostem about the raids and -robberies of the Hungarians. To these, however, the answer was not far -to seek, for I was able to tell him of the numerous wrongs which our -people daily received from Turkish soldiers. He could not be surprised, -I added, if the Christians retaliated. - -I was enabled to answer him thus by the arrival of a courier with -despatches from the Emperor, in which he narrated the outrages -perpetrated every day by the Turks in our territory, in violation of -the armistice which we had made for a fixed period on the departure -of my colleagues; how they harried the miserable peasantry with their -ceaseless raids, plundered their property, and carried off into -captivity themselves, their wives, and their children. - -I must not omit to mention that on the day of the courier’s arrival at -Adrianople there was a great earthquake, _à propos_ of which he related, -that he had felt an earthquake, which he considered to be the same, at -Nisch and Sofia, and many other places through which he had journeyed, -so that the air enclosed in the caverns of the earth seemed to have -run a race with him and to have travelled almost as fast as he had -ridden. In confirmation of this theory, I must tell you that a similar -earthquake was felt four days later at Constantinople; here are the -data and you can make your own deductions. - -I may remark that Constantinople is very subject to earthquakes, and I -remember that once, a little after midnight, our lodging began to shake -so violently that we thought the house would fall. I had been sound -asleep, but when it woke me and I could see by my night-light books and -cups tumbling about, laths and stones falling from the wall, and the -whole room shaking violently, for a moment I was dumbfoundered and knew -not what to make of it. At last, when it occurred to me that it was an -earthquake, I jumped up and ran out, for fear the house should tumble -in upon me. The same earthquake continued for some days, though the -shocks were not so violent. All through the city, and especially in our -lodging and in St. Sophia, even where the walls are most solid, may be -seen huge cracks caused by settlements from earthquakes. - -I stayed at Adrianople about three months, and then, after concluding a -seven months’ armistice, I was taken back to Constantinople in March. -As I was tired of being confined in the same lodging, I had recourse to -the cavasse who acted as my keeper (for among the various duties which, -as I have already told you, are assigned to men of this profession -amongst the Turks, is the custody of ambassadors), and asked him to -allow me, like other ambassadors, to hire a house with a little bit -of garden or pleasure-ground, at my own expense. The cavasse made no -objection, as it would be a saving for his master of 400 gold ducats -a year if I took a house for myself, this being the price which the -Sultan paid for my present lodgings; so I hired a house, or rather -block of buildings, with some land about it, where I intended to lay -out a garden, hoping by this means to divert my mind from the cares and -anxieties of my position. - -When, however, my cavasse found it was impossible to watch me in a -house, which was furnished with several means of egress and lay in -its own ample grounds, as strictly as in a caravanserai (a word with -which I think my former letters have made you familiar), where all the -windows were closely barred, and to which there was only one entrance, -he changed his mind, and induced the Pashas, who had now returned -from Adrianople, to shut me up once more within the walls of our old -lodging. Thankful, indeed, was I that I did not get worse treatment, -for some of the Pashas held that, now that I was alone, it was a -needless extravagance to give me such a roomy lodging. The majority, -however, of the council were more considerate, and I was allowed to -return to my old prison-house. - -I will take the opportunity of giving you a description of my abode. -The house is situated on high ground in the most populous quarter of -Constantinople. From the back windows there is a lovely view of the -sea; though we are at some distance from the shore we can distinguish -the gambols of the dolphins in the water, while the prospect is -bounded by Mount Olympus in Asia, white with perpetual snow. On every -side it is open to the breezes, and is on this account considered a -peculiarly healthy residence. So airy a situation the Turks appear to -think too good for foreigners, as they have not only put iron bars on -our windows, to the discomfort of our eyes, but have built up parapets -which prevent our getting fresh air or a good view. This was done to -meet the complaints of our neighbours, who declared that their houses, -which stood on lower ground, were completely exposed to the gaze of -the Christians. In the centre there is a large open space or court in -which is a well. No one lives on the ground-floor, but on the upper -storey there is a verandah running round the court, out of which open -the chambers which form the outer part of the building, and which -consist of a great number of small rooms, all built after the same -pattern, like the cells of a monastery. The front windows open on the -public street leading to the palace; and from them the ambassadors -have an opportunity, nearly every Friday (which answers to our Sunday) -of seeing the Sultan on his way to his devotions. As he passes, the -cavasse and Janissaries make their bow, or rather return his, for among -the Turks it is the custom for the man of higher rank to bow first. In -conformity with this rule, the Sultan himself does not wait for the -people in the street to bow to him, but first bows himself, and they -return his salute amid loyal shouts and blessings. The ground-floor -of the edifice is intended for a stable. The vaulted roofs, which are -universal throughout the building, render it safe from fire on the -inside; while on the outside it is protected by a covering of lead. - -While the house has many advantages, it must be allowed that it has -corresponding inconveniences. Everything in it is constructed for use, -and nothing for ornament or comfort; it has no beauty or novelty of -design to render it attractive. It has no garden to take a walk in; -not so much as a tree, or shrub, or patch of grass to refresh the -eye, while it swarms with different kinds of vermin, such as weasels, -snakes, lizards, and scorpions. Sometimes when a man goes to fetch his -hat in the morning, he has the unpleasant surprise of finding a snake -coiled round it. However, to let you into the secret of our diversions, -we contrive to extract some amusement from these creatures. Sometimes -a weasel has a battle-royal with a snake, with my whole household -standing round, and in spite of its struggles drags it off in triumph -to its hole; sometimes again a weasel changes its abode, and moves -its young elsewhere. For instance, the other day, when my friends and -I were still at dinner, one of them jumped down on the middle of the -table from her nest in the roof with a young one in her mouth. On our -pulling her away, she left it there, and stationed herself at the door -to see what would happen to the cub. After amusing ourselves with the -ugly little beast we placed it on the floor, whereupon the mother -darted in, caught it up, and carried it off to its new home. - -We also had an opportunity of inspecting a strange, reptile from the -stables, which had been trodden on by the horses and killed; it was -either a snake or a python. Its stomach appeared to be very much -swollen, so I ordered my people to cut it open, and there we found -three good-sized mice. I could not make out how an animal that crawled -so slowly could catch such nimble creatures; nor could I understand -how it contrived to swallow them whole, when its jaws were, as it -seemed, so narrow. But my difficulty was solved by my finding another -snake in the act of swallowing a toad or poisonous frog. It had seized -it by the hind legs, and had already sucked them and a good part of its -body down its throat. The toad was still alive, and kept endeavouring -to get away from its enemy, struggling as hard as it could with its -front feet. When I first saw it I was thoroughly puzzled. I thought -the creature was some strange abortion, for it appeared to me to be -a two-footed beast, with an enormous tail. When I saw what it was, I -began beating it with a stick, and tried to make it release its victim. -It was frightened, and did its best to disgorge its prey in order to -escape; but it was some time before it could succeed in getting rid of -the toad, for it had sucked it in so far that the creature stuck in its -throat. At last, after much difficulty, it managed to disgorge; but -then it could not shut its mouth, and gaped hideously with its open -jaws until we killed it. My stick, if Pliny is to be believed, would be -serviceable to women in childbirth. - -Besides the creatures that breed in the building, I keep a good many -animals, which furnish my people with employment and amusement. I am -heartily glad to have something for them to do, as otherwise they would -get terribly homesick. For what better resource is left us in our -isolation than seeking to forget our cares in the society of animals? -There is not much amusement to be had, I warrant you, in a great -stone prison-house like ours. The chief favourites are the monkeys, -on account of their strange tricks, which are very amusing. You may -generally see round their cage a group of admiring bystanders, who -watch their mischievous pranks with the keenest interest. I have also -wolves, bears, broad-horned stags—which are frequently but incorrectly -called fallow deer—and common deer, likewise gazelles, lynxes, -ichneumons, and of the weasel kind the varieties called martens and -sables; also, if you care to know, a pig as well, whose companionship -I am told by my grooms is wholesome for horses. I certainly ought to -have given him a place in my catalogue, as he attracts numbers of -Asiatics to my lodging. They come to see this unclean animal, which -the laws of their religion forbid their tasting. The beast is all the -more interesting to them, because pigs are never kept, or even seen, -in their country. Indeed, a Turk would as lief touch one of them as I -would touch a man with the plague. - -I will tell you a capital story of a friend of mine, who took advantage -of this prejudice. He wished to send me a private parcel, so he got a -little pig, and put it with the parcel in a sack, which he then told -his servant to take to me. When he came to the door my cavasse met -him, and asked him what he had got in the sack. The servant whispered -in his ear, ‘It is a little pig, a present from a friend.’ The cavasse -gave the sack a poke with his stick, on which the little pig began to -squeak. The moment he heard it he made a hasty retreat, crying out, -‘Well, take your nasty dirty present in, if you must, and be hanged to -you.’ Then, with a look of intense disgust, he turned to his fellow -Mussulmans, and said, ‘How extraordinarily fond the Christians are of -the flesh of that filthiest of animals; they positively cannot live -without it.’ Thus the servant was admitted, and brought in the secret -parcel. - -I have also many kinds of birds, such as eagles, ravens, jackdaws, -foreign kinds of ducks, Balearic cranes, and partridges. From this you -will see that my house is full of animals, ‘A Noah’s ark, in short,’ -as one of my friends observed. - -Not only is the menagerie a great resource for my people by keeping -them from fretting, but I also derive advantage from it myself, as I am -able to verify the wonderful stories I have read in various authors of -the great affection beasts are capable of entertaining towards human -beings. I never ventured to accept these statements for facts, until I -saw an Assyrian lynx so attach himself to one of my people after only -a few days’ acquaintance, that one could only explain it by the theory -that he had fallen in love with him. When he was present the lynx would -give him many caresses that plainly showed his affection, hugging and -all but kissing him. When he wished to go, the animal would try to -detain him by placing its claws gently on the hem of his garment, and -would cast wistful looks after him as he went away. During his absence -the lynx was in a state of the deepest melancholy, constantly gazing -at the door till the man returned; on which the creature, strange to -say, recovered his spirits and welcomed his friend. When I took the man -away with me to the Turkish camp across the water, the poor beast was -inconsolable, refused its food, and after a few days pined away. I was -much annoyed at this, for I had intended to make him, with a very tame -ichneumon I had, a present to the Emperor, on account of the remarkable -beauty of his coat; it was indeed so handsome, that if a common lynx -were set by his side you would hardly think that they both belonged -to the same species. It is in Assyria that the handsomest lynxes are -found, and their skins are worth fifteen or sixteen golden crowns. I -have no doubt that they are the same as the Babylonian skins considered -so valuable in former days, which are mentioned in the Digest in the -chapter on Farmers of the Revenue.[165] - -Here is another story, which relates to a bird. Among other cranes I -have a Balearic one. This species is distinguished from the common -kinds by a white tuft of feathers hanging down from either ear, and -also by the black feathers which cover the front of its neck. These -last the Turks are wont to stick in their caps. It also differs in -size from common cranes. This Balearic crane I speak of showed most -distinct signs of affection for a Spanish soldier, whom I ransomed from -captivity, being so attached to him that it used to march beside him -for many hours as he walked, to halt when he stopped, and to stay by -him when he sat down; and it allowed itself to be stroked and patted -by him, though it could not bear to be touched by any one else. When -he was away, it used to go to his room and knock at the door with its -beak. If it was opened, it pried about to see if it could find him. -When it found itself disappointed, it used to go all over the house -and disturb us all with cries so loud and shrill that we were obliged -in self-defence to shut it up; but when he returned, it would run to -meet him with outspread wings and queer comical gestures, as if it -were practising some outlandish jig, or preparing to do battle with a -pygmy.[166] To be short, at last it made a custom of sleeping under his -bed; and one day actually presented him with an egg.[167] - -You have heard the marks of affection for men displayed by two -animals. I will now give you an instance of an ungrateful beast, which -proved itself both savage and treacherous. I had a tame stag which -lived with us for many months and seemed quite domesticated. When -the rutting season arrived, however, he suddenly became so frantic, -that, forgetful of the ties of hospitality and kindness, he as it were -declared war on us and treated us all like enemies, attacking with -his horns everyone he met, so that we were obliged to shut him up. -One night he broke out in spite of bars and bolts, and frightened the -horses, which, after the Turkish fashion, were passing the night in -the open air in the courtyard. When the grooms ran out to quiet the -disturbance, and tried to drive the stag back to his prison, he not -only refused to go in, but turned on the men and wounded several of -them. Excited by this they drove the foe into the stable, which, as I -said, was very spacious, and there with my permission attacked him with -lances, hunting spears, and every weapon that came to hand. At first -he made a gallant defence, but at last, overcome by numbers, he fell -pierced with wounds in every limb; for more than forty men were arrayed -against him, and he was all alone. Thus he atoned for his bad conduct -to his hosts. All the ambassadors at Constantinople had a share of the -fruits of that night’s chase, for I had the stag cut up and sent them -each a present of venison. - -The stag was one of very large size, like those that are in the habit -of going up from Hungary to Austria at the beginning of autumn for the -purpose of mating with their kind. I got him from beggars who made a -profit of him. They went about collecting alms, and before asking for -money they repeated a prayer, in which there was frequent mention of -the name of God. As often as it occurred they bowed their heads, and -they had trained the stag to do the same. By this the lower orders were -led to imagine that the animal recognised the name of God, and gave -many a penny to its owners. As the stag was an unusually fine specimen -of its kind, I had intended bringing him to the Emperor. - -Now that we are talking of Turkish beggars, I may as well give you some -account of their ways. They are not so numerous as with us, and for -the most part consist of religious impostors of one kind or another, -wandering from place to place. Some feign madness or idiocy as an -excuse for their begging, for lunatics and crazy folk are considered -sure of salvation by the Turks, and therefore regarded as saints -whilst still on earth. There are Arabs too among them, who carry about -with them banners, under which they declare their ancestors fought -to extend the Moslem religion. They do not beg indiscriminately or -from everybody, but force upon the passers-by in the evening a tallow -candle, a lemon, or a pomegranate, for which they expect double or -treble its value, that so by a pretence of selling they may avoid the -disgrace of asking. - -But the people who among us are beggars among them are slaves, for when -a slave has lost the use of his limbs his master is still bound to -maintain him; besides, however feeble a slave may be, they manage to -get some service from him. I remember ransoming a Spanish gentleman, -who had been an officer in his own army. Though he was completely -crippled by his wounds, yet the Turk who had bought him managed to make -some profit of him. He took him over to Asia, where flocks of geese -are kept, and hired him out as goose-herd, by which he turned a nice -little penny. - -I have my doubts as to whether the man who first abolished slavery -is to be regarded as a public benefactor. I know that slavery brings -with it various disadvantages, but these are counterbalanced by -corresponding advantages. If a just and mild form of slavery, such as -the Roman laws ordained, especially with the State for master, had -continued, perhaps fewer gallows and gibbets would be needed to keep -those in order who, having nothing but life and liberty, are driven by -want into every conceivable crime. Freedom when combined with extreme -poverty has made many a man a rascal; it causes temptation such as few -can resist. Nature has denied to many the power of self-control, and -the knowledge which is indispensable for acting aright; they need the -support and guidance of a superior as the only means of stopping them -in their career of vice. They are like savage animals, and require -chains to prevent their becoming dangerous. - -In Turkey the class which is likely to go astray is controlled by -a master’s authority, while the master is supported by the slave’s -labour. Both publicly and privately the Turks derive great advantages -from this institution. Slave labour enables them to live both -comfortably and economically; indeed they have a proverb to the effect -that no one can be considered poor as long as he is master of a single -slave. So also in the department of public works, if there is any -building, removing, clearing, or breaking up to be done, there is a -constant supply of slave labour to execute the work. We never attain -the grandeur of the works of antiquity. What is the reason? Hands are -wanting, or, in other words, slave labour. I need not mention what -means of acquiring every kind of knowledge the ancients possessed in -learned and educated slaves. Well, well, you must not put down all this -as my serious opinion; it is a mere fancy which I should be sorry you -should take in sober earnest.[168] - -Slave-hunting is the chief source of profit to the Turkish soldier. If -he brings back from a campaign nothing except one or two slaves, he -may consider himself well repaid for his exertions, as the price of an -ordinary slave is from forty to fifty crowns, and twice this sum may be -obtained for a slave who is young or handsome or a skilful craftsman. -This will give you a notion of the gain they make, when they carry off -some five or six thousand prisoners from a town, and will show you how -profitable their raids must be. I observe that the Romans also did not -despise gains of this kind; nay, their own writers tell us how they -sold by public auction the populations of entire cities, numbering -25,000 or 30,000 souls. The Turks would make of such a booty fifteen -hundred thousand crowns more or less. They abstain, however, from -exercising the rights of war over men of their own religion, and allow -them to retain the status of freemen unimpaired. - -But to return from this digression. As I have already spoken of my -hunting, I must now tell you about my fowling. Kind as the Turks are -to all animals, they are especially so to birds, and most of all to the -kites, whom they regard as useful scavengers of their city. Accordingly -these creatures, having neither snares nor missiles to fear, are to be -found in numbers at Constantinople, and are wonderfully tame. They come -at one’s whistle, and pounce on pieces of food which are thrown into -the air. My plan is to order a sheep to be killed; the kites are then -whistled for, and fragments of the offal are thrown into the air. In a -moment some ten, twelve, or twenty appear, and presently they gather -so thick as almost to overshadow the house. Some are so bold that -they will snatch the meat from my people’s hands as they hold it out. -Meanwhile I post myself behind a pillar with my crossbow,[169] pick -out a kite, and make my clay bullets rattle on its wings or tail, till -I have brought down one or two. I am obliged to bolt my gates before -indulging in this sport for fear of irritating the Turks. - -Talking of birds, I must tell you about my partridges, so that you may -have a full account of all my amusements, and may perhaps feel the -same surprise about the habits of these birds that I did. I had some -partridges from Chios with red beaks and red legs, so tame that they -became quite tiresome. They were continually at my feet, beating the -dust from my velvet slippers with their beaks to dust themselves with. -They got so troublesome that I ordered them to be shut up in a room, -where they grew so fat that they died after a few days’ confinement. At -least this is the account my servants give, and the question is whether -to believe them or Pliny, for the latter has a passage to the effect -that hares and partridges never grow fat. So far you have no ground for -surprise, but listen to the rest of the story. Chios abounds in birds -of this kind, which live there in the houses. Almost every peasant -keeps more or less of them, according to his means or inclination. At -dawn the public herd summons them by a whistle, and they run out in -crowds, and gather on the road. Then following their keeper, like sheep -do with us, they go into the fields, where they feed and sun themselves -all day long. Towards evening they are recalled by the same signal, -and return home in a body to their several roosts. This habit is said -to be formed by the peasants putting the birds, as soon as they are -hatched, into their bosom inside their shirt, and so carrying them -about and nursing them for a day or two, lifting them from time to time -to their mouth and feeding them with spittle. They become attached to -their masters by such kind treatment (for indeed almost every animal -has a more lasting feeling of gratitude than man), and do not forget -those who nursed them. One precaution only must be taken; they must not -be allowed to pass the night in the fields, for if this should occur -once or twice they readily return to their natural habits, and prefer -a free life to the company of man. I am doing my best to secure one of -these partridge-tamers for the Emperor, so as to introduce the art into -our country. Although I have not seen with my own eyes this system in -practice, yet its existence is established by witnesses so numerous -and credible, that I place the same reliance on my ears that I should -on my eyes. The same may be said of the following anecdote, which is -here so commonly reported and so universally admitted, that any one, -who ventures to throw doubt upon it, is thought an ignoramus. Those -who come hither from Egypt, as many do every day, uniformly declare, -that in that country eggs are not put under hens to be hatched in our -fashion, but that in spring a sort of vast oven is made out of a big -dunghill by certain men who carry on the trade. To this the whole -neighbourhood far and wide bring their eggs, which are put in and -quickened by the heat of the sun and the rotting dung. In due time the -eggs produce chickens, which are distributed by the managers of the -business to the people who brought the eggs, not by counting, for that -would be too long a process, but by measure. I have less hesitation in -telling you this, as there is a passage in Vopiscus quoting a letter of -Adrian’s, in which he vents his wrath on the Egyptians in the following -words:—‘I wish them nothing worse than to be fed on their own chickens, -which are bred in a way too foul to speak of.’[170] I have no doubt -this was an old custom among the Egyptians, and I suspect it was on -that account that Adrian reproached them with the foulness of their -food, inasmuch as they lived on chickens hatched in dunghills. I may, -however, be mistaken, and I leave the point for your decision. - -I will now complete the catalogue of my amusements. I keep several -thoroughbred horses, both Syrian, Cilician, Arabian, and Cappadocian, -and also baggage camels, so as always to have cattle ready for my -return journey. I do this, because I wish the Turks to believe that, -having fulfilled all my master’s instructions, I am only waiting for -the Sultan’s permission to depart; for this I have now been pressing -for a long time past in very urgent terms, the truth being that, -in consequence of their present discords and the civil war between -the brothers, I do not despair of negotiating a peace on fair and -reasonable terms. - -I am particularly fond of watching my horses, when in the summer -evenings they are led out from their stable one by one, and picketed -in the courtyard to enjoy the night air, and take their repose in -cooler quarters. They come prancing from their stalls with their necks -arched, tossing their manes as if they appreciated the interest we take -in them. Their fore-feet are hobbled, and one of their hind-feet is -fastened by a rope to a peg. The Turkish horse is the gentlest creature -in the world, and also the most capable of attachment to its master -or groom. These qualities are the results of the kind treatment they -receive from the Turks during their early training. I saw, when I was -travelling to Cappadocia through Pontus or the part of Bithynia which -is deservedly called Axylos[171] (woodless), what care the peasants -take of the foals while they are still quite young and tender, how -they pet them, how they bring them into their rooms and almost to -their tables, and how they handle them and stroke them. They seemed to -regard them almost as their children. Round their neck all have a band -like a necklace full of amulets against the evil eye, which is greatly -dreaded. The grooms in whose care they are placed treat them with equal -kindness, making them fond of them by continually stroking them, and -never beating them cruelly with a stick unless they are absolutely -compelled to do so. Being thus used they become extremely attached to -men, and yet you will not find one which this treatment has made a -kicker or a biter or refractory. Such vices are seldom met with in this -country. But, good heavens, how different our system is from theirs! -According to our method grooms think it essential to use the roughest -words and loudest tones in talking to their horses, and to be for ever -thrashing them. The consequence is that the horses quiver all over with -terror on their entering the stable, and regard them with equal hatred -and fear.[172] - -The Turks like to have them trained to kneel down at command and so -take up their rider, and to pick up from the ground in their teeth -a stick, a mace, or a sword, and to give it to their master in the -saddle. When they have learned to do these things, as an honour and a -mark of their proficiency, they fit silver rings in their nostrils, -to show that they have been thoroughly trained. I saw a horse who, -when his master was thrown from the saddle, would stand by him without -moving a step, and others who would go round their groom, as he stood -at a distance, and halt at his bidding. I also saw some who, when -their master was dining with me in a room upstairs, kept their ears -pricked up to catch his voice, and neighed when they heard it. It is -a peculiarity of these horses that they always come in at the end of -their work with stiff and outstretched necks. Again, they cannot be -pulled up or turned sharply, which I think - -I may say is the fault of the bit, which is of the same kind and shape -throughout Turkey, and is not, as among us, made more or less severe -to suit the horse’s mouth. Their horses’ shoes are not so wide open -in the middle as with us, but are almost solid and unbroken, so as to -protect the feet more thoroughly.[173] Turkish horses live much longer -than ours, for you may see some twenty years old with as much spirit -and strength as eight-year-olds have with us, and some, which for their -great services were pensioned for life in the Sultan’s stables, are -said to have lasted to their fiftieth year, and even longer. During the -hot summer nights the Turks do not keep their horses under cover, but -expose them, as I said, to the night air with horse-cloths over them, -their litter being composed of dry dung. For this purpose all through -the year they gather the horses’ droppings, and after drying them in -the sun break them up into powder. This forms their horses’ bedding, -and is the only kind of litter they have. They use no straw, not even -for food, but diet their horses on a moderate portion of hay and a -little barley. They prefer having them too thin to too fat, considering -that in this condition they are fitter for travelling and work of every -kind. They cover their horses with the rugs I mentioned, in summer just -the same as in winter, but change them according to the season. They -consider these coverings useful for producing a sleek coat, and also -necessary as a protection against cold, for their horses are chilly and -cannot stand exposure. - -As I said, I enjoy looking at my horses when, towards sunset, they are -being picketed out in the court. When I call them by their names of -Arab or Caramanian, or whatever else it may be, they neigh in reply, -and give me a look. I have taught them to know me by sometimes going -down and giving them each a pumpkin skin. In truth I am glad of any -employment to divert my thoughts from my troubles. - -I have six she camels procured, nominally for the purpose of carrying -baggage, but in reality that I may bring them to the royal family, as -I think it not impossible that they may like to keep a stud of these -useful animals. There are two things from which, in my opinion, the -Turks derive the greatest advantage, namely, rice among grains and the -camel among beasts of burden, both of which are exceedingly well suited -for the distant campaigns they make. The first keeps well, affords a -wholesome food for men, and a little of it goes a long way. Camels -carry the heaviest weights, endure hunger and thirst, and require very -little care. One driver can attend to six camels. They are, I may say, -the most obedient creatures in the world, and they need no currycomb or -scraper, but are groomed with brushes as clothes are with us. They lie, -or, more correctly speaking, kneel on the bare ground to receive their -loads. But if the load should be excessive, they give a grunt by way of -protest and refuse to rise. If the weight be unduly heavy, it does not -take much to rupture them, especially if the road be muddy or slippery. -It is a pretty sight to see them kneeling in a circle with their heads -together, and taking their food and drink out of the same bucket or -manger without any quarrelling or discontent, though their fare be -scanty. On an emergency, if food is scarce, they browse on brambles -and thorns, and the more these make their mouths bleed the more they -enjoy them. The Scythians supply some camels, but more are produced -by Syria and Assyria, where they are kept in very large herds and are -bred in great numbers. They are so cheap there, that sometimes a mare -of good pedigree is bartered for a hundred camels. Yet in this perhaps -it is not the cheapness of the camels that is so wonderful as the price -asked and given for the mares, for such mares are valued so highly -that the owner of one considers himself a rich man. The test of their -excellence consists in their being ridden down the side of a steep and -high mountain, and those that do not stumble in the descent are highly -prized. - -The Turkish monarch going to war takes with him over 40,000 camels -and nearly as many baggage mules, of which a great part, when he is -invading Persia, are loaded with rice and other kinds of grain. These -mules and camels also serve to carry tents and armour, and likewise -tools and munitions for the campaign. The territories, which bear the -name of Persia, and are ruled by the Sophi, or Kizilbash as the Turks -call him,[174] are less fertile than our country, and even such crops -as they bear are laid waste by the inhabitants in time of invasion in -hopes of starving out the enemy, so that it is very dangerous for an -army to invade Persia, if it be not furnished with abundant supplies. -The invading army carefully abstains from encroaching on its magazines -at the outset; as they are well aware that, when the season for -campaigning draws to a close, they will have to retreat over districts -wasted by the enemy, or scraped as bare by countless hordes of men and -droves of baggage animals, as if they had been devastated by locusts; -accordingly they reserve their stores as much as possible for this -emergency. Then the Sultan’s magazines are opened, and a ration just -sufficient to sustain life is daily weighed out to the Janissaries -and other troops of the royal household.[175] The rest of the army -are badly off, unless they have provided some supplies at their own -expense. And this is generally the case, for the greater number, and -especially the cavalry, having from their long experience in war -already felt such inconveniences, lead with them a sumpter horse by a -halter, on which they carry many of the necessaries of life; namely, a -small piece of canvas which they use as a tent, for protection against -sun and rain, with the addition of some clothes and bedding; and as -provisions for their private use, a leathern bag or two of the finest -flour, with a small pot of butter, and some spices and salt, on which -they sustain life when they are hard pressed. On such occasions they -take out a few spoonfuls of flour and put them into water, adding some -butter, and seasoning the mess with salt and spices; these ingredients -are boiled, and a large bowl of gruel is thus obtained. Of this they -eat once or twice a day, according to the quantity they have, without -any bread, unless they have brought some biscuit with them. In this -way they are able to support themselves from their own supplies for a -month, or if necessary longer. Some fill a bladder with beef, dried -and reduced to powder, which forms a highly nutritious food and -expands greatly in the cooking, like the flour of which I spoke above. -Sometimes too they have recourse to horseflesh; dead horses are of -course plentiful in their great hosts, and such beasts as are in good -condition when they die furnish a meal not to be despised by famished -soldiers. I must not forget to tell you of the men who have lost their -horses. When the Sultan moves his camp they stand in a long line by the -side of the road with their saddles on their heads, as a sign that they -have lost their steeds and need assistance for the purchase of others. -An allowance is then made to them by the Sultan at his discretion. - -From this you will see that it is the patience, self-denial, and -thrift of the Turkish soldier that enable him to face the most trying -circumstances, and come safely out of the dangers that surround him. -What a contrast to our men! Christian soldiers on a campaign refuse to -put up with their ordinary food, and call for thrushes, becaficos, and -such like dainty dishes! If these are not supplied they grow mutinous -and work their own ruin; and, if they are supplied, they are ruined -all the same. For each man is his own worst enemy, and has no foe more -deadly than his own intemperance, which is sure to kill him, if the -enemy be not quick. It makes me shudder to think of what the result -of a struggle between such different systems must be; one of us must -prevail and the other be destroyed, at any rate we cannot both exist in -safety. On their side is the vast wealth of their empire, unimpaired -resources, experience and practice in arms, a veteran soldiery, an -uninterrupted series of victories, readiness to endure hardships, -union, order, discipline, thrift, and watchfulness. On ours are found -an empty exchequer, luxurious habits, exhausted resources, broken -spirits, a raw and insubordinate soldiery, and greedy generals; there -is no regard for discipline, license runs riot, the men indulge in -drunkenness and debauchery, and, worst of all, the enemy are accustomed -to victory, we, to defeat. Can we doubt what the result must be? The -only obstacle is Persia, whose position on his rear forces the invader -to take precautions. The fear of Persia gives us a respite, but it is -only for a time. When he has secured himself in that quarter, he will -fall upon us with all the resources of the East. How ill prepared we -are to meet such an attack it is not for me to say. - -I now return to the point from which I made this digression. I -mentioned that baggage animals are used in a campaign for carrying -armour and tents. These for the most part belong to the Janissaries. -The Turks take great care to have their soldiers in good health and -protected against the inclemency of the weather. They must defend -themselves from the enemy, for their health the State will undertake to -provide. Therefore you may see a Turk better clad than armed. They are -especially afraid of cold, and even in summer time wear three garments, -of which the innermost one, or shirt, is woven of coarse thread and -gives a great deal of warmth. For protection against cold and rain they -are furnished with tents, in which each man is given just room enough -for his body, so that one tent holds twenty-five or thirty Janissaries. -The cloth for the clothes I referred to is supplied by the State, and -is distributed after the following fashion. The soldiers at nightfall -are summoned by companies to the office for the distribution of such -stores, where parcels of cloth are ready in separate packets according -to the number of men in each company. They march in, and take their -chance in the dark, so that if any soldier’s cloth is of inferior -quality to that of his comrades, he has nought to grumble at save his -own bad luck. For the same reason their pay is not given them by tale, -but by weight, to prevent anyone accusing the paymaster of giving him -light or clipped coins. Moreover, their pay is always given them the -day before it is actually due. - -The convoy of armour, of which I spoke, is intended chiefly for the use -of the royal horse-guards, as the Janissaries are lightly equipped, -and generally do not fight at close quarters, but at a distance with -muskets. Well, when the enemy is near, and a battle is expected, the -stock of armour is produced, consisting for the most part of antiquated -pieces picked up on the fields which have been the scene of Turkish -victories; they are distributed to the royal horse guards, who at other -times have only their light shield to protect them. Where so little -pains is taken to provide each man with a suit that fits him, I need -hardly tell you that they are but clumsily equipped. One man’s cuirass -is too tight, another’s helmet too big; a third gets a coat of mail too -heavy for him to bear; one way or another no one is properly accoutred. -Yet they never grumble, holding that a man who quarrels with his armour -must needs be a cowardly fellow, and are confident that they will make -a stout fight of it themselves whatever their equipment may be. This -feeling is the result of their great successes and military experience. -In the same spirit they do not hesitate to turn their veteran infantry, -who never have fought on horseback, into cavalry, for they are firmly -convinced that a man who has courage and military experience will do -brave service in whatever kind of fighting he may be engaged. - -I think the Romans were of the same opinion, especially Julius Cæsar, -who they relate was wont to say, ‘his soldiers even when perfumed -would fight well.’[176] For what should we consider to have been his -intention, when, before he went to his conference with Ariovistus, he -mounted the tenth legion? In my opinion it was that they might fight -on horseback if necessary, a kind of fighting to which they were by -no means accustomed. For we know that among the Romans the drill of -the infantry was quite different from that of the cavalry. But if, in -your opinion, Cæsar’s design was to transport the legion on horses -and employ them on foot, we are driven to the conclusion that Cæsar -involved his troops in a most hazardous operation. For the highly -trained cavalry of Ariovistus were so close that they could annoy -the Romans with stones; consequently, if they had suddenly charged, -the legion would have had no time to dismount, send their horses to -the rear, and form line of battle. According to our notions, such an -arrangement would have been the height of folly. But, whichever of -these explanations is the correct one, it was by confidence in their -experience of arms, though with a training quite different from our -system, that the Romans in ancient times brought their wars to a -triumphant conclusion, and the same reason will account for the uniform -successes of the Turks in modern days. But enough of this. - -I now return to what I mentioned, namely, that the Turks behave kindly -to every sort of animal. The dog among them is considered a foul and -unclean animal, and therefore they keep it out of their houses; its -place is taken by the cat, a creature endowed, as they think, with far -more correct notions of propriety than the dog. For this preference -they quote the example of Mahomet their lawgiver, who was so fond -of his cat, that when she had fallen asleep on his sleeve as he sat -at table, and the hour summoned him to the mosque to his devotions, -he preferred to cut off his sleeve rather than disturb her sleep. -Notwithstanding that such is their feeling about dogs, and though they -are public property, not having masters, and watching special streets -and wards rather than particular houses, and though they live on the -refuse which is thrown out into the highways, yet if there should be -in the neighbourhood a bitch with young, they go to her and pile round -her bones and scraps of cakes and porridge, and this they think a -charitable action. If, in conversation on this topic, I accused them -of giving to a brute what they probably would not give to a rational -being of their own nation, or at any rate would refuse to a Christian, -they replied, that inasmuch as God has endowed man with reason, a noble -organ for every purpose, so that no misfortune befalls him, which he -has not brought on himself by his own misconduct, he therefore deserves -less compassion; but that nothing has been granted to brutes by God -except certain natural instincts and appetites, which they cannot help -following, and, therefore, they have a claim upon us for sympathy and -assistance. For this reason they are indignant if any beast be put -to death by torture, or pleasure be sought in its slaughter, as a -Venetian goldsmith lately found to his cost. He was amusing himself -with bird-catching, and had taken among others a bird the size of -a cuckoo, and almost the same colour; its beak was not large, but -its throat could be expanded by force so as to receive the fist of a -full-grown man. As he was naturally fond of a joke, and was struck by -the strangeness of the phenomenon, he fastened the bird to the lintel -of his door with its wings outspread and with its throat forced open by -a peg, so as to show a huge orifice. The Turks who were passing by in -crowds kept stopping and looking up, but when they perceived the bird -was alive and moving, struck with compassion they exclaimed, it was a -shame that a harmless bird should be so tortured, called the goldsmith -out, seized him by the neck, and dragged him before the judge who tries -capital charges, and he was near being bastinadoed, when a messenger -came from the gentleman, who administers the law to the Venetians at -Constantinople, and is called the Venetian Baily,[177] to demand his -release; the application was favourably received by the judge, and the -goldsmith was dismissed, to the great indignation of the Turks who were -present. Thus was he preserved. This goldsmith was a frequent visitor -at my house, and I had a hearty laugh when he told me the whole story, -and what a fright he had had. Moreover he brought the bird for my -inspection. I have described its appearance, and it is said to fly at -night and suck cows’ udders. I fancy it is the same as the goat-sucker -of the ancients. This story will show you how merciful the Turks are -to all kinds of animals, and especially to birds.[178] - -Opposite our lodging there is a lofty plane tree remarkable for the -extent of ground its branches cover, and the thickness of its foliage; -here bird-catchers sometimes station themselves with a great number -of small birds. Many people go to them and ransom their prisoners for -a trifle, and then release them from their hands one by one. They -generally fly up into the plane tree, where they clean themselves -from the dirt of their cages, chirping all the while. Then the Turks -who ransomed them say to each other: ‘Do you hear how yon bird -congratulates himself on his freedom, and is thanking me for it?’ - -You will ask then, are the Turks such Pythagoreans that every animal -is considered sacred among them, and that they eat no flesh? Far from -it; on the contrary they usually abstain from nothing that may be set -before them, whether boiled or roast. Indeed they say that sheep were -born for slaughter, but they think it atrocious that people should seek -to find pleasure in their agonies and torments. As for the smaller -birds, who make the country places and fields resound with their song, -some of the Turks cannot be induced to kill them, or even to keep them -shut up in cages, thinking it a shame to rob them of their liberty. -There are different opinions, however, among them on this subject. -Some at any rate keep in their houses nightingales, that sing very -sweetly, and make a profit by hiring them out in the spring-time. I -have seen people carrying about goldfinches so well trained, that, when -a coin was shown them from a window above, they would fly to almost any -distance to get it; and, if the holder did not let it be pulled away, -they would perch on his hand and go with him from room to room, trying -all the time to wrest the coin out of his hand; the moment they got it, -they would fly back by the way they had come to their master, who was -standing in the street and calling them back by ringing a bell, and -would give him the coin, receiving some hemp-seed as a reward. But I -must stop, or you will think that I wish to imitate Pliny or Ælian, and -compose a history of animals. - -Passing on to other topics, I will tell you about Turkish women and the -manner in which they are guarded. The Turks are the most careful people -in the world of the modesty of their wives, and therefore keep them -shut up at home and hide them away, so that they scarce see the light -of day.[179] But if they have to go into the streets, they are sent out -so covered and wrapt up in veils that they seem to those who meet them -mere gliding ghosts. They have the means of seeing men through their -linen or silken veils, while no part of their own body is exposed to -men’s view. For it is a received opinion among them, that no woman who -is distinguished in the very smallest degree by her figure or youth, -can be seen by a man without his desiring her, and therefore without -her receiving some contamination; and so it is the universal practice -to confine the women to the harem. Their brothers are allowed to see -them, but not their brothers-in-law. Men of the richer classes, or of -higher rank, make it a condition when they marry, that their wives -shall never set foot outside the threshold, and that no man or woman -shall be admitted to see them for any reason whatever, not even their -nearest relations, except their fathers and mothers, who are allowed to -pay a visit to their daughters at the Turkish Easter.[180] - -On the other hand, if the wife has a father of high rank, or has -brought a larger dowry than usual, the husband promises on his part -that he will take no concubine, but will keep to her alone. Otherwise, -the Turks are not forbidden by any law to have as many concubines as -they please in addition to their lawful wives. Between the children of -wives and those of concubines there is no distinction, and they are -considered to have equal rights. As for concubines they either buy them -for themselves or win them in war; when they are tired of them there -is nothing to prevent their bringing them to market and selling them; -but they are entitled to their freedom if they have borne children to -their master. This privilege Roxolana, Solyman’s wife, turned to her -own advantage, when she had borne him a son while still a slave. Having -thus obtained her freedom, and become her own mistress, she refused to -submit any longer to his will, unless, contrary to the custom of the -Ottoman Sultans, she was made his lawful wife. The only distinction -between the lawful wife and the concubine is, that the former has a -dowry, while the slaves have none. A wife who has a portion settled on -her is mistress of her husband’s house, and all the other women have to -obey her orders. The husband, however, may choose which of them shall -spend the night with him. He makes known his wishes to the wife, and -she sends to him the slave he has selected. Hardly a pleasant task, one -would fancy, for a wife, whatever the feelings of the other might be! -Only Friday night, which is their Sabbath, is supposed to belong to the -wife; and she grumbles if her husband deprives her of it. On all the -other nights he may do as he pleases. - -Divorces are granted among them for many reasons which it is easy for -the husbands to invent. The divorced wife receives back her dowry, -unless the divorce has been caused by some fault on her part. There is -more difficulty in a woman’s getting a divorce from her husband. Among -the reasons which are considered sufficient for granting a divorce are -the deprivation of the necessaries of life by the husband, and certain -kinds of ill treatment. In the latter case the woman goes before the -judge, and makes a declaration that she is unable to remain any longer -with her husband; when the judge asks the reason, she gives no answer, -but takes off one of her shoes and turns it upside down. This the -judge accepts as sufficient evidence that her husband has treated her -improperly. - -People of consideration with large harems appoint eunuchs to guard -them. They also have baths at home, in which they and their women -perform their ablutions, while people of smaller means patronise the -public baths. They consider cleanliness of the body as even of more -importance in a religious point of view than purity of the soul, -which is the reason of their frequent ablutions. The great mass of -women use the public baths for females, and assemble there in large -numbers. Among them are found many girls of exquisite beauty, who have -been brought together from different quarters of the globe by various -chances of fortune; so cases occur of women falling in love with one -another at these baths, in much the same fashion as young men fall in -love with maidens in our own country. Thus you see a Turk’s precautions -are sometimes of no avail, and when he has succeeded in keeping his -wives from a male lover, he is still in danger from a female rival! The -women become deeply attached to each other, and the baths supply them -with opportunities of meeting. Some therefore keep their women away -from them as much as possible, but they cannot do so altogether, as the -law allows them to go there. This evil affects only the common people; -the richer classes bathe at home, as I mentioned. - -It happened that in a gathering of this kind, an elderly woman fell in -love with a girl, the daughter of an inhabitant of Constantinople, a -man of small means. When her courtship and flatteries were not attended -with the success her mad passion demanded, she ventured on a course, -which to our notions appears almost incredible. Changing her dress, -she pretended she was a man, and hired a house near where the girl’s -father lived, representing herself as one of the slaves of the Sultan, -belonging to the class of cavasses; and it was not long before she -took advantage of her position as a neighbour, cultivated the father’s -acquaintance, and asked for his daughter in marriage. Need I say more? -The proposal appearing to be satisfactory, the father readily consents, -and promises a dowry proportionate to his means. The wedding-day was -fixed, and then this charming bridegroom enters the chamber of the -bride, takes off her veil,[181] and begins to chat with her. She -recognises at once her old acquaintance, screams out, and calls back -her father and mother, who discover that they have given their daughter -in marriage to a woman instead of a man. The next day they bring her -before the Aga of the Janissaries, who was governing the city in the -Sultan’s absence. He tells her that an old woman like her ought to know -better than to attempt so mad a freak, and asks, if she is not ashamed -of herself? She replies, ‘Tush! you know not the might of love, and God -grant that you may never experience its power.’ At this the Aga could -not restrain his laughter; and ordered her to be carried off at once, -and drowned in the sea. Thus the strange passion of this old woman -brought her to a bad end. - -The Turks do not inquire very closely into secret vices, that they may -not give an opportunity for false charges, but they punish severely -open profligacy and crimes that are detected. - -I am afraid your ears have been offended by my account of such an -instance of wickedness; but, if I can, I will remove by a pleasanter -story any disagreeable impressions the former may have left, for I am -quite sure you will have a good laugh over what I am going to tell you. - -There came lately during the disturbances in Hungary a courier from -the Emperor. The Pashas desired that he should not as usual be brought -directly to me, but first be taken to the Divan, their object being to -know the contents of the Emperor’s letters before they were delivered -to me, as they suspected that many things were suppressed, and that I -did not give them a faithful account of the tenor of despatches. The -courier, however, foreseeing what was coming, concealed the Emperor’s -packet, and delivered only my private letters. The Pashas had been -previously informed by their interpreter Ibrahim, who is by birth a -Pole, that despatches which contained confidential instructions were -not written in the usual characters, but in a new sort of letters; -namely, in what we call cipher. As they were examining all the letters, -they chanced to come upon one from a friend of mine, the Burgundian -Secretary, which Ibrahim perceived was written on unusually thin -paper, through which the letters could be seen when held to the light. -He exclaimed, ‘I have found it,’ and told them to let the others be, -saying this was the one that contained important matter. The Pashas, -telling him to break the seal, read it, and translate it, assumed an -attitude of attention and expectation. Ibrahim, however, declared that -he could not make out a single letter. At this the Pashas were amazed, -and asked him if he had never learnt, or had forgotten, Christian -characters? to which Ibrahim replied, that this kind of writing was -known only to the confidential secretaries of Sovereigns. As they did -not clearly understand his answer, they said: ‘But if so, why do you -delay? why don’t you hurry off at once to the Secretary of the Venetian -or the Florentine Baily?’ Off flew Ibrahim in hot haste. Now the letter -was written in such characters that a boy ten years old could have read -it, but both the Secretaries, seeing it was addressed to me, after one -glance returned it, declaring that without a knowledge of the private -key it was impossible for anyone to decipher the writing. Ibrahim -returned with this reply, and the Pashas then deliberated what was to -be done. Then some one made the following suggestion: ‘There is in the -city the Patriarch, who is acquainted with many kinds of characters; -if he, being an old man and a Christian, cannot read them no one else -can.’ They agreed to the proposal, but the Patriarch declared that -he could not make out a single jot of them, for the characters were -neither Greek, nor Latin, nor Hebrew, nor Chaldee. So they brought -the letter back having had their trouble for nothing. Then, Ali -Pasha, though on other occasions he showed that he was by no means a -fool, turned to Roostem and said, ‘Cardassi (which means ‘brother’ in -Turkish), I remember I had a slave, by birth an Italian, who knew all -languages and characters. Were he still alive I feel no doubt that he -could have read and interpreted these characters; but he died some time -ago.’ Not knowing what further plan to adopt, they decided to send -me the letters as they could make no use of them. When I had heard -the whole story from Ibrahim (for it was impossible to conceal it), I -made vehement complaints, and was very indignant at their having thus -intercepted my letters, without paying any regard to international law, -or to the Emperor from whom they had come; and I also told him to wait -and hear some passages translated from them, that he might communicate -them to the Pashas the next day. - -On the morrow, when he appeared in the Divan, the Pashas asked him, -‘could I read those characters?’ ‘As easily,’ said Ibrahim, ‘as his -own name;’ and at the same time proceeded to lay before them certain -statements which I had desired him to communicate. Then Roostem -remarked: ‘The Ambassador is a young man, and yet he understands what -the old Patriarch cannot so much as read; he will certainly turn out a -great man, if he attains old age.’ - -I do not know if it was in consequence of this occurrence, or of -something else, that this same Roostem, in the course of a conversation -I had with him some days afterwards on public business, began to throw -off his usual reserve, and finally went so far as to ask me, ‘Whether -I had any objection to be initiated into their religion, and to become -a worshipper of the true God? If I should do so, Solyman, through his -influence, was ready to confer on me great honours and great rewards.’ -I replied that I was determined to remain in the religion in which -I was born, and which was professed by my master. ‘Very well,’ said -Roostem; ‘but what is to become of your soul?’ ‘For my soul too,’ I -replied, ‘I have good hopes.’ Then, after a moment’s reflection, he -said, ‘You are right; and I myself do not dissent from the doctrine -that men who have passed this life in holiness and innocence will be -partakers of eternal bliss, whatever religion they may have followed.’ -Such views are entertained by some Turks, but they are thought -heretical, and Roostem himself is not considered altogether orthodox. -The Turks deem it their duty and an act of charity, to make one offer -to a Christian of whom they have a good opinion, of partaking in their -rites and religion, in the hope of saving, if they can, a man otherwise -destined to eternal perdition, and think such an offer is to be -considered the greatest possible honour and mark of kindness they can -show. - -I will now give you another conversation with Roostem, that you may -understand how widely the Persians are separated from the Turks by -religion.[182] He once asked me if war was still going on between the -Kings of Spain and France. On my replying that it was, ‘What right have -they,’ said he, ‘to wage war on each other, when they are united by -the ties of religion?’ ‘The same,’ said I, ‘as you have to fight with -the Persians. There are cities, provinces, and kingdoms about which -they are at variance.’ ‘It is quite a different case,’ said Roostem, -‘for we, you must know, hate the Persians worse, and consider them more -impious than we do you Christians.’ - -I will now give you some news of events in Hungary, where, since my -return, each side has met with chequered fortune in its enterprises. -To write a full and particular account would be tedious and out of -place.[183] Isabella, the wife of King John, returned to Transylvania -with her son, after repudiating the agreement and the treaties she -had made with the Emperor Ferdinand, and from fear of the Turkish -arms, the people of Transylvania again submitted to the old yoke. -Even these successes did not satisfy the Turks, who appeared to be -aiming at the acquisition of the whole of Hungary. Accordingly, among -other operations they resolved to besiege the very strong position -of Szigeth,[184] which derives its name from the Hungarian word for -island. For this enterprise they selected as general a man, whose -successful career was calculated to inspire his troops with confidence -and his enemies with fear. This was Ali Pasha, an Albanian, who had -distinguished himself whilst governor of Hungary by his successes, the -chief of which was his decisive victory over Sforzia Palavicini and the -Bishop of Fünfkirchen. He was summoned from his distant command on the -Persian frontier, and the greatest hopes were excited by his appearance -in Constantinople. My colleagues were then still here, pressing for -leave to return. The Pashas thought it well that we should see the man -who, they considered, would be regarded by us as a very thunderbolt of -war. He received us courteously, and addressed us at length, telling -us that we ought to endeavour to make peace, and save Hungary from -being wasted with fire and sword, by acceding to the terms which _his_ -Emperor[185] proposed. We answered that peace was our first object, -provided it was granted on such terms as were consistent with the -honour of _our_ Emperor; but that we were forbidden to agree to such a -peace as would be contrary to the interests and dignity of his Majesty. -So we departed, having been first entertained by him with _eau sucrée_. - -Ali was a eunuch, but his spirit seemed to have gained what his body -had lost. He was of short stature, bloated person, and yellowish -complexion; the expression of his face was morose, his eyes had a -fierce look, and his shoulders were high and broad. Between them his -head was sunk and concealed. From his mouth projected two teeth like a -boar’s tusks; his voice was discordant. To describe him in a word, he -was a regular devil. - -He set out the next day with a great train, and having reached Hungary, -he spent some time in preparations; then, marching on Szigeth, he drove -away the men who were rebuilding Babocsa—a fortress belonging to the -Emperor. But his Majesty, who had already been informed of Ali Pasha’s -designs, determined to send one of his three sons to encounter his -onslaught, and do battle for Hungary. The young Archduke Ferdinand, on -whom his choice fell, is equal in courage to any of the famous generals -of ancient times. He took up a position against Ali’s army with a small -body of picked cavalry. Turks who were there told me that it was a -goodly sight to behold the splendour, discipline, and steadiness of -our troops. The Pasha, whose army was much the largest, and who was -naturally a man of fierce and haughty temper, could not brook that -Christians should dare to face him. Some marshy ground, which could not -be crossed without danger, lay between the two armies. Ferdinand, whose -object was to relieve Szigeth and to raise the siege, had no need to -cross; but Ali Pasha, on the contrary, was obliged to risk everything, -as he had no choice between advancing and committing himself to an -ignominious and hazardous retreat. He, therefore, seeing to what a -strait he was reduced, decided to risk everything on the success of -his movement, and was on the point of plunging with his steed into the -marsh, when a Sanjak-bey who was among the bystanders, whose name I -have forgotten, perceiving the greatness of the danger, leaped down -from his horse, and, laying his hand on the Pasha’s rein, said, ‘My -Sultan’ (for this is the title given by the Turks to men of high rank), -‘do you not see the peril into which you are wilfully bringing yourself -and us? You do not sufficiently take into account the difficulty of -crossing this quagmire. The Christians are waiting for us on the other -side with stout hearts and strong lances, and their serried squadrons -will charge down on our straggling column as soon as the vanguard has -got clear of the marsh, while the rest are still struggling in the mud. -They will take advantage of our rashness, and fight with the certainty -of defeating us. Restrain your wrath, and recollect yourself. Preserve -the lives of your gallant soldiers and your own for our Emperor’s[186] -service and for better days. God will be sure to give us an opportunity -of mending this day’s work.’ At these words Ali recovered his senses, -and restrained himself. Every Turk on the field admitted that the army -had been saved by the advice of the Sanjak-bey. However, when news of -the affair reached Constantinople, although not even the Vizierial -(that is the chief) Pashas could deny that Ali’s army owed its safety -to the prompt interference of the Sanjak-bey, and though they praised -his loyalty and generalship in private, yet they were unwilling that -such a breach of discipline should go unpunished, and thus become a -precedent for the future. Accordingly, they removed him from office, -recalled him to Constantinople, and they placed him on the list of -those who had been dismissed the service, until, when they thought his -fault had been sufficiently atoned for, they promoted him to a much -better government than the one he had lost, which made it quite plain -that he had been thus punished rather to preserve discipline than -because he had done wrong. - -Ali not long afterwards returned to Buda. During his retreat his troops -were so harassed by the Hungarians that he lost a large part of his -army. He arrived at the capital of Hungary a broken and dishonoured -man, where he died shortly afterwards of grief and shame. - -On the other hand, the Archduke Ferdinand returned to his father -with well-earned laurels. His success will not only be of immediate -advantage, but it will enhance for the future the prestige of our arms. -The Turks have now had ample proof that, if they trouble the Emperor, -he is one who has both soldiers and generals wherewith to chastise -their insolence. This check has made the Turks on the borders a great -deal quieter. - -While Ali was still encamped before Szigeth, our soldiers took by -escalade the city of Gran, with the adjoining citadel of the same name. -They carried off some plunder, and also the inhabitants, who were -mostly women and children. The messenger who brought the news to the -Pasha came trembling, with dismay painted on his face. ‘Is all well?’ -quoth the Pasha. ‘Why are you thus cast down?’ Thereon the man told -him of the great disaster the Turks had sustained in the loss of Gran. -‘Disaster! loss!’ cried the Pasha. ‘Well, I know what disaster and loss -mean; I can tell you it was a disastrous loss when they made me what -I am.’ The Pasha was a eunuch, and he intended by this coarse joke on -himself to divert the attention of the people round him from the loss -which he was unable to repair. - -In Croatia, too, and in the neighbouring regions, various forays went -on upon both sides, and people, whether Turks or Christians, who were -too venturesome and careless, were punished for their presumption. -I will tell you an instance, and as it gave me reason to rejoice, I -trust you also will find the story agreeable. True, it occurred a -little before the affair of Szigeth which I have just related; but as -it is a letter I am writing, I feel that the order of time need not -be very strictly regarded. From those districts news was brought to -Roostem of a feat performed by a certain Turk, for whom he professed -great admiration and spoke of as his kinsman. He had swept down on -a large party of Christians, who were celebrating a wedding without -the slightest notion that there were any Turks in the neighbourhood. -You may imagine what an unwelcome guest he was. His troops scattered -the people, killing several, and carrying off many more as prisoners; -amongst the latter was the unfortunate bridegroom, with her who was -about to become his wife. Roostem was greatly elated, and kept boring -everybody with his boasts of the wonderful success of his kinsman’s -raid. So far, the story is one on which we must exchange condolences -rather than congratulations. Well, it is the fortune of war. But -retribution was close at hand to change Roostem’s merriment into tears -and lamentation. There came not long afterwards from the same districts -in hot haste a Dalmatian horseman with news of a great defeat. (The man -belonged to a class whom the Turks call Delli, i.e. madmen, on account -of their blind and reckless daring.) He said that several Sanjak-beys -and other commanders of garrisons had united their forces and invaded -the enemy’s territory; they had scoured the country for many miles, -and had carried off much booty, but at last, advancing too far, they -fell in with a Christian force, composed of musketeers on horseback, -by whom they were put to flight and utterly routed with the loss of -many men, among whom was that Achilles, Roostem’s kinsman, of whom he -had just been speaking in such high terms. Roostem was overwhelmed on -hearing the disastrous intelligence, and burst into tears. Richly did -he deserve this misfortune in retribution for his former boastfulness. - -Now listen to the rest of the story, which affords still greater reason -for rejoicing. When the Dalmatian horseman, who brought the news -of the defeat I mentioned, was immediately afterwards asked by the -Pashas in the Divan, ‘How many of you then were engaged?’ he replied, -‘Above 2,500.’ The Pashas proceeded, ‘Pray, what was the number of the -Christians?’ to which he said, ‘he thought they were not above 500 that -he could see, though there might have been some more lying in ambush, -and for his part he thought there were, but he could take his oath that -there was not more than that number of Christians actually engaged.’ -Thereupon the Pashas got angry with him for not being more ashamed at -the defeat of a regular army of Mussulmans by a handful of Christians. -They thought it foul scorn that picked warriors, who had been deemed -worthy of being numbered amongst Solyman’s household and of eating his -bread, should thus disgrace themselves. The messenger most unblushingly -replied, ‘You do not take a right view of the matter. Did you not hear -that we were overcome by the force of fire-arms? it was fire that -routed us, not the enemy’s valour. Far different, by heaven, would have -been the result of the fight, had they met us like brave men. They -called fire to their aid; by the violence of fire we were conquered; we -are not ashamed; it is one of the elements and the fiercest of them, -and what mortal man has such strength as to be able to resist the fury -of the elements?’[187] When he delivered this speech bombastically with -Dalmatian magniloquence, the bystanders, notwithstanding the melancholy -tidings, could with difficulty check their laughter. - -This news cheered me not a little, coming as it did when I was still -depressed by the recollection of the previous disaster. I could thereby -learn that the Turks are much afraid of carbines and pistols, such as -are used on horseback. The same, I hear, is the case with the Persians, -on which account some one advised Roostem, when he was setting out with -the Sultan on a campaign against them, to raise from his household -servants a troop of 200 horse and arm them with fire-arms, as they -would cause much alarm and do great execution in the ranks of the -enemy. Roostem, in accordance with this advice, raised a troop of -dragoons, furnished them with fire-arms, and had them drilled. But -they had not completed half the journey when their guns began to get -out of order. Every day some essential part of their weapons was -lost or broken, and it was not often that armourers could be found -capable of repairing them. So, a large part of the fire-arms having -been rendered unserviceable, the men took a dislike to the weapon; and -this prejudice was increased by the dirt which its use entailed, the -Turks being a very cleanly people; for the dragoons had their hands -and clothes begrimed with gunpowder, and moreover presented such a -sorry appearance, with their ugly boxes and pouches hanging about them, -that their comrades laughed at them, and called them apothecaries. So, -since with this equipment they pleased neither themselves nor others, -they gathered round Roostem, and showing him their broken and useless -fire-arms, asked what advantage he hoped to gain from them when they -met the enemy, and demanded that he should relieve them of them, and -give them their old arms again. Roostem, after considering their -request carefully, thought there was no reason for refusing to comply -with it, and so they got leave to resume their bows and arrows. - -The fighting on the Hungarian borders, which I mentioned above, reminds -me to tell you what the Turks think of the practice of duelling, -which we are accustomed to regard as the greatest proof of personal -courage. There was in a part of Hungary which adjoins our frontier, a -Sanjak-bey, famous for bodily strength, named Arslan Bey. None drew the -bow with greater strength, no one’s sword pierced deeper, or was more -formidable to the foe. Veli Bey, the governor of the next Sanjak,[188] -who coveted the same reputation, put himself forward as his rival. From -this rivalry, and possibly other differences, there arose a deadly -feud between the Sanjak-beys; they laid plots against one another, and -bloodshed was the consequence. Whether it was for this or some other -reason that Veli Bey was summoned to Constantinople is unknown to me; -at any rate he came. The Pashas in the Divan, after putting many other -questions to him, finally wished to hear about his feud with Arslan -Bey. (Arslan in Turkish means Lion.) Then he narrated at great length -the whole story of their quarrel, and to improve his case, he told -them how it ended in Arslan Bey’s lying in wait for him and wounding -him; there would have been no need, he continued, for Arslan Bey to -act thus, had he chosen to show himself worthy of his name; since for -his part he had never declined a fight with him, and indeed had many -times challenged him to a duel. The Pashas,[189] in indignation at this -speech, exclaimed, ‘Did you dare to challenge your comrade to a duel? -Were there no Christians for you to fight? Both of you live on the -bread of our Emperor, but yet you were preparing to engage in mortal -combat. By what law or precedent can you justify such conduct? Did you -not know that whichever of you fell the Emperor would lose a soldier by -his death?’ With these words they ordered him to be taken to prison, -where he was made to do penance for several months, and then having -with great difficulty obtained his discharge, was at last released -with his reputation much impaired. Among us many who have never seen a -public enemy are considered to be famous and distinguished characters, -because they have drawn their swords on a fellow-citizen or -fellow-soldier. What can you do when the sense of right is so perverted -that vices usurp the place of virtues, and what deserves punishment is -accounted a glory and an honour? - -As you are eager for information of every kind, I must not deprive you -of an account of the arrival here of the king of the Colchians.[190] -He reigns on the banks of the Phasis at the corner of the Euxine, not -far from Mount Caucasus. His name is Dadian. He is a man of dignified -appearance and commanding person, but at heart they say he is a mere -savage. He was attended by a large but ragged retinue in poor and -threadbare attire. - -The Colchians are now called Mingrelians by the Italians. They are one -of the tribes settled between the Caspian Gates, called by the Turks -‘Demit Capi,’ i.e., ‘Iron Gates,’ and the Black and Caspian Seas, which -are now called Georgians, either from the sect of Christianity to which -they belong, or because it is their ancient name, which last seems the -more probable theory, among whom are also included the Albanians and -Iberians (Imeritians). - -The reason of Dadian’s coming is uncertain. Some suspect that he has -been summoned by the Turks; for when the Turks are at war with the -Persians, the Mingrelians and the other tribes of that region would, -if friendly, be able to render important assistance. But the general -and more probable version of the story is, that he has come to ask for -the assistance of some galleys to help him against his neighbours the -Imeritians; and that he is prepared to pay tribute to the Sultan in -return for this favour. His father was killed by the Imeritians, with -whom the Mingrelians have an ancient feud of long standing. - -There is, however, an amusing story that, when on a certain occasion a -conference to effect a union and a reconciliation had been arranged, -and the Mingrelians on the one part and the Imeritians on the other had -assembled in large numbers, they had a match to see who should have the -honour of drinking the most; in which the Mingrelians were worsted, -and fell dead drunk under the table. But the Imeritians behaved -dishonourably, and putting the doughty Dadian, while he was sound -asleep and snoring, into a carriage, carried him off as if they had -taken him prisoner in fair fight, and shut him up in a lofty tower. To -avenge this wrong and to recover their king, the Mingrelians collected -men to the number of 30,000, commanded by the wife of the captive -prince, a woman of high spirit, who could ride a horse and wield a -sword. The chiefs of the army were equipped in cumbrous coats of mail, -and carried swords and lances tipped with iron. There was also, you -will be surprised to hear, a body of musketeers. The rest were without -any armour, and fought with arrows, or stakes hardened in the fire, and -great clubs of wood, and rode barebacked, nor was there any attempt at -order among them. When this raw and undisciplined army drew near to -the place where the king was confined, the enemy fired some cannon, at -which they took to their heels, and ran away a full mile. Then they -again plucked up courage and returned to the attack: the cannons were -again discharged; off went the Mingrelians once more, and this scene -was repeated over and over again. Dadian, however, seeing help near at -hand, cut the sheets of his bed into strips, and letting himself down -at night through a window, reached his troops in safety; an exploit, -which has made him famous in those parts. - -All the country of the Mingrelians is exceedingly rich in every kind of -grain, except wheat and barley. The crops receive but little attention, -and it is supposed that if a little care were taken, wheat and barley -might also be grown. The people are incorrigibly lazy. Panic[191] is -sown in a slovenly way, but it grows with the greatest luxuriance, and -produces such a crop that one harvest is sufficient for two years’ -consumption. They have got accustomed to this grain, which they eat in -large quantities, and do not wish for any better kind of corn. From -vines planted at the foot of the tallest trees, they make a great -deal of fair wine. These vines climb among the branches of the trees -to which they are trained, and last for many years. Abundance of wax -and honey may be obtained from the wild bees that work in the forests -by anyone who will take the trouble to look for their hives. The -woods also supply plenty of game, indeed the whole country is full of -pheasants and partridges. The very pumpkins show the fertility of the -soil, as they not only are of a delicious flavour, but are often quite -three feet long. - -They have very little money. Few among them are acquainted with silver -coins, and still fewer with gold; hardly anyone possesses them. I am -not sure that they ought not to be called fortunate on this account. -The absence of money is the absence of that which is the chief -incentive to crime; and yet, for my part, I have my doubts whether many -of our friends at home would care for this blessing, which renders -it impossible for anyone to grow rich! Yet silver is to some extent -esteemed by them, for when any comes into the country in the course of -trade—as is necessarily the case—they dedicate it to their churches, -and it is recast into crosses, chalices, or other church ornaments. All -these the king, when he thinks proper, melts down, and converts the -bullion to his own uses. In dealing with each other, barter is their -only form of trade. Everyone brings to market the commodity of which -he has plenty, to exchange it for what he is in need of. Thus they do -not feel the want of money, since its place is supplied by barter; nay, -even the king’s tribute is paid to him in the produce of the soil. -He receives an abundant supply of what is needful in the way of food -and clothing. He has enough to eat, enough to drink, enough to clothe -himself with, and also has the means of maintaining his household and -rewarding his supporters. He has an inexhaustible store of provisions, -both from tithes and other royalties and from the presents which he -is continually receiving; yet he is no miser, and gives as freely and -readily as he takes. His palace resembles a public storehouse, being -crammed with supplies of every kind. From these stores rations are -issued to all his subjects who need them. Any who are in want, or have -fallen into poverty through the failure of their crops, are fed from -the royal granary. - -It is the custom for merchants on landing to make some present to the -king; its value is unimportant, as he will accept whatever is offered, -and they are then invited to a banquet. There is a vast hall with -stables at each end, in which the king’s table is laid. It is a very -long one; he sits at the head himself, and the others at a little -distance from him. The table is loaded with game and other dishes, and -wine is liberally supplied; indeed, the hardest drinkers are considered -the most welcome guests. In the same banqueting-hall the queen likewise -dines with her train of women, but at a separate table. I am afraid I -cannot say much for the manners of the ladies. They behave quite as -badly as the men, drinking, gesticulating, tittering, nodding, and -winking, to such an extent as to make it plain that any of them would -play the Medea if a Jason[192] appeared. After the banquet the king -with his guests goes off to the chase. - -In this country you may see in the forests parties of the common people -lying under the shade of spreading trees, and keeping holiday with wine -and dances and songs. They stretch strings to a long pole, and strike -them with a small stick in regular time. To the accompaniment of these -rude harps they sing their love-songs and ballads in praise of heroes, -among whom, if the stories that are told are true, the name of Roland -frequently occurs.[193] How it was conveyed there I cannot conjecture, -unless it came across the sea with Godfrey de Bouillon. About this -Roland they tell many marvellous tales, even more absurd than those of -our own romances. - -Where life is so easy and food so plentiful, morality suffers. A -respectable woman is not often to be met with. A man who wishes to -amuse his visitor and make his stay agreeable, introduces him to his -wife or sister, and does not trouble himself as to how far their -intimacy may go. On the contrary, they think that if their wives prove -attractive it is a compliment to themselves. Unmarried women are -allowed the same liberties, and behave just as badly as their married -sisters. Cases are often pointed out of girls of ten years old who have -got babies. When you express your surprise, and refuse to believe that -such diminutive creatures can be mothers, they produce a baby not much -bigger than a large frog, which is the more surprising, as the men and -women are generally tall, and remarkable for the symmetry of their -limbs. But they are so completely devoid of refinement and good manners -that, among other customs, they think it a compliment to make a curious -noise in the throat, something like a hiccough. - -For one thing they certainly have talents, and that is stealing. -Amongst them this art is held in high esteem, and a successful pilferer -is a great man. He who is ignorant of the noble science of thieving is -despised as a mere blockhead; indeed, they hardly think him worthy of -life. So strong is this feeling, that if a man has a brother or son who -cannot steal, he considers him a hopeless case and a disgrace to his -family, and gives him away or sells him for a trifle to foreign traders -to carry him to some distant land. An Italian merchant, who had been in -that country, told me that one of their priests robbed him of his knife -in church. He perceived the theft, but pretended not to do so, and, -to show the priest he had been discovered, made him a present of the -sheath as well, that he might have something to put the knife in! - -When they enter a church they do not care much for the images of the -Virgin, St. Peter, St. Paul, or other saints, but look about for -a picture of St. George on horseback. Before this they prostrate -themselves in adoration, and then kiss it all over, not omitting even -the horse’s shoes. They say that St. George was a brave soldier of -great renown, who fought several battles with the Evil Spirit on equal -terms, and always beat him, or at the worst was able to hold his own. - -I will now tell you something that will surprise you. Kings in the -East expect presents from their visitors. Dadian brought Solyman a -dish hollowed out of a ruby of such brilliancy that it would make the -road by night as clear as if it were noonday. You will say, ‘I do not -believe it.’ For the matter of that, I do not either, and what is more, -I do not ask you to believe it. I only tell you there are plenty who -do. More knowing people say it is a paten of garnet, and that it was -stolen from a son of the King of Persia, who was wrecked on that coast -as he was trying to escape to Constantinople. He likewise brought -twenty white falcons, or hawks, which are said to be found in great -numbers in Mingrelia. So much for my news about the Mingrelians and -their manners. - -You ask about my pursuits, and the general routine of my life, and -whether I ever go out of my house. Well, I am not in the habit of -going out, unless when despatches are received from the Emperor for me -to present to the Sultan, or instructions come to remonstrate about -the raids made and mischief done by the Turkish garrisons, and this -happens only two or three times a year. Were I to express a wish to -take a ride occasionally through the city with my keeper, it would -in all probability be granted; but I do not care to have this made a -favour of, as I want to make them think that my rigorous confinement is -no punishment to me. Besides, what pleasure would it give me to ride -about with Turks all round me, making their remarks or perhaps venting -their abuse on me? The country and the fields are what I enjoy, and -not a town; least of all one that is tumbling to pieces, and in which, -with the exception of its magnificent site, no relic of its original -splendour is left. The former rival of Rome is now crushed beneath -the yoke of the most cruel slavery. Who could see this proud city and -not pity her fall, while musing over the changes and chances of this -fleeting world? Besides, who knows how soon her fate may be ours? - -I keep at home, where I hold converse with my old friends, my books. -They are at once my companions and my solace. For the sake of my health -I have built a tennis-court, where I play before dinner. After dinner -I practise the Turkish bow, in the use of which weapon people here -are marvellously expert. From the eighth, or even the seventh, year of -their age they begin to shoot at a mark, and practise archery ten or -twelve years. This constant exercise strengthens the muscles of their -arms, and gives them such skill that they can hit the smallest marks -with their arrows. The bows they use are much stronger than ours, and -being shorter, are also much more handy; they are made not of a single -piece of wood, but of the sinews and horns of oxen fastened together -with a quantity of glue and tow. A Turk in good practice can easily -draw the string of the very stiffest of them to his ear. Without -training, however, the strongest man could do nothing with a Turkish -bow. Indeed, if a coin be set between the string and the bow close to -the notch, none but an adept could pull the string so far as would -suffice to liberate the coin. So sure is their aim, that in battle they -can hit a man in the eye or in any other exposed part they choose. At -the range where they are taught, you may see them shooting with so sure -an aim that they surround the white on the target, which is generally -smaller than a thaler, with five or six arrows, so that every arrow -touches the margin of the white, but does not break it. They seldom -use a range of more than thirty feet. On the thumb of the right hand -they wear bone rings, on which the bowstring lies when they draw it, -and the arrow is kept in its place by holding the left thumb in an -upright position and joining it to the forefinger; so that their way of -shooting is quite different from ours. The butt they use as a target -is raised four feet more or less from the ground, and consists of a -wooden frame filled with sand. Pashas and men with large households -exercise their servants in this sort of practice at home, the more -skilful being told off to act as teachers. Some of them at the feast -of Easter[194]—for the Turks have an Easter (the feast of Bairam) like -ourselves—assemble in the great plain beyond Pera, where, squatting on -the ground in a line, with their legs crossed in the Turkish manner -like tailors, they try who can shoot the furthest. I must mention that -the contest, after the usual Turkish fashion, is prefaced by prayer. -Great order and silence prevail throughout, however large the number of -spectators. On these occasions they use special bows and arrows; the -former are very short and stiff, and cannot be bent except by a man who -has had a great deal of practice. An embroidered handkerchief, such as -we use for wiping our faces, is the winner’s prize. The chief reward, -however, is the reputation which the successful archer acquires. The -range they attain with their arrows is almost incredible. The point -reached by the arrow of the longest shot in the year is marked by a -stone. Many such stones set up in former days are still standing, -several paces beyond those which are now erected. These they firmly -believe are the marks of their ancestors’ shots, to whose strength and -skill, by their own admission, they cannot aspire. Moreover, in various -streets and piazzas of Constantinople there are ranges of this sort, at -which there assemble not merely boys and young men, but also those of -more advanced age. A target-keeper is appointed, who has the charge of -keeping it in order and watering the butt every day, which otherwise -would get so dry that the blunt arrows which they use in practice would -not stick in it. It is also the keeper’s business to stand by the -target and draw out the arrows, and throw them back to the shooters -after cleaning them. In return everyone gives him a fixed fee, which -forms his salary. The front of the target is like a small door, from -which, perhaps, originated a proverb the Greeks have; when a man has -wholly missed the mark, they say ‘he is shooting against a door.’ For -I think the Greeks formerly used this sort of target, and the Turks -adopted it from them. I am well aware, of course, that the use of the -bow is very ancient among the Turks; but that does not seem to me any -reason why they should not have gone on using the sort of target and -butt which they found in the Greek cities when they took them. For -no nation in the world has shown greater readiness than the Turks to -avail themselves of the useful inventions of foreigners, as is proved -by their employment of cannons and mortars, and many other things -invented by Christians. They cannot, however, be induced as yet to use -printing, or to establish public clocks, because they think that the -scriptures—that is, their sacred books—would no longer be _scriptures_ -if they were _printed_, and that, if public clocks were introduced, the -authority of their muezzins and their ancient rites would be thereby -impaired. - -Even in the case of other nations, it is their habit to pay great -respect to ancient usages. This principle they carry so far as almost -to infringe the precepts of their own religion. Remember, in saying -this, I am speaking of the practice of the ordinary Turk. As an -example, of course everyone knows that they have not the slightest -sympathy with Christian worship, but notwithstanding, as the Greek -priests have a custom of opening, as it were, the closed sea at a -fixed time in spring by blessing the waters, before which the Greeks -are afraid to trust themselves to the waves, even the Turks have some -superstitious regard for this ceremony. Accordingly, as soon as they -have made their preparations for a voyage, they go to the Greeks, and -inquire if the waters have yet been blessed. It they say no, they put -off their voyage; if they are answered in the affirmative, they embark -and set sail. - -It was also a custom among the Greeks that the cave in Lemnos from -which is extracted the earth they call ‘goat’s seal,’[195] should not -be opened except on August 6, the feast of the Transfiguration of our -Lord. This custom the Turks observe to this very day; and they think it -proper that a service should even now be performed there by a priest of -the Greek Church in the same manner as it used to be, while they remain -at a distance as spectators of the sacred rites in which they cannot -join. But if one should ask why they do so, they reply that there exist -many customs ordained of yore, the advantage of which is proved by long -experience, though the reasons for them are unknown. The ancients, they -say, knew more and saw further than they do, and what they had approved -of ought not to be abolished. They prefer to keep such customs rather -than run the risk of changing them. Some carry this way of thinking -so far, that I have known instances of Turks who had their children -secretly baptised; their notion being that there must be some advantage -in this rite, or otherwise it would never have been instituted. - -But, by the way, I must not fail, when speaking of Turkish drill, -to mention a very ancient manœuvre which has been handed down from -the time of the Parthians; namely, for the cavalry to pretend to -fly, and to shoot down their unwary enemies when they attempt to -pursue. The following is the method by which they acquire the art of -rapidly executing this manœuvre. They put a brass ball on the top -of a very high pole, erected on level ground, and galloping past it -at full speed, they then turn suddenly, and bending back shoot an -arrow at the ball, without drawing bridle; and by practising this -exercise constantly they acquire such skill, that they can without any -difficulty shoot behind them, and send an arrow into their enemy when -he least expects it. - -But it is time for me to return to our lodging, or my keeper will be -angry with me! Whatever time I have left unoccupied by the exercises -I mentioned, is spent in reading, or talking with the citizens of -Pera, who are Genoese by origin, or with other friends; but for this -the cavasses’ leave is necessary. Their temper is indeed somewhat -uncertain, but they occasionally have lucid intervals, during which -they prove more reasonable. Accordingly, when they are in a good -humour, Ragusans, Florentines, Venetians, and sometimes also Greeks, -and men of other nations come in numbers, either to pay a visit or on -some business. Hither flock also men from yet more distant lands, whose -conversation has great attractions for me. A few months ago there came -an amber merchant of Dantzic, who had bought up the whole supply of -amber. As a great quantity of this article is sent to Turkey, he was -very curious to know what it was used for here, or if exported, to -what country it was taken. At last he ascertained that it is conveyed -into Persia, where it is highly prized, and where they ornament their -rooms, cabinets, and shrines with it. He gave me a barrel of the beer -they call Juppenbier (sprucebeer), which is certainly capital stuff. -But I had a hearty laugh at my Greek and Italian guests, who, having -never met with such a beverage, could not find a name for it. At last, -as they heard from me that it was good for one’s health, they thought -it a kind of medicine, and called it Sirup; and as they kept on asking -for ‘a little more of the same mixture,’ by repeated tastings, like the -lady in Terence,[196] they finally finished my barrel at one sitting. - -My cavasses are changed from time to time, and sometimes I have the -good fortune to have men who are so considerate that they not only -would not object to my going out, were I to desire it, but they -actually invite me to take a ride. But, as I said, I make a point of -refusing to leave my quarters to prevent their thinking that they have -it in their power either to gratify or to annoy me. I excuse myself -on the plea, that by such a long stay in the house I have grown a -piece of the building, so that I can’t be torn away without risk of -its falling! I tell them I will go out once for all, when permission -shall be granted me to return home! I am glad my household are allowed -their liberty, as it may help them to bear their long exile more -patiently. In this, however, there is again the inconvenience that -quarrels often occur when they meet with drunken Turks, especially -if they are unattended by Janissaries; but even if they are at hand, -they cannot always prevent blows being exchanged. All this causes me -much annoyance, as I am obliged to answer the accusations which are -continually trumped up against my people, though I must say that my -cavasses in most cases save me the trouble, they are so particular -about keeping the gates shut. Of this we had lately an instance, which -I must tell you. There had been sent to me by the Emperor one Philip -Baldi, an Italian, a man of about sixty, who had travelled too fast -for a person of that age, and had consequently fallen ill.[197] When -the apothecary brought the clyster the doctor had ordered, the cavasse -refused him admittance, and would not allow him to take it to the -patient, treating him most uncivilly. - -This cavasse had for a long while behaved kindly and courteously -towards us, but he suddenly turned savage, and even threatened to beat -my visitors with his stick. As I was much annoyed by his conduct, -I determined to show him he was wasting his trouble in trying to -intimidate us, as if we were a set of children. I ordered one of my -servants to keep the door bolted, and to undo it for no one except by -my orders. The cavasse came as usual in the morning to open the gates, -but, as the key proved useless, he perceived they were bolted inside, -and called out to my servant, whom he could see through the chinks -between the folding-doors, to let him in. My servant refused, and the -cavasse thereupon got angry, and began to abuse him and swear at him. -My servant replied, ‘Bluster to your heart’s content; but neither -you, nor any of your people shall get in here. Why should I open the -door for you any more than you do for us? As you keep us shut in, we -will keep you shut out. You may lock the door on the outside as tight -as you please; I will take care to bolt it on the inside.’ Then the -cavasse asked, ‘Is this done by the Ambassador’s orders?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘But -let me at least put my horse in the stable.’ ‘I won’t.’ ‘At any rate -give me hay and fodder for him.’ ‘There is plenty to be had in the -neighbourhood, if you are willing to pay for it.’ I used to invite this -cavasse to dine with me, or send him something from my table; this day, -however, his luck was changed, and he was obliged to stay before the -gate without breaking his fast, and tie up his horse to the plane-tree -which stands opposite. The Pashas and most of the court officials pass -this way on their return home from the palace, and when they saw the -cavasse’s horse, which they knew well enough by its trappings, munching -hay at the foot of the plane-tree, they asked him why he kept it there -instead of in the stable, as he usually did? He then told them the -whole story; viz., that because he had shut us in, we had shut him out, -and not only himself but his horse, and that he got no food and his -steed no forage. The story reached the ears of the other Pashas, and -caused much laughter. From that time they could no longer doubt how -utterly useless it was to lock me up, and with what contempt I treated -such petty means of annoyance. Shortly afterwards the cavasse was -removed, and the rigour of our confinement was somewhat relaxed. - -This occurrence was noticed by Roostem a few days afterwards in a -way that deserves to be recorded. A man of reverend years and great -reputation for sanctity was paying him a visit, and asked him in -the course of their conversation, why, when the discord between the -Sultan’s sons was so apparent, and serious disturbances were expected -to arise from it, nay were imminent, he did not make a regular peace -with the Emperor, and so relieve Solyman of all anxiety in that -quarter? Roostem replied, there was nothing he desired better, but how -could he do it? The demands I made he could not concede; and, on the -other hand, I refused to accept what he offered. ‘Nor does he yield,’ -said he, ‘to compulsion. Have I not tried everything to make him agree -to my terms? I have now for several years been keeping him immured, -and annoying him in many ways, and treating him roughly. But what good -am I doing? He is proof against everything. We do our best to keep him -in the closest confinement, but not content with our locking him up, -he actually bolts himself in. Thus all my labour is in vain; any other -man, I believe, sooner than endure these annoyances would ere now have -gone over to our religion; but he cares nothing for them.’ This was -related to me by people who were present at the conversation. - -The Turks are a suspicious nation, and have got it into their heads, -that the Ambassadors of Christian princes have different instructions, -to be produced or suppressed according to circumstances, and that they -first attempt to get the most favourable terms they can, and, if they -fail, gradually come down and accede to harder conditions. Consequently -they think it is necessary to intimidate them, to flaunt war in their -faces, to keep them shut up like prisoners, and to torment them in -every way, as the best means of breaking their spirit and making them -sooner produce the set of instructions, which specify the minimum they -are empowered to accept. - -Some think that this notion was much encouraged by the conduct of a -Venetian Ambassador, when there was a dispute between the Venetians -and Turks about restoring Napoli di Romania to the Sultan.[198] The -instructions he had received from the Venetian Senate directed him to -do his best to make peace without giving up Napoli, but, if he failed, -at last to agree to surrender the town, if he found war to be the only -alternative. Now it happened that these instructions were betrayed -to the Turks by certain citizens of Venice. The Ambassador, in total -ignorance of this, intended to open negotiations by suggesting easier -terms, and thus to sound the minds of the Pashas. When they pressed -him to disclose all his instructions, he declared that his powers went -no further; till at last the Pashas grew furious, and told him to -take care what he was about, as their master was not accustomed to be -trifled with, and also that he knew right well what his instructions -were. Then they repeated accurately in detail the orders he had -received from the authorities of Venice, and told him, that ‘If he did -not at once produce them all, he would find himself in no small danger -as a liar and impostor, while inevitable destruction would await the -republic he represented, if his deceit should provoke Solyman’s wrath -beyond all appeasing, and cause him to destroy them with fire and -sword.’ They warned him that ‘he had not much time for deliberation; if -he produced all his instructions, well and good; but if he persevered -in his attempt to trifle with them, it would be too late afterwards to -talk of peace and express his regret.’ They concluded by saying, that -‘Solyman was no man’s suppliant; since by God’s blessing he had the -power to compel.’ The Ambassador knew not what to do, and thinking it -useless to attempt to conceal what was perfectly well known, made a -clean breast of it, and frankly confessed that what they stated as to -his instructions was correct. This misadventure, however, made him very -unpopular at home. From that time the Turks seem to have become much -more suspicious, thinking it impolitic to enter into negotiations with -an ambassador until his spirit is broken by long confinement. It was on -this account that Veltwick,[199] the ambassador of the Emperor Charles, -was detained by them for eighteen months, and my colleagues for more -than three years, and then dismissed without having accomplished -anything. On me they have been putting pressure for a long time, as you -know, and as yet I can see no prospect of my release. - -But when Baldi, whom I was speaking of, arrived, the age of the -messenger made them suspect that he brought fresh instructions, -allowing us to accept harder conditions of peace, and these they were -afraid of my misrepresenting on account of my knowledge of their -domestic troubles. They thought it therefore politic to treat me with -greater rigour, as the best means of making me produce forthwith the -real instructions I had last received. For the same reason Roostem -tried to intimidate me with threats of war, which he hinted at by the -following pleasantry. What does he do but send me a very large pumpkin -of the kind we call ‘Anguries,’ and the Germans ‘Wasser Blutzer’ -(water-melons). Those grown at Constantinople are of excellent -flavour, and have red seeds inside; they are called Rhodian melons -because they come from Rhodes. They are good for allaying thirst when -the weather is very hot. A great round one was sent me by Roostem -through my interpreter, one very hot day, with the following message: -‘He hoped I should like a fruit which suited the season; there was no -better antidote for the heat; but he wished me also to know that at -Buda and Belgrade they had great store of such fruit, and indeed some -larger specimens of it,’ by which he meant cannon balls. I sent back -word that I was much obliged for his present and should enjoy it, but -that I was not surprised at what he said about Buda and Belgrade, as -there were at Vienna plenty of specimens of the fruit quite as big as -the one he sent me. I made this answer because I wished Roostem to -understand that I had noticed the point of his jest. - -Now it is time I should relate the story of Bajazet, about which -you especially beg for information.[200] Doubtless you remember the -circumstances under which Bajazet parted from his father a few years -ago. He was pardoned on condition that he should not again make any -movement against his brother or excite fresh disturbances, but should -remain at peace and on friendly terms with him, as a brother ought to -do.[201] ‘Let him,’ said the Sultan, ‘remember the pledges he has given -me, nor further disquiet my declining years. Another time I will not -let him go unpunished.’ These warnings influenced Bajazet for a time, -but only as long as his mother survived; indeed, he placed but little -confidence on his brother’s affection or his father’s feelings towards -him, and relied entirely on the love his mother bore him, and being -anxious not to alienate her, he remained quiet during her lifetime. -But, when she died two years afterwards, thinking that his case was -desperate, and that he was no longer bound by any tie of filial duty, -he began to resume his former designs, and to prosecute his old quarrel -against his brother with more bitterness than ever. At one time he -plotted secretly against his life, at another used open violence, and -often sent his troops to make forays into his brother’s government, -which bordered on his own, and if he could catch any of his servants he -sentenced them to heavy punishments, intending thereby to insult their -master; in short, as he could not strike at his brother’s life, he left -nothing undone which he thought would impair his prestige. - -At Constantinople he had some devoted partisans, and through them -he tried to tamper with the Sultan’s bodyguard by every means in -his power, and on some occasions he even ventured to cross over to -Constantinople himself,[202] concealing himself there among his -accomplices and the men of his party. - -The progress of the conspiracy was no secret to Solyman, who, besides -his other channels of information, received accurate intelligence from -Selim, who wrote despatches from time to time, warning his father to be -on his guard against attack. ‘The Sultan was mistaken,’ said Selim, ‘if -he thought that the impious designs which Bajazet was now rehearsing -were not ultimately aimed at his own person. Bajazet cared neither -for God nor man, provided he could reach the throne. His father was as -great a barrier as his brother to the accomplishment of his ambitious -hopes. Attacks on himself were aimed at Solyman’s life, a crime which -Bajazet had planned long ago, and had lately been trying to carry into -execution. He begged the Sultan to take care he did not fall a victim -to these plots, and find himself a prisoner before news of his danger -could be received or help sent to him. As to the personal wrongs he -received from Bajazet, he could afford to disregard them, but he was -troubled at the greatness of his father’s peril.’ - -By such insinuations fresh fuel was continually added to Solyman’s -wrath against Bajazet. Accordingly he wrote letters reminding him of -his duty, of the clemency with which he had treated him, and of his -promises to himself, and bade him remember what he had said on a former -occasion, viz., that he would not always find pardon, that he ought -to turn over a new leaf, and not persist in provoking his brother and -annoying his father.[203] He added that he had but a short span of life -left himself, and when he was dead Providence would determine what -their several lots should be. In the meantime they should keep quiet, -if they had any regard for the peace of their father and their country. -But such arguments were all thrown away upon Bajazet, who had made up -his mind to hazard everything rather than take the other alternative, -and tamely wait till the time came for him to be butchered like a -sheep, which would most assuredly be his fate, if Selim ascended the -throne. - -He replied, however, to his father’s commands in becoming terms, but -his deeds did not correspond to his words, nor did he swerve in the -least from the line of conduct he had resolved on. - -When Solyman saw this, he felt that other measures were necessary, -and that he must not allow his sons to remain so near each other. -Accordingly he issued orders that before a certain day each should -leave his government (Bajazet was Governor of Kutaiah, Selim of -Magnesia), and that Bajazet should go to Amasia and Selim to Koniah. -No fault could be found with Selim, and his favour with his father was -unimpaired, but to prevent Bajazet from being hurried into rebellion, -Solyman wished to make it appear that they were both being treated -alike. In giving these orders he observed that the further apart they -were in actual distance the closer they would be in spirit. Vicinity, -he added, was often prejudicial to union, many faults being committed -on both sides by mischievous officers and servants, the effect of which -was to cause great irritation on the part of their masters. Let both of -them be obedient to his commands. If either should hesitate to obey, he -would expose himself to a charge of treason. - -Selim made no delay, inasmuch as he knew that these orders were given -chiefly in his interest. Bajazet kept making excuses, and halted after -proceeding a short distance. He complained that he had been given the -government of Amasia, that town of evil omen, which was still reeking -with his brother’s blood,[204] and said that he would be contented with -any other government whatever, in place of that, in which the miserable -end of his kinsfolk would ever be forcing itself on his eyes, and -wounding his heart with its sad recollections. He asked that he might -at least be permitted to pass the winter where he was, or at any rate -in the place which his brother had left. To these remonstrances Solyman -paid no attention; and Selim had already proceeded some days’ march -with the troops, which his father had given him as an escort to protect -him against any attack on the part of his brother, while Bajazet was -still delaying and hesitating, when he suddenly turned and retraced -his steps, and then making a circuit appeared in his brother’s rear, -moving on Ghemlik, a Bithynian town, on the Asiatic coast opposite -Constantinople. For this step he had the sanction of his father, who -did not like Bajazet’s procrastination, for both father and son were -alarmed at the thought of what might be the consequence both to the -empire and themselves, if Bajazet should win over the Imperial guards -and march on Ghemlik or even on Constantinople. As they were both -threatened, the safest course seemed to be for Selim to take up such a -position as would enable them to support each other. Selim had not as -yet sufficient strength to make him certain of defeating his brother, -who was now ready for any desperate step. - -When Bajazet saw Selim in his rear, he felt that the only result of his -own delay had been to ensure his brother’s succession to the throne, -whenever his father should be carried off, an event which might be -expected any day, as the Sultan’s health, which was generally bad, -was at that time worse than usual. Accordingly he sent letters to his -father, in which he accused his brother; he told him that Selim could -have given no stronger proof of his undutiful and disloyal intentions -than his march to Ghemlik; to which no other object could be assigned -than an attempt on the throne, as it was a place from which he would -have but a short passage to Constantinople, if he received the news he -wished for, informing him of his father’s death. But if his father’s -life should be prolonged, and the fulfilment of his wishes thus -deferred, he would not hesitate to employ his tools for the attainment -of his object, and would ascend the throne over his father’s murdered -body. In spite of all this he could not help seeing that Selim, -villain as he was, was his father’s darling, and was treated as if he -were a pattern son; while he on the other hand, though he had always -been a good son, and had never dreamt of such undutiful conduct, nay, -more, had always strictly observed every indication of his father’s -wishes, was nevertheless scorned and rejected. All that he requested -was permission to decline a government, the traditions of which boded -ill to its possessor. Next he had recourse to entreaties, and again -implored his father to consent to his being appointed to a different -government, whether it were the one his brother had left, or any other, -provided it had not the dark history of Amasia. He concluded by saying -he would wait for an answer to his petition at the place where he had -halted, that he might not have further to return should his wish be -granted, but if he should not obtain what he asked, he would then go -wherever his father might order. - -The complaints Bajazet made about Amasia were not altogether -unreasonable, for the Turks are in the habit of forecasting important -matters from trifling incidents. But this was not the view that Solyman -took, for he knew what value to attach to his son’s bemoanings, and was -convinced that his object was to obtain a situation more convenient -for making a revolution, Amasia being too far from Constantinople. -Thus Bajazet, pleading one excuse after another for delay, put off the -hour for obeying his father’s wishes as long as he could, and went on -increasing his forces by enlisting recruits, arming them, and raising -money—in short, he made every preparation for defending himself and -attacking his brother. These preparations were regarded by Solyman as -directed against himself, but, nevertheless, he passed them over for -the most part in silence. The cautious old man did not wish to render -Bajazet desperate and thus drive him into open rebellion. He was well -aware that the eyes of the world were fixed on the quarrel between -his sons, and he was therefore anxious that these troubles should be -left to the influence of time, and be allowed to die out as quietly as -possible. He therefore replied to Bajazet in gentle language, saying, -‘He could make no change about the government, his decision on that -point was final. They ought both to obey his commands and repair to -their respective posts. As to the future he bade them be of good hope, -as he would take care that everything should be so regulated as to -prevent either of them having any ground for just complaints.’ - -Pertau, the fourth of the Vizierial Pashas, was selected to -convey these commands to Bajazet, and to keep up an appearance -of impartiality, Mehemet, the third of the Vizierial Pashas, was -despatched to Selim with the same orders. Both were instructed not to -leave the Princes before they reached their respective governments, as -Solyman prudently intended to attach these important officers to his -sons in order that they might be kept in mind of their duties. This -Selim was ready to allow, but Bajazet refused, for, as his intention -was to bring about a general revolution, he thought there could be -no greater obstacle to his designs than to have one of his father’s -counsellors ever at his side to criticise his words and actions. He -therefore addressed Pertau courteously, and having given him such -presents as he could, compelled him to return, in spite of his -remonstrances, saying, that he wished to employ him as his defender -and advocate with his father, as he had no one else to plead for him. -He told him that he would not prove an ungrateful or a discreditable -client. Further, he bade him tell his father that he would always -regard his commands as law, if Selim would let him, but that he could -not bear any longer the outrages of his brother, and his attacks upon -his life. - -The dismissal of Pertau in this manner made Solyman sure of his son’s -intentions. Though Bajazet, to prevent the mission to him appearing -to have been wholly ineffectual, kept pretending that he was on his -way to Amasia, Solyman was not deceived, and continued to make his -preparations for war with undiminished activity. He ordered the -Beyler-bey of Greece, although he was suffering from an attack of gout, -to hurry with his cavalry to Selim’s assistance, and on Mehemet Pasha’s -return from his mission he despatched him into Asia with the most -trusty of the Imperial guard on the same service. He also made his own -preparations, and wished to make it appear that he was about to take -the field in person, but the Imperial guard gathered to their standards -with hesitation and reluctance, loathing a war between brothers as an -accursed thing. ‘Against whom were they to draw their swords?’ they -asked; ‘Was it not against the heir of the empire himself?’ ‘Surely,’ -they argued, ‘some alternative might be found instead of plunging into -war; it could not be necessary to compel them to dip their hands in the -blood of their comrades, and to incur the guilt of slaughtering their -fellow-soldiers. As to Bajazet’s attempts, they were, in their opinion, -justified by the emergency.’ - -When these speeches reached Solyman’s ears he submitted the following -questions to his Mufti, who, as you doubtless remember, is the chief -authority among the Turks in religious matters, and like the oak of -Dodona[205] is consulted in cases of difficulty. ‘First, how ought he -to treat a man who in his own lifetime raised men and money, attacked -and captured towns, and troubled the peace of the empire? Secondly, -what was his opinion of those who joined his standard, and assisted -him in such an enterprise? Finally, what he thought of those who -refused to take up arms against him, and justified his acts?’ The -Mufti replied, ‘That such a man and his partisans, in his judgment, -merited the severest punishment; and that those who refused to bear -arms against him were wicked men, who failed to support their religion, -and therefore deserved to be branded as infamous.’ This reply was made -public, and transmitted through the chief of the cavasses to Bajazet. - -A few days afterwards there returned to Constantinople a cavasse, who -had been sent to Selim by Solyman, and had been captured on the way by -Bajazet. By him he sent word to his father, that he had violated no -obligation demanded by filial duty, he had never taken up arms against -him, and was ready to obey his commands in everything. The quarrel was -one between his brother and himself, and life and death depended on the -issue of the struggle, as either he must fall by his brother’s sword -or his brother by his. That both should survive was an impossibility. -He had determined to bring matters to a conclusion, one way or the -other, in his father’s lifetime; therefore he called on Solyman not -to interfere in their contest, and to remain neutral. But if, as was -rumoured, he should cross the sea to go to Selim’s assistance, he -warned him not to hope that he would find it an easy task to get him -into his power, as he had secured for himself a refuge in case of -defeat. The moment Solyman set foot on the soil of Asia, he would lay -the country waste with fire and sword as mercilessly as Tamerlane. -Such a message caused Solyman no small anxiety. At the same time news -arrived that the town of Akschehr, which was governed by Selim’s son as -Sanjak-bey, had been taken by Bajazet, and, after a large sum of money -had been exacted, had been ruthlessly sacked. - -But when Selim, who had been afraid of his brother’s lying in wait -for him on the road, heard that he was on his way to Amasia, and had -already reached Angora, his suspicions were relieved, and he rapidly -marched on Koniah,[206] which was held for him by a garrison which had -been thrown into it. For not the least of the anxieties which racked -Solyman’s mind was, lest Bajazet should seize Koniah, and so make his -way into Syria, and thence invade Egypt, a province which was open to -attack and of doubtful loyalty, and which, having not yet forgotten -the ancient empire of the Circassians or Mamelukes, was eager for a -revolution.[207] Should Bajazet once establish himself there it would -not be an easy task to dislodge him, especially as the neighbouring -Arabs would readily adopt any cause which held out prospects of booty. -From Egypt too if he were hard pressed, all the coasts of Christendom -were within easy reach. For this reason Solyman took the utmost pains -to bar the road which might be expected to be Bajazet’s last resource, -orders having already been given to several of the governors in Asia -Minor to hold themselves in readiness to take the field when Selim -should give the signal. At the time of which I am now speaking, Selim -had called them out and had encamped before the walls of Koniah, -anxiously watching his brother’s movements. He determined to wait there -for his fathers reinforcements, and not by a premature engagement to -expose his life to the hazard of a battle. - -Bajazet, on the other hand, was keenly alive to the magnitude of the -enterprise he had undertaken. He had hired a body of Kurdish horsemen, -who are, probably, descendants of the ancient Gordiæans.[208] They -have a great reputation for valour, and Bajazet felt confident that -their assistance would ensure the success of his arms. The day they -arrived at his camp they went through a sham fight on horseback, which -was so like reality that several of them were slain, and more were -wounded. He pitched his camp in the open country, near Angora, so as -to have at his command the ample resources of that important town. In -the citadel he placed his concubines with their children. From the -wealthier of the merchants he raised a loan, on the terms of repaying -them with interest if Providence should crown his hopes with success. -From the same source he obtained the means of equipping and arming -his forces. He had, after the fashion of Turkish nobles, a numerous -retinue of servants; these were reinforced by the Kurds I mentioned, -and by men whose interests had been advanced by his mother, his sister, -or Roostem. To them were added many of the surviving retainers of -Mustapha and Achmet, brave and experienced soldiers, who burned to risk -their lives in avenging the cruel murders of their masters. Nor was -there wanting a motley following of men, who were discontented with -their actual condition, and were eager for a change. The motive of -some was compassion for the unfortunate Bajazet, whose only remaining -hope lay in an appeal to arms. They were attracted to the young man by -his looks, which strongly resembled his father’s; while, on the other -hand, Selim was totally unlike the Sultan, and inherited the face and -manner of his unpopular mother. In gait he was pompous, in person he -was corpulent, his cheeks were unnaturally red and bloated; amongst -the soldiers he was nick-named ‘The stalled ox.’ He lived a lazy life, -at the same time a sluggard and a sot. In the smaller courtesies of -life he was singularly ungracious; he never did a kindness and he -never gained a friend. He did not wish, he said, to win the favour of -the people at the expense of his father’s feelings. The only man that -loved him was his father. Everyone else hated him, and none so much -as those whose prospects depended on the accession of a generous and -warlike Sultan. The soldiers had been wont to call Bajazet Softi, which -means a studious and quiet person, but when they saw him take up arms -and prepare to fight to the uttermost for his own and his children’s -preservation, they respected his courage and admired his conduct. ‘Why -had the father,’ they murmured, ‘disowned a son who was the living -image of himself? Why had he preferred to him that corpulent drone, -who showed not a trace of his father’s character? To take up arms was -no crime, when nothing else would serve the turn. ‘Twas nothing worse -than what Selim, their grandfather, had done.[209] That precedent would -cover everything, as he had not only taken up arms against his brother, -but also had been compelled by the force of circumstances to hasten his -father’s end. Dreadful as the crime was to which he had been driven, -still, by it he had won the empire for his son and grandsons. But if -Solyman stood rightfully possessed of an empire, which had been won -by such means, why should his son be debarred from adopting the same -course? Why should that be so heavily punished in his case which Heaven -itself had sanctioned in his grandfather’s? Nay, the conduct of Selim -was far worse than that of his grandson Bajazet; the latter had taken -up arms, but not to hurt his father; he had no desire for his death; -he would not harm even his brother, if he would but let him live, and -cease from injuring him. It had ever been held lawful to repel force by -force. What fault could be found with a man for endeavouring to save -himself from ruin when it stared him in the face?’ - -Such were the sentiments that made men daily flock to the standard of -Bajazet. When his forces had well nigh attained the size of a regular -army, Bajazet felt that he must forthwith attack his brother, and stake -life and empire on the issue of the contest. That he might be defeated -he was well aware, but even in defeat he felt that honour might be -gained. Accordingly, he marched directly against Selim. His object -was to effect a passage into Syria; if this should prove successful, -the rest, he was confident, would be easy. Selim, having, with the -assistance of his father, completed his armaments, awaited his brother -under the walls of Koniah. He had large forces, and a numerous staff of -experienced officers, who had been sent by the Sultan, and his position -was strengthened by well-placed batteries of artillery. - -By all this Bajazet was not one whit dismayed; when he came in sight of -the enemy he addressed a few words of encouragement to his men, telling -them to fight bravely. ‘This,’ he declared, ‘was the hour they had -longed for, this was the opportunity for them to prove their valour. -Courage on that day should secure a fortune at his hands. It rested -with them to win or forfeit everything. Everyone who was discontented -with his lot had now an opening for exchanging his former poverty for -wealth and honour. They might expect from him, if they conquered, -dignities, riches, promotion, and all the rewards that valiant men -deserve. However extravagant their hopes, let them win this one -victory, and those hopes should be satisfied. They had abundant means -of gaining it in their gallant hearts and stout arms. Before them stood -only his brother’s following, cowards more debased than their cowardly -leader; it was through the ranks of these poltroons his men must cleave -their way. As for his father’s troops, though _in body_ they stood with -his brother, _in heart_ they were on his side. If Selim were out of the -way, his safety was assured, and their fortunes were made; let them -go and avenge themselves on the common enemy. Let them not fear,’ he -repeated, ‘the multitude of their foe. Victory was won not by numbers -but by valour. Heaven was on the side, not of the larger, but the -braver army. If they bore in mind how cruel and how eager for their -blood was the enemy they were to encounter, victory would not be hard -to gain. Last of all’ said he, ‘I wish you to regard not my words but -my deeds. Take my word for it, the day is yours, if you fight for my -life, as you see me fighting for your profit.’ - -Having addressed his troops in such terms, he boldly ordered them to -attack the enemy. He led the charge in person, and on that day proved -himself alike a gallant soldier and a skilful leader, winning, by the -courage he displayed, as much admiration from foes as from friends. -The battle was fierce and bloody; for a long time neither party could -gain any decisive advantage; at last victory inclined to the side which -was stronger in arms, stronger in right, and stronger in generalship. -Selim’s troops also received supernatural assistance, if one may -believe the Turkish story, for they aver that a great blast came from -the shrine of one of their ancient heroes, which stood hard by,[210] -and carried the dust into the faces of Bajazet’s soldiers, darkening -the atmosphere and blinding their eyes. After great losses on both -sides, Bajazet was obliged to give the signal for retreat, but he -retired slowly and without disorder, as if he had won a victory instead -of having sustained a defeat. Selim made no attempt to pursue. He was -perfectly satisfied with the success he had gained in repelling his -brother’s troops, and remained in his position as a quiet spectator of -the retreating enemy.[211] - -Bajazet had now committed an act of direct disobedience to his father’s -orders, he had given the rein to his own inclinations, and he had been -unsuccessful. He abandoned his project of marching into Syria, and set -out for Amasia in good earnest. - -About this time Solyman crossed into Asia, having, it is asserted, -received news of the result of the battle in a marvellously short -space of time. The Pashas held it to be impolitic for the Sultan to -cross until intelligence of Bajazet’s defeat should be received, but -at the same time were of opinion, that when news of it arrived no time -ought to be lost, lest Bajazet’s misfortunes should provoke his secret -partisans to declare themselves, and thus greater troubles ensue. They -argued that nothing would be more effectual than the report of his -crossing for cowing Bajazet and terrifying his friends. The victory, -they urged, should be improved, and no opportunity be given to the -prince of rallying from the blow he had received, lest he should follow -in the steps of Selim, Solyman’s father, who became more formidable -after defeat than ever he was before, and owed his final victory, in no -small measure, to his previous failure. - -The Pashas were perfectly correct in their view of the situation. For -though Bajazet had been defeated, his conduct in the field marvellously -increased his popularity and reputation. People spoke of how he had -ventured with a handful of men to encounter the superior forces of his -brother, supported as they were by all the resources of the Sultan. -The strength of his brother’s position, and his formidable array of -artillery, had failed to daunt him, while in this, his first field, his -conduct would not have shamed a veteran general. Though fortune had not -favoured him, yet he was the hero of the battle. Selim might go to his -father, and vaunt his triumph, but what then? True, he had _won_ it, -but Bajazet had _deserved_ it. To whatever cause Selim’s victory was -due, it was certainly not to his valour that he was indebted for his -success. - -Such was the common talk, the effect of which was to increase Bajazet’s -popularity, and at the same time to make his father more anxious -than ever. His hatred was inflamed, and he began to long for his -destruction. His determination remained unaltered. Selim was the elder, -and had ever been a dutiful and obedient son, and he and no one else -should be his heir; while Bajazet, who had been a disobedient son -and had endeavoured to supplant him on the throne, was the object of -his aversion. He was well aware that the peril of the situation was -increased by the reputation Bajazet had gained, and the open support -which he himself had given to Selim. For these reasons he had crossed -the sea: his object was to give moral support to Selim by his presence -in Asia, but he had no intention of marching up the country. He could -not trust his troops, and if he ventured to lead them to the scene of -action, they might at any moment declare for Bajazet. - -He left Constantinople June 5, 1559, on which occasion, in spite of -my cavasse, I managed to be among the spectators. But why should I -not tell you of my two skirmishes after the fashion of the _Miles -Gloriosus_ of Plautus? At any rate, I have nothing better to do, unless -worry counts for work. Under such circumstances letter-writing is a -relief. - -When it became generally known that the Sultan was about to cross the -sea, and the day was fixed, I intimated to the cavasse my wish to see -the Sultan’s departure. It was his habit to take charge of the keys -every evening, so, when the time came, I bade him attend me early in -the morning and let me out. To this he readily agreed. My Janissaries -and interpreters, by my orders, hired for me a room commanding a view -of the street by which the Sultan was to pass. When the day came I was -awake before daybreak, and waited for the cavasse to open the gates. -Time passed and he did not come. So I availed myself of the services -of the Janissaries who slept at my gate and the interpreters who were -waiting to obtain admittance, and despatched messenger after messenger -to fetch the cavasse. I had, by the way, to give my orders through -the chinks of the crazy old gates. The cavasse kept putting me off -with excuses, at one time saying he was just coming, and at another -that he had business which hindered him. Meanwhile it was getting -late, and we knew, by the salutes fired by the Janissaries, that the -Sultan had mounted his steed. Hereupon I lost patience, for I saw that -I was being humbugged. Even the Janissaries on guard were sorry for -my disappointment, and thought that I had been treated scurvily; so -they told me that, if my people would push from the inside while they -pulled from the outside, it would be possible to burst the locks of the -gate, which was old and weak. I approved of the plan; my people pushed -with a will, and the gate gave way. Out we rushed, and made for the -house where I had hired a room. The cavasse had intended to disappoint -me, not that he was a bad sort of fellow, but when he had informed -the Pashas of my wishes they had refused consent, not liking that a -Christian should be among the spectators on such an occasion. They did -not wish me to see their Sovereign on his march against his son and at -the head of a mere handful of troops, so they recommended him to put -me off by courteous promises till the Sultan had embarked, and then to -invent some excuse, but the trick recoiled on its author. - -When we arrived at the house we found it barred and bolted, so that we -had as much difficulty in getting in, as we had just had in getting -out! When no one answered our knocks, the Janissaries came to me again, -and promised, if I would undertake the responsibility, either to break -open the doors or climb in through a window and let us in. I told them -not to break in, but did not object to their entering by a window. In -less time than I can tell it they were through the window, and had -unbarred the doors. When I went upstairs, I found the house full of -Jews, in fact, a regular synagogue. At first they were dumbfoundered, -and could not make out how I had passed through bolts and bars! When -the matter was explained, a well-dressed elderly lady, who talked -Spanish, came up and took me roundly to task for breaking into the -house. I rejoined that I was the aggrieved party, and told her that the -landlady ought to have kept her bargain, and not tried to fool me in -this way. Well, she would have none of my excuses, and I had no time to -waste on words. - -I was accommodated with a window at the back of the house, commanding a -view of the street by which the Sultan was to pass. From this I had the -pleasure of seeing the magnificent column which was marching out. The -Ghourebas and Ouloufedgis rode in double, and the Silihdars and Spahis -in single file. The cavalry of the Imperial guard consists of these -four regiments, each of which forms a distinct body, and has separate -quarters.[212] They are believed to amount to about 6,000 men, more or -less. Besides these, I saw a large force, consisting of the household -slaves belonging to the Sultan himself, the Pashas, and the other court -dignitaries. The spectacle presented by a Turkish horseman is indeed -magnificent.[213] His high-bred steed generally comes from Cappadocia -or Syria, and its trappings and saddle sparkle with gold and jewels in -silver settings. The rider himself is resplendent in a dress of cloth -of gold or silver, or else of silk or velvet. The very lowest of them -is clothed in scarlet, violet, or blue robes of the finest cloth. -Right and left hang two handsome cases, one of which holds his bow, and -the other is full of painted arrows. Both of these cases are curiously -wrought, and come from Babylon, as does also the targe, which is -fitted to the left arm, and is proof only against arrows or the blows -of a mace or sword. In the right hand, unless he prefers to keep it -disengaged, is a light spear, which is generally painted green. Round -his waist is girt a jewelled scimitar, while a mace of steel hangs from -his saddle-bow. ‘What are so many weapons for?’ you will ask. I reply -for your information, that he is trained by long practice to use them -all. You will ask again, ‘How can a man use both bow and spear? will -he seize the bow after he has cast or broken his spear?’ Not so; he -keeps the spear in his grasp as long as he can, but when circumstances -require that it should be exchanged for the bow, he thrusts the spear, -which is light and handy, between the saddle and his thigh, so that -the point sticks out behind, and by the pressure of his knee keeps it -in this position for any length of time he chooses. But when he has -need of the spear, he puts the bow into its case, or slings it on his -left arm across his shield. It is not, however, my object to explain -at length their skill in arms, which is the result of long service -and constant drilling. The covering they wear on the head is made of -the whitest and lightest cotton-cloth, in the middle of which rises a -fluted peak of fine purple silk. It is a favourite fashion to ornament -this head-dress with black plumes. - -When the cavalry had ridden past, they were followed by a long -procession of Janissaries,[214] but few of whom carried any arms except -their regular weapon, the musket. They were dressed in uniforms of -almost the same shape and colour, so that you might recognise them to -be the slaves, and as it were the household, of the same master. Among -them no extraordinary or startling dress was to be seen, and nothing -slashed or pierced.[215] They say their clothes wear out quite fast -enough without their tearing them themselves. There is only one thing -in which they are extravagant, viz., plumes, head-dresses, &c., and -the veterans who formed the rear guard were specially distinguished by -ornaments of this kind. The plumes which they insert in their frontlets -might well be mistaken for a walking forest. Then followed on horseback -their captains and colonels, distinguished by the badges of their -rank. Last of all, rode their Aga by himself. Then succeeded the chief -dignitaries of the Court, and among them the Pashas, and then the royal -body-guard, consisting of infantry, who wore a special uniform and -carried bows ready strung, all of them being archers. Next came the -Sultan’s grooms leading a number of fine horses with handsome trappings -for their master’s use. He was mounted himself on a noble steed; his -look was stern, and there was a frown on his brow; it was easy to see -that his anger had been aroused. Behind him came three pages, one -of whom carried a flask of water, another a cloak, and the third a -box. These were followed by some eunuchs of the bed-chamber, and the -procession was closed by a squadron of horse about two hundred strong. - -Having had a capital view of the whole spectacle, which I thoroughly -enjoyed, my only anxiety was to appease my hostess. For I heard that -the lady, who had addressed me in Spanish at my entrance, was on very -intimate terms with Roostem’s wife, and I was afraid that she might -tell tales about me in his family, and create an impression that I -had not behaved as I ought. I invited my hostess to an interview, and -reminded her of her breach of contract in bolting the door in my face, -when she had for a fixed sum agreed to leave it open; but told her -that, however little she might have deserved it, I intended to keep my -part of the engagement, though she had neglected hers, and not only to -pay her in full, but to give her a little extra douceur as well. I had -promised seven pieces of gold, and she should receive ten, to prevent -her regretting my having forced my way into her house. When she saw -her hand filled with more gold than she had hoped for, she suddenly -altered her tone, and overwhelmed me with thanks and civilities, while -the rest of her Hebrew friends followed suit. The lady also, whom I -mentioned as being intimate with Roostem’s family, echoing the praises -of my hostess, thanked me profusely in her name. Some Cretan wine and -sweetmeats were then produced for my refreshment. These I declined, and -hurried home as fast I could, followed by the good wishes of the party, -planning as I went a fresh battle with my cavasse, to whom I should -have to answer for having broken open the doors in his absence. - -I found him sitting disconsolately in the vestibule, and he at once -assailed me with a long complaint, saying, I ought not to have gone -out without his consent or have broken the doors. He declared that it -was a breach of the law of nations, &c. I answered shortly that had -he chosen to come in time, as he had promised, there would have been -no need for me to burst the doors; and I made him understand that it -was all his fault for not keeping his word, and for trifling with me. -I concluded by asking whether they considered me an ambassador or a -prisoner? ‘An ambassador,’ he answered. ‘If a prisoner,’ I rejoined, -‘it is useless employing me to make peace, as a prisoner is not a free -agent; but if you consider me an ambassador, why am I not at liberty? -Why am I prevented leaving my house when I please? It is usual,’ I -repeated, ‘for prisoners to be kept shut up, but not for ambassadors. -Indeed the freedom of ambassadors is a right recognised by the law of -nations.’ I told him also to remember that he had been attached to me, -not as a jailor or policeman, but, as he was always saying himself, to -assist me by his services, and to take care that no injury was done to -myself or my servants. He then turned to the Janissaries, and began -quarrelling with them for giving me advice, and helping my men to open -the doors. They said that I had not needed their advice, I had ordered -them to open the doors and they had obeyed. They told him, with perfect -truth, that in doing this but little exertion had been required, as the -bars had given way under very slight pressure, and that nothing had -been broken or injured. Thus the cavasse’s remonstrances were stopped -whether he would or no, and nothing more was heard of the matter. - -A few days later I was summoned across the sea myself. They considered -it politic that I should pass some time in their camp, and be treated -courteously as the ambassador of a friendly prince. Accordingly, a very -comfortable lodging was assigned me in a village adjoining the camp. -The Turks were encamped in the neighbouring fields. As I stayed there -three months, I had opportunities of visiting their camp, and making -myself acquainted with their discipline. You will hardly be satisfied -if I do not give you a few particulars on the subject. Having put -on the dress usually worn by Christians in those parts, I used to -sally out incognito with one or two companions. The first thing that -struck me was, that each corps had its proper quarters, from which -the soldiers composing it were not allowed to move. Everywhere order -prevailed, there was perfect silence, no disturbances, no quarrels, -no bullying; a state of things which must seem well nigh incredible -to those, whose experience is limited to Christian camps. You could -not hear so much as a coarse word, or a syllable of drunken abuse. -Besides, there was the greatest cleanliness, no dunghills, no heaps of -refuse, nothing to offend the eyes or nose. Everything of the kind is -either buried or removed out of sight. Holes are dug in the ground, as -occasion requires, for the use of the men, which are again filled in -with earth. Thus the whole camp is free from dirt. Again, no drinking -parties or banquets, and no sort of gambling, which is the great fault -of our soldiers, are to be seen. The Turks are unacquainted with the -art of losing their money at cards and dice. - -A little while ago I came across some soldiers from the borders of -Hungary, amongst whom was a rough fellow, who, with a woe-begone face, -sang or rather howled, to the accompaniment of a melancholy lyre, a -lugubrious ditty, purporting to be the last words of a comrade dying of -his wounds in a grassy meadow by the bank of the Danube. He called upon -the Danube, as he flowed to the country of his kinsfolk, to remember to -tell his friends and clansmen that he, while fighting for the extension -of his religion and the honour of his tribe, had met with a death -neither inglorious nor unavenged. Groaning over this his companions -kept repeating, ‘O man, thrice happy and thrice blessed, how gladly -would we exchange our lot for thine!’ The Turks firmly believe that no -souls ascend to heaven so quickly as those of brave heroes who have -fallen in war, and that for their safety the Houris daily make prayers -and vows to God. - -I had a fancy also to be conducted through the shambles where the -sheep were slaughtered, that I might see what meat there was for sale. -I saw but four or five sheep at most, which had been flayed and hung -up, although it was the slaughter-house of the Janissaries, of whom I -think there were no fewer than four thousand in the camp. I expressed -my astonishment that so little meat was sufficient for such a number -of men, and was told in reply that few used it, for a great part of -them had their victuals brought over from Constantinople. When I asked -what they were, they pointed out to me a Janissary, who was engaged -in eating his dinner; he was devouring, off a wooden or earthen -trencher, a mess of turnips, onions, garlic, parsnips, and cucumbers, -seasoned with salt and vinegar, though, for the matter of that, I fancy -that hunger was the chief sauce that seasoned his dish, for, to all -appearance, he enjoyed his vegetables as much as if he had been dining -off pheasants and partridges. Water, that common beverage of men and -animals, is their only drink. This abstemious diet is good both for -their health and their pockets. - -I was at the camp just before their fast, or Lent[216] as we should -call it, and thus was still more struck with the behaviour of the men. -In Christian lands at this season, not only camps, but even orderly -cities, ring with games and dances, songs and shouts; everywhere are -heard the sounds of revelling, drunkenness, and delirium. In short, the -world runs mad. It is not improbable that there is some foundation -for the story, that a Turk, who happened to come to us on a diplomatic -mission at one of these seasons, related on his return home, that the -Christians, on certain days, go raving mad, and are restored to their -senses and their health by a kind of ashes, which are sprinkled on them -in their temples. He told his friends that it was quite remarkable to -see the beneficial effects of this remedy; the change was so great -that one would hardly imagine them to be the same people. He referred -of course to Ash Wednesday and Shrove Tuesday. His hearers were the -more astonished, because the Turks are acquainted with several drugs -which have the power of rendering people insane, while they know of few -capable of speedily restoring the reason. - -During the days which immediately precede the season of abstinence, -they do not alter their former mode of life, or allow themselves any -extra indulgence in the way of food and drink. Nay rather, on the -contrary, by diminishing their usual allowance they prepare themselves -for the fast, for fear they should not be able to bear the sudden -change. Their fast recurs every twelve months; and, as twelve lunar -months do not make up a year, it annually comes some fifteen days -earlier. Hence it follows that, if the fast is at the beginning of -Spring, six years later it will be kept at the commencement of Summer. -The Turks limit their fast to the period of one lunar month, and the -most severe fasts are those which fall in summer, on account of the -length of the days. Inasmuch as they keep it so strictly as to touch -nothing, not even water—nay, they hold it unlawful even to wash out -the mouth—till the stars appear at even, it follows of course that a -fast which occurs when the days are longest, hottest, and most dusty, -is extremely trying, especially to those who are obliged to earn their -livelihood by manual labour. However, they are allowed to eat what they -please before sunrise, or to speak accurately, before the stars are -dimmed by the light of that luminary, the idea being that the Sun ought -to see no one eating during the whole of the fast. On this account the -fast, when it falls in winter, is not so hard to bear. - -On a cloudy day of course some mistake might be made about sunset. To -meet this difficulty the priests, who act as sacristans, put lighted -paper lanterns on the pinnacles of the minarets. (It is from these -minarets that they utter the loud cry which summons the people to -prayer, and they therefore answer to our belfries.[217]) These lights -are intended to remove all doubt as to the time being come when food -may be taken. Then at last, after first entering a mosque and reciting -their customary prayers, they return to supper. On summer days I -remember seeing them making in crowds from the mosque to a tavern, -opposite our abode, where snow was kept for sale (of which, by the -way, there is an unfailing supply from Mount Olympus, in Asia), and -asking for iced water, which they drank, sitting cross-legged, for -the Turks have a scruple about eating or drinking standing, if they -can help it. But as the evening was too far gone for me to be able to -see what they were squatting down for, I got some of my acquaintance, -who understood Turkish customs, to enlighten me, and found that each -took a great draught of cold water to open a passage for their food, -which otherwise would stick in their throats, parched as they were by -heat and fasting, and also that their appetite was stimulated by the -cold drink. No special kinds of food are appointed to be eaten during -the fast; nor does their religion prescribe abstinence during that -season from anything which they are allowed to eat at other times. -Should they happen to have any illness which prevents their observing -the fast, they may disregard it, on condition, however, of making up, -when they get well, the number of fasting days which their health has -compelled them to miss. Likewise, when they are in an enemy’s country -and an engagement is apprehended, they are ordered to postpone their -fast to some other time, lest they should be hungry and faint on the -day of battle. If they hesitate to do so, the Sultan himself takes -food publicly at midday before the eyes of the army, that all may be -encouraged by his example to do the same. But as at other times of -the year they are forbidden, by their religion, to drink wine, and -cannot taste it without committing a sin, so they are most scrupulous -in observing this rule all the days of the fast, and even the most -careless and profligate people not only abstain from wine, but shun the -very smell of it. - -I remember that, after I had made many enquiries as to the reason why -Mahomet had so strictly forbidden his followers to drink wine, I was -one day told this story. Mahomet happened to be travelling to a friend, -and halted on his way at midday at a man’s house, where a wedding feast -was being celebrated. At his host’s invitation he sat down with them, -and greatly admired the exceeding gaiety of the banqueters and their -earnest demonstrations of affection—such as shaking of hands, embraces, -and kisses. He asked his host the reason, and was informed that such -feelings were the consequence of wine. Accordingly on his departure -he blessed that beverage as being the cause of such affection among -mankind. But on his return the day after, when he entered the same -house, a far different sight was presented to his eyes; on all sides -were the traces of a cruel fight, the ground was stained with gore and -strewn with human limbs; here lay an arm and there a foot; and other -fragments were scattered all about. On his asking what had been the -cause of so much mischief, he heard that the banqueters he had seen -the day before had got maddened with wine and quarrelled, and that a -fearful butchery had been the consequence. On this account, Mahomet -changed his opinion and cursed the use of wine, making a decree for all -time that his followers should not touch it. - -So, drinking being prohibited, peace and silence reign in a Turkish -camp, and this is more especially the case during their Lent. Such -is the result produced by military discipline, and the stern laws -bequeathed them by their ancestors. The Turks allow no crime and -no disgraceful act to go unpunished. The penalties are degradation -from office, loss of rank, confiscation of property, the bastinado, -and death. The most usual is the bastinado, from which not even the -Janissaries themselves are exempt, though they are not subject to -capital punishment. Their lighter faults are punished with the stick, -their graver with dismissal from the service or removal to a different -corps, a penalty they consider worse than death, by which indeed such -a sentence is almost always followed. For when the Janissaries are -stripped of their uniform, they are banished to distant garrisons -on the furthest frontiers, where their life is one of ignominy and -disgrace; or if the crime is so atrocious as to render it necessary to -make an example of the culprit, an excuse is found for putting him to -death in the place to which he has been banished. But the punishment -of death is inflicted on him not as a Janissary, but as a common -soldier. - -The endurance of the Turks in undergoing punishment is truly -marvellous. They often receive more than a hundred blows on their -soles, ankles, and buttocks, so that sometimes several sticks of -dogwood are broken on them, and the executioner has to say repeatedly, -‘Give me the other stick.’[218] Although remedies are at hand, yet -it sometimes happens that many pounds of gangrened flesh have to be -cut off from the places which have been beaten. They are obliged -notwithstanding to go to the officer by whose orders they have been -punished, and to kiss his hand and thank him, and also to pay the -executioner a fixed fee for every stroke. As to the stick with which -they are beaten, they consider it a sacred thing, and are quite -convinced that the first bastinado stick fell down from the same place -from which the Romans believed their sacred shields descended, I mean -from heaven. That they may have some consolation for such pain, they -also believe that the parts, which have been touched by the stick, will -after this life be safe from the fires of purgatory. - -In saying that the camp was free from quarrels and tumults, it is -necessary to make one exception, for some trouble was caused by my -people. A few of them had gone out of the camp to stroll along the -shore without Janissaries, having only taken with them some Italian -renegadoes. Among the various advantages which such renegadoes enjoy, -the greatest perhaps is the power of ransoming prisoners. They go -to the people who have possession of the captives, and pretend -that they are their relations or connections, or at any rate their -fellow-countrymen. After speaking of the great pain it gives them -to see their friends in such a position, they ask the masters to -take their value and emancipate them, or else to make them over to -themselves. To such a request the masters make no difficulty in -agreeing; whereas, if a Christian were to ask the same favour, they -would either refuse it or demand a much higher price. To return to my -subject, when my men had gone out they came upon some Janissaries, -who, by way of performing their ablutions, had taken a swim in the -sea. They had left their turbans behind, and their only head-dress was -a piece of linen roughly folded. The Janissaries seeing my men were -Christians began to abuse them. For the Turks not only consider it -lawful to call Christians by insulting names and otherwise abuse them, -but even think it meritorious, on the ground that they may possibly be -shamed into changing their religion for the faith of the Turks, when -they see what insults they are exposed to on its account. My men, when -thus assailed, abused them in return, and at last from words they came -to blows, the Italians I mentioned taking the side of my men. The end -of it was, that the head-wrapper of one of the Janissaries was lost -in the scuffle, how or where I cannot say. The Janissaries, having -traced my people to my quarters, went to their commanding officer and -charged them with having caused this loss. The officer ordered them -to summon my interpreter, who had been present at the skirmish. They -seized him, as he was sitting at the door, while I was looking down -from the verandah above. I felt that this was a very gross insult; -here was one of my people being carried off without my permission, and -not only so, but carried off, as I knew right well, having heard of -the affair from my servants, to receive a flogging. This was certain -to be his fate, for he was a Turkish subject. I went down and laying -my hand on him told them to let him go, which they did; but they went -off to their commander more savage than ever. He directed them to take -some more men, and bring before him the renegade Italians I mentioned, -charging them at the same time to be careful not to use violence to me -or the house where I was staying. Accordingly they came again making a -great uproar, and standing on the road demanded the surrender of the -men with loud cries and threats. But the Italians foreseeing what would -happen, had already crossed the Bosphorus to Constantinople. This went -on for a long time with much bad language on both sides, till at last -the cavasse I was then employing, an old man on the brink of the grave, -becoming nervous at the uproar, thrust into their hands, without my -knowledge, some pieces of gold as the price of the lost head-wrapper, -and thus our peace was made. - -One reason for telling you this adventure is, that it gave me an -opportunity of learning from Roostem himself the light in which the -Janissaries are regarded by the Sultan. For when he heard of this -disturbance he sent a man warning me, to use his own words, ‘to remove -every cause of offence which might occasion a quarrel with those -atrocious scoundrels. Was I not aware, that it was war time, when -they were masters, so that not even Solyman himself had control over -them, and was actually himself afraid of receiving violence at their -hands?’ These were no random words of Roostem’s; he knew what he was -talking about, for his master’s anxieties were no secret to him. What -the Sultan dreaded most in the world was secret disaffection among -the Janissaries; disaffection which would lie hidden for a time, and -then break out at a critical moment when he had no power to counteract -it. His alarm is certainly not without foundation; for while there -are great advantages to a Sovereign in the possession of a standing -army, there are on the other hand, if proper precautions be not taken, -considerable disadvantages. The greatest of all is, that the soldiers -have it in their power to depose their Sovereign and place another on -the throne; and the fear of a revolution of this kind must be ever -present to the minds of the masters. Striking instances might be quoted -of Sovereigns who were dethroned by their own troops; but it is by no -means impossible to guard against such occurrences. - -During my stay at the camp, Albert de Wyss,[219] a gentleman and a good -scholar, arrived. If I am not mistaken, he is a native of Amersfort. -He brought as presents from the Emperor to the Sultan some gilded cups -and a clock of skilful workmanship, which was mounted like a tower on -the back of an elephant, and also some money for distribution among -the Pashas. Solyman desired me to present these gifts to him in the -camp, in the sight of the army, as a fresh proof to his subjects that -he and the Emperor were firm friends. He was anxious that such an idea -should prevail, and also that an impression should be produced, that no -warlike movement on the part of the Christians was likely to take place. - -I now return to the point from which I began this digression, namely to -Bajazet, who had retreated from the battle field of Koniah to Amasia, -his own government, apparently with the resolution of remaining quiet -there, if his father should allow him to do so. He had obeyed the -dictates of his passion and his youthful ambition; now he seemed to -intend for the future to play the part of a dutiful son. He continually -endeavoured to ascertain his father’s disposition by letters and -agents. Solyman did not show himself averse to a reconciliation. At -first he made no difficulty in giving the messengers audience, read the -letters and did not answer them harshly, so that a report was prevalent -throughout the camp that the father would be reconciled to the son, -and pardon his youthful indiscretion, on his promising to be loyal for -the future. But in reality the crafty old man was playing a very deep -game suggested to him by the Pashas, he was deluding Bajazet with hopes -of forgiveness until the toils should be prepared, and he should be -ready to seize his prisoner alive. For it was apprehended that, if he -was driven to despair, he would make his escape to the territory of -the King of Persia, which was his only refuge, before the governors -of the intervening country had time to guard and watch the roads. -Solyman kept sending messenger after messenger to them, urging them not -to leave any loophole however small for Bajazet to escape to Persia. -Meanwhile anyone suspected of a leaning towards Bajazet who fell into -the Sultan’s hands was secretly executed, after being questioned by -torture. Among them were some whom Bajazet had sent to clear his -character. - -The kingdom of Persia, though Solyman has torn away from it much -territory by war, namely Babylonia itself, Mesopotamia, and part of -Media, includes at the present time all the tribes that dwell between -the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf, with some portion of Greater -Armenia. The Sovereign of this country is Shah Tahmasp, who, besides -the territory I mentioned, reigns over regions still more remote, as -far as the dominions of the Prince who is called by the Turks Humayoum -Padischah.[220] The father of the present Shah was defeated many years -ago by Selim in a great battle on the plains of Tschaldiran,[221] and -from that time the fortunes of Persia have been declining, under the -powerful attacks of the Emperor Solyman, for Tahmasp has defended -himself with but little vigour and in no way displayed the spirit of -his father. At the present time he is said to be leading the life of -a mere voluptuary; he never leaves his harem, where he divides his -time between dallying with his favourites and forecasting the future -by means of lots. Meanwhile he neglects to enforce the laws or to -administer justice, and consequently, brigandage and outrages of -every kind prevail throughout the different tribes that are subject -to his sway, and so the poor and helpless throughout Persia are -suffering every kind of oppression at the hands of the strong, and it -is useless for innocence to resort to the King for protection. This -culpable neglect of his duty as a ruler has so little impaired either -his influence or the superstitious veneration with which his person -is regarded, that they think that a blessing falls on those who have -kissed the doorposts of his palace, and they keep the water in which he -has washed his hands as a sovereign cure for divers diseases. Of his -numerous offspring one son is called Ismael after his grandfather, and -on him has also descended his grandfather’s spirit. He is extremely -handsome, and is a deadly enemy of the house of Othman. They say that -when he first entered the world his baby hand was found to be full of -blood, and this was commonly regarded by his countrymen as a sign that -he would be a man of war. Nor did he belie the prediction, for hardly -had he grown up to manhood when he inflicted a bloody defeat on his -Turkish enemies. One of the articles of the treaty between his father -and Solyman was, that he should not be allowed to attack the Turks, -and in accordance with this stipulation he was sent to a distance from -the frontier and there confined in prison. He is, however, the person -marked out by the aspirations of the nation as successor to the throne -on his father’s decease. - -Accordingly Solyman was afraid that the Shah, who, by the way, is -better known to us as the Sophi, would have a keener recollection of -their ancient quarrels than of the peace which he had been recently -compelled to make, and that consequently, if his son should escape into -Persia, he would not allow him to be taken away without a great deal -of trouble, and that possibly a long and harassing war would be the -result. He therefore took the utmost pains to apprehend Bajazet, before -he should escape thither. He remembered that the support, which, a few -years before, he himself had given to Elkass, the brother of Tahmasp, -who had taken refuge with him,[222] had been the cause of many years of -annoyance and anxiety to Tahmasp, and his conscience told him that this -would be an opportunity for the latter to retaliate, and perhaps to -make an attempt to recover the territory which he had lost in war. - -Although the designs of Solyman were kept very secret, they were not -unobserved by Bajazet’s friends, who repeatedly warned him not to trust -his father, to be on his guard against plots, and to take betimes the -best measures in his power for his safety. A little matter is often the -immediate cause of a very serious step, and so it was in this case. -What drove him to take his friends’ advice was, as I have heard, the -circumstance that one of his spies, who was arrested in the camp, was -by Solyman’s orders publicly executed by impalement, on the pretext -that he had been enlisted by Bajazet after he had been strictly -forbidden to enroll any more soldiers. When informed of his follower’s -execution, Bajazet immediately felt that his only chance was to fly for -his life. Solyman, on the other hand, thinking he had now made certain -of his not escaping, or perhaps to deceive him the more, ordered his -army to return to Constantinople the day after the festival of Bairam. - -At Amasia, on the very day of the feast, as soon as the usual -ceremonies were finished, Bajazet ordered his baggage to be packed up -and began his ill-starred journey to Persia; he knew right well that he -was going to the ancient enemy of the house of Othman, but he was fully -resolved to throw himself on any one’s mercy rather than fall into his -father’s hands. Every man marched out who was capable of bearing arms; -none but women and children unequal to the fatigues of a long journey -were left behind. Among the latter was a newly born son of Bajazet, -with his mother; his father preferred to leave the innocent babe to -his grand-father’s mercy, rather than take him as a companion of his -anxious and miserable flight. This child Solyman ordered to be taken -care of at Broussa, feeling as yet uncertain what his father’s fate -might be. - -I should have returned to Constantinople on the day before the -Bairam,[223] had I not been detained by my wish to see that day’s -ceremonies. The Turks were about to celebrate the rites of the festival -on an open and level plain before the tents of Solyman; and I could -hardly hope that such an occasion of seeing them would ever present -itself again. I gave my servants orders to promise a soldier some -money and so get me a place in his tent, on a mound which commanded -a good view of Solyman’s pavilions. Thither I repaired at sunrise. -I saw assembled on the plain a mighty multitude of turbaned heads, -attentively following, in the most profound silence, the words of -the priest who was leading their devotions. They kept their ranks, -each in his proper position; the lines of troops looked like so many -hedges or walls parting out the wide plain, on which they were drawn -up. According to its rank in the service each corps was posted nearer -to, or farther from, the place where the Sultan stood. The troops were -dressed in brilliant uniforms, their head-dresses rivalling snow in -whiteness. The scene which met my eyes was charming, the different -colours having a most pleasing effect. The men were so motionless that -they seemed rooted to the ground on which they stood. There was no -coughing, no clearing the throat, and no voice to be heard, and no one -looked behind him or moved his head. When the priest pronounced the -name of Mahomet all alike bowed their heads to their knees at the same -moment, and when he uttered the name of God they fell on their faces -in worship and kissed the ground. The Turks join in their devotions -with great ceremony and attention, for if they even raise a finger to -scratch their head, their prayer, they think, will not be accepted. -‘For,’ say they, ‘if you had to converse with Pashas would you not -do so with your body in a respectful attitude? how much more are we -bounden to observe the same reverence towards God, who is so far above -the highest earthly eminence?’ Such is their logic. When prayers were -finished, the serried ranks broke up, and the whole plain was gradually -covered with their surging masses. Presently the Sultan’s servants -appeared bringing their master’s dinner, when, lo and behold! the -Janissaries laid their hands on the dishes, seized their contents -and devoured them, amid much merriment. This licence is allowed by -ancient custom as part of that day’s festivity, and the Sultan’s wants -are otherwise provided for. I returned to Constantinople full of the -brilliant spectacle, which I had thoroughly enjoyed. - -I have a little more news to give you about Bajazet and then I will -release you, as you are probably as tired of reading as I am of -writing. Bajazet, as you have heard, having started from Amasia with -his escort in light marching order, travelled with such speed that his -arrival almost everywhere anticipated the tidings of his approach, and -many who had been ordered to look out for his passage were taken by -surprise, before their preparations were completed. He gave the Pasha -of Siwas the slip by the following stratagem. There were two roads, -of which the Pasha had occupied the one which was of importance to -Bajazet; the latter, however, sent some pretended deserters to tell -the Pasha that he had already passed by the other road. As the Pasha -thought this not improbable, he left his position on the road he had -occupied, and hastily led his forces across to the other road, by which -he believed Bajazet to be going, and so left him a free passage. - -He likewise imposed on the Pasha of Erzeroum by a somewhat similar -stratagem. When he was not far off and knew there was much danger -awaiting him in his passage through that Pashalik, he had recourse -to the following device; he sent messengers to salute him, and told -them to relate his misfortunes in the most pathetic manner, in hopes -of exciting his sympathy. They were to conclude their appeal by -asking permission to get shoes for the horses, telling the Pasha, the -Prince’s troops were quite worn out by the hardships of the march, -and that he intended remaining a day or two where there was plenty of -fodder, in order to rest his horses, and to put new shoes on them. The -Pasha courteously replied that he did not forbid him to take what he -wanted; whether he was influenced by pity for Bajazet’s misfortunes, -or by inclination to his party, as some people thought, I cannot say; -perhaps, after all, his design was to throw Bajazet off his guard and -so take him prisoner, or time may have been needed to concentrate his -troops, who had been surprised by Bajazet’s rapid march. He also sent -him some small presents as a compliment, and congratulated him on his -safe arrival; but Bajazet, instead of making any halt, pressed on, -allowing his troops no rest by day and only a short one by night. - -When the Pasha of Erzeroum became aware that Bajazet was hurrying -on, he quickened his movements and joined the other Pashas who were -following in pursuit, for, as soon as it was known that Bajazet had -left Amasia, Solyman sent several Sanjak-beys and Pashas after him, -threatening them with the loss of their heads if they did not bring him -back, alive or dead. But this was all in vain on account of Bajazet’s -hasty departure, and also because the fugitive’s speed was greater than -that of his pursuers. But after all, Bajazet’s flight cost none more -dear than the above-mentioned Pasha of Erzeroum, who was removed from -his Pashalik by Solyman, and put to death by Selim, with his two young -sons, after they had first been horribly ill-treated. Meanwhile, both -Selim and Mehemet Pasha and the Beyler-bey of Greece, although a long -way behind, continued their pursuit of Bajazet. - -His departure came upon Solyman as a very heavy blow, for he surmised -correctly that Bajazet was making for Persia; he could scarcely be kept -from marching, with the whole Imperial guard, both foot and horse, -and making a demonstration against the King of Persia. But his rash -impetuosity was moderated by his counsellors, who pointed out what -danger might arise from the disaffection of the soldiery. There was -also the risk of Bajazet’s marching round by the North of the Black -Sea and the Sea of Azoff, and suddenly making a desperate attack on -Constantinople; it would then be in his power to create an army by -offering their freedom to the slaves and the recruits whom they call -_Agiamoglans_,[224] and to penetrate into the deserted capital. By such -warnings they induced Solyman to abandon his design. Moreover, Bajazet -left notices on the doorposts of the mosques, wherever he passed, -promising to give double pay to any soldiers who went over to his -side. These proclamations made the officers anxious, as they felt they -could not trust their men, and this feeling was increased by the fact -that remarks were constantly heard in the ranks, which showed a strong -tendency in Bajazet’s favour. - -At last Bajazet reached the river Araxes, which divides the Turkish -territory from Persia. Even after he had passed it he did not feel -secure, and, to prevent the Sanjak-beys, who were in pursuit, from -crossing, he placed on the bank of the river, as guards, some of his -men who had volunteered for that duty. They were, however, easily -routed by the Sanjak-beys, who penetrated a considerable distance -beyond the Persian frontiers, till they met Persian officers with a -large body of cavalry, who demanded what they meant and what they -wanted in foreign territory. The Turks replied that they were trying -to recover the runaway son of their Sovereign. The Persians retorted -that the Turks were violating the treaty by crossing the frontier with -arms in their hands. There was peace and friendship, they said, between -Shah Tahmasp and their master, and this state of things ought to be -respected. The Shah’s decision about Bajazet would be one worthy of -himself, and he would loyally fulfil his obligations. Meanwhile they -would do well if they departed from a country in which they had no -right to be. By these arguments the Turks were induced to return. - -Soon afterwards there came to Bajazet envoys sent by the Persian -King to salute him and enquire the reason of his coming, and also to -ascertain what forces he brought with him.[225] Bajazet told them that -he had been driven from his country by his brother’s wrongful acts and -his father’s partiality, and had fled to the protection of the King -of Persia, as the only sanctuary he had left, and expressed his hope -that the Shah, remembering the uncertainties of human fortune, would -not refuse the prayers of a suppliant who had no one else to help him. -In reply to this appeal he received a message from the Shah, saying -that he had acted but inconsiderately in coming to him, as he knew that -there was peace and friendship between himself and his father, and also -that they had agreed to hold each other’s friends and foes as their -own, which terms he felt bound to observe. However, as circumstances -had taken this course, he bade him come in God’s name, give him his -hand and become his guest; he promised that he would leave nothing -undone to restore him to favour with his father. - -Accordingly Bajazet paid a visit to the Shah,—a visit which was -destined to be his ruin. At first everything presented an aspect -of welcome, the Shah’s countenance wore a cheerful and friendly -expression, gifts were exchanged as between host and guest, and they -had frequent interviews and feasted at the same table, but these -courtesies only served as screens for their secret intentions. A -marriage alliance was also spoken of, one of the daughters of the -Persian King being betrothed to Orchan, Bajazet’s son, and Bajazet’s -hopes were confirmed that the Shah would not rest till Solyman had -given him the Pashalik of Mesopotamia, Babylonia, or Erzeroum. The -Shah represented the advantages of these governments in glowing terms, -telling him that he could live there without any fear, since he -would be at a distance from his brother and father, while, if he was -threatened with any danger, his retreat was secured, as he could depend -on the protection of his son’s father-in-law, who would defend him and -keep him safe from every possible peril. - -The object of such language on the part of the Shah was, in all -probability, to prevent Bajazet’s perceiving the danger he was -incurring. Indeed he believed himself so sure of Tahmasp’s goodwill, -that, when the latter was sending an ambassador to Solyman at -Constantinople for the purpose, as was generally believed, of effecting -a reconciliation between him and his son, he desired the envoy to tell -Solyman, that though he had lost one father in Turkey he had found -another in Persia. Whether, however, the Persian King was sincere in -his efforts to restore Bajazet to his father’s favour by means of the -numerous ambassadors he sent, may be reasonably doubted. For my own -part, I consider it more probable that in all this the Shah’s concern -for Bajazet’s welfare was pretended rather than genuine, and that his -real object was to sound Solyman’s intentions; for in the meantime -there was no pause in making all the preparations for his destruction. -When they were sufficiently advanced, it was artfully suggested that -his present quarters were too small for such a number of men, that -provisions were getting scarce, and that it was advisable to distribute -them among the neighbouring villages; this arrangement, it was urged, -would be a more convenient one in many ways, and especially with regard -to the supply of provisions. Shah Tahmasp, who had not his father’s -courage, was indeed dreadfully alarmed, fancying that he was cherishing -a serpent in his bosom. This is my own opinion, though there are people -who maintain that it was not the Shah’s original intention to destroy -Bajazet, but that he was forced to do so by the monstrous wickedness -of some of the latter’s friends, who, forgetful of the benefits they -had received and the ties of hospitality, urged Bajazet to rob him of -his kingdom; that unmistakable proofs of such intentions were detected, -nay, that an atrocious speech made by one of Bajazet’s chief officers -was brought to the King’s ears; namely, ‘What are we about, and why -do we hesitate to kill this heretic and seize his throne? Can any one -doubt that through his treacherous plots we are in imminent danger of -destruction?’ This it was, they say, that induced Shah Tahmasp to stoop -to an expedient dictated by necessity rather than by honour. - -Though the forces Bajazet had were not large, yet they were warlike, -and among them were many brave men who were ready for any adventure; -the Persian King was afraid of them, and not without reason either. -He knew that his dynasty was one of recent origin, and that it had -obtained the throne under the pretence of religion.[226] Who could -guarantee that among the numerous nations which owed him allegiance -there would not be many persons who were dissatisfied, and consequently -ripe for revolution? For them nothing more opportune could occur than -Bajazet’s arrival, as he was a bold and vigorous man in the flower of -youth, and had the most important qualification for a leader; namely, -that his position was desperate. Hitherto, the Shah reflected, he -seemed to be more in Bajazet’s power than Bajazet in his. A change must -be made, and he must no longer treat him as a guest, but chain him like -a wild beast. Nor would this be difficult to accomplish, if his troops -were first dispersed, and he were then surprised and seized himself, -when none of his men could help him. It was obvious that he could not -be captured in open fight without much bloodshed. The Persian troops -were enervated by a long peace, and were not concentrated; Bajazet’s, -on the other hand, were on the spot, ready for action, and well drilled. - -Accordingly it was suggested to Bajazet that he should separate his -troops, and all the arguments in favour of such a course were pressed -upon him. He felt that the appeal was unanswerable, though some -gallant men in his service had the sagacity to see that the proposed -arrangement wore a most suspicious appearance. But how could he refuse -in his helpless position, when he had no other hope left, when his -life was at the mercy of the Shah,—indeed he might deem himself lucky -to be alive at all,—and when to doubt his host’s honour might be taken -as a sign of the most treacherous intentions? So the poor fellows, who -were never to meet again, were conducted to different villages and -quartered where the Persians thought fit. After waiting a few days -for a favourable opportunity, these scattered detachments were each -surrounded by greatly superior forces, and butchered. Their horses, -arms, clothes, and all their other effects became the booty of their -murderers. At the same time Bajazet was seized while at the Shah’s -table, and was thrown into chains. Some people think this violation of -the laws of hospitality greatly aggravated the baseness of the act. His -children likewise were placed in confinement. - -You wished to have the latest news of Bajazet, so here it is for you. -As to what is in store for him in the future, I think no one would -find it easy to predict. Opinions vary; some people think he will -be made a Sanjak-bey, and as such will be given Babylonia or some -similar province, on the most distant frontiers of the dominions of -the two monarchs. Others place no hope either in Tahmasp or Solyman, -considering it all over with Bajazet, who, they think, will either be -sent back here for execution, or perish miserably in prison. They argue -that the Persian King, when he used force against Bajazet, did not do -so without much consideration, fearing no doubt that if that active -and high-spirited young man, who was a far better soldier than his -brother, should succeed his father on the throne, much mischief would -be thereby caused to his kingdom and himself. It would be much more -to his advantage, if Selim, who is naturally inclined to gluttony and -sloth, should become Sultan, since in that case there is good hope of -peace and quiet for many a year. They are of opinion that for these -reasons the Shah will never let Bajazet escape alive out of his hands, -but will prefer to kill him in his prison; giving out a story, which no -one could consider improbable, that the young man’s spirit had given -way under confinement, and that he had died from mental depression. -However that may be, it is in my judgment impossible for him to hope -that one, whom he has so deeply injured, will ever be his friend. - -You see different people have different opinions; I consider myself, -that, whatever the end of the business may be, it will be a complicated -one, as indeed I wish it may, for the success of our negotiations -is closely connected with the fortunes of Bajazet. They will not -be inclined to turn their arms against us till they see their way -out of this difficulty. Even now they are trying to force on me -for transmission to the Emperor despatches, and I know not what -proposals for peace, which, they want me to believe, are very nearly -in accordance with his wishes, but they do not give me any copy of -them according to the usual practice, and this omission makes me -suspect that they are not sincere. On this account I make a rule of -resolutely refusing to forward despatches to the Emperor, without the -purport of them being previously communicated to me. But, if after -presenting me with a copy they should still deceive me, then I should -be in possession of a document, which would at once free me from -all responsibility, and convict them of dishonesty. In this course -I am determined to persevere, and so to relieve my master from the -difficulty of replying to their quibbling despatches, for he will -accept no terms of peace that are not honourable. But you will say -that by refusing proposals of peace, whatever their nature may be, a -step towards war seems to be taken. Well, for my part, I consider it -better policy to wait and see what will happen, without committing -ourselves to any engagements. Meanwhile I will take the blame of not -forwarding the despatches upon myself, and if the Turkish negotiators -are disappointed in their hopes with regard to Bajazet’s speedy death, -I do not think I shall find much trouble in clearing myself of it. In -the other alternative, I shall have somewhat greater difficulties to -overcome, but I consider that I shall have very good explanations to -offer, and shall be able to assign adequate reasons for all I have -done. The Turks are not in the habit of showing resentment towards -those who they see are taking pains to manage their master’s affairs to -the best of their ability. Besides, the Sultan is getting old, which is -another point in my favour, as in the opinion of the Pashas he requires -rest, and ought not to be exposed unnecessarily to the hardships of -war. As regards myself, the policy I have sketched out must of course -involve me in further trouble and vexation; but I feel that I am right, -and if matters turn out as I hope, I shall have no reason to regret the -sacrifice I am making. - -Now you have got a book, not a letter. If I am to blame for this, you -are equally so; you imposed the task; the labour bestowed on this -despatch was taken at your desire. Complaisance is the only thing I -can be blamed for, and yet this between friends is often considered -a ground for commendation. I have some hopes however that you will -find pleasure in reading what I found pleasure in writing. After I -had once commenced my letter I was tempted to spin it out. For whilst -writing to you I found that I felt free once more, and fancied myself -to be enjoying your society in a far-distant land; you must therefore -consider any trifling passages in my letter as the casual chit chat -of a crony by your side. A letter has always been thought entitled -to the same allowances as conversation. Neither ought to be closely -criticised. Amongst friends you may say what first comes uppermost, and -the same rule holds good when one is writing to intimate friends; to -weigh one’s expressions would be to abandon one’s privileges. Just as -public buildings require the perfection of workmanship, while nothing -of the sort is expected in domestic offices, so this letter of mine -does not pretend to be a work of general public interest, but simply -some unpretentious jottings for the benefit of yourself and the friends -to whom you may care to show it. If it only pleases you, I for my part -am content. My Latin, some one might say, would bear improvement, and -also my style. Well, I never said they would not. But what more can you -expect of a man than his best? It is my ability, not my will, that is -in fault. Besides it is absurd to expect scholarship from this land of -barbarism. In fine, you must agree, if you do not despise my present -letter, to receive an account of my remaining adventures till I return -to Vienna, if, indeed, I ever do return; but whether I shall or not, I -will now end and trouble you no further. Farewell. - - Constantinople, June 1, 1560. - - - - -LETTER IV. - - Introduction—Great disaster of the Christians at - Djerbé—Their fleet surprised by Pialé Pasha—Flight of - the Duke of Medina to Sicily—Arrival of the news at - Constantinople—Exultation of the Turks—Unsuccessful - attempt of Don Alvaro de Sandé to cut his way out, - followed by the surrender of the garrison—Their hardships - during the siege—Triumphal return of the victorious - fleet to Constantinople—Solyman’s demeanour—Treatment - of the prisoners—Busbecq rescues the royal standard - of Naples—Fate of the Duke of Medina’s son—De Sandé - brought before the Divan and then imprisoned in the - Castle of the Black Sea—Busbecq’s efforts to relieve - the prisoners—Complaints of the ingratitude of some - of them—Charity of Italian merchants—One notable - exception—Religious scruples of the Sultan—He prohibits - the importation of wine to Constantinople—Exemption - of Busbecq and his household—Story of some - Greeks—Busbecq’s request to leave his house on account - of the plague refused by Roostem, but granted by Ali, - his successor—Death of Roostem—Busbecq’s physician - dies of the plague—Description of the Princes’ - Islands—Fishing there—Pinnas—Franciscan Friar—Death - rate from the plague at Constantinople—Turkish notions - of Destiny—The Metropolitan Metrophanes—Return to - Constantinople—Characters of Ali Pasha and Roostem - contrasted—Anecdote of Roostem—The Emperor presents - Busbecq with the money intended for Roostem—Busbecq’s - interview with Ali—Accident of the latter—Incursion of - John Basilicus into Moldavia—Conversation with Ali on the - subject—Imprisoned pilgrims released by the intervention - of Lavigne, the French ambassador—His character—Story - of him and Roostem—Account of the Goths and Tartars of - the Crimea—Gothic vocabulary—Turkish pilgrim’s account - of China and of his journey thither—Extraordinary feats - of Dervishes—Strictness of Busbecq’s imprisonment - relaxed—His troubles in consequence of the quarrels - between his servants and the Turks—Story given as - an example—Annoyance of the Porte at the Treaty of - Cateau Cambrésis—Ibrahim, the first dragoman of the - Porte, degraded from office through Lavigne’s, and - restored to it through Busbecq’s, influence—Failure of - Salviati’s attempt to procure the release of the Spanish - prisoners—By Ibrahim’s advice Busbecq intervenes and - obtains their release—The Mufti’s opinion—Continuation - of the story of Bajazet—Persian ambassadors—Open - house kept by Pashas before Ramazan—Story of a - Khodja at a Pasha’s table—Solyman’s negotiations for - Bajazet’s surrender—Strong feeling of the army in his - favour—Hassan Aga and the Pasha of Marasch sent to the - Shah, who gives leave for Bajazet’s execution—He and - his sons are executed in prison—Touching account of - the death of the youngest at Broussa—Argument between - Busbecq and his cavasse about predestination—Peace - negotiations unfavourably affected by Bajazet’s - death—Further difficulties apprehended on account - of the defection of some Hungarian nobles from John - Sigismund to Ferdinand—Terms of peace previously - settled adhered to notwithstanding the remonstrances - of John Sigismund’s ambassadors—The dragoman Ibrahim - selected to return with Busbecq—Ali’s presents to - Busbecq—Busbecq’s farewell audience of Solyman—He starts - on his return—At Sophia Leyva and Requesens part company - and go to Ragusa—Pleasant journey home of Busbecq - and de Sandé—Quarrel at Tolna between the Janissary - stationed there and one of Busbecq’s servants—Arrival - at Buda after meeting Turkish fanatics—Arrival at - Gran, Komorn, Vienna—Busbecq learns that the Emperor - is at the Diet at Frankfort—He proceeds thither with - Ibrahim and is graciously received—Coronation of - Maximilian—Peace ratified—Busbecq longs for home—His - bad opinion of courts—His preference for a quiet - country life—Panegyric of Ferdinand—His Fabian tactics - against the Turks justified—His private life—Animals - and curiosities brought back by Busbecq—Balsam—Lemnian - earth—Coins—MSS.—Dioscorides—Conclusion. - - -I must first acknowledge the kind and cordial manner in which you -congratulate me on my return. Next, as regards your request for a -narrative of my experiences during the latter part of my embassy, -and for any pleasant stories I may have heard, I beg to assure -your Excellency that I am fully sensible of the obligation I have -undertaken. I have not forgotten it, and have no intention of -defrauding so obliging a creditor as yourself. So here at your service -are the events that followed my last letter, whether trifling, amusing, -or serious. I intend, as in my other letters, to jot things down as -they occur to me, though in this case I shall have to begin with a most -disheartening tale. - -I had scarcely recovered from the bad news of Bajazet’s misfortunes -and imprisonment, when we were overwhelmed by a piece of intelligence, -which was equally unfavourable. Tidings were then expected at -Constantinople of the result of the expedition of the Turkish fleet, -which had been summoned to Meninx by the reports of the Spanish -successes on that island, which is now called Djerbé.[227] Solyman was -deeply hurt at hearing that this island had been taken by the -Christians, new outworks added to the citadel, and a garrison thrown -into the place; as master of a great empire in the full tide of -prosperity, he felt that he must avenge the insult. For this reason -he determined to assist a nation which was attached to him by the -ties of a common faith, and despatched an army and fleet to their -assistance under the command of the Admiral Pialé Pasha, who had manned -his ships with a numerous body of picked soldiers. The men, however, -were anxious, dreading the length of the voyage, and being cowed by -the prestige which the enemy had acquired. The great successes gained -by the Spanish arms both in ancient and modern times, had made a deep -impression on the minds of the Turks. They remembered the Emperor -Charles, and heard every day of his son King Philip, who had inherited -both the valour and the realms of his father. Hence great anxiety -prevailed, and many, under the idea they were bound on a desperate -service, made their wills before leaving Constantinople, like men -convinced they were fated to return no more. Thus the whole city was -distracted by various apprehensions, and everyone, whether he embarked -or not, suffered keenly from the strain caused by the uncertainty of -the result of the war. - -But the winds were favourable to the Turkish fleet; our men were taken -by surprise, and such a panic ensued, that they had neither the courage -to fight nor the sense to fly; some galleys that were ready for action -sought safety in flight; the remainder ran aground, and were either -miserably wrecked on the shoals, or surrounded and taken by the enemy. -The Duke of Medina, the commander of the expedition, retreated into the -citadel with John Andrew Doria, the admiral. Favoured by the darkness, -they embarked early in the night in a small boat, and boldly steering -through the enemy’s blockading squadron, reached Sicily in safety. - -Pialé sent a galley here with news of this victory, and, to proclaim -more openly the tidings she brought, she trailed in the water from her -stern a large flag, on which, according to the account the Turks gave, -was embroidered a representation of our Saviour Christ on the Cross. -When she entered the harbour, the report of the Christian defeat ran -through the whole city, and the Turks began congratulating each other -on their great success. They gathered in crowds at my door, and asked -my men in mockery, had they any brother, kinsman, or relation in the -Spanish fleet? ‘If so,’ said they, ‘you will soon have the pleasure of -seeing them.’ They were loud moreover in extolling the valour of their -people, and expressing their scorn at the cowardice of the Christians. -‘What power,’ they asked, ‘had we left that could resist them, now that -the Spaniard was vanquished?’ - -My men were obliged to listen to these speeches to their great sorrow, -but they had to bear them, as God had so ordered it, and it could -not be changed. One thought alone sustained us, the hope that the -defence of the citadel, which the Spaniards still held with a strong -garrison, could be made good, till winter or some accident should -compel the enemy to raise the siege. We had not much hope, however, as -we knew that success was far more likely to attend the victors than -the vanquished, and so indeed it proved, for the besieged being hard -pressed and in great want of everything, especially water, at last -surrendered the citadel and themselves. - -Don Alvaro de Sandé, who commanded the troops, a man of great courage -and reputation, when he saw they could hold out no longer, attempted to -sally out of the citadel with a few attendants, and seize a small ship, -and so cross to Sicily; hoping thus to save the high character he had -earned as a soldier from the disgrace which accompanies a surrender, -however unavoidable; for he was determined that, whoever might have to -bear the responsibility, it should not rest on his shoulders. - -The result of his attempt was that the citadel fell into the hands -of the enemy, for the soldiers opened the gates, which they could -no longer defend, in the hope of appeasing the enemy by a voluntary -surrender. Don Juan de Castella refused to leave the outwork entrusted -to his charge, but fought against the enemy with his brother at his -side, till he was wounded at last, and taken prisoner. - -The citadel had been defended by the Spaniards with great resolution -for more than three months, though almost every necessary, and—worst of -all—even the hope of relief, had failed them. In that burning climate -nothing was more trying to the troops than the want of water. There -was only one reservoir, and though it was large and well supplied with -water, it was not sufficient for such a number. Accordingly a fixed -allowance was distributed to each man, just sufficient to sustain life. -Many eked out their ration by adding sea-water, which had been purified -of most of its salt by distillation. This expedient had been imparted -to them, when they had sore need of it, by a skilful alchemist; -however, it was not everyone that had the necessary apparatus, so that -many were to be seen stretched on the ground at the point of death with -their mouths gaping, and continually repeating the one word ‘water.’ -If anyone had compassion on them and poured a little water into their -mouths, they would get up and raise themselves to a sitting posture, -till, when the good effect of the draught was exhausted, they would -fall back on the same spot, and at last expire of thirst. Accordingly, -besides those who were slain, and those who died from sickness and the -want of medical attendance on that desolate spot, numbers perished in -the manner I have described from want of water. - -In the month of September the victorious fleet returned to -Constantinople, bringing with it the prisoners, the spoils, and the -galleys they had taken from our people, a sight as joyful for the eyes -of the Turks, as it was grievous and lamentable for us. - -That night the fleet anchored off some rocks near Constantinople, -as they did not wish to enter the harbour till morning, when the -spectacle would be more striking, and there would be a greater crowd of -spectators. Solyman had gone down to the colonnade close to the mouth -of the harbour, which forms part of his gardens, that he might have -a nearer view of his fleet as it entered, and also of the Christian -officers who were exhibited on the deck. On the poop of the admiral’s -galley were Don Alvaro de Sandé and the commanders of the Sicilian and -Neapolitan galleys, Don Berenguer de Requesens and Don Sancho de Leyva. -The captured galleys had been stripped of their oars and upper works -and reduced to mere hulks, in which condition they were towed along; -and thus made to appear small, ugly, and contemptible compared with -those of the Turks. - -Those who saw Solyman’s face in this hour of triumph failed to detect -in it the slightest trace of undue elation. I can myself positively -declare, that when I saw him two days later on his way to the mosque, -the expression of his countenance was unchanged: his stern features -had lost nothing of their habitual gloom; one would have thought that -the victory concerned him not, and that this startling success of his -arms had caused him no surprise. So self-contained was the heart of -that grand old man, so schooled to meet each change of Fortune however -great, that all the applause and triumph of that day wrung from him no -sign of satisfaction. - -A few days afterwards the prisoners were conducted to the Palace. The -poor fellows were half dead from the privations they had undergone. The -greater part could scarcely stand on their feet; many fell down from -weakness and fainted; some were actually dying. They were insulted and -hustled on the way, and compelled to wear their armour with the front -turned to the back like so many scarecrows. - -Around them were heard the voices of the Turks, who taunted them, -and promised themselves the dominion of the world. For now that the -Spaniard had been conquered, they said, what enemy was left that could -be feared? - -There was in that expedition a Turkish officer of the highest rank, -with whom I was acquainted. The first or royal standard of the -Neapolitan galleys, bearing the arms of all the provinces of the Kings -of Spain quartered with the Imperial Eagle, had fallen into his hands. -When I heard that he meant to present it to Solyman, I determined to -make an effort to anticipate him and get possession of it. The matter -was easily arranged by my sending him a present of two silk dresses. -Thus I prevented the glorious coat-of-arms of Charles V. from remaining -with the enemy as a perpetual memorial of that defeat. - -Besides the officers I have mentioned, there were among the prisoners -two gentlemen of high birth, namely, Don Juan de Cardona, the -son-in-law of Don Berenguer, and Don Gaston, the son of the Duke of -Medina; the latter, though hardly yet arrived at manhood, had held -a high post in his father’s army. Don Juan had cleverly managed, by -promising a large sum, to get himself left at Chios, which is still -occupied by its ancient Genoese inhabitants.[228] Pialé had concealed -Gaston in hopes of getting a great price for his ransom. But this -trick proved well nigh fatal to its contriver. For Solyman, having by -some means or other got wind of it, was extremely displeased, and at -Roostem’s instigation made diligent search for Gaston’s hiding-place, -intending to produce him in evidence of Pialé’s guilt, and thereby -justify the execution of the latter.[229] But the plan failed through -Gaston’s death. Some believe he died of the plague, but it is more -probable that Pialé had him murdered, for fear of anything transpiring -against himself. At any rate, he could not be traced, though the agents -of his father, the Duke of Medina, spared no pains to find him. One may -well suspect that Pialé had no scruple in securing his own safety by -the murder of Gaston. Notwithstanding, he lived a long time in great -fear, and avoiding Constantinople, on various pretexts kept coasting -about the islands of the Ægean with a few galleys. He was afraid to -come into the presence of his offended master, feeling sure that he -would be forthwith manacled, tried, and condemned. At last Solyman -was softened by the entreaties of the chief of the eunuchs of his -bedchamber, and of his son Selim, and gave him his royal pardon, the -very words of which I am glad to be able to repeat. ‘As far as I am -concerned let him enjoy pardon and impunity for his terrible crime; but -after this life may God, that most just avenger of evil deeds, inflict -on him the punishment he deserves.’ So rooted is his conviction, that -no evil deed ought to go unpunished. - -Fortune was more favourable to Don Juan de Cardona. Luckily for him his -amiable sister is the wife of a distinguished Austrian Baron, Adam von -Dietrichstein,[230] who, after a great deal of trouble, got him sent -back to Spain, on my becoming surety for his ransom. - -When de Sandé was brought into the Divan, or Assembly of the Pashas, -and Roostem asked him, ‘What had put it into his master’s head to -attack the territories of others when he could not defend his own?’ -he replied, ‘This was no matter for him to decide; his duty was to be -faithful in executing his master’s orders to the utmost of his ability. -He had done his best and had been unfortunate.’ Then kneeling down he -entreated the Pashas to intercede with Solyman for his life, saying, -that he had a wife and a young family at home, and he entreated them to -spare his life for their sake. Roostem replied, ‘His Emperor was of a -clement disposition, and he had good hopes of obtaining mercy for him.’ - -So de Sandé was ordered to be taken to the fortress they call -Caradenis, which means ‘of the Black Sea,’ but he had not gone far when -he was recalled. The only reason for his being sent for again was, that -the chief of the bedchamber eunuchs, whom I mentioned before, and who -has great influence with the Sultan, had not yet seen him, and wished -to do so. It was noticed that as he came back his nerves, usually so -strong, appeared to be shaken, and he seemed to be afraid that the -Pashas had altered their decision, and were bringing him back for -execution. - -The other prisoners of importance were confined in the Tower of Pera, -or Galata, as it is sometimes called. Among them were Don Sancho de -Leyva, with his two bastard sons, and also Don Berenguer. - -After I had been informed of their condition and the great privations -they were undergoing, I felt it my duty to come to their relief. I -therefore sent visitors to express my sympathy, and assure them of my -readiness to give them such assistance as lay in my power. From that -time my house was the general rendezvous of all the prisoners, nor was -I ever backward in giving them help as far as my means allowed. - -The Turks consider they have made ample provision for their prisoners, -if they have bread and water enough. As to what the age of each -prisoner, his habits and state of health, or the season of the year may -demand, they take no account, and treat all in the same way, whether -they are sick or well or just recovering from illness, strong or -delicate, old or young. I had, therefore, a wide field for the exercise -of my charity, inasmuch as each case required special treatment. A -great multitude of the sick were lying in a mosque in Pera, the town -situated opposite Byzantium, immediately across the bay. About them -the Turks did not think it worth while to take any more trouble, -indeed they considered them as good as dead. Many of them died from -want of proper nourishment, either during the illness itself or during -convalescence; for they had no bowl of soup or dainty dish to tempt -their feeble appetite, and thus enable them gradually to regain their -strength. Being informed of this, I commissioned a citizen of Pera, who -was a friend of mine, to buy some sheep every day, boil them at home, -and divide them among the prisoners, giving meat to some and broth to -others, as each man’s case happened to require, and this was of service -to not a few. This I did for the sick; those who were well required -help of another kind. - -My house from early morning till evening was filled with a crowd of -those who sought assistance for their different troubles. Some, who -had been accustomed to sumptuous tables, could not digest their daily -ration of dry black bread, and required the means of procuring some -relish to eat with it. There were others whose stomachs could not -endure perpetual water-drinking, and wanted a little wine to mix with -it. Some needed blankets, as they had nothing but the bare ground to -sleep on, and therefore suffered from cold at night; one was in want -of a cloak, another of shoes. The most numerous requests were for -the means wherewith to fee their jailers, and thus render them more -merciful. - -To cure all these troubles money was the only remedy, so that a day -never passed without several pieces of gold being thus expended. - -But this evil was endurable and not fatal; another and a more ruinous -one was impending from the persons who demanded that larger sums -should be lent them, or wanted me to be surety for the amount of -their ransom. None of them lacked some plausible pretext for puffing -himself off, and maintaining that his own case had the best claim on -my bounty. One put forward his high rank and his powerful relations or -connections, another his long service and his captain’s commission, -a third his great wealth at home and his ability to pay the debt -without delay. Some too boasted of their own valour, and their glorious -exploits in war. All, in a word, thought they had a fair claim for -assistance on some ground or other. If a question was asked as to their -credit and whether they would remember to pay, they told me to make -myself perfectly easy; for what, said they, could be more unjust than -to involve the man who had done them this great service in pecuniary -difficulties and losses, when they owed to him their freedom and their -lives, and had been rescued by him as it were from the very jaws of -death? - -And indeed it was most grievous for me to hear, ‘Unless I have this -moment in ready money two hundred pieces of gold, it is all over with -me; I shall be taken over into Asia, or sent I know not whither as -a galley-slave,[231] without any hope of ever recovering my freedom -or seeing my home again. There is a merchant, who will not refuse -to supply goods sufficient to raise the sum, if you will only go -security.’ Such statements were the only warranty they generally gave -me; but I could not help being influenced by them when I reflected that -what they said was true. Unless they were assisted, a large part of -them must inevitably perish by various calamities, and there was no one -on the spot, who had greater means of helping them than myself, or on -whom they had a stronger claim. - -But you will say against me, I know, ‘No one is to be trusted;’ but -who in the world could suppose that anyone would be such a monster -of ingratitude as not to repay the money, which had been advanced to -save his life? Suppose one or two lacked, not the will, but the means. -Well, I must risk it, and after all what is spent in doing a good turn -to a good man is never really lost. The majority at any rate will act -honestly. - -I was induced by such considerations to pledge my credit for many -thousand crowns, and to plunge myself into such a deep abyss, that I do -not know how I am to get out of it; indeed I am afraid that in getting -them out of prison I have got myself into it. I have been explicit on -this subject, as I wish to clear myself of blame for want of judgment -in being too ready to lend. I must admit that the neglect to repay -in certain cases has made me suspect that I shall not get out of the -business without heavy loss. Nay, I have been already obliged to pay -the money for which I went security for some of them, and I remember -that remarks of certain among them came to my ears, who, though they -had been saved by my good offices, yet made a joke of my extreme -readiness in complying with their requests, and dubbed me for my pains -a scatter-brained fool. From this I can gather how some of them will -treat their obligations. But all this is in God’s hands. However it may -turn out, I do not see why I should regret having done a kindness to -many. - - Ipsa sibi virtus semper pulcherrima merces. - -I look for no extraordinary recompense for myself, and wish no -honours, no statue voted me. All I ask is, that they should carry -their gratitude so far as to repay honestly what I have spent to save -their lives. I do not despair of this from so gallant a nation as the -Spaniards. - -I am glad to say that I not only did my part in contributing, but also -by my example was the means of inducing many others to come forward and -give valuable assistance. There are among the citizens and residents of -Pera many Italian merchants, and these displayed extraordinary zeal in -assisting the prisoners. There was, however, one exception, and I shall -never forget his reasoning on the matter, it was so absurd. He was an -Italian Greek, _i.e._, both in birth and manners half Greek and half -Italian. When all his countrymen were doing their utmost to forward -the good work, he never could be induced to spend a farthing on any of -the prisoners. When he was accused on that score, he defended himself -thus, in broken and barbarous Italian, for Greek was more familiar to -him. ‘I do not know what sort of people these are, but I can easily -guess they have not been brought into this misery except by the just -judgment of God. I will not run counter to the Divine Will; as far as I -am concerned, let them stay in the place where God has chosen them to -be. I shall not be surprised if you, who so daringly come between them -and the decrees of Providence, have reason to repent of it hereafter. -No one shall persuade me to lay out on them as much as a single -penny.’ Such was his view of the matter. So much for this foolish -prognosticator. - -This naval defeat of the Christians, coupled with Bajazet’s disaster, -caused me great anxiety; I was afraid that I should find the Turks -elated by success, and consequently more exacting in my negotiations -for peace. Besides the public misfortunes, I also sustained a personal -loss; the plague invaded my house, carrying off one of my most -faithful servants, and causing a panic among the other members of my -household. - -Of this I will speak a little later, when I have mentioned another -trouble that befell us, which, though less than the former, caused me -considerable anxiety. The Sultan is becoming every day more scrupulous -in religious matters, or in other words, more superstitious. He used -to enjoy hearing a choir of boys, who sang to the accompaniment of -stringed instruments. But all this has been done away with by the -interposition of some old hag, renowned for her profession of sanctity, -who threatened him with heavy punishments hereafter if he did not give -up this amusement. Alarmed by her denunciations, he broke up all his -musical instruments and threw them into the fire, though they were of -excellent workmanship, and adorned with gold and jewels. - -Some one found such fault with him for eating off silver plate, that he -has used nothing but earthenware ever since. - -Then some one appeared who blamed the Sultan for allowing wine to -be used so freely in the city, and so made him feel conscientious -scruples at neglecting Mahomet’s directions on this head. Therefore -proclamation was made that thenceforth no wine should be imported -into Constantinople, not even for the Christians or the Jews. This -proclamation concerned me and mine not a little, as we were by no -means accustomed to drinking water. For where could we get wine, if -it was not allowed to enter the walls of the city? Long home-sickness -and the continued uncertainty about the result of our negotiations -had already told upon our strength, and this compulsory change in -our diet was, in consequence, likely to be very prejudicial to our -health. I commissioned my interpreters to make strong representations -to the Pashas in the Divan, and to maintain our ancient privileges. -There opinions were divided. Some thought we ought to be content with -drinking water, for what would the neighbourhood say, demurred they, if -they saw we had wine brought into our house? Why, that while they were -strictly forbidden its use, Christians in the midst of Constantinople -were swilling away to their hearts’ content, and polluting the city -far and wide with the fumes of their liquor. Nay, even Mussulmans who -came to me went away reeking with wine. These considerations proved -well nigh fatal to our suit. However, the opinion of the Pashas who -took special charge of our interests, finally prevailed. They declared -that we were not able to stand such a change of diet, and warned the -Divan that sickness and death would in many cases be the consequence. -The end of it was, that we were allowed the choice of one night, on -which we might have as much wine as we wished conveyed to the sea-gate, -this being the most convenient point for us. There we had carts and -horses to meet it, and bring it into the house with as little noise as -possible, and so we retained our rights. - -Some members of the Greek nation did not fail to put the Sultan to the -test in the following fashion. Having ascertained that he was about -to pass through a district which was planted with numerous vineyards, -they assembled in great numbers, and began tearing up the vines by the -roots. Some of them commenced to block the road with the vine stocks, -and others to load carts with them. When the Sultan came to the place, -he stopped, wondering what the matter could be, and calling to him the -nearest of the men, inquired what they were about. They answered, that -as by his proclamation they were forbidden to drink wine, they were -rooting up the vines for firewood, as they would be useless for the -future. Then Solyman replied, ‘You are wrong, and have not understood -my intentions, as you ought to have done. If I enjoined abstinence -from wine, I did not therefore prevent anyone’s eating grapes. Grapes -are to be reckoned among the most excellent of the fruits which God -has granted to man. There is nothing to hinder you from enjoying their -juice while fresh, so long as you do not put it up in casks, and turn -it to a wrong use by your pernicious art. Do you think pear-trees -and apple-trees ought to be rooted up because they do not produce -wine? Leave off, you fools, and spare the vines, which will bear you -excellent fruit.’ Thus the Greeks took nothing by their scheme. - -I now return to the plague, which, as I told you, had attacked our -house. When it broke out, I sent to Roostem to ask for permission -to remove to some place that was free from infection. I did so with -hesitation, as I was acquainted with his character; still I could -not incur the imputation of neglecting my own health and that of my -servants. Roostem answered, he would lay my request before the Sultan, -and the next day sent me back word that his master had made this reply: -‘What did I mean, or where did I think of flying? did I not know that -pestilence is God’s arrow which never misses its mark? where in the -world could I hide myself, so as to be shielded from the stroke of His -weapons? If He ordained that the pestilence should strike me, neither -flight nor concealment would be of any avail. To try to escape from -the inevitable was a vain attempt. His own palace was not at that very -moment free from the plague, but nevertheless he stayed there, and it -was likewise my duty to remain where I was.’ Thus I was obliged to -await my doom in that plague-stricken house. - -But not long afterwards it came to pass that Roostem was carried off -by an attack of dropsy.[232] He was succeeded by Ali, who was then -the second of the Vizieral Pashas, the most courteous and sagacious -statesman I ever met among the Turks.[233] When I sent him a valuable -silken robe with my congratulations on his promotion, I received a -gracious reply, for he asked me to treat him as a friend on every -occasion, and not to hesitate to apply to him if necessary, and indeed -he was as good as his word. - -The first occasion on which I experienced his kindness was, when the -plague broke out afresh in my house, and, besides attacking other -members of my household, carried off the excellent gentleman, who, -under God, had been our chief support in time of sickness. I sent to -Ali Pasha to ask the same permission I had formerly asked of Roostem. -He replied that he could give me leave to go where I pleased, but it -would be more prudent to ask that of the Sultan as well, for fear that -if he should happen to fall in with my men going about at large, he -should be angry at my being outside my lodgings without his knowledge. -Everything, he said, depended on the way in which a matter was brought -to the Sultan’s notice, and that he would lay the subject before him in -such a manner as to leave no doubt of his assent. Soon afterwards he -informed me that I had permission to go wherever I thought proper. - -The island they call Prinkipo[234] appeared to be the most convenient -place for my retirement. It is four hours’ sail from the city, and -is the most agreeable of the numerous little islands which are in the -neighbourhood of Constantinople, for the others have only one village -or none at all, but this has two. - -As to what I said, that the person on whose skill we had chiefly relied -had been taken away from us by death, this was none other than my most -excellent and faithful companion during my long sojourn abroad, our -doctor, William Quacquelben. - -I had ransomed a man, who (though I did not know it at the time), -proved to be stricken with the plague. While William was endeavouring -to treat him for the disease, being not sufficiently careful of -himself, he got infected with the plague poison. On this point he -did not agree with the rest of his profession, but declared that, -when the plague was rife there was more panic than real danger; his -opinion being that, at such times there is about the average amount of -different kinds of illness, and that people are then so nervous, that -they think most of them are the plague, and that consequently every -sort of ulcer or pimple is then regarded as a plague boil, and treated -accordingly. And so, although he was already sickening of the plague, -he never suspected what was the matter with him, until the sickness, -which had been increased by his concealing it, broke out with violent -paroxysms. He all but died in the hands of those who ran to support -him, and not even then could he be induced to believe it was an attack -of the plague. When I sent, the day before he died, to make inquiries, -he replied he was better, and asked me to come to him, if I could spare -the time. I sat with him a long time, and he told me how very ill he -had been. All his senses, he said, and especially his sight, had been -so impaired that he could recognise no one. He was now better in this -respect and had the command of all of them; the phlegm only continued, -which interfered with his breathing, and if this were relieved he would -be well at once. As I was leaving him, I said, I heard he had some -sort of abscess on his breast. He admitted that such was the case, and -throwing back the bed-clothes showed it me, saying, there was nothing -bad about it, he had got it from the knots of a new doublet he had put -on, which was too tight. - -In the evening, according to the rules of my house, two of my servants -went to attend him for the night, and were preparing to change his -shirt. When he was stripped, he noticed on his body a purple spot -which they said was a flea-bite, and then he saw more and bigger ones. -‘These are no flea-bites,’ said he, ‘but messengers to tell me my death -is near. Let us therefore profit by this warning.’ From that moment -he devoted the whole of the night to prayer, pious meditation, and -listening to the Scriptures being read, until as morning broke, he -departed this life with full assurance of God’s mercy.[235] - -Thus I lost a very dear friend and excellent fellow-worker, while the -loss to the literary world was not less than mine. He had seen, learnt, -and taken note of many things, and intended sooner or later to publish -the results of his observations, but death cut short the work he had -so admirably planned. So highly did I appreciate his loyalty and his -tact, that, if the state of my negotiations had permitted, and I had -been granted permission to return, I should not have hesitated to leave -him as my deputy at Constantinople. From that time it appeared as if -my labours were doubled, and now that I have returned home, I seem -to have left a portion of myself behind in my dear friend’s grave at -Constantinople. May peace be with his blessed spirit! His virtues are -recorded on the monument, which I erected to his memory. - -But to return to my islands,[236] on which I lived very pleasantly for -three months. I enjoyed the greatest privacy, there was neither crowd -nor noise. There were a few Greeks on the island in whose houses we -lodged, but there was no Turk to act the jailer and dog my footsteps -when I wanted to amuse myself; for the Turkish servants, to whom I -had grown accustomed, did not interfere with me, and I was allowed to -wander freely where I would, and to coast about the numerous islands as -I pleased. - -Every place there is full of plants of different sorts, cottonweed, -narrow-leaved myrtle, knapweed, and many others. The sea abounds with -fish of every kind, which I caught sometimes with a hook and sometimes -with a net. Boats were to be had with Greek fishermen, whom we employed -to help us. - -I used to cross to any spot that presented an agreeable view, or held -out good hopes of sport. Sometimes, where the water was clear and -shallow, I took a fancy to carry on open warfare by spearing with a -trident a crab or a lobster as he scuttled along, and so pulling him -into the boat. But the mode of fishing, which was at once the most -pleasant and the most profitable, was that with a seine or drag-net. - -I had a place, which the fishermen thought likely, surrounded with a -drag-net, and, by making use not only of the net itself but also of the -long ropes with which its two ends were dragged ashore, we managed to -enclose a very considerable space. Round these ropes the sailors twined -a quantity of green boughs to scare the fish and prevent their escaping -into deep water. So, when the ends of the net on either side were drawn -to land, the fish were driven into a narrow space; they then began to -get frightened and did their best to escape, each following its natural -instinct. Some tried to avoid the danger by a bold leap over the net. -Others, on the contrary, by burrowing in the sand endeavoured to save -themselves from being entangled. Some tried to gnaw through the meshes, -though they were made of very coarse twine; these were mostly of the -shark tribe, which are armed with powerful teeth. These creatures have -such instinct that when they have bitten away twine enough to open a -passage for one, the whole shoal follows where the first has got out, -and leaves not one for the fisherman. As I was afraid of this trick, of -which I had been warned beforehand, I stood in the bows holding a pole -with which I kept striking their noses as they gnawed at the net, much -to the amusement of my attendants. My efforts were rewarded with only -partial success; a few were caught, but a great many got away. So you -see that even a fish, when hard put to it, can turn cunning. However, -we took plenty of other fish to console us for the loss of some of the -sharks—such as sea bream, sea scorpions, weavers, char, rock-fish, and -ruffs. Their variety made them a pretty sight, and I greatly enjoyed -making out their names and habits. So at night I returned to my camp -with my bark wreathed with laurels, and laden with booty and prisoners. -The next day I shared my spoils with Ali Pasha and his major-domo, -who returned me their grateful thanks, and said the present was very -acceptable. - -I sometimes took a fancy to capture _pinnas_, for which I used a pole -and iron contrivance made for the purpose, with which I pulled them -up from the bottom. They are very plentiful in that sea, so much so -that they seem to have been artificially laid down. I found in them -the pinna-guards, celebrated by Cicero, Pliny, and Athenæus, which -were usually in pairs, a male and a female, but sometimes in larger -numbers. I am afraid, however, that the other statements made about -them by the above authors are not altogether to be trusted. That they -are interesting, I admit; the question is, are they based on fact. -They relate that the pinna with its shells wide open lies in wait for -tiny fishes, but that, as it is a blind and senseless lump of flesh, -it would not know when they are inside its fortalice, if it were not -warned by a bite from the pinna-guard; then it closes its shells, and -shares with the pinna-guard the fishes that are shut in. For the shape -of the pinna, you may consult Belon.[237] It fixes the sharper of its -two ends into the bottom of the sea, and fastens itself by a tuft of -hair or thread, so firmly, that one might think it was planted there. -By these threads it sucks up its nutriment, which is clearly proved -from the fact that, if torn up from its place, it dies from want of -nourishment, like vegetables and plants when severed from their roots. -But it is probable the pinna-guard chooses this home in order to have -a strong defence against the violence of ravenous fishes and a quiet -haven when the sea is boisterous, from which it can sally out when -it likes, and retreat again in safety. I should not, however, wish in -saying this to be suspected of intending to detract at all from the -authority of such great men; my object is simply to draw the attention -of others to the subject in the hope of its being investigated more -thoroughly.[238] We used to have no difficulty in filling our boat -with pinnas; they are not good eating, and you would soon get tired of -them, being coarse and tasting like mussels. But the fisherman told us -to pick out the pinna-guards, of which a dish was made, that was alike -agreeable to the palate and wholesome for the stomach. - -Among the rest there is a small island, which is uninhabited. Close to -it I recollect capturing monstrous and extraordinary creatures, such -as starfishes, razorshells, clusters of cuttlefish eggs, sea-horses, -enormous snails, and some yellow balls like oranges, but no fishes, -except one skate or sting-ray, which is capable of inflicting a serious -wound with its sting. It tried to strike us, and in so doing impaled -itself and was caught. - -When the weather kept us from the sea, I amused myself on shore in -looking for rare and new plants. Sometimes by way of exercise, I walked -round the island, dragging with me a Franciscan friar, a capital young -fellow, but, though young, very fat and unaccustomed to exertion. He -had gone with me as a companion from the monastery at Pera. One day, -as I was walking fast to warm myself, he followed me with difficulty, -puffing and blowing, ‘What need is there,’ he would cry, ‘for such a -hurry? We are not running for our lives or chasing anybody! Are we -postmen charged with letters of importance?’ This went on till the -sweat broke out in his back through his clothes in a great round -patch. When we returned to our lodging, he made the house echo with his -groans and lamentations, and threw himself on his bed, crying out he -was done for. ‘What harm,’ he exclaimed, ‘have I ever done you that you -should try to kill me before my time?’ And it was only by dint of much -pressing that we could induce him to come to supper. - -Occasionally friends from Constantinople and Pera and some Germans of -Ali’s household paid us a visit. When I asked them ‘Whether the plague -was abating?’ one of them replied, ‘Yes, in a marked degree.’ ‘What is -the daily death-rate then?’ quoth I, ‘About five hundred,’ said he. -‘Good God,’ I exclaimed, ‘do you call this the plague abating? How many -used to die when it was at its height?’ ‘About a thousand or twelve -hundred,’ he answered. - -The Turks imagine that the time and manner of each man’s death is -inscribed by God on his forehead, and that therefore they have no -power of avoiding the fatal hour, and that till that time there is no -need for fear. This belief renders them indifferent to the dangers -of the plague, but does not secure them against its attacks. And so -they handle the clothes and sheets in which plague-stricken people -have expired, while they are still reeking with their death-sweat, and -even rub their faces with them. ‘If God,’ say they, ‘has decreed that -I shall die thus, it must happen; if not, it cannot injure me.’ This -of course is just the way to spread contagion, and sometimes whole -households perish to a man. - -While I lived in the islands I made friends with the Metropolitan[239] -Metrophanes, who was abbot of a monastery in Chalcis, one of the -islands, a polite and well-educated man, who was very anxious for a -union of the Latin and Greek Churches. In this he differed from the -views entertained by Greeks generally, for they will hold no communion -with members of the Latin Church, which they consider an impure and -profane sect. This shows how strong is each man’s conviction of the -truth of his own faith. - -When I had spent about two months in the island, some of the Pashas -became suspicious of my long stay, sought an interview with Ali, -and told him that they considered it would be more convenient if I -were recalled to the city. For what if I should escape? I had ships -at my command, and everything that was needful to facilitate my -flight, should I be so inclined. Ali told them to set their minds at -ease, saying, he had the most perfect confidence in me. He sent me, -notwithstanding, a cavasse to tell me of this. The man, after examining -everything, without appearing to do so, and finding nothing to indicate -an intention of running away, returned with a message from me to Ali -Pasha not to be afraid; I would do nothing which would give him cause -to repent of his confidence in me. I took care, by the way, to give the -cavasse a douceur. So my holiday was prolonged into the third month, -and I returned to the city, at my own time, without being recalled. - -From that time forward Ali Pasha and I became firm friends, and were -for ever interchanging views with the object of re-establishing -peace. He is a Dalmatian by birth, and the only polished gentleman I -came across among the Turkish savages. He is of a quiet and gentle -disposition, courteous, and extremely intelligent, possesses great -capacity for business, and has had much experience both as general in -the field and statesman in the cabinet. For he is now advanced in -life, and the posts he has held have always been important ones. He is -above the average height, and, while his habitual expression is grave -and serious, it has about it an ineffable charm. To his master he is -deeply attached, and he shows it by his anxiety to arrange a peace, -for he feels that the Sultan’s health and years require rest. The end -which Roostem had sought to bring about by rudeness and intimidation -he endeavoured to compass by courtesy and moderation;—in short, Ali -treated me like a friend. - -Roostem was always sour, always overbearing, and meant his word to be -law. It was not that he was ignorant of how matters stood. He knew -right well what the condition of the times and the Sultan’s advancing -years required, but he was afraid that, if any word or act of his -should betoken a milder mood, he would be suspected of hankering after -a bribe, for his master had no confidence in his integrity in this -respect. For this reason he did not desist from his usual rudeness, -although he was desirous of patching up a peace. Accordingly, when -anything was said that did not please him, he refused to listen to me, -and showed me the door, so that every conference I had with him ended -in his losing his temper; though I cannot be sure that his anger was -not sometimes assumed. - -On one occasion, I remember, when I had been treating with him on -matters concerning the peace, and he had rejected my propositions as -inadmissible, and had told me to be off, if I had no other proposals -to make, I immediately rose and went home, having first said that it -was not in my power to go beyond my instructions. As he thought I had -done this with unusual warmth, he called back my interpreter and asked -him if I was displeased. When the interpreter replied in the negative, -‘I want your opinion,’ said Roostem; ‘if I were to obtain from my -master the terms he has mentioned to me, do you think he would be as -good as his word and pay me down the present he has promised me?’ When -the interpreter said he felt no doubt that I would most faithfully -perform whatever I had promised, Roostem replied, ‘Go home and ask -him.’ I had by me in ready money 5,000 ducats, which are equivalent to -6,000 crowns. With these I loaded my interpreter, and ordered him to -tell Roostem to keep them as a proof of my good faith and as a first -instalment, saying, that the rest would follow when the business was -concluded (for I had promised him a still larger sum), I was not in -the habit of breaking my word. Roostem was delighted to see the money, -fingered it, and then gave it back to the interpreter, saying, ‘I do -not doubt his good faith; but as to the peace there are difficulties of -no ordinary kind in the way; I cannot give him any positive assurance -about it, indeed I do not yet know my master’s intentions. Go, take the -money back to the Ambassador that he may keep it for me, till it is -certain what turn the business will take. In the mean time he must be -my banker.’ - -So I saved my money after all, Roostem himself being carried off by -death some months afterwards. - -I must now tell you of the goodness of our most gracious Emperor. When -there seemed no object in keeping this sum any longer, after giving -due notice to the Emperor, I applied it to meet a year’s expenditure -(for our annual outlay amounted to 6,000 crowns). I afterwards repented -of this, when I began to reflect on the number of years and the great -labours and dangers this embassy had cost me already; I thought I had -not done myself justice, inasmuch as though I knew the money was but -my due, and I had a most excellent and generous master, a most just -judge of everyone’s deserts, I had forgotten to avail myself of the -opportunity, and had made no effort to secure for myself the money -which had been saved, beyond all hope, like a lamb snatched from the -very jaws of the wolf. There are many at court who have obtained far -greater rewards for far smaller services. I determined to call the -Emperor’s attention to the case, admit my error, and ask him to restore -the entire sum, and to set right with his usual princely generosity the -mistake I had committed through my carelessness. I had no difficulty in -making out my case before so considerate a judge; he ordered the six -thousand pieces of gold to be repaid me out of his treasury. If I shall -ever allow my master’s great generosity to fade from my memory, I shall -account myself unworthy to live. - -But to return to my subject; there was a striking contrast between the -characters of the Pashas Ali and Roostem. The career of the former -had been such as to place his integrity in money matters above all -suspicion. Consequently he was under no apprehension that courtesy or -kindness on his part would injure him with his master. But Roostem, -on the contrary, was always grasping, always mean, and one who made -self-interest and money his first consideration.[240] Roostem used to -have very short interviews with me, but Ali would purposely keep me -for several hours, and make my visit pleasant by his great civility. -Meanwhile the Turks, who had come either to call or on business, -kept murmuring because they were detained so long waiting for their -audience, while the Pasha was closeted with me. I confess I got very -hungry at these interviews, for he used to summon me to him in the -afternoon, and I did not care to eat before I went, as I wished to -have my brain as clear as possible for my conference with this able -statesman. In these conversations he strenuously urged, that we should -each advise our own master to take the course we considered most for -his interests. ‘He was well aware,’ he said, ‘that his master required -nothing more urgently than repose, as his course was nearly run, and -he had had his fill of military glory; on the other hand, he felt -that there was no need to prove to me that peace and quiet would be -likewise to my master’s interests. If he desired to consult the safety -and tranquillity of his subjects, he ought not to rouse the sleeping -lion, and provoke him once more to enter the lists. Just as mirrors, -which are naturally empty, take the reflections of whatever objects may -be placed before them, even so the minds of Sovereigns,’ he argued, -‘are blanks, which receive what may be called impressions of what is -presented to them, and therefore we ought to put before our masters’ -minds what would be most conducive to their advantage. Also we ought,’ -said he, ‘to imitate good cooks, who do not season their dishes to suit -the palate of this person or that, but consult the general taste; in -like manner we, in settling the terms of peace, ought to regulate them -so as to attain results which would be agreeable and honourable to both -parties alike.’ - -He used very sensibly to repeat these and many similar arguments, and -whenever an opportunity presented itself, displayed his good will -towards me, and if in turn I showed him any sign of attention, he -received it with marked gratitude. - -About this time he met with an accident. He was returning home from the -Divan, and had arrived at the turn of the road, where it was his habit -to bid his colleagues farewell. There he chanced to wheel his horse -round too sharply, and, while engaged in giving them a parting salute, -bowed low with his whole weight on his steed’s neck. The horse, which -had not yet got its foothold, being unequal to the weight, fell with -its rider to the ground. - -When I heard of this, I ordered my servants to visit him and inquire -if he had received any harm from the accident. He was gratified by the -attention, and after thanking me replied, ‘he was nowhere injured, and -it was not strange if an old worn-out soldier was liable to fall.’ -Then turning to the bystanders, he said, ‘I cannot tell you how much -kindness that Christian always shows me.’ - -Sometimes he used to tell me that riches, honour, and dignities had -fallen in abundance to his lot, and that now his only object in life -was to show kindness to every one, and thus to hand down to posterity a -grateful recollection of his name. - -When we had been already engaged for some time in peace negotiations, -and I was in great hopes of obtaining the result I desired, an accident -occurred, which might have upset and ruined everything. - -A Greek by birth, whom they honoured with the title of Despot,[241] -invaded Moldavia, under the protection of the Emperor’s troops who -were guarding the Hungarian frontier, and occupied it, after driving -out the Voivode, who was then in possession of that country. The -Turks were greatly disturbed by this event, which was serious enough -in itself, and might, they feared, be only the first step to further -enterprises, but they deemed it wise to conceal their anxiety, and not -to make bad worse by unseemly alarm. But Ali thought he ought not to -let it pass without communicating with me, and ascertaining my views. I -received information from one of his domestics that in the course of a -few hours I should be summoned to him about this affair. I must confess -I was seriously alarmed by this message. Our negotiations were well -nigh completed, in fact we were like players who are about to conclude -their piece, of which only the last act remains. I was in great fear -that this new event would disturb everything, and carry us away again -from the harbour which was just in sight. I was summoned to Ali Pasha, -as I had been warned. He received me with his usual politeness, and -conversed with me on various topics, especially those relating to the -conclusion of peace, without showing either in his words or expression -any change from his usual demeanour, till I was just preparing to go, -and had risen to bid him farewell. Then, as if he had just recollected -the subject of Moldavia, he told me to sit down again and said, just -as one does when some trifle has come into one’s head, ‘Indeed I had -almost forgotten one thing I wanted to tell you. Have you heard that -your Germans have come into Moldavia?’ ‘Into Moldavia!’ said I; ‘no, -indeed I have not, and what is more, it seems to me most improbable. -For what could Germans have to do with so distant a country as -Moldavia?’ ‘Yet it is true,’ said he, ‘and you will find it to be so.’ -He then began to repeat at greater length what he had told me, and to -assure me that the news which had arrived was certain. ‘To conclude,’ -said he, ‘to prevent your having any doubt about it, we will catch a -German and send him to you that you may find out the truth from him.’ -I then took the line of saying, that in any case I felt quite certain -that nothing had been done by the Emperor’s orders or authority. The -Germans were a free nation, and in the habit of taking foreign service. -Perhaps some of those who had served under the Emperor’s generals -had after their discharge enlisted as mercenaries under some one who -required such troops, and in my judgment he would not be far wrong in -attributing the cause of this disturbance to the neighbouring Hungarian -magnates, who, wearied of the wrongs which were heaped on them every -day by the Turks, had planned to pay them back in their own coin, and -if I might express what I felt, ‘I do not see,’ said I, ‘on what ground -they can be blamed, if, when harassed so often and goaded on by their -wrongs, they remembered they were men and ventured to retaliate. Is -there anything that your soldiers have not for many years past thought -they might not perpetrate in Hungary? What species of outrage or what -acts of hostility are there that they have abstained from inflicting -on the Emperor’s subjects? Here indeed hopes of peace are put forward, -but there war in all its worst forms is to be found. I have now been -detained here as a prisoner for many years, and no one at home knows -for certain whether I am alive or dead. The men who have borne your -insults so long deserve, in my opinion, praise, not blame, if they -avail themselves of any opportunity of revenge that presents itself.’ - -‘Be it so,’ said Ali; ‘let them do their worst, provided they keep -within the borders of Hungary itself or the adjoining districts; but -that they should invade Moldavia, which is only a few days’ journey -from Adrianople, that indeed is more than we can put up with.’ - -I replied, ‘Men accustomed to war, and more experienced in wielding -arms than in law, should not be expected to make nice or fine-drawn -distinctions. They seized the first opportunity that offered, and -thought it was not for them to consider where or how far they had leave -to go.’ Thus I left him without his being at all angry, as far as I -could judge; and in fact he did not show himself on the following days -a bit more hard to deal with in the peace negotiations. - -While we were in the midst of this business, I received a great -kindness, for so I interpret it, from the Ambassador of the most -Christian King (the King of France). There were in the Sultan’s prisons -at Constantinople thirteen men, most of them young, including some of -noble birth, partly Germans and partly Netherlanders, who had been -reduced to that state by a curious accident. They had embarked at -Venice in the ship, by which pilgrims to the holy city of Jerusalem -are conveyed every year to Syria with passports from the Republic of -Venice. Some were making the pilgrimage from religious motives, and -others were travelling for pleasure; the journey, however, was destined -to be disastrous to all. They landed at a most unfortunate time, as -the knights of Malta had just made a descent upon that part of the -coast of Palestine, and had carried off many prisoners. The Syrians, -whose parents, children, and relations had been kidnapped, finding that -they had no other means of revenging themselves and recovering their -friends, laid hands on the travellers who were under the protection -of Venetian passports, and accused them of belonging to the pirates, -saying, ‘You must either get our kinsfolk restored to us, or like them -be reduced to the condition of slaves.’ They showed their passports -from the Venetian government, they appealed to the treaties and -engagements of the Porte. It was all of no use; might proved stronger -than right, and they were carried off to Constantinople in chains. -Their youth also was much against them, as it prevented even the Pashas -thinking it likely that they were _bonâ fide_ pilgrims, because, as a -general rule, it is only the older Turks who make religious pilgrimages. - -When I obtained information of these events, I left no stone unturned -to deliver them from their miserable condition; but my endeavours were -wholly unsuccessful. The Venetian Baily[242] was appealed to, because -they were under the protection of his Republic when they had fallen -into misfortune. He frankly admitted their claim to his assistance, -but pointed out the difficulty of his doing them any service when he -had to deal with such insolent barbarians as the Turks. Meanwhile I -did what I could to lighten their misfortunes. However, to my great -surprise and joy they one day came to me in a body and told me they -were sent home, thanks to the Ambassador of the most Christian King; -through his good offices they had obtained their freedom. I was indeed -delighted at this unhoped-for event, and had my warmest thanks conveyed -to the Ambassador. The said Ambassador, Lavigne, being about to leave, -had managed, when he was having a farewell audience of Solyman and was -kissing his hand according to the established etiquette, to thrust -into it a paper, in which he asked that those men, whose calamity had -been caused by their undertaking a pilgrimage, should be granted their -liberty as a favour to his King. Solyman complied with his request and -ordered them to be instantly released.[243] I provided them with means -for their journey, and having put them on board ship, sent them to -Venice, and thence to their own country. - -This Lavigne had at first made himself troublesome to me in many ways, -and, whenever he could, tried to impede my negotiations, and did his -best, without any fault of mine, to prejudice the Pashas against me. -He used to say I was a subject of the King of Spain, as I was born in -the Netherlands, and was as much that King’s servant as the Emperor’s. -He told them King Philip was informed through me of everything that -went on at Constantinople; that I had suborned men for that purpose, -who disclosed to me all the greatest secrets, among whom Ibrahim, the -first dragoman of the Sultan, about whom I shall speak later on, played -the principal part. All this had happened before peace had been made -between the Kings of Spain and France; and when peace was concluded he -seems to have sought an opportunity to make amends for what he had done. - -Lavigne was a man of a rude and brutal frankness; he always said what -was uppermost in his mind, quite regardless of the feelings of his -hearer. The consequence was that Roostem himself shrank from meeting -him, although other people were afraid of conversing with Roostem -on account of the rudeness of his language. Lavigne would send his -dragomans to demand an audience for himself; Roostem would make -excuses, and tell him to communicate what he wanted through them, and -spare himself the trouble, assuring him that it could be done just -as well without his coming. But this used to be all in vain, for he -would presently come and say such things as seldom failed to give -offence to Roostem. To take an instance, he one day complained that -they did not have as much regard for his master as they ought to have. -‘For what is your opinion?’ said he; ‘perhaps you think Buda, Gran, -Stuhlweissenburg, and the other towns of Hungary were taken by your -valour, but you are quite mistaken. It is through us you hold them. -For had it not been for the quarrels and perpetual wars, which have -existed between our Kings and those of Spain, you would have been so -far from being able to get possession of those towns, that scarcely at -Constantinople itself would you have been safe from Charles V.’ Roostem -bore this no longer, but burst into a violent passion, and exclaimed, -‘Why do you talk to me of your Kings and those of Spain? Such is the -power of my master that, if all your Christian princes were to unite -their forces and make war on him at once, he would not care a straw for -it, and would win an easy victory over them all.’ With these words he -retreated to his chamber in a rage, after ordering the Ambassador to -leave. - -I cannot here omit what I learnt about a tribe[244] which still dwells -in the Crimea, which I had often heard showed traces of a German origin -in their language, customs, and lastly in their face and habit of body. -Hence I had long been eager to see one of that tribe, and, if possible, -to procure from them something written in that language; but in this -I was unsuccessful. However, at last an accident in some measure -satisfied my wishes, as two men had been sent to Constantinople from -those parts, to lay before the Sultan some complaints or other in the -name of that tribe. My dragomans fell in with them, and recollecting -my orders on the subject, they brought them to me to dinner. - -One of them was about the middle height, and had an air of superior -breeding—you might have taken him for a Fleming or Batavian; the other -was shorter, more strongly built, and of a dark complexion, being -by birth and language a Greek, but by having traded there for some -time he had acquired a fair acquaintance with their tongue; while the -other man had lived and associated so much with the Greeks that he -had picked up their language and forgotten his own. When questioned -about the nature and customs of these people he answered my inquiries -in a straightforward manner. He said the tribe was warlike, and even -now inhabited numerous villages, from which the chief of the Tartars -raised, when expedient, 800 infantry, armed with fire-arms, the -mainstay of his army. Their chief towns are called Mancup and Scivarin. - -He told me also much about the Tartars and their barbarism, among whom, -however, he said a good many men of remarkable ability might be found. -For when asked about matters of importance they answered shortly and to -the purpose. On this account the Turks, not without reason, say that -all other nations have their wisdom written in books, but the Tartars -have devoured their books, and so have it stored up in their breasts, -and consequently are able to bring it out when needful, and talk like -men inspired. They are very dirty in their habits; if any broth is -served at table they require no spoons, but use instead the palm of -the hand. They devour the flesh of slaughtered horses without cooking -it in any way; all they do is to spread the pieces under their horses’ -saddles, this warms them slightly, and they then proceed to eat the -meat, as if it had been dressed after the most dainty fashion. The -chief of the nation eats off a silver table. The first and also the -last dish served is a horse’s head, as among us butter is honoured with -the first and last place. - -Now I will write down a few of the many German words, which he -repeated, for the form of quite as many was totally different from -ours, whether because this is due to the genius of that language, or -because his memory failed him, and he substituted foreign for the -native words. To all words he prefixed the article ‘_tho_’ or ‘_the_.’ -The words which were the same as ours, or only a little different, were -these:[245] - - Gothic. English. Flemish. - - Broe Bread Brood - Plut Blood Bloed - Stul Stool Stoel - Hus House Huys - Wingart Vine Wijngaert - Reghen Rain Regen - Bruder Brother Broeder - Schwester Sister Zuster - Alt Old Oud - Wintch Wind Wind - Silvir Silver Zilver - Goltz Gold Goud - Kor Corn Koren - Salt Salt Zout - Fisct Fish Visch - Hoef Head Hoofd - Thurn Door Deure - Stern Star Star - Sune Sun Zon - Mine Moon Maen - Tag Day Dag - Oeghene Eyes Oogen - Bars Beard Baert - Handa Hand Hand - Boga Bow Bogen - Miera Ant Mier - Rinck or Ringo Ring Ring - Brunna Spring Bron - Waghen Waggon Wagen - Apel Apple Appel - Schieten To shoot Schieten - Schlipen To sleep Slapen - Kommen To come Komen - Singhen To sing Zingen - Lachen To laugh Lachen - Criten To cry Kryten - Geen To go Gaen - Breen To roast Braên - Schwalch Death - -Knauen Tag meant good day. Knauen signified good, and he used many -other words which did not agree with our tongue, for example: - - Iel, life or health │ Stap, a goat - Ieltsch, alive or well │ Gadeltha, beautiful - Iel uburt, be it well │ Atochta, bad - Marzus, marriage │ Wichtgata, white - Schuos, a bride │ Mycha, a sword - Baar, a boy │ Lista, too little - Ael, a stone │ Schedit, light - Menus, flesh │ Borrotsch, a wish - Rintsch, a mountain │ Cadariou, a soldier - Fers, a man │ Kilemschkop, drink up your cup - Statz, the earth │ Tzo warthata, thou didst - Ada, an egg │ Ies varthata, he did - Ano, a hen │ Ich malthata, I say - Telich, foolish │ - -Being told to count he did so thus: _Ita_, _tua_, _tria_, _fyder_, -_fyuf_, _seis_, _sevene_, precisely as we Flemings do. For you men of -Brabant, who pretend you talk German, are, on this point, in the habit -of lauding yourselves to the skies, and ridiculing us on account of -what you are pleased to call our abominable pronunciation of that word, -which you pronounce _seven_. He went on thus: _athe_, _nyne_, _thiine_, -_thiinita_, _thunetua_, _thunetria_. Twenty he called _stega_, thirty -_treithyen_, forty _furderthien_, a hundred _sada_, a thousand -_hazer_. He also repeated a song in that language, which began as -follows, - - Wara, wara ingdolou; - Scu te gira Galizu - Hæmisclep dorbiza ea. - -Whether they are Goths or Saxons I cannot decide. If Saxons, I think -they were transported thither in the time of Charlemagne, who dispersed -that nation through various regions of the world, as the cities in -Transylvania,[246] which are to this day inhabited by Saxons, bear -witness. And perhaps it was decided that the bravest of them should be -removed yet further, as far as the Tauric Chersonese, where, though in -the midst of enemies, they still retain the Christian religion. But -if they are Goths, I am of opinion that even in ancient times they -occupied those tracts, which adjoin the Getæ. And perhaps one would not -be wrong in thinking that the greatest part of the country which lies -between the island of Gothland and what is now called Perekop was at -one time inhabited by Goths. - -Hence came the various clans named Visigoths and Ostrogoths; hence they -started on their career of victory, all over the world; this was the -vast hive of that barbarian swarm. Now you have heard what I learnt -about the Tauric Chersonese from these men of Perekop. - -Now listen to what I heard from a Turkish pilgrim about the city and -country of Cathay (China). He belonged to the sect who hold it a -religious duty to wander through distant regions, and to worship God on -the highest mountains and in wild and desert places. He had traversed -almost the whole of the East, where he had made acquaintance with the -Portuguese; and then, excited by the desire of visiting the city and -kingdom of Cathay, he had joined some merchants who were setting out -thither, for they are accustomed to assemble in large numbers, and -so journey in a body to the frontiers of that realm. Few reach their -destination safely, as the risk is great. There are many intervening -tribes who are treacherous to travellers, and whose attacks are to be -feared every moment. - -When they had travelled some distance from the Persian frontier, they -came to the cities of Samarcand, Bokhara, and Tashkend, and to other -places inhabited by Tamerlane’s successors. To these there succeeded -vast deserts or tracts of country, sometimes inhabited by savage -and inhospitable clans, and sometimes by tribes of a more civilised -description; but everywhere the country is so poor that there is -great difficulty in getting provisions. On this account every man had -provided himself with food and the other necessaries of life, and great -numbers of camels were loaded with these supplies. A large party of -this kind is called a caravan. - -After many months of toil they arrived at the passes, which may be -termed the keys of the kingdom of Cathay (for a great part of the -dominions of the King of Cathay is inland, and surrounded by wild -mountains and precipitous rocks, nor can it be entered except by -certain passes which are held by the King’s forces). At this point the -merchants were asked, what they brought, where they came from, and how -many of them there were? This information the King’s garrison troops -transmit by smoke in the day time, and by fire at night, to the next -beacon, and that in turn to the next, and so on, till news of the -merchants’ arrival is forwarded to the King of Cathay, which otherwise -could not be done for the space of several days. In the same manner -and with equal speed he sends back word what his pleasure is, saying -whether he chooses them all to be admitted, or part of them to be -excluded, or their entrance delayed. If admitted, they are conducted by -appointed guides by halting-places established at proper stages, where -the necessaries of food and clothing are supplied at a fair price, till -they reach Cathay itself. Here they first declare what each of them has -brought, and then, as a mark of respect, present the King with whatever -gift they think proper. In addition to receiving the gift, he has -also the right of purchasing at a fair valuation whatever articles he -pleases. - -The rest they sell or barter as they choose, a day for their return -being fixed, up to which they have the power of carrying on business, -for the Cathayans do not approve of foreigners sojourning too long, for -fear their national customs should be corrupted by foreign manners. -They are then courteously sent back by the same stages by which they -came. - -The same pilgrim described that nation as very ingenious, and said they -were civilised and well governed. They have a religion of their own, -distinct from Christianity, Judaism, or Mahomedanism, but more like -Judaism without its ceremonies. For many centuries back the art of -printing has been in use among them, as is sufficiently proved by the -books printed in that country. For this purpose they use paper made of -silkworms’ cocoons, so thin, that it will only bear the impression of -the type on one side; the other is left blank. - -There are numerous shops in that city which sell the scent they call -musk. It is the secretion of a beast the size of a kid. - -No article of merchandise is more prized among them than a lion; this -beast being uncommon in those countries is exceedingly admired, and -nothing fetches a higher price. - -These statements about the kingdom of Cathay I learned from the mouth -of this wanderer, for which their author must be responsible. For -indeed it is quite possible, that, when I was asking him about Cathay, -he might have been answering me about some other neighbouring country, -and according to the proverb, when I was asking for a sickle, have -answered me about a spade. - -When I heard this story from him, I thought it well to ask, whether -he had brought from any place he had visited any rare root, or fruit, -or stone. ‘Nothing at all,’ said he, ‘except that I carry about this -root for my own use, and if I chew and swallow the least particle of -it, when I am suffering from languor or cold, I am stimulated and get -warm.’ As he spoke he gave it me to taste, warning me at the same time -that it must be used very sparingly. My physician, William Quacquelben, -who was at that time still alive, tasted it, and from the heat with -which it inflamed his mouth, pronounced it to be true Napellus or -Aconite.[247] - -This, I think, is the proper place to tell you of the miracle wrought -by another Turkish pilgrim and monk. He went about in a shirt and white -mantle reaching down to the feet, and let his hair grow long, so that -he resembled the apostles as they are usually depicted by our painters. -Under an engaging appearance was concealed the mind of an impostor; but -the Turks venerated him as a man famous for his miracles. They urged -my dragomans to bring him to me that I might see him. He dined with me, -behaving soberly and modestly, and then went down into the courtyard of -the house, and returned soon afterwards carrying a stone of enormous -weight, with which he struck himself on his bare breast several blows -that had well nigh felled an ox. Then he laid his hand on an iron which -had been made white hot in a fire lighted for the purpose. He put this -into his mouth, and turned it about in every direction so that his -saliva hissed. The iron he took into his mouth was oblong, but thicker -at either end and rectangular, and so heated by the fire that it was -just like a glowing coal. When he had done this, he put the iron back -in the fire and departed, after bidding me farewell, and receiving a -present. - -My servants, who were standing around, were astonished, except one who -thought himself cleverer than the rest. ‘And why,’ said he, ‘you stupid -fellows, do you wonder at this? Do you believe these things are done -in reality; they are mere feats of legerdemain and optical delusions?’ -Without more ado he seized the iron by the part that stood a good way -out of the fire, to prove it could be handled without injury. But no -sooner had he closed his hand, than he drew it back, with the palm -and fingers so burnt that it was several days before he was well; an -accident which was followed by great laughter from his fellow-servants, -who asked him, ‘Whether he now believed it was hot, or was still -incredulous?’ and invited him to touch it again. - -The same Turk told me at dinner, that his abbot, a man renowned for the -sanctity of his life and for his miracles, was accustomed to spread his -cloak on the lake which adjoined his monastery, sit down on it, and so -take a pleasant sail wherever he liked.[248] He also was in the habit -of being tied to a sheep, which had been flayed and dressed, with his -arms fastened to its fore, and his legs to its hind quarters, and being -thrown in this condition into a heated oven, where he stayed till he -gave orders for himself and the sheep to be taken out, when it was well -roasted and fit to eat, and he none the worse.[249] - -I don’t believe it, you will say; for the matter of that, neither do I! -I only tell you what I heard; but as to the white hot iron, I saw it -with my own eyes. Yet this feat is not so astonishing after all, as no -doubt while he pretended to be looking for a stone in the court yard, -he fortified his mouth against the fierceness of the fire by some -medicament, such as you know have been discovered.[250] For I remember -seeing a mountebank in the Piazza at Venice handle molten lead, and as -it were wash his hands in it without injury. - -I mentioned already that a few days before Roostem’s death the severity -of my prison rules was relaxed. This was exceedingly agreeable to -me, on account of the liberty of access to me which was thus granted -to men of foreign and distant nations, from whom I received much -information that amused me; but this pleasure was counterbalanced by -an equal inconvenience, because my servants abused the privilege given -them of going abroad, and often wandered about the city unescorted by -Janissaries. The consequences were quarrels and disturbances with the -Turks, which gave me a great deal of trouble; and, out of the many that -happened, I will relate one as a specimen, from which you can imagine -the others, that you may know everything about us. - -Two of my servants crossed over to Pera without Janissaries, either -because they were all out, or because they did not think they required -their escort. One of them was my apothecary and the other my butler. -Having finished their business in Pera, they hired a boat to return -to Constantinople; but scarcely had they taken their seats in it, -when there came a boy from the judge, or cadi, of that place, who -ordered them to get out, and give up the boat to his master. My -servants refused, and pointed out there were boats enough about for -the cadi to cross in, and told him this one had already been engaged -by them. However, he persevered, and tried to get them out by force. -My men resisted, and that right stoutly, so that they soon came to -blows. As all this was going on before the eyes of the judge, who was -approaching, he could not restrain himself from running down to help -the boy, who was a great favourite with him for reasons that need -not be explained. But while he was carelessly rushing down the steps -leading to the sea, which were slippery with ice (for it was winter), -he missed his footing and would have tumbled into the sea—his feet were -already wet with the water—had not his companions assisted him. The -Turks gathered from all Pera, and an outcry was raised that Christians -had laid violent hands on the judge, and all but drowned him in the -sea. They seized my servants, and with great tumult dragged them before -the voivode, or judge who tries capital charges. The sticks were got -ready and their feet were inserted in the posts, for the purpose of -administering the bastinado. One of my men, who was an Italian, being -in a furious passion, never stopped shouting the whole time ‘_Vour, -chiopecklar, vour_. Strike us, you dogs, strike us! ‘Tis _we_ who have -been wronged, and _we_ have deserved no punishment. We are servants of -the Emperor’s Ambassador. You will be punished by your Sultan when he -knows of this.’ All this, in spite of his speaking in broken Turkish, -his hearers could quite understand. One of the Turks among the rioters -was amazed at his boldness and exclaimed, ‘Do you think this one-eyed -fellow a human being?’ (for he had lost one eye), ‘believe me, he is no -such thing, but belongs to the race of oneeyed Genies.’ The voivode -however, who was himself struck by such courage, that he might not do -more or less than was right, decided on sending them to Roostem unhurt. -They went to him, accompanied by a great crowd of false witnesses, -who had been procured to crush by their evidence those innocent men. -The Turks think it an act of great piety to bear witness against -a Christian; they do not wait to be asked but come unbidden, and -obtrude themselves of their own accord, as happened on this occasion. -Therefore they all exclaimed with one voice, ‘These robbers have dared -to commit a most atrocious crime, and have knocked the judge down with -their fists, and if they had not been stopped, they would have thrown -him into the sea.’ My men denied these charges, and said they were -accused unjustly, and then declared they were my servants. Roostem -soon perceived that it was a case of false accusation; but to divert -the anger of the excited multitude, he assumed a stern expression, and -saying that he would punish them himself, ordered them to be taken -to prison. The prison served as a fortress to my servants against -the violence of the raging mob. Roostem then heard the evidence of -those whom he considered worthy of credit, and found my servants were -innocent, and that it was the judge that was to blame. - -Through my dragomans I demanded the surrender of my servants. Roostem -thought the matter important enough to be laid before the Council, -saying he was afraid, that, if the Sultan should hear of it, he would -suspect it was through the influence of money that the wrong the judge -had sustained had been passed over. Already there existed some intimacy -between me and Ali Pasha; and I expostulated with him in strong terms, -through the same dragomans, and demanded that an end should be put to -the persecution of my servants. Ali undertook the case and told me to -set my mind at ease, as this trouble would soon be at an end. Roostem, -however, was still shilly-shallying; he was always afraid to do me a -kindness for fear of being suspected of receiving a bribe; on that -account he would have preferred having the business settled on such -terms, that the judge should be left no cause for complaint. He sent me -word that it seemed to him to be the wisest plan to appease the judge -by giving him some pieces of gold as a sop, and that five and twenty -ducats would be enough for the purpose. I replied that I was obliged -to him for his advice. If he told me, as a personal favour to himself, -to throw fifty ducats into the sea, I would do so at once; but here it -was not a question of money but of precedent, that was at stake. For if -it were laid down as a rule, that whoever had injured my men, should, -instead of being punished, be actually paid for doing so, I should soon -come to the end of my purse. Whenever anyone’s dress began to get worn -or torn, he would resolve to do my servants some harm, inasmuch as he -would feel sure of getting paid for his trouble, and thus obtaining a -new dress at my expense. Nothing could be more disgraceful than this or -more injurious to my interests. Accordingly my servants were sent back, -thanks, in a great measure, to the advocacy of Ali Pasha. But when the -Venetian Baily[251] heard of it he sent for one of my dragomans, and -begged him to tell him how much I had paid to settle the affair. ‘Not -a penny,’ he replied. Then the Baily said, ‘If we had been concerned, -I warrant you we should hardly have got out of it for 200 ducats.’ The -man whom it cost most dear was this model of a judge, who was removed -from office, because, according to their notion, a man is disgraced -who has received a thrashing from a Christian, and this, by his own -admission, had been the case with him. - -You ask for news about the Spanish generals, telling me that there is -a report in your neighbourhood that they owe their liberty to me. They -were the following, viz., de Sandé, the commander of the land forces, -and Leyva and Requesens, the admirals of the Neapolitan and Sicilian -fleets. I will give you a short account of how I managed it. - -The Turks were much annoyed at the conclusion of peace between the -Kings of Spain and France, which was by no means favourable to their -interests;[252] especially as they found the treaty was not such as -they had believed it to be at first, for they had been convinced that -they would have been high in the list of those entitled to enjoy the -benefits of the same peace. Accordingly, when they found themselves -passed over, thinking that a bad return had been made them, though -they dissembled their vexation, they sought an opportunity to give -some hint that their feelings were no longer so friendly as they had -been. Solyman had written to the King of France to say he approved of -the peace, but at the same time desired the King to remember that old -friends do not easily become foes, or old foes friends. - -The offence the Turks felt on these grounds was not a little favourable -to my negotiations, and I was aided in addition by Ali Pasha’s kindly -feeling towards me, and Ibrahim’s great desire of proving his gratitude. - -You remember I mentioned previously that when Lavigne was calumniating -me, he at the same time used to accuse Ibrahim, implying that he -betrayed to me all the designs of the Turks. - -This Ibrahim, the Sultan’s first dragoman (the Turkish word for -interpreter), was a Pole by birth; he was hated by Lavigne, because -he thought that Ibrahim, in a deadly quarrel between himself and de -Codignac, his predecessor in the embassy, had taken de Codignac’s -part too strongly. I need not trouble you with the whole story, as it -has not much to do with our subject. Lavigne, recollecting this, was -always Ibrahim’s bitter enemy; and whenever he had an opportunity of -addressing the Pashas, every other word he spoke was abuse of Ibrahim. -At last he got him degraded from office and reduced to a private -position. - -This concerned me but little, as there had never been any friendship -between Ibrahim and myself, but on the contrary a somewhat hostile -feeling, as I had often found him on the side against us. I was sorry -however that the story should get abroad that it was for my sake -he had been removed from office. While Ibrahim was living in this -condition, deeply humiliated by the loss of his post, as indeed is -usually the case with men who have ceased to be what they were, I -tried to lighten his misfortunes by any attentions in my power, and on -several occasions, when there was a press of business in the course -of the peace negotiations, I employed him as an extra dragoman, and -made him a medium of communication with the Pashas. This was readily -allowed by Ali from his good feeling towards me, and because he was -well aware that Ibrahim had been wrongfully degraded. At last I -effected his restoration to his former position and dignity. From these -circumstances he became much attached to me, so that his great desire -was to find some means of proving his gratitude for my services. Most -loyally did he plead my cause in every question; and did his best to -obtain for me the favour of all whom he could influence. This was an -easier task for him from their disgust at the recent peace, on account -of which, as I said, the Turks were secretly angry with the French, so -that, when a gentleman named Salviati came to Constantinople to obtain -de Sandé’s freedom in the name of the King of France, his errand was -a complete failure. De Sandé had for some time been eagerly looking -forward to this embassy, hoping thereby to procure his liberty, and, -feeling certain that this was the only chance of recovering his -freedom, had gone to great expense in providing presents to do honour -to the Pashas and the Sultan himself, according to the usual custom. -And now, to make a long story short, all was over, Salviati had taken -his departure, and his embassy had proved a failure. - -The servants whom de Sandé had employed as his agents, terrified by -this, came to me, and confessed they did not venture to inform him of -such a disappointment; he had entirely depended on his hopes from this -mission, and now they were afraid he would become desperate, and not -only lose his health, but also his life; they therefore asked me to -give them my assistance and to write to him myself. - -I was inclined to refuse, as I had neither arguments nor language to -console a man who had received such a cruel blow. De Sandé was a man -of great spirit and exceedingly sanguine temperament, and did not -know what fear was. But when men, whose temper inclines them to hope -that everything they wish will come about, find everything taking an -adverse turn and going against their wishes, there is generally a great -reaction, and their spirits become so depressed that it is no easy -matter to raise them to a proper level. - -While our business was at a standstill from this difficulty, the -dragoman Ibrahim most fortunately called on me, and when in the course -of conversation mention was made of the Spanish prisoners, he told me -in so many words, that, if I were to request their release, it would -not be refused. He knew what he was saying and had it on good authority. - -He had indeed been previously in the habit of throwing out rather -obscure hints, calculated to make me hope they might be liberated if I -were to intercede; but I did not take much heed of what he said, for -how could I venture to make such an attempt when I was not yet sure -of peace? I was also restrained by the fear that I should do no good -myself, if I interfered at an unfavourable moment, and might perhaps -also hinder Salviati’s negotiations. But when, after his departure, I -heard Ibrahim, who was closely attached to me, make such a declaration, -there seemed to be something in it, and I began to pay more attention -to his words, cautioning him, however, at the same time not to place -me in a false position, and expose his friend to ridicule. This would -certainly be my fate if I were to undertake unsuccessfully a task -which was generally supposed to be hopeless, and in which there had -already been an adverse decision. He persevered notwithstanding, and -told me that I might rely on what he said; and that he would absolutely -guarantee my success. - -Relying on his assurances I wrote to de Sandé, and informed him of the -result of Salviati’s negotiations, but told him not to despair, for, -unless all Turks were liars, there was hope in store for him, and then -I related what I had heard from Ibrahim. Having taken this step, I next -consulted certain friends of mine who had great experience in Turkish -affairs. They replied that they wished me success in my undertaking, -but they did not see how I could obtain what had just been denied -to the Ambassador of a King who was an old friend, especially while -the result of our negotiations for peace was still doubtful; and they -pointed out that all precedents showed how difficult it was to prevail -on the Turks to liberate important prisoners. However, I wrote to the -Emperor, and acquainted him with the hopes that had been held out to -me, at the same time earnestly entreating him to ask Solyman to release -the prisoners. - -To make a long story short, after large presents had been promised the -Pashas, if they should show themselves gracious and favourable to their -liberation, on the eve of St. Laurence’s day (August 9), they were all -taken out of prison and conducted to my lodging. - -De Sandé and Leyva hated each other worse than if they had been -brothers! for which reason it was necessary to have a table laid -separately for the latter, with whom Requesens dined. De Sandé sat at -the same table with myself. At dinner there came in a steward from the -chargé d’affaires of the King of France, bringing me some notes which -had come into his hands. De Sandé asked him if he knew him. ‘I think,’ -said he, ‘you are Don Alvaro.’ ‘I am indeed,’ said he, ‘and you will -convey my best compliments to your master, and tell him how you saw -me here a free man, thanks to the Ambassador before you.’ ‘I see it -indeed,’ he replied, ‘but yet I can hardly believe my own eyes.’ This -was done by de Sandé because the chargé d’affaires, though in other -respects an excellent fellow, was one of the persons who could not be -convinced that Solyman would liberate the prisoners as a favour to the -Emperor Ferdinand.[253] - -But before they were released from prison, the Mufti, the head of the -Turkish religion, was consulted on the question, if it were lawful to -exchange a few Christians for a larger number of captive Turks? for I -had promised that not fewer than forty Turkish prisoners, who, however, -might be common people of no rank, should be given in exchange. The -Mufti replied that there were two authorities on the point, and that -they held different opinions, one approving of the exchange and the -other not. The Pashas, however, adopted the more liberal opinion.[254] - -I have still to tell you of Bajazet’s final catastrophe, for I know -you are expecting to hear the rest of his story. You will remember -that he was thrown into prison by Shah Tahmasp. From that time many -messengers went backwards and forwards from the King of Persia to the -Sultan, some of whom held the title of Ambassador, bringing presents -of the usual kind, such as tents of exquisite workmanship, Assyrian -and Persian carpets, and a Koran, the book which contains their holy -mysteries;[255] amongst other gifts, rare animals were sometimes sent, -for example there was an Indian ant,[256] as large as a fair-sized dog, -and extremely fierce and snappish, which, I remember, they were said to -have brought. - -The ostensible reason for their arrival was to reconcile Bajazet and -his father; great honours were paid them, and they were entertained -magnificently by the Pashas. Ali made me a partaker in one of these -banquets by sending me eight large porcelain dishes of sweetmeats. The -Romans used to send something from their table to their friends, a -custom which the Spaniards retain to this day. The Turks, on the other -hand, carry off dainties from the banquet for themselves, but generally -only intimate friends do so, who have wives and children at home. They -usually carried home from my table handkerchiefs full of fragments of -eatables, and were not afraid of soiling their silk robes with drops of -gravy, although they consider cleanliness of the highest importance. -When I mention this, it recalls to my memory an amusing incident, which -I shall not be sorry to tell you. You will have a hearty laugh over it, -I am sure, as I had myself; and is not laughter worth cultivating? Is -it not man’s peculiar attribute, and the best recipe in the world for -tempering human misfortunes? Besides, we are no Catos. - -The Pashas observe the custom of giving dinner for a few days before -their fast, which answers to our Lent, to all who choose to come, -and no one is excluded. However, the people who come are generally -neighbours, friends, or recognised dependants. A leather tablecloth, -which is loaded with a crowd of dishes, is laid on the ground over an -oblong mat. Such a table will hold a large company. The Pasha himself -sits in the chief place, and about him those of higher rank, and then -in a long row the guests who belong to inferior families, till no more -room remains for anyone, and many are left standing, for the table -cannot hold all at once. However, as they eat with great moderation and -do not talk, it is not long before the first party have appeased their -hunger, they then conclude their meal with a draught of water sweetened -with honey or sugar, and, after bidding the master of the feast -farewell, make room for others who have not yet sat down; these again -are succeeded by another set, till in a short space many are satisfied -off the same table, the attendants in the meantime washing the plates -and dishes, and supplying fresh ones as fast as they are emptied. - -A Pasha who was giving one of these entertainments at his house had -invited a Sanjak-bey, who happened to have come there, to sit by him. -The second place from him was occupied by an old man of the class the -Turks call Khodjas, which means Scholars. As he saw before him a great -mass of various eatables, and wished, having had his fill, to take -something away for his wife, he began looking for his handkerchief to -put it in; but found he had left it at home. He was, however, equal to -the emergency, and like a good general was able to extemporise a plan -on the field of battle. He seized the bag of a turban which was hanging -down behind him[257] (which, however, was not his own as he thought, -but the Sanjak-bey’s). This he crammed as full as he could, finishing -with a good slice of bread by way of a stopper to prevent anything -slipping out. When he was bidding his host farewell, in accordance with -the Turkish fashion, he had to salute his superiors by placing his -hands on his breast or thighs. Having paid his respects he gathered -up the bag again, but this time took his own, and when he left the -dining-room, he felt it carefully all over and, to his utter amazement, -found it empty. But what was he to do? He went home in disgust. - -Not long afterwards the Sanjak-bey also rose, and after saluting the -Pasha was going away, in happy ignorance of the load that was hanging -behind him. But soon the bag began to deliver itself of its contents; -every step the Sanjak-bey took, something fell out, and his progress -was marked by a long line of fragments. Every one began to laugh; -he then looked back, and his face grew crimson, when he saw his bag -disgorging pieces of food. - -Then the Pasha, who had guessed the truth, called him back, told him -to sit down, and ordered the Khodja to be summoned; and turning to him -said, ‘As you are a neighbour and old friend of mine, and have a wife -and children at home, I wonder why you did not carry away something for -them from my table, where there was enough and to spare.’ The Khodja -replied, ‘This happened, sir, from no fault of mine, but from the anger -of my guardian angel. For, as I had carelessly left my handkerchief at -home, I stuffed the remains of my dinner into the bag of my turban, but -lo and behold, when I left the dining room, it proved to be empty, but -how this came to pass is more than I can tell.’ So the Sanjak-bey’s -character as a gentleman was re-established, and the disappointment -of the old Khodja, and the oddness of the accident, furnished the -bystanders with food for another merry laugh. - -But I will return to my subject. Bajazet’s hopes were at a low ebb, for -his merciless father was demanding that he should be given up alive for -execution; to this the King of Persia refused to agree and pretended to -act as his protector, while all the time he intended to betray him. - -Solyman at one time tried persuasion on the Shah, reminding him of the -treaty, by which he had agreed they should both have the same friends -and enemies, and at another, endeavoured to frighten him with menacing -language and threatened him with war, if Bajazet were not surrendered. -He had placed strong garrisons in all his towns on the Persian -frontier, and filled Mesopotamia and the bank of the Euphrates with -soldiers, who were taken for the most part from the Imperial guard, -and the troops he had employed against Bajazet. These forces were -commanded by Mehemet Pasha, the third of the Vizierial Pashas, and the -Beyler bey of Greece, for Selim had soon returned home. He also sent -frequent messages to the tribes they call Georgians, who dwell between -the Caspian and the Black Sea, and border on Media, urging them to -take up arms against the King of Persia. They sagaciously replied that -‘they had not sufficient confidence in their own strength to venture to -attack Shah Tahmasp by themselves; let Solyman only come with his army -and they would know, when they saw him on the spot, what they ought -to do. In that case they would be wanting neither in counsel nor in -courage.’ - -In another direction are still to be found five Turkoman chiefs -descended from Tamerlane; and these also were invited to join their -arms against the common foe. - -Solyman wished it to be believed that he himself was going to Aleppo, a -city of Syria on the banks of the Euphrates,[258] and that he intended -from that base to make war on the King of Persia. Nor was the latter -free from apprehension, as he had too often experienced the might of -Solyman’s arm. But the angry Sultan was completely checked by the -opposition of the soldiers and the reluctance they felt to engaging -in such a war. They shrank from an unnatural contest, and began to -desert. A great number of them, especially of the cavalry, returned to -Constantinople, without orders from their commanders, and when bidden -to return to the camp without delay, though they obeyed, they did so in -such a way as to leave it evident how little they could be relied on, -if any accident or change should occur. - -For this reason, when it became sufficiently clear to Solyman that the -King of Persia would not surrender Bajazet, pleading that he was afraid -of delivering him up alive, lest by any chance he should escape, and -live to take vengeance for the wrongs he had received, he decided, -as the next best course, to get him executed in Persia. He had great -hopes of prevailing thus far on the Shah; for in the last letter he -had received from that monarch, the latter had expressed his surprise -at his careless method of managing such an important affair; observing -that he had several times sent ambassadors to him, but he, on the -contrary, had sent him nothing but letters and messengers, conduct, -which made him doubt if he were really in earnest. ‘Let him,’ said -the Shah, ‘send noblemen of high authority and name, with whom the -negotiations might be carried on and concluded in a way that befitted -their importance. The Sultan was much in his debt; Bajazet’s coming had -been a great injury to him, and he had incurred great expense before he -had got him into his power. It was just that these circumstances should -be taken into account.’ - -Solyman saw that money was his object, and so, rather than involve -himself in an unnecessary war, for which he was unfitted by his years, -he determined to follow the Pashas’ advice, and to fight the King of -Persia with money, instead of arms. - -Hassan Aga, one of the chiefs of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber, was -first selected as ambassador to Persia, and the Pasha of Marasch, a man -of venerable years, was ordered to accompany him. About the middle of -winter they started with the fullest powers; they travelled, in spite -of the difficulties of the road, with the utmost speed, and at last, -after losing many of their suite, arrived at Casbin, where the King of -Persia was. - -They first asked leave to see Bajazet, and found him so disfigured -by the dirt and filth of his prison, and with his hair and beard so -long that they could not recognise him. They were obliged to have -him shaved, and it was only then that Hassan was able to identify -the features of the prince. He had been brought up with him from his -earliest years, and it was especially for that reason that Solyman had -committed this office to him. - -It was agreed that the King of Persia should be indemnified for the -loss he said he had sustained, and should receive in addition a present -commensurate with the importance of the business, and that then Solyman -should be allowed to put Bajazet to death. - -Hassan hurried back and told his master of the arrangement he had -concluded. The present was prepared, along with the sums demanded as -expenses, and was conveyed, under the protection of a Turkish guard, to -the frontiers of the Persian dominions. Hassan, too, came again as the -unfortunate Bajazet’s appointed executioner, for Solyman had specially -ordered that he should put him to death with his own hands. Accordingly -the bow-string was put round Bajazet’s neck, and he was strangled to -death. He is said to have asked one boon before his death, namely, to -be allowed to see his children and share his kisses among them as a -last token of affection; but this he asked in vain, being told ‘There -was other business which required his immediate attention.’[259] - -Such was the end of Bajazet’s ill-starred designs, whose ruin was -precipitated by the very efforts he made to avoid it. His four sons -shared their father’s fate. - -I mentioned that one, who had been lately born, had been left at Amasia -when his father fled, and that he had been removed by his grandfather -to Broussa, where he was being brought up; but, when the Sultan knew -it was all over with Bajazet, he sent a eunuch, whom he trusted, to -Broussa to kill him. As the eunuch’s own disposition was too tender, -he took with him one of the doorkeepers, a hard-hearted ruffian who -was capable of any atrocity, to be the child’s murderer. When the -doorkeeper entered the room, and was fitting the cord to the child’s -neck, it smiled at him, and, raising itself as much as it could, threw -up its little arms to give him a hug and a kiss. This so moved the -cruel fellow that he could not bear it, and fell down in a swoon. The -eunuch, who was waiting outside, wondered that he was so long, and -at last going in himself, found the doorkeeper lying senseless on -the ground. He could not afford to let his mission be a failure, and -so with his own hands he stopped for ever the feeble breath of that -innocent child. - -From this it was clear enough that the grandson had been spared till -then, not from the mercy of his grandfather, but from the Turkish -superstition of referring all successful enterprises, whatever may have -been the motive from which they were undertaken, to the instigation -of God. On this account, as long as the issue of Bajazet’s attempts -remained doubtful, Solyman determined to do no violence to the child, -for fear that if afterwards Bajazet’s fortunes should take a turn for -the better, he should be found to have been striving against the will -of God. But now that he had perished, and thus had, as it were, been -condemned by the sentence of God, he thought there was no reason for -sparing Bajazet’s son any longer, that according to the proverb, not an -egg of that mischievous crow might be left. - -I once had a long argument with my cavasse on this subject, when I was -in the islands I told you about. As I was returning from one of my more -distant excursions, it happened that I could not double a projecting -point, the wind being contrary. After striving for some time in vain, -we were obliged to disembark and dine there, for in case of such an -accident I used always to take about with us in the boat some cooked -provisions. Several Turks, who had been forced to land there from the -same cause, followed my example. My table was laid in a green meadow. -The cavasse and dragomans sat down along with me. Bajazet happening to -be mentioned, the cavasse began to inveigh against him without mercy -for taking up arms against his brother. I on the other hand said, I -thought he was to be pitied, because he had no choice except to take up -arms or submit to certain death. But when the cavasse went on abusing -him in as strong terms as before, I said, ‘You are making out Bajazet -guilty of a monstrous atrocity, but you do not charge Selim, the father -of the present Sultan, with any crime, though he took up arms not -merely to resist his father’s will, but against his very person.’[260] -‘And with good reason,’ replied the cavasse, ‘for the issue of his -enterprise showed clearly enough that he did what he did by prompting -from above, and that it had been predestinated by Heaven.’ I answered, -‘On this principle you will interpret whatever has been undertaken, -although from the most wicked motives, if it proves successful, to be -done rightly, and will ascribe it to God’s will; and will thus make out -God to be the author of evil, nor will you reckon anything to have been -done well or the contrary, except by the result.’ - -We continued our argument for some time, each of us defending his -position with great spirit and in a high tone of voice. Many texts of -Scripture were cited on either side, ‘Can the vessel say to the potter, -why hast thou formed me thus?’ ‘I will harden Pharaoh’s heart,’ ‘Jacob -have I loved, but Esau have I hated,’ and others, as they came into our -heads. - -The Turks, who were a little way off, wondered what we were arguing -about; so, after we had risen and the table had been removed, the -cavasse went straight to his countrymen. They all came round him, and -he appeared to be haranguing them, while they listened with the utmost -attention. Then, as it was just noon, they kept silence and worshipped -God after their manner with foreheads bowed to the ground. The time -seemed long to me till the cavasse came back, as I was anxious to -know what had been the subject of his earnest conversation with his -countrymen. I felt a little afraid that he had repeated something I had -said, and given it an unfavourable turn, although I had had sufficient -proofs of his honesty. - -At last, when the wind had gone down, and it was time to embark, we -went on board again, and set out once more. Then the first thing I did -was to ask the cavasse what he had been talking about so earnestly -with his countrymen. He replied with a smile, ‘I will honestly confess -to you what it was. They wanted to know from me what the subject was, -on which we had been arguing so hotly. I said, “Predestination,” and -repeated to them the texts, both those which you had cited on your side -and those which you had recognised when quoted by me. Hence I argued -that it was certain you had read our books, and were well acquainted -with Holy Scripture, and that you wanted nothing to secure eternal -happiness, except being initiated into our religion. Accordingly we -exhorted each other to pray that God would bring you to the true faith; -and these were the prayers you saw us making.’ - -When the news of Bajazet’s death was brought to Constantinople, I was -seized with great alarm for the issue of our negotiations. We were -indeed in a good position and there seemed to be a prospect of the end -we desired; but our anxiety was renewed by Bajazet’s misfortune, for -fear the Turks should become more haughty, undo what had been done, -and call on us to accept less favourable terms. We had successfully -got past numerous rocks, among them the defeat at Djerbé, Bajazet’s -imprisonment, and the unlucky accident of the expulsion of the Voivode -from Moldavia, yet two formidable ones remained, namely, Bajazet’s -death, of which I have spoken, and another besides, of which I shall -speak presently. - -Ali had been the first to communicate the news to me, by a domestic -slave, in these words, ‘Know for certain that Bajazet is dead. You -cannot now go on trifling with us any longer in reliance on his making -a diversion in your favour. Remember that an old friendship can be -restored between two princes who share the same faith more easily -than a new one can be cemented between two Sovereigns of different -religions. Take my word for it, it is not safe for you to go on -shuffling any longer and raising unreal difficulties.’ - -Such a message made a deep impression on my mind. But, as the news came -from a suspicious quarter, I sent round to my friends to enquire if -any certain intelligence of Bajazet’s death had arrived, and all to a -man replied, that there remained no doubt about it. I then understood -I must shorten sail. There was no possibility of aspiring to better -terms; I ought to be contented if I could maintain the position I -had gained, and if no change for the worse should be made in the -conditions. They had now been before the Sultan for some time, and he -had not been averse to them, subject to a few additions or omissions, -among which however there were some things I was sorry to lose. -Certain points were expressed too obscurely, so as to leave room for -controversy hereafter, if any one were to place an unfair construction -on them. I used my utmost efforts to get these either removed or -altered to our advantage. The conditions had been once or twice sent -to my Emperor for his perusal, and he had graciously approved of them; -but I felt dissatisfied myself, and was always wishing to obtain some -further concession, when, in the midst of my negotiations, the news I -mentioned came upon me like a thunderbolt. - -But previously also a serious difficulty had arisen in consequence of -the revolt of certain Hungarian nobles from the Voivode of Transylvania -to the Emperor, or, to speak correctly, in consequence of their return -from error to the path of duty. They brought over with them the forts -and castles which they held.[261] - -This startling event was calculated to upset all the steps towards -peace that had been taken. For the Turks were thus supplied with -a plausible argument: ‘No change ought to have been made while -negotiations about the terms of peace were going on. If you are really -anxious for peace you ought to restore the advantage which you have -unfairly gained. The deserters are at liberty to do as they please, -but let the places they hold remain in the hands of the Voivode, our -dependant and vassal.’ - -However, not only was no such claim asserted by Ali, but when I -expressly put down in the articles of peace that these matters should -remain as they were, he willingly approved of their ratification. - -But the ambassadors, who had then recently arrived from the Voivode, -did their utmost to chafe that sore, and filled the court with their -outcries, exclaiming that their unfortunate young master was being -betrayed, the rights of friendship profaned, and enemies preferred to -old friends. These remonstrances had indeed some effect upon the other -Pashas, but not on Ali. So at last it was agreed to adhere to the terms -of peace, as they had been already settled. - -Although there could be no doubt about the wishes of my master, yet, -as I remembered that among the attendants of princes there never is -any lack of people ready to blacken the good deeds of others, however -worthy they may be, especially if they are foreigners, I decided that -everything, as far as it could be managed, should be left as open as -possible for his decision. Therefore I negotiated with Ali in such a -way as to point out that, although the proposed conditions did not -altogether answer my Sovereign’s expectations, yet I was confident he -would agree to them, provided that some one was sent with me who could -explain the points that were obscure, or which might in any way be made -a subject of dispute, saying that Ibrahim seemed the best person for -the service, as he could report to them the Emperor’s desire for peace. -He readily agreed to this proposal, so the last touch was thus put to -these protracted peace negotiations. - -It is the custom for the Pashas to invite to their table in the Divan -an ambassador who is in favour when he leaves. But as I wished to make -it appear that everything remained undecided and uncertain till a reply -was brought back from my master, this honour was not paid me, the want -of which however did not trouble my peace of mind.[262] - -I was anxious to take with me some well-bred horses, and therefore -had charged my servants to go about the market frequently on the -chance of being able to find any to suit. When Ali heard of this, he -had a capital thorough-bred of his own brought out as if for sale. -My men hurried up to bid for him, 120 ducats was named as the price, -and they offered eighty, without knowing who was the owner. The -people who had charge of the horse refused to let him go for such -a low price. But a day or two afterwards, the same horse, with two -others every bit as good, was sent as a present by Ali Pasha, one of -them being a beautifully shaped palfrey. When I thanked him for his -present, he asked me if I did not think the horse, which my men had -wanted to buy in the market for eighty ducats, was not worth more. -I replied, ‘Much more, but they had a commission from me not to go -beyond that price, that I might not incur too great a loss, if they -should, without knowing it, purchase some likely looking animal, which -should afterwards prove unsound. Such things do sometimes happen in -the horse-market.’ He then told me how Turkish horses are fed at the -beginning of a journey, namely, with a very small allowance of food, -and advised me to travel by very short stages, till the horses had got -accustomed to the work, and to divide the journey to Adrianople into -nine or ten days, which usually took only five. He presented me also -with an exceedingly elegant robe interwoven with gold thread, and a -casket full of the finest theriac of Alexandria,[263] and lastly added -a glass bottle of balsam, which he highly commended, saying, ‘The other -presents he had given me he did not think much of, as money could buy -them, but this was a rare gift and his master could give no greater -present to a friendly or allied prince. He had been governor of Egypt -for some years, and thus had an opportunity of procuring it.’ The plant -produces two sorts of juice; there is the cheap black extract made -from the oil of the boiled leaves, while the other kind flows from -an incision in the bark. This last, which is yellow and is the true -balsam, was the one he gave me.[264] - -He wished some things sent him in return, namely, a coat of mail large -enough to fit him, as he is very tall and stout, and a powerful horse, -to which he could trust himself without being afraid of a fall, for -being a heavy man he has great difficulty in finding a horse equal -to his weight, and lastly a piece of curled maple or some other wood -similarly marked, with which our countrymen veneer tables. - -No presents were given me by Solyman, except the ordinary ones of the -kind usually given to every ambassador on taking leave, such as I had -generally received in former years. - -At my farewell audience he curtly inveighed against the insolence of -the Heydons and the soldiers of the garrison of Szigeth. ‘What use,’ -said he, ‘has it been for us to make peace here, if the garrison of -Szigeth will break it and continue the war?’ I replied, ‘I would -lay the matter before the Emperor, and I hoped he would do what was -needful.’ - -Thus auspiciously, towards the end of the month of August, I commenced -my wished-for journey, bringing with me as the fruit of eight years’ -exertions a truce for eight years, which however it will be easy to get -extended for as long as we wish, unless some remarkable change should -occur. - -When we arrived at Sophia, from which there is a road not only to -Belgrade but to Ragusa, whence it is only a few days’ passage to -Venice, Leyva and Requesens asked my leave to go by Ragusa, which was -their shortest way to Italy, for the purpose of discharging at the -earliest possible date their obligations to the Pashas, and paying off -the debts they had incurred at Constantinople for various purposes. -They said they would give me letters to the Emperor to thank him for -the recovery of their freedom, which they would have preferred to do -in person, if they had not been hindered by the considerations I have -mentioned. I complied with their wishes without hesitation, and the -death of Requesens, which happened soon after, gave me less cause to -regret having done so, for before he reached Ragusa he died, being a -very old man. I am glad I granted him the favour, as a refusal might -have been thought to have been partly the cause of his illness. - -De Sandé and I accomplished the rest of the journey very merrily, -without meeting with any serious inconvenience. De Sandé was a -pleasant fellow, and always making jokes, being quite capable, when it -was necessary, of concealing his anxiety and assuming a cheerfulness he -did not feel. The daily occurrences of our journey furnished us with -many a merry jest. Sometimes we had a fancy to leave our carriages, -and try which of us could walk the longest. In this, as I was thin -and had no load of corpulence to carry, I easily beat my friend, who -was stout and too fat for walking, not to mention that the effects of -his confinement still made him incapable of much exertion. Whenever -our road lay through a village, it was amusing to see Ibrahim, who -followed us very gravely on horseback with his Turks, riding up and -entreating us by all we held most dear to get into our carriages again, -and not to disgrace ourselves utterly by allowing the villagers to see -us travelling on foot, for among the Turks this is considered a great -dishonour. With these words he sometimes prevailed on us to re-enter -our carriages, and sometimes we laughed at him and disobeyed. - -Now listen to one of de Sandé’s many witty sayings. When we left -Constantinople, not only was the heat still overpowering, but I was in -a languid state from the late hot weather, so that I had hardly any -appetite for food, or at any rate, was satisfied with very little. -But de Sandé, being a strong man and accustomed to a great deal of -food, of which he always partook with me, used to devour rather than -eat his meals, exhorting me from time to time to follow his example, -and eat like a man. In this however he was unsuccessful, until, about -the beginning of October, we were approaching the borders of Austria. -There, partly from the nature of the country, and partly from the -time of year, I was refreshed by the cooler climate, and began to be -better in health and also to eat more freely than before. When this -was observed by de Sandé, he exclaimed, ‘He was amply rewarded for -his trouble, the pains and training he had spent on me had not been -thrown away, inasmuch as, thanks to his teaching and instruction, I had -learnt at last how to eat, though I had lived so many years without -acquiring any knowledge of, or practice in, this most needful art. Let -me consider him as much in my debt as I pleased for delivering him from -a Turkish prison; I was no less indebted to him, as it was from him I -had learnt how to eat!’ - -Amusing ourselves in this manner we arrived at Tolna, where we came -in for a certain amount of annoyance. De Sandé used to stay under -the same roof with me, where my quarters consisted of several rooms; -but where there was only one he used to lodge at an adjoining house, -that he might not inconvenience me. Accordingly at Tolna he ordered -the Janissary, whom I took with me from Constantinople to Buda as my -attendant, to look out for quarters for him. One of my servants and a -Spanish doctor of medicine, who had been ransomed at de Sandé’s expense -at Constantinople, accompanied the Janissary. They happened to go into -a house near us, which belonged to a Janissary who had been entrusted -with the charge of the town. For it is the custom of the Turks, in -order to protect the Christians from the outrages of travellers, to -appoint in each of the wealthier villages or small towns one or two -Janissaries,[265] who take advantage of the position in which they -are thus placed, and turn it to their own profit in many ways. This -Janissary had committed some fault for which he had deserved to lose -his office; and the fear of such a punishment hanging over his head had -made him crusty, and completely soured his temper. Our people inspected -his house without opposition, went all over it, and began to retreat, -as they did not like it. My Janissary was going first, the servant -was following, and the doctor was last. Meanwhile, the Janissary who -lived there, and who was then in his garden, was told that Christians -were looking for a lodging in his house. Mad with rage he hurried up -with a stick that might have served Hercules for a club, and without -a word brought it down with all his might on the doctor’s shoulders, -who flew out of the house for fear of a repetition of the blow. My -servant looked back, and saw behind him the Janissary on the point of -giving him a similar greeting, his stick being already raised for the -blow; but this servant of mine, who was carrying a small hatchet in his -hand, as people generally do in that country, seized the blade of it -with one hand, and the end of the handle with the other, and holding -it cross-wise over his head parried several blows without injury. As -the other, however, did not stop striking, the handle of the hatchet -began to give way, so my servant was obliged to alter his tactics, and -closing with the Janissary aimed a blow at his head, but the latter did -not like this change in the mode of fighting, and forthwith took to his -heels. As my servant could not reach him, he flung the hatchet at his -back as he ran away. The Janissary was wounded by the blow and fell; -and so our people escaped. - -In the meantime the doctor was rousing the neighbourhood with his -cries, exclaiming that it was all over with him, he was as good as -dead, and all his bones were broken. - -De Sandé, when he heard the story, was both vexed and amused. He -was unaffected by the doctor’s exclamations, thinking he was more -frightened than hurt. But he was tormented by a terrible anxiety, -fearing that he would be recalled to Constantinople, and could not -be persuaded that there was not some treachery at the bottom of the -affair. The Pashas, he thought, had sought an opportunity of pretending -to do me a favour, and would soon show their real intentions, and find -an excuse for dragging him back to Constantinople, where he must lie -rotting in a filthy jail to the end of his days. He was therefore much -vexed at the behaviour of my servant, who, instead of expressing any -sorrow at the severe wound he had inflicted on the Janissary, swore -that he was exceedingly sorry to hear he was still alive. Accordingly, -he addressed him as follows, ‘My good Henry (for that was his name), -I beg you to control your anger. This is no place for displaying your -courage or avenging your wrongs; in our present situation it is no mark -of cowardice to pocket an affront. Whether we will or no, we are in -their power. Pray, remember how much mischief this ill-timed passion -of yours may bring on us; we may in consequence be all brought back to -Constantinople, and everything that has been done may be undone, or -at any rate, unsettled, the result of which will be fresh worries and -endless trouble. I beg you another time, if you have no regard for your -own safety, for my sake at any rate, to control yourself more.’ - -But his remonstrances fell on deaf ears. Henry was a man of obstinate -disposition, and when angered, most unreasonable. ‘What would it have -mattered to me,’ he answered, ‘even if I had killed him? Had he not -resolved to murder me? if but one of all the blows he aimed at my -head had reached me, he had butchered me like a sheep. The idea of my -being guilty for slaying a man, who was endeavouring to kill me! I am -desperately sorry for one thing, and that is, that I do not feel quite -sure that he will not recover from my blow.’ Then he swore he would -spare no Turk, who wanted to wound him, but would, at all hazards, do -his best to kill him. De Sandé did not approve of these sentiments. - -The Janissary, having received the wound I mentioned, made it out to -be worse than it was. Two Jews, who were acquainted with the Spanish -tongue, came to me, saying that the Janissary was in great danger; I -must give him some compensation, or else I should hear more of it; much -trouble was in store for me on this account. I replied as I thought -politic. - -But as I knew the Turkish habit of bringing false accusations, I -considered it better to be beforehand with them. I immediately asked -Ibrahim, through a servant, to lend me one of his suite, to escort one -of my men to Constantinople, saying that the case was urgent. Ibrahim -wondered what the reason could be, and came to me at once. I said that -I must ask Ali Pasha to have more trustworthy precautions taken for my -safety on the journey, otherwise I could not feel confident of reaching -the borders of my country uninjured, as two of my suite had been -within an inch of being murdered. I then told him what had happened. -Ibrahim understood how closely the affair concerned himself, and -asked me to have the patience to wait a few moments, and immediately -went across the road to the Janissary, whom he found in bed. He rated -him soundly for behaving in such a way to my people; saying ‘we were -returning, after peace had been concluded, in high favour with Solyman -and all the Pashas. None of my requests had been denied me, and many -concessions had been made unasked; he himself had been attached to me -as my companion on the journey to take care that proper respect was -paid to me everywhere. The Janissary had been the first person found -to do us any injury, and that I wished to send to Constantinople to -complain about it. If this were done, the Janissary well knew what the -consequences would be.’ - -By this speech not only was the Janissary’s comb cut, but it was now -his turn to be frightened. - -On the following day we pursued our journey towards Buda, the doctor -being as nimble as before in spite of his terrible bruises. When we -were just in sight of Buda, by order of the Pasha some of his household -came to meet us, along with several cavasses; a crowd of young men on -horseback formed the most remarkable part of our escort on account of -the strangeness of their attire, which was as follows. They had cut -a long line in the skin of their bare heads, which were for the most -part shaved, and inserted in the wound an assortment of feathers; -though dripping with blood they concealed the pain and assumed a gay -and cheerful bearing, as if they felt it not. Close before me were some -of them on foot, one of whom walked with his bare arms a-kimbo, both -of which he had pierced above the elbow with a Prague knife. Another, -who went naked to the waist, had stuck a bludgeon in two slits he had -made in his skin above and below his loins, whence it hung as if from -a girdle. A third had fixed a horse’s hoof with several nails on the -top of his head. But that was old, as the nails had so grown into the -flesh, that they were quite immovable. - -With this escort we entered Buda, and were conducted to the Pasha, who -conversed with me for some time about the observance of the truce, -with de Sandé standing by. The company of young men, who showed such -strange proofs of their indifference to pain, took up a position -inside the threshold of the court-yard, and when I happened to look in -that direction, the Pasha asked me what I thought of them. ‘Capital -fellows,’ I replied, ‘save that they treat their skin in a way that I -should not like to treat my clothes!’ The Pasha laughed and dismissed -us. - -On the next day we came to Gran, and proceeded from there to Komorn, -which is the first fortress of his Imperial Majesty, and stands on the -river Waag. On either bank of the river the garrison of the place with -the naval auxiliaries, who are there called Nassadistas, was awaiting -us. Before I crossed, de Sandé embraced me and thanked me once more for -the recovery of his freedom, disclosing at the same time the anxiety he -had so long kept a secret. He told me frankly, that up to this time he -had been under the belief that the Turks could not be acting in good -faith in the business, and therefore had been in perpetual fear that he -would have to go back to Constantinople, and end his days in a dungeon. -Now at last he felt that he was not to be cheated of the liberty he -owed me, for which he would be under the deepest obligations to me to -his last breath.[266] - -A few days afterwards we reached Vienna. At that time the Emperor -Ferdinand was at the Diet of the Empire with his son Maximilian, whose -election as King of the Romans was then proceeding. I informed the -Emperor of my return and of Ibrahim’s arrival, asking his pleasure -concerning him, for he was anxious to be conducted to Frankfort. - -The Emperor at first replied, that he thought it more advisable that -the Turks should await his return at Vienna, deeming it impolitic that -men of so hostile a nation should be conducted all the way from Vienna -to Frankfort through the heart of the Empire. - -But it was tedious to wait, and might have given the Turks many -grounds for suspicion, and there was no cause for alarm, if Ibrahim -with his suite should travel through the most flourishing part of the -Empire; on the contrary, it was desirable that he should thereby form a -just estimate of its strength and greatness, and, most of all, that he -should see at Frankfort how unanimous the chief princes of the Empire -were in electing Maximilian as his father’s successor. - -When I had laid these arguments before the Emperor, he gave his consent -to Ibrahim and his attendants being conducted to Frankfort. So we set -out on our journey thither by Prague, Bamberg, and Wurzburg. - -Ibrahim was unwilling to pass through Bohemia without paying his court -to the Archduke Ferdinand; but the Archduke did not think fit to give -him an audience, except incognito. - -When I was only a few days’ journey from Frankfort, I decided to -precede the Turks by one or two days, that I might, before they -arrived, inform the Emperor about certain matters connected with my -embassy. I therefore took post, and arrived at Frankfort the eve of the -day, on which seven years before I had commenced my second journey from -Vienna to Constantinople. I was received by my most gracious Emperor -with a warmth and indulgence which was due not to my own poor merits, -but to the natural kindness of his character. You may imagine how much -I enjoyed, after so many years, seeing my Master not only alive and -well, but also in the utmost prosperity. He treated me in a manner -betokening his high satisfaction at the way in which I had discharged -the duties of the embassy, thanked me for my long services, expressed -his complete approval of the result of my negotiations, loaded me with -tokens of his esteem, and, in short, bestowed on me every possible mark -of favour. - -On the day before the coronation (November 29, N.S.), Ibrahim arrived -at Frankfort very late in the evening, after the gates of the town had -been shut, which according to ancient custom are not allowed to be -opened the whole of the following day. But his Imperial Majesty gave -express orders that the gates should be opened for the Turks the next -day. A place was assigned them from which they could see the Emperor -elect passing, with the whole of the show and procession. It appeared -to them a grand and magnificent spectacle, as indeed it was. There -were pointed out, among the others who accompanied the Emperor to do -him honour, three Dukes, those of Saxony, Bavaria, and Juliers,[267] -each of whom could, from his own resources, put a regular army in the -field; and many other things were explained to them about the strength, -dignity, and grandeur of the Empire. - -A few days afterwards Ibrahim had an audience of the Emperor, related -the reasons of his coming, and presented to him such gifts as are -considered the most honourable among the Turks. After the peace had -been ratified, the Emperor honoured him with magnificent presents, and -sent him back to Solyman. - -I am still detained here by my private affairs, though longing to fly -from the court and return home. For, indeed, the life of a court is by -no means to my liking. Full well do I know its cares. Beneath its gaudy -show lurk endless miseries. In it deceit abounds, and sincerity is -rare. There is no court which is not haunted by envy, in which it is -not vain to seek for friendship that can be trusted, and in which there -is not cause to fear a change of favour and a sudden fall. For even -monarchs themselves are human. I have seen a man, who had entered the -palace escorted by a hundred friends, return home with hardly a single -companion, on account of the Sovereign’s displeasure. A court does not -recognise real merit till too late, but is guided by mere shadows, such -as rumour, outward appearances, intrigues and popular mistakes, so that -I should not hesitate to call those fortunate, who have been granted a -speedy and happy release from its annoyances. To be able to live for -oneself and literature, and to grow old in some quiet country nook, -with a few honest friends, is indeed an enviable lot. If there is any -true life to be found in this earthly pilgrimage, surely it must be -this. Far too often in a court is a buffoon of rank valued more highly -than a man of merit; indeed a picture of an ass among monkeys gives an -excellent notion of the position of an honest man among courtiers. - -It is of ordinary courts that I speak. For I freely admit that many -courts, and especially this one, derive lustre from the presence of -men of distinction in every walk of life, who shed around them a -glorious light. Be this as it may, I prefer a peaceful retired life, -with plenty of time for reading, to the throng and tumult of a court. -But, though I long to depart, I am afraid my most gracious Sovereign -may detain me, or at any rate summon me back, when I have reached my -retirement at home. He has consented to my departure, it is true, but -only on condition of my returning if recalled. But if this occurs (for -who could refuse the courteous request of a Sovereign who is able to -command, and to whom one owes so much?) then one consolation will -be left me, namely, that it will be granted me to gaze upon the most -Sacred Person of my Emperor, or, to express it better, upon the living -image of real virtue. - -For I assure you my master is the noblest prince on whom the sun ever -shone. His character and his virtues give him a claim to empire such as -few have ever possessed. Supreme power must everywhere command respect, -even when held by unworthy hands, but to deserve supreme power and to -be fit to wield it, is, in my judgment, a far more glorious thing. - -I speak not therefore of his birth, nor of his illustrious ancestors; -his greatness requires no extraneous support, but can stand on its own -merits; it is his personal virtues and his personal fitness for his -high station that strike me most forcibly. - -There have been many bad Emperors, who did not deserve to be elevated -to such a pinnacle of power; but, of all the Emperors that ever lived, -not one has merited that dignity more than my master. - -Again, how many originally upright and faultless characters when raised -to power, have been quickly corrupted by their freedom from restraint -and by the temptations of a court, and have plunged headlong into every -form of vice. They forgot they were mortal, and conceiving arrogant -thoughts beyond the limits of human ambition, they claimed to be -elevated to heaven, and ranked among the gods, while all the time they -were unworthy to be reckoned among men. - -But few men’s necks can bear the load of an exalted lot; many sink -beneath it, and when placed in a high position forget themselves. It is -a hard trial to have unlimited power, and yet to curb one’s desires. - -There is none whose eyes have been less dazzled than my master’s by -the splendour of high position, and no one has kept a firmer hold on -virtue, or guarded more diligently against his naturally upright -disposition being corrupted by the temptations to which royalty is -exposed. He has always felt, that those who shine before men in the -glory of exalted rank ought to influence their minds to good by the -purity of their lives. - -He is most zealous for religion, and piously serves and worships God, -always living as if he were in His immediate presence, measuring all -his actions by His law, and thereby governing his whole life. Whether -in prosperity or adversity, he recognises the Hand which gives and -takes away. In short, while still on earth he leads a life such as -saints in heaven may lead. - -He feels intensely the seriousness of his position. All his words and -actions have the common weal for their object, and he ever makes his -personal interests subordinate to his subjects’ welfare. So much is -this the case that some people accuse him of sacrificing the legitimate -claims of his household and his children to the welfare of the state. - -To those about him he shows every possible kindness, and treats us -all as if he were responsible for our welfare, and, in fact, were the -father of every member of his vast household. Who is there who has -implored his protection in vain, when he needed assistance, or has -not had proof of his generosity? He thinks every day lost in which -he has not benefited some one; and, while he welcomes every one with -the greatest affection, towards the members of his household he is -especially gracious. Among them there is no one who can complain of -being neglected or passed over; he knows by heart the life, habits, -merits, and even the name, of everyone, however low his rank may -be. Mighty prince as he is, when he sees them leading careless and -unbecoming lives, he does not hesitate, at a fitting opportunity, to -remind them of their duty and rebuke them; and, if they reform, to -praise and reward them. Therefore, when they leave his presence, they -declare that they find the Emperor not a master, but a father. - -It is also his constant practice, when he has punished their errors by -his displeasure for some days, after he has pardoned them, to restore -them to exactly their former position, blotting out from his memory all -recollection of their fault. - -He lays down the law most uprightly, and as strictly for himself as for -others. For he does not think he has the right of disregarding himself -the rules he prescribes for others, or of allowing himself a license -which he punishes in them. - -He keeps his passions under control, and confines them within the -limits of reason. Hatred, anger, and harsh language are strangers to -him. No man alive has heard him disparage another; not even those whom -he knows to be unjust to himself. He has never said a harsh word of any -one, nor does he ever speak ill of people behind their backs. - -Beneath his protection goodness is secure; malice, violence, deceit, -dishonesty, all vices in a word, fly from his presence, and crimes and -outrages receive the punishment they deserve. - -The Romans had their censors appointed to regulate morals, and to keep -the nation firm in the path of duty and the customs of their sires, but -among us no censor is required, as the life of our Sovereign supplies -his place. His bright example shows us what to follow and what to avoid. - -He is extremely kind towards men of worth and learning, who are trained -in the pursuits which do the State good service. In dealing with men of -this description he lays aside his royalty and treats them, not as a -master, but as an intimate friend on a footing of perfect equality, as -one who would be their companion and rival in striving after what is -right, making no distinction between those who owe their high position -to the credit they derive from the glory of their ancestors, and those -who have been elevated by their own merits and have proved their worth. -With them he enjoys passing the time he has to spare from business, -which, however, is but little. These are the men he values, holding, as -he does, that it is of great public importance that merit should occupy -the position which is its due. - -He is naturally eager for information, and desirous of knowing -everything worthy of a human being’s attention, and therefore always -has some subject about which he wishes to hear the opinion of men -of learning, from time to time interposing some shrewd and pointed -observation of his own, to the great admiration of his hearers. Thus -he has acquired no mean store of useful information, so that it is -impossible to ask him a question on any subject with which he is wholly -unacquainted. - -He knows several languages. Spanish, as his mother tongue, takes the -first place, then come French, German, Latin, and Italian. Although he -can express anything he means in Latin, yet he has not learnt it so -accurately as not to infringe, at times, the rules of grammar, a fault -to be blamed in a man of letters, but not, in my humble judgment, to be -hardly criticised in an Emperor.[268] - -No one will deny that what I have said so far is true, but perchance -some will regret that he has not paid more attention to warlike -enterprises, and won his laurels on the battle-field. The Turks, such -an one will say, have now for many years past been playing the tyrant -in Hungary, and wasting the land far and wide, while we do not give -any assistance worthy of our name. Long ago ought we to have marched -against them, and allowed fortune by one pitched battle to decide -which was to be master. Such persons, I grant, speak boldly, but I -question if they speak prudently. Let us go a little deeper into the -matter. My opinion is that we should judge of the talents of generals -or commanders rather from their plans than from results. Moreover, -in their plans they ought to take into account the times, their own -resources, and the nature and power of the enemy. If an enemy of an -ordinary kind, with no great prestige, should attack our territories, -I frankly confess it would be cowardly not to march against him, and -check him by a pitched battle, always supposing that we could bring -into the field a force equal to his. But if the enemy in question -should be a scourge sent by the wrath of God (as was Attila of yore, -Tamerlane in the memory of our grandfathers, and the Ottoman Sultans in -our own times), against whom nothing can stand, and who levels to the -ground every obstacle in his way; to oppose oneself to such a foe with -but scanty and irregular troops would, I fear, be an act so rash as to -deserve the name of madness. - -Against us stands Solyman, that foe whom his own and his ancestors’ -exploits have made so terrible; he tramples the soil of Hungary with -200,000 horse, he is at the very gates of Austria, threatens the rest -of Germany, and brings in his train all the nations that extend from -our borders to those of Persia. The army he leads is equipped with the -wealth of many kingdoms. Of the three regions, into which the world is -divided, there is not one that does not contribute its share towards -our destruction. Like a thunderbolt he strikes, shivers, and destroys -everything in his way. The troops he leads are trained veterans, -accustomed to his command; he fills the world with the terror of his -name. Like a raging lion he is always roaring around our borders, -trying to break in, now in this place, now in that. On account of -much less danger many nations, attacked by superior forces, have left -their native lands and sought new habitations. When the peril is -small, composure deserves but little praise, but not to be terrified -at the onset of such an enemy, while the world re-echoes with the -crash of kingdoms falling in ruins all around, seems to me to betoken -a courage worthy of Hercules himself.[269] Nevertheless, the heroic -Ferdinand with undaunted courage keeps his stand on the same spot, -does not desert his post, and stirs not an inch from the position he -has taken up. He would desire to have such strength that he could, -without being charged with madness and only at his own personal risk, -stake everything on the chance of a battle; but his generous impulses -are moderated by prudence. He sees what ruin to his own most faithful -subjects and, indeed, to the whole of Christendom would attend any -failure in so important an enterprise, and thinks it wrong to gratify -his private inclination at the price of a disaster ruinous to the -state. He reflects what an unequal contest it would be, if 25,000 or -30,000 infantry with the addition of a small body of cavalry should -be pitted against 200,000 cavalry supported by veteran infantry. The -result to be expected from such a contest is shown him only too plainly -by the examples of former times, the routs of Nicopolis and Varna, -and the plains of Mohacz, still white with the bones of slaughtered -Christians.[270] - -A general must be a novice indeed, who rushes into battle without -reckoning up his own strength or that of the enemy. And then what -follows when too late? Why, simply that excuse, unpardonable -in a general, which is ushered in by the words, ‘But I never -thought’[271].... - -It makes an enormous difference what enemy we have to encounter; I -should not ask you to accept this assertion if it were not supported -by the evidence of the greatest generals. Cæsar, indeed, the greatest -master of the art of war that ever existed, has abundantly demonstrated -how much depends on this, and has ascribed to the good fortune of -Lucullus and Pompey that they met with such cowardly enemies, and -on this account won their laurels at a cheap and easy rate. On the -only occasion that he met with such a foe in Pharnaces, speaking as -if in jest of an exploit, which had cost him no pains, and therefore -deserved no praise, he showed the easiness of his victory by his -despatch, ‘Veni, vidi, vici.’ He would not say the same thing if he -were now-a-days to wage war with those nations; in his time they were -enervated and made effeminate by luxury, but now they lead a frugal -and hardy life, are enured to hunger, heat, and cold, and are trained -by continual toil and a rigorous system of discipline to endure every -hardship and to welcome every danger. - -It is not without reason that Livy argues, that Alexander of Macedon -would have made war with far different results, if he had had the -Romans for enemies, instead of the Persians or the unwarlike Indians. -It is one thing to make war with warlike nations, and another to fight -with peoples ruined by luxury or unaccustomed to arms. Among the -Persians mere numbers were much thought of, but in dealing with those -same Persians it proved to be more trouble to slaughter than to conquer -them. I consider Hannibal’s three victories, at the Trebia, Lake -Thrasimene, and Cannæ, are to be placed far above all the exploits of -Alexander. Why so? the former won his successes over famous warriors, -the latter had the effeminate nations of Asia to contend with. - -Fabius Maximus had no less courage than T. Sempronius, C. Flaminius, -or Varro, but more sagacity. That prudent general knew that he must -not rashly hazard everything against an enemy brought up in the camp, -whose whole life had been passed in arms, who had been trained in the -school of great commanders, who was distinguished by so many trophies, -and attended by some extraordinary destiny or good fortune; delay and -opportunity were absolutely necessary to make his defeat a possibility. -When he had to contend with such an enemy, the only hope he had left -was to avoid a battle, until there was a chance of fighting with -success. Meanwhile he had to stand up against the foe, keep him in -check, and harass him. In this Fabius was so successful, that perhaps -he is entitled to quite as much credit for defeating Hannibal as Scipio -himself, although the latter won the final victory. For who can tell -whether Scipio would have had an opportunity of conquering at Zama, -if Fabius had not checked Hannibal’s victorious career? Nor should a -victory won by strategy be thought less of than one gained by force. -The former has nothing in common with animals, the latter has. - -The Emperor Ferdinand’s plan was the same as that of Fabius Maximus, -and accordingly, after weighing his own strength and that of -Solyman, he came to the conclusion that it would be the height of -bad generalship to tempt fortune, and encounter in a pitched battle -the attack of so mighty an enemy. There was another course open to -him, namely, to endeavour to check his inroad by the same means as we -should use to stay the overflow of a swollen stream, and accordingly he -directed all his energies to the construction of walls, ditches, and -other fortifications. - -It is forty years, more or less, since Solyman at the beginning of his -reign, after taking Belgrade, crushing Hungary, and slaying King Louis, -made sure of obtaining not only that province but also those beyond; in -this hope he besieged Vienna, and renewing the war reduced Güns, and -threatened Vienna again, but that time from a distance. Yet what has he -accomplished with his mighty array of arms, his boundless resources and -innumerable soldiery? Why, he has not made one single step in Hungary -in advance of his original conquest. He, who used to make an end of -powerful kingdoms in a single campaign, has won, as the reward of his -invasions, ill-fortified castles or inconsiderable villages, and has -paid a heavy price for whatever fragments he has gradually torn off -from the vast bulk of Hungary. Vienna he has certainly seen once, but -as it was for the first, so it was for the last time.[272] - -Three things Solyman is said to have set his heart on, namely, to -see the building of his mosque finished (which is indeed a costly -and beautiful work),[273] by restoring the ancient aqueducts to give -Constantinople an abundant supply of water, and to take Vienna. In two -of these things his wishes have been accomplished, in the third he has -been stopped, and I hope will be stopped. Vienna he is wont to call by -no other name than his disgrace and shame. - -But I return to the point from which I made this digression, namely, -that I do not hesitate to claim for Ferdinand a foremost place among -generals, inasmuch as, with resources wholly inadequate to the -occasion, he has never quailed, but for many a long year has, with -marvellous fortitude, sustained the attacks of a foe of no ordinary -kind. He has preserved a large portion of Hungary for better days; -a greater feat in my eyes than many a triumph won under favourable -circumstances over conquered kings and vanquished nations. The greater -his need at the critical hour, the brighter his courage shone. Of -course I cannot expect those to appreciate his conduct who think that -everything ought to be risked in a single action, without the slightest -regard to the time, the circumstances, or the strength of the foe. But -to anyone else it must seem well nigh miraculous, that a realm so open -and exposed as that of Hungary, and one so torn by civil war, should -be capable of being defended so long, and should not have altogether -passed under the yoke of its powerful assailant. That so much has been -done is wholly owing to God’s special mercy, and under Him to the -ceaseless toil and anxious care of this most prudent monarch. - -In this task what difficulties had he not to encounter, each more -grievous than the preceding! The enemy was in sight, his friends were -far off; the succours his brother Charles sent came from a distance -and arrived too late; Germany, although nearest to the conflagration, -was weary of supplying aid; the hereditary states were exhausted by -their contributions; the ears of many Christian princes were deaf to -his voice when he demanded assistance; though the matter was one of -vital importance to them, it was about the last they were likely to -attend to. And so at one time, by his own valour, with the forces he -could gather from Hungary, Austria, and Bohemia, at another, by the -resources of the Empire, at another, by hiring Spanish or Italian -troops, he held his ground, though at vast cost. By a line of garrisons -he has protected the frontiers of Hungary, which extend for fifteen -days’ journey, for he is obliged always to keep some troops embodied, -even during a time of truce. For at times there are truces; and he -condescends, when there is fear of the Sultan’s attack, and he has -no other means of stopping him, to send ambassadors and presents to -appease his wrath, as the best chance of saving the necks of the -unfortunate Hungarians from the coming storm. - -It is ridiculous to suppose that a man thus engaged can enjoy a good -night’s rest. For the benefit of the state he must forego sleep. -Affairs so weighty demand continual watchfulness, and great anxiety. -You may think it is a panegyric I am composing, but I am writing my -letter with strict historical accuracy. - -To manage these affairs he has ministers, few indeed, but good. The -leading men among them, whom perhaps you have heard of, are John von -Trautson and Rodolph von Harrach,[274] both of whom are persons of -singular loyalty and prudence. - -I will conclude with a few details of his private life. He rises at -five, even in the severest winter months, and after prayers and hearing -mass retires to the council chamber, where he devotes himself to public -business until it is time for dinner. He is occupied the same way in -the afternoon till supper. When I say supper, I mean, not his own, -but that of his councillors, for he never touches supper himself, and -does not take food more than once a day and then sparingly; nor does -he indulge more freely in drinking, being content to finish his dinner -with two draughts of wine. Since he lost his wife, no other woman has -been allowed to take her place. He does not care for jests and the -amusements by which many are attracted. Fools, jugglers, buffoons, -parasites, the darlings, but also the curses, of ordinary courts, are -banished from his palace. He avoids leisure, and is never idle. If, -which is an unusual event, he has any time to spare from business, he -devotes it, as I previously mentioned, to conversations with men of -worth and learning, which he greatly enjoys. In particular, they stand -by him at dinner, and talk with him on various topics. - -You may be sure that not many of his subjects would wish to change -their mode of life for his, which is so frugal and severe. For how -rarely can you find a man who does not devote some fraction of his -life to pleasure? Who would cheerfully endure the loss of all his -amusements? Who would not be disgusted at spending his last years in -the midst of unceasing business and anxieties—a condition which more -resembles slavery than sovereignty? But the Emperor is of a different -opinion, and when talking with his friends is wont to say, that ‘it is -not for his own sake that he has been appointed by God to so important -an office; the helm of empire has not been entrusted to him that he -may wallow in pleasures and amusements; the terms on which private -fortunes are inherited are far different from those which regulate the -succession to kingdoms and empires. No one is forbidden to use and -enjoy the advantages of his patrimony, but all these numerous nations -have been committed by God to his charge, that he may take care of them -and bear the toil, while they enjoy the fruits of his labours; that he -may endure the burden and heat of the day, while rest and peace are -secured for them.’ - -Hunting is the only amusement of which he ever partakes, and that not -so much for the sake of pleasure as of health. For, when he feels his -mind and body require bracing after a long spell of sedentary work, he -chooses a day to refresh himself by out-of-door exercise and plenty of -fresh air. On such occasions, very early in the morning, in summer at -daybreak, in winter some hours before sunrise, he goes out to hunt, -whatever the weather may be. Sometimes, however, only the afternoon -is devoted to this occupation. I remember once hearing him say, when -I was standing by him at dinner, ‘I have done all my work, I have -finished all my business, I have come to the bottom of my despatch-box, -there is nothing left in the chancery to keep me; the rest of the day I -will spend in bodily exercise.’ And so he returns home, when the night -is already advanced, delighted at having killed a boar, or a stag, or, -sometimes, even a bear, and without taking any food or drink, composes -himself to sleep, all wearied by his various exertions. - -It is absurd, therefore, for anyone to look back with regret on Trajan, -Verus, and Theodosius, and to wish that such wonderful Emperors were -living in our times. I seriously and solemnly declare, that I believe -there is more real merit in my master than in the three of them put -together. - -But my admiration for so great a man is carrying me away too far. -It is not my design to speak of his merits as they deserve; that -would require a volume, not a letter, and would call for talents and -faculties that are far beyond me, but, as I have narrated my other -adventures to you, I wished that you should not remain in ignorance of -the character of the Emperor I serve. I shall conclude with that which -is the universal prayer with regard to the saint and champion of our -age—‘Serus in cœlum redeat.’ - -As to your inquiries about Greek books and your writing that you hear -I have brought back many curiosities and some rare animals, there is -nothing among them that is much worth mentioning. I have brought back -a very tame ichneumon, an animal celebrated for its hatred to the -crocodile and asp, and the internecine war it wages with them. I had -also a remarkably handsome weasel, of the kind called sables, but I -lost him on the journey. I also brought with me several beautiful -thoroughbred horses, which no one before me has done, and six -she-camels. I brought back some drawings of plants and shrubs, which I -am keeping for Mattioli,[275] but as to plants and shrubs themselves -I have few or none. For I sent him many years ago the sweet flag -(Acorus calamus[276]) and many other specimens. Carpets too, and linen -embroidered in Babylonian fashion, swords, bows, and horse-trappings, -and many nicknacks elegantly made of leather, which is generally horse -leather, and other trifling specimens of Turkish workmanship I have, -or rather, to speak more correctly, I ought to say, I had. For, as -in this great assemblage of Sovereigns, both male and female, here at -Frankfort, I give, of my own accord, many presents to many people as -compliments, and am ashamed to refuse many others who ask me, what I -have left for myself is but little. But, while I think my other gifts -have been well bestowed, there is one of which I regret having been so -lavish, namely, the balsam,[277] because physicians have thrown doubts -on its genuineness, declaring that it has not got all the properties -which according to Pliny mark the true balsam, whether because the -strength of the very old plants, from which it flows, has been in some -degree impaired by age, or for some other reason. This much, at any -rate, I know for certain, that it flowed from the shrubs which are -cultivated in the gardens of Matarieh, near Cairo.[278] - -Before I left Constantinople I sent a Spanish physician, named Albacar, -to Lemnos, that he might be there on August 6, at the digging out -of that famous earth,[279] and so might write us a full and certain -account of its position and source, and the mode of extracting it and -preparing it for use; which I do not doubt he would have done, had he -not been prevented by circumstances over which he had no control. For a -long time I wanted to cross over there, that I might be an eye-witness -myself. As the Turks did not allow me to do so, I took pains to make -myself, at least, an ear-witness, if I may say so. - -I am also bringing back a great medley of ancient coins, of which I -shall present the most remarkable to my master. - -I have besides, whole waggonfuls, whole shiploads, of Greek -manuscripts. There are, I believe, not much fewer than 240 books, which -I sent by sea to Venice, to be conveyed from there to Vienna, for their -destination is the Imperial Library. There are some which are not to -be despised and many common ones. I ransacked every corner to collect, -in a sort of final gleaning, all that remained of such wares. The only -one I left at Constantinople was a copy of Dioscorides,[280] evidently -a very ancient manuscript, written throughout in uncial characters and -containing drawings of the plants, in which, if I am not mistaken, -there are also some fragments of Cratevas and a treatise on birds. It -belongs to a Jew, the son of Hamon, who was Solyman’s physician, and I -wanted to buy it, but was deterred by the price. For he demanded 100 -ducats, a sum suiting the Imperial purse, but not mine. I shall not -leave off pressing the Emperor till I induce him to ransom so famous an -author from such foul slavery. The manuscript is in very bad condition -from the injuries of age, being so worm-eaten on the outside that -hardly anyone, if he found it on the road, would take the trouble of -picking it up. - -But my letter is too long already; expect to see me in person very -shortly; if anything remains to be told, it shall be kept for our -meeting. But mind you invite men of worth and learning to meet me, so -that pleasant company and profitable conversation may serve to rub off -the remains of the rust I have contracted during my long sojourn among -the Turks. Farewell. - - Frankfort, December 16, 1562. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] See Prescott, _Philip II._, book iv. chap. i. - -[2] The Society of Sciences, Agriculture, and Arts at Lille has for -several years been offering a prize for an essay on Busbecq’s life. - -[3] See Appendix, _List of Editions_. - -[4] _Mêlanges à Histoire et de Littérature_, vol. i. p. 48, edition of -1702. The author is Noel d’Argonne, who wrote under the assumed name of -de Vigneul-Marville. - -[5] The sweet or aromatic flag. - -[6] See Fourth Turkish letter _ad finem_. - -[7] Monsieur Rouzière being a complete stranger to the neighbourhood, -Monsieur Jean Dalle, the present Maire of Bousbecque, acted as his -cicerone. Before going away, Monsieur Rouzière selected an old house -in Comines to which he attached his legend; this house is now shown as -the birthplace of the Ambassador, on the authority of a man who could -have had no acquaintance with the traditions of the place. On the other -hand, Monsieur Dalle’s family have resided in the neighbourhood from -time immemorial, and Monsieur Dalle himself has for the last twenty -years taken the keenest interest in the subject. He tells us that -there is not the slightest evidence connecting the house with Busbecq, -and that no one ever heard of the story till after the publication of -Monsieur Rouzière’s brochure in 1860. - -[8] That the name of Busbecq’s father was George—and not, as usually -supposed, Gilles (Ægidius)—is established by the deed of legitimation, -a copy of which is given in the Appendix. - -[9] See letter to Boisschot, appended to the Elzevir edition of -Busbecq’s letters from France. - -[10] See Appendix, _Patent of knighthood_. - -[11] Ogier is the name of an old Norse hero, who figures prominently -in the Carlovingian epic cycle. Jean Molinet says of some Burgundian -archers, who displayed great courage at a critical moment, ‘Et n’y -avoit celui d’entre eux qui ne montrast mine d’estre ung petit Ogier.’ -(Molinet, chap. xxx.) It was Latinised into Augerius, hence some write -Auger. - -[12] Bousbecque takes its name from a tributary of the Lys, which is -still called Becque des bois. - -[13] For this and other documents quoted in this section see Monsieur -Dalle’s _Histoire de Bousbecque_. - -[14] Some few traces, showing the high position of the early Seigneurs, -are still to be found in Bousbecque; among these is the beautiful -cross, of which we have been enabled by the kindness of Monsieur Dalle -to give a representation in the frontispiece of the Second Volume. -Monsieur Dalle considers it to be ‘la croix d’autel mobile qui était -sans pied et sans hampe, qui l’on portait de la sacristie à l’autel -au moment du saint sacrifice, et qui se plaçait sur un pied préparé -d’avance.’—_Histoire de Bousbecque_, chap. xxxviii. - -[15] For the pedigree of the Ghiselins see Monsieur Dalle’s _Histoire -de Bousbecque_, chap. iv. In consequence of there being several -seigneurs of the same name it will be necessary to speak of them as -Gilles Ghiselin I., &c. - -[16] Marie, daughter of Gilles Ghiselin I., became Abbess of Messines. -The following is an extract from L. Guicciardini’s _Description de tout -le Païs Bas_, Antwerp, 1567. ‘Messine ha une tres-bonne et tres-ample -Abbaye de femmes, de laquelle l’Abbesse est Dame du lieu, et de sa -jurisdiction, tant au temporel qu’au spirituel.’ - -[17] Jeanne de la Clite was married to Jean Halluin (Halewin), -Seigneur of Halluin, the relation and near neighbour of the Busbecqs -of Bousbecque. The families had been connected from a very early date -by the marriage of Roger Halluin to Agnes de Bousbecque; it will be -noticed that the grandmother of George and Gilles Ghiselin was also -a Halluin; moreover in consequence of this alliance the Busbecqs -quartered the Halluin arms. We should have been afraid, however, to -state positively that a relationship existed between them and Jean -Halluin, husband of Jeanne de la Clite, had not Monsieur Leuridan, who -is the chief authority on genealogies in the North of France, most -kindly investigated the question for us. The result of his researches -has placed the matter beyond doubt; Jean Halluin and George and Gilles -Ghiselin had a common ancestor in Jacques Halluin, Seigneur of Halluin -in the fourteenth century. As far as mere cousinship is concerned they -were but distant relations, still it is easy to understand that two -seigneurs, in the fifteenth century, living within two miles of each -other, would value and appreciate any blood relationship however slight. - -[18] For this battle see Philippe de Comines, book vi. chap. 5, and -Molinet, chap. lxvi. Jean Molinet was chronicler to the Court of -Burgundy from 1474 to 1506. He is a most painstaking writer, and of -great value on account of the graphic details to be found in his -narratives. Unfortunately for his reputation as an annalist, he here -and there inserts chapters of pedantic nonsense, in which frequent -references are made to the saints of the calendar and the heroes of -mythology. But it is only fair to observe that the quantity of wheat to -be found is greatly in excess of the chaff, and that he keeps his wheat -and chaff separate and distinct. In his historical chapters he never -indulges in these vagaries. Possibly the court fashion required him to -write such pieces, for Molinet was by no means blind to the faults and -errors of his patrons, and could also see the humorous side of their -misfortunes. The following description of Maximilian’s imprisonment -in Bruges, is to be found in _Recollection des merveilles advenues en -nostre temps_, written by Molinet. - - ‘Les moutons détentèrent - En son parc le berger, - Les chiens qui le gardèrent - Sont constraint d’eslonger. - Le berger prist figure - D’aigneau, mais ses brebis, - Dont il avait la cure, - Devindrent loups rabis.’ - -[19] See Molinet, chap. clxii. - -[20] See Molinet, chap. clxiii. - -[21] See Molinet, chap. clxiv. - -[22] See De Barante, _Histoire des Ducs de Bourgogne_, vii. 428. - -[23] The Flemings having objected to the introduction of German troops -into their country this order was most impolitic. - -[24] ‘Le bourreau, qui volontiers entendit ces mots pour son gaing, -et afin que la chose ne demourast à faire pour faulte de lui, monta -soudainement sur le hourd où se firent les executions, et en attendant -sa proie, estoit sorti d’espées et de bandeaux.’—Molinet, chap. clxvii. - -[25] Those called up were Jehan van Ninove Wautergrave, Victor hoste -de la Thoison, Peter d’Arincq et deux autres. Molinet, chap. clxix. -A comparison of this list with the names of those brought out for -execution will show that the two others (deux autres) were George -Ghiselin and Bontemps. - -[26] Many expressions used by Philippe de Comines, which are supposed -to be obsolete, are simply the idioms of Comines and its neighbourhood, -where the historian spent the early part of his life, and may still be -heard at Bousbecque, Wervicq, Halluin, and other villages on the banks -of the Lys. - -[27] ‘Nul prince ne le passa jamais de désirer nourrir grans gens et -les tenir bien reglez.’—Philippe de Comines, book v. chap. 9. - -[28] See Molinet, chap. i. - -[29] The reader will remember Scott’s description of the battle of -Nancy in _Anne of Geierstein_; the Burgundians were surprised in the -night and cut to pieces by the Swiss. - -[30] Another memorial of Gilles Ghiselin II. is to be found in -the inscription on the beautiful Bousbecque Chasse, considered by -antiquarians to be the work of the twelfth or thirteenth century. ‘En -ceste fiertre a de le sainte vraie crois et biaucop d’autres dimtes, -laquelle a faict réparer noble homme Gilles Gisselins: proés pour lui.’ - -[31] For an account of Jeanne de la Clite see page 27. - -[32] For an account of the office of _écuyer trenchant_ see page 59. - -[33] Leonora (as she is called by Busbecq), otherwise Eleanor, was -married, 1519, to Emanuel, King of Portugal, and was left a widow with -only one daughter in 1521. She married Francis I., King of France, in -1530, lost her second husband, 1547, and died February 1558. - -[34] Elizabeth, or Isabella, married Christian II. of Denmark in 1515, -and died 1526. - -[35] An interesting document is given by Dupont (_Mémoires de Philippe -de Comines_, iii. 180), which connects George Halluin with Philippe -de Comines. The latter had been the ward of George Halluin’s great -grandfather, but the accounts as regards the administration of his -property had never been closed. This no doubt was owing to Philippe de -Comine’s desertion, and the disturbed state of Flanders, but on July -7, 1519, George Halluin paid over the balance due, after deducting the -expenses of his education, and received an acquittance for the same. - -[36] These particulars as to the family of Philippe de Comines, Jeanne -de la Clite, and George Halluin, we owe to the kindness of Monsieur -Leuridan, Archiviste of Roubaix. The accounts hitherto published -contain manifest errors. For instance, Dupont represents Jeanne de -Wazières as Dame de Comines et de Halewin, and when the property comes -to Jeanne de la Clite she is only Dame de Comines, and as such marries -the Seigneur of Halewin (Halluin). Monsieur Leuridan’s account of the -Seigneurs of Comines will appear shortly in the fourteenth volume of -the _Bulletin de la Commission historique du Nord_, under the title of -_Recherches sur les Sires de Comines_. - -[37] De Barante, _Histoire des Ducs de Bourgogne_, xi. 196. - -[38] Philippe de Comines, book vi. chap. 2. - -[39] Molinet, chap. lix. - -[40] The Halluins formed a numerous and powerful family, of which -the Seigneur of Halluin was the head. At the battle of Gavre, 1453, -Jean Halluin, husband of Jeanne de la Clite, is said to have brought -forty-four knights on to the field, every one of the blood and every -one of the name of Halluin. Le Glay, _Catalogue descriptif des -manuscrits de la Bibliothèque de Lille_, preface, xviii. - -[41] Jeanne de la Clite had been created Vicomtesse de Nieuport. - -[42] George Halluin was sent on one occasion as Ambassador -extraordinary to Henry VIII. of England. Like Veltwick (see p. 54) he -was, it would appear, the joint envoy of the brothers Charles V. and -Ferdinand. Foppens, in his _Bibliotheca Belgica_, says he was sent -by the Emperor. With this statement compare the following extract of -a letter from Lord Berners to Wolsey dated Calais, June 29, 1524. -‘On this Wednesday, the 29th, there came to Calais, Mons. de Halwyn -from the Archduke of Ostrych (Ferdinand) with 20 horse.’ Halluin asks -Berners to inform the Cardinal of his arrival, and intends crossing as -soon as he can obtain a safe conduct. See Brewer’s _Letters and Papers -of the Reign of Henry VIII._, vol. iv. part 1, p. 191. - -[43] Published at Strasburg, 1512. - -[44] The following inscription was placed over the tomb of Despauteres -in the church of Comines:— - - Epitaphium doctissimi viri JOHANNIS DESPAUTERII, - quondam hujus oppidi ludi-magister. - Hic jacet unoculus visu præstantior Argo, - Flandrica quem Ninove protulit et caruit. - Obiit 1520. Requiescat in pace. - -The following is a free translation of his epitaph somewhat amplified. - - Underneath this stone doth lie - The famous master of one eye, - That eye it served him for a hundred, - To catch his scholars when they blundered. - His birthplace is at Ninove seen, - His fame and glory in Comines. - -[45] The famous Ἐγκώμιον Μωρίας, dedicated to Sir Thomas More. George -Halluin published a French translation of the work. - -[46] This visit to Erasmus at Louvain is mentioned in Strauss’s _Life -of Ulrich von Hutten_, English translation, p. 215. - -[47] These notes are still preserved in the library of the cathedral at -Arras. - -[48] See Monsieur Dalle, _Histoire de Bousbecque_, chap. vi. - -[49] See page 141. - -[50] The object of this statement is to show that Daniel de Croix had -no intention of attacking Desrumaulx. The account is evidently drawn -up so as to represent the young Seigneur’s case in the most favourable -light possible. - -[51] De Lickerke, after the capture of Courtrai (see page 17), slew -the Seigneur of Heulle, who had seized the castle while the former was -engaged in superintending an execution. Jean Molinet is greatly moved -at the thought of his dying before he could be confessed. ‘Lui féru -d’une espée trois cops en la teste, tellement qu’il morut illec sans -confession, qui fut chose piteuse et lamentable.’—Molinet, chap. clxiii. - -[52] This was not the first time that a Ghiselin of Bousbecque had -ventured to differ with his Count. See page 25. - -[53] A copy of the deed is given in the Appendix. - -[54] The monuments in Bousbecque Church show that after Busbecq’s -death the Hespiels were in fairly good circumstances; one of them -was burgomaster of the village. From this Monsieur Dalle concludes -that Busbecq was not forgetful of his mother’s family.—_Histoire de -Bousbecque_, chap. xxvii. - -[55] See Motley’s _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, i. 6. - -[56] ‘Guere loing de Messine sur la Lisse est le village de Commines, -avec un bon chasteau, ou y ha une tres-belle et tres-noble librairie, -rassemblee par George, Seigneur de Hallewin et de Commines, -gentilhomme tres-docte, lequel entre ses autres œuvres plus dignes -et louables entretenoit et carressoit continuellement gens doctes et -vertueux.’—L. Guicciardini, _Description de tout le Païs bas_, page 311. - -[57] An attempt is here made to give the views of Erasmus as they would -present themselves to such a mind as George Halluin’s. The ideas are -in a great measure adopted from Nisard’s _Renaissance et Réforme_, -to which a little local colouring has been added, and are offered as -an explanation of Busbecq’s neutrality with regard to the religious -differences, which sent his countrymen into opposite camps. - -[58] ‘Le moine est inquiet, furieux, au milieu de cette universelle -renaissance des lettres et des arts; il baisse sa lourde paupière -devant la lumière de l’antiquité resuscitée, comme un oiseau de -nuit devant le jour.’—Nisard, _Renaissance et Réforme_, i. 55. ‘Le -génie de l’antiquité chassant devant lui les épaisses ténèbres de -l’ignorance.’—_Renaissance et Réforme_, i. 66. - -[59] ‘Mais ce qui rendit surtout Érasme odieux aux moines ce fut son -rôle littéraire, si brillant et si actif. Chose singulière, il excita -peut-être plus de haines par ses paisibles travaux sur l’antiquité -profane, que par ses critiques des mœurs et des institutions monacales, -ses railleries contre l’étalage du culte extérieur, ses insinuations -semi-hérétiques contre quelques dogmes consacrés même par les chrétiens -d’une foi éclairée. A quoi cela tient-il? Est-ce que la science fait -plus peur à l’ignorance que le doute à la foi? Est-ce que la foi des -moines, extérieure, disciplinaire, pour ainsi dire, mais nullement -profonde, était plus tolérante que leur ignorance? Enfin, y avait-il -moins de péril pour eux dans le tumulte des dissensions religieuses, -que dans l’éclatante lumière répandue par les lettres sur le monde -moderne, rentré dans la grande voie de la tradition?’—_Renaissance et -Réforme_, i. 63-4. - -[60] Erasmus was by nature extremely timid, ‘animo pusillo,’ as he -describes himself to Colet (Ep. xli.). When writing to George Halluin -he seems delighted at his having translated the Ἐγκώμιον Μωρίας, but -he was by no means willing to stand the odium which arose on the -publication of his satire in French. He shifts the responsibility -entirely on to his friend. No doubt he thought that the shoulders of -the Seigneur of Comines were broader than his own. (See Ep. cclxxxiv. -to Abbot Antony de Berges.) ‘Post hæec accepi a nonnullis, quod me -vehementer commovit, te mihi nescio quid subirasci, opinor ob Moriam, -quam vir clarissimus Georgius Haloinus, me dehortante ac deterrente, -fecit Gallicam, hoc est, ex meâ suam fecit, additis detractis et -mutatis quæ voluit.’ December 13, 1517. - -[61] See Appendix. _Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq._ The -Patent is dated November 24, 1540. It is interesting to know that -just before that date Charles had been making a progress throughout -the neighbourhood of Bousbecque. He was at Ghent November 1, at -Oudenarde on the 2nd, at Courtrai on the 3rd, at Tournai on the 5th, -at Lille on the 7th, and at Ypres on the 9th. (_Journal des Voyages de -Charles Quint._ Par J. de Vandenesse.) Probably Ogier’s father took -advantage of the opportunity to procure from the Emperor the grant of -Legitimation. - -[62] One of the most remarkable applications of this theory is with -regard to the military art. Busbecq wrote a treatise on the _Art -of Warfare against the Turks_. In it he constantly quotes as his -authorities the great captains of Greece and Rome; some may smile on -reading his work, and imagine that the tactics of Cæsar and Alexander -are out of place in the days of gunpowder and cannon balls, but the -following passage will show how one of his countrymen successfully -followed out the principle, which he may possibly have taken in the -first instance from Busbecq’s work. ‘Lewis William of Nassau had -felt that the old military art was dying out, and that there was -nothing to take its place. He had revived in the swamps of Friesland -the old manœuvres, the quickness of wheeling, the strengthening, -without breaking the ranks or columns, by which the ancient Romans had -performed so much excellent work in their day, and which seemed to have -passed entirely into oblivion. Old colonels and ritt-masters, who had -never heard of Leo the Thracian or the Macedonian phalanx, smiled and -shrugged their shoulders ... but there came a day when they did not -laugh, neither friends nor enemies.’—Motley, _United Netherlands_, iii. -4; see also _United Netherlands_, iv. 34. - -[63] His contemporary, L. Guicciardini, says of him in his book, -published 1567, ‘Il est homme sage et prudent: a cause dequoy il ha -este envoyé plusieurs fois ambassadeur par les Princes en divers -endroicts, pour tres-grans affaires et mesmes par l’Empereur Fernand, -a Soliman Empereur des Turcs, ou il traicta, par l’espace de huict -ans continuels les affaires de la Chrestienté, avec telle _fidelité -et loyauté_ que outre le gré qu’il acquit empres de son Seigneur, fut -surnommé par les Turcs mesmes, _Homme de bien_.’—_Description de tout -le Païs bas_, p. 311. - -[64] On his way to Constantinople some of his escort complained of his -servants not paying proper respect to paper—an unpardonable offence in -the eyes of a Turk. Another might have argued the question, but Busbecq -thoroughly appreciated the men he was dealing with. He tacitly admitted -the heinousness of the offence; ‘but,’ added he, ‘what can you expect -of fellows who eat pork?’ This argument was in their eyes unanswerable. - -[65] Roostem once sent a fine melon to Busbecq, telling him that -there was plenty of such fruit at Belgrade; the melon was supposed to -represent a cannon-ball, and the message was tantamount to a threat of -war. Busbecq thanked him warmly for his present, and at the same time -took the opportunity of observing that the Belgrade melons were very -small compared to those produced at Vienna! - -[66] Don Pedro Lasso de Castilla was grandson of Don Pedro de Castilla, -who claimed to be descended from an illegitimate son of Pedro the -Cruel, King of Castile. The grandfather married Catalina Lasso, and was -living at Madrid in 1494. His son, Don Pedro Lasso de Castilla, married -a lady of the noble family of Haro, and three of their children were in -the service of Ferdinand and his son. Francisco was Mayor-domo Mayor of -Maria the wife of the Emperor Maximilian, and accompanied his daughter, -Anne of Austria, to Spain in 1570. Diego was at one time Ferdinand’s -ambassador at Rome, while Pedro served Ferdinand from his childhood, -and accompanied him to Germany, when he left Spain after the death of -his grandfather Ferdinand. He became his Master of Horse, and governor -to his son Maximilian, in whose household he subsequently held the post -of Mayor-domo Mayor. He was created a Knight of the Order of Santiago, -at Brussels, by a Patent dated March 26, 1549. (See Quintana, _Historia -de Madrid_.) This account has been given at greater length because it -has been frequently stated that Busbecq’s chief was Pierre Lasso, a -native of Lille; we can find no trace of any such person. - -On the other hand, Ferdinand’s ambassador is frequently spoken of in -the _Calendar of State Papers of the reign of Mary_ (vol. ii. pp. 78, -90, 94, &c.), as Don Pedro Lasso de Castella (Castilla). See also -_Viage de Felipe Segundo á Inglaterra_ by Muñoz. This rare work, -written by a contemporary, was republished at Madrid 1877, under the -supervision of Don Pascual de Gayangos, to whose kindness we are -indebted for the reference. - -[67] See _Calendar of State Papers of the reign of Mary_, vol. ii. p. -90. - -[68] See page 75. - -[69] This letter is dated Dover, October 6, 1554. See _Calendar of -State Papers of the reign of Mary_, vol. ii. p. 125. - -[70] See Appendix. _Sketch of Hungarian History_; see also -_Itineraries_. - -[71] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[72] Compare the pardon of Jean Dael in the Appendix with the story of -the Greek steward and the snails, page 122. - -[73] L. Guicciardini says of the Netherlanders, ‘La pluspart des gens -ont quelque commencement de Grammaire, et presque tous, voire jusques -au villageois, sçavent lire et escrire.’—_Description de tout le Païs -bas_, p. 34. - -[74] Quacquelben means fowler, or bird trapper; the name is still -common at Courtrai. - -[75] We take this opportunity of explaining how it comes to pass, -that in this Life of Busbecq, in which so much space is assigned to -an account of his relations, so small a portion comparatively is -devoted to the man himself. Busbecq’s letters are to a great extent an -_autobiography_. It would be impossible to anticipate their contents -without robbing them of their freshness. - -[76] See Appendix _Itineraries_. - -[77] He was Ambassador for the two Queens, _i.e._, Mary Queen of -Hungary and Leonora Queen of Portugal and France, sisters of Charles -V. and Ferdinand, who after their widowhood lived together in the -Netherlands till the abdication of Charles V., when they accompanied -their brother to Spain. - -[78] _Ecuyer (escuier) trenchant._ The first of these words supplies -the derivations for two English titles (1) squire, (2) sewer; the first -being the equivalent of _écuyer_, and the second of _écuyer trenchant_. -The office of sewer (_écuyer trenchant_) is alluded to by Milton, -_Paradise Lost_, ix., where the poet speaks of - - _Marshall’d_ feast - Served up in hall by _sewers_ and _seneschals_. - -‘Here,’ says Todd in his note, ‘is an allusion to the magnificence of -elder days; the _marshal of the hall_, the _sewer_ and the _seneschal_ -having been officers of distinction in the houses of princes and great -men. From Minshew’s _Guide into Tongues_ it appears that the marshal -placed the guests according to their rank, and saw they were properly -arranged, the sewer marched in before the meats and arranged them -on the table, and the seneschal was the household steward, a name -of frequent occurrence in old law books, and so in French “le grand -Seneschal de France,” synonymous with our “Lord High Steward of the -King’s household.”’ Busbecq himself held the offices of sewer and -seneschal. See Appendix, _Sauvegarde &c._, where Parma gives him the -title of ‘Grand maistre d’hostel de la Royne Isabelle.’ - -[79] See page 9. - -[80] See Lipsius’ Letters, _Centuria_ i. 5: ‘Prandium mihi hodie apud -_heroem_ nostrum (non enim virum dixerim) Busbequium. Post prandium -longiusculæ etiam fabulæ; sed _de litteris ut apud eum solet_.’ Vienna, -June 13, 1572. It was at Vienna that Lipsius first made Busbecq’s -acquaintance (Lipsius, _Cent._ iii. 87); they afterwards corresponded -with each other (_Cent._ i. 17, 18, 34, 63). Lipsius felt his death -deeply, and wrote of him in the strongest terms of affection and -regret. (_Cent._ ii. _ad Belgas_, 78). The following inscription is -from his hand:— - - -IN AUGERII GISLENI BUSBEQUII TRISTEM MORTEM ET SITUM. - - Augerius istic est situs Busbequius. - Quis ille? Quem virtutis et prudentiæ, - Habuêre carum, gratiâ, ipsi Cæsares. - Hunc aula eorum vidit, aula et extera - Asiæ Tyranni. Quæ viri felicitas! - Probavit hæc et illa: in omni tempore, - In munere omni, Nestorem se præbuit - Linguâ atque mente. Jam quies eum sibi - Et patria hæc spondebat; ecce sustulit - Viam per ipsam miles incertum an latro. - Sed sustulit, simulque sidus Belgicæ, - Quod nunc choreas fulget inter astricas. - Justus Lipsius magno amico exiguum - monumentum P. - -[81] Busbecq’s letters to Maximilian appear to have altogether escaped -the notice of historians and biographers. They are printed only in -one rare book, Howaert’s second edition of Busbecq’s letters from -France, 1632. In the same edition are to be found five more letters to -Rodolph, written during the wars of the League. It seems impossible -to suppose that Motley knew of them, for they contain some of those -striking details which the historian of the Netherlands would certainly -have appropriated—for example, the chain shot, the musket balls joined -together with copper wire, and the fences of rope, with which Parma -prepared to encounter the cavalry of Henry of Navarre. - -[82] It is impossible to regard Motley as fair in his treatment of -Matthias. The historian of the Netherlands evidently considers that -he holds a brief for William of Orange; if the great patriot fails to -act wisely and rightly, some justification must be made out! Matthias -accordingly is treated as a meddlesome interloper, for venturing -to accept the invitation of a large body of the leading men of the -Netherlands—amongst whom were some of Orange’s friends—to come amongst -them as their governor. And yet Matthias was a descendant of their last -native sovereign, Mary of Burgundy, and brother of the head of that -Empire of which the Low Countries formed part. Motley cannot call in -question his courage, his humanity, or his honourable conduct, but he -damns him with faint praise, dismissing him with these words: ‘It is -something in favour of Matthias that he had not been base, or cruel, or -treacherous.’—_Rise of the Dutch Republic_, part vi. chap. 4. - -[83] See Fourth Turkish Letter. - -[84] The deed by which this transfer was effected is dated December 18, -1587. It will be found in the Appendix. - -[85] No doubt the garden was such as Erasmus loved. See Nisard: ‘Au -sortir de table, on va s’asseoir dans le jardin, au milieu des fleurs -étiquetées, portant des inscriptions qui indiquent leurs noms et leurs -qualités médicinales.’—_Renaissance et Réforme_, i. 60. - -[86] Elizabeth of Austria having died January 22, 1592, Busbecq’s -duties as her seneschal had come to an end, but he was still acting as -Rodolph’s representative. It is probable that he took his holiday as -soon as he had wound up the affairs of his late mistress. - -[87] Large sums were paid on this occasion; the accounts are still -preserved among the archives of Bousbecque. - -[88] The word used by Busbecq is ‘iter,’ the best equivalent to which -in English is perhaps ‘itinerary.’ This first letter was originally -published by itself as an itinerary, under the title _Itinera -Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum_. The writing of itineraries, which -were generally in Latin Verse, was a special feature among the students -of Busbecq’s days; for an account of them, see Appendix _Itineraries_. - -[89] These letters were written to Nicolas Michault. See page 58. - -[90] The wedding took place at Winchester, July 25, 1554. The -ambassador was Don Pedro Lasso de Castilla, a Spaniard, who held a -high post in Ferdinand’s household. ‘Ajour d’huy (June 26, 1554) sont -arrivez en ceste ville (London) dom Pietro Lasso et dom Hernando -Gamboa, ambassadeurs de la part des roys des Romains et de Bohesme, -lesquelz ont esté saluez de l’artillerie de la Tour, ce quel’on a -trouvé fort estrange comme fabveur qui ne fust oncques faicte à aultres -ambassadeurs.’—Noailles, iii. 262. See also p. 52. - -[91] The Busbecq family had a magnificent hotel at Lille; his -grandmother, Agnes Gommer, had lived there after the death of her -husband, and his aunt, Marie Ghiselin, was probably living there at -this time. - -[92] Veltwick (Velduvic) went as ambassador to Constantinople A.D. -1545. An account of his embassy is given in the _Iter_ of Hugo -Favolius. See Appendix _Itineraries_. - -[93] For an explanation of these transactions, see _Sketch of Hungarian -History_. - -[94] Here and elsewhere Busbecq calls Ferdinand ‘Cæsar.’ He was not -Emperor till 1558, but the title of Cæsar belonged to him as King of -the Romans; so also at the end of the Fourth Turkish Letter Maximilian -is spoken of as ‘Cæsar’ on his election as King of the Romans. - -[95] Busbecq’s miles are German Stunden, each equal to about 2-1/2 -English miles. - -[96] Busbecq’s explanation is correct. The word may possibly be a -corruption of the Latin signum. It is now applied to the district which -was formerly governed by a Sanjak-bey, i.e., Lord of the standard. -Busbecq writes the word Singiaccus, Von Hammer uses the form Sandjak, -while Creasy prefers Sanjak. - -[97] See Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap. ii.: ‘The name -of Yeni Tscheri, which means “new troops,” and which European writers -have turned into Janissaries, was given to Orchan’s young corps by the -Dervish Hadji Beytarch. This Dervish was renowned for sanctity; and -Orchan, soon after he had enrolled his first band of involuntary boyish -proselytes, led them to the dwelling-place of the saint, and asked him -to give them his blessing and a name. The Dervish drew the sleeve of -his mantle over the head of one in the first rank, and then said to -the Sultan, “The troops which thou hast created shall be called Yeni -Tscheri. Their faces shall be white and shining, their right arms shall -be strong, their sabres shall be keen, and their arrows sharp. They -shall be fortunate in fight, and shall never leave the battle field -save as conquerors.” In memory of that benediction the Janissaries ever -wore as part of their uniform a cap of white felt like that of the -Dervish, with a strip of woollen hanging down behind, to represent the -sleeve of the holy man’s mantle, that had been laid on their comrade’s -neck.’ See also Gibbon, chap. lxiv. - -[98] At Mohacz, A.D. 1526. See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[99] The Princes of Servia were styled Despots in Greek, and Cral in -their native idiom. See Gibbon, chap. lxiii. note. - -[100] ‘A little below Orsova the Danube issues from the Iron Gate, -and at a village called Severin, where it expands to a width of 1,300 -yards, the foundations of the piers, corresponding in number with the -statement of the historian, have been seen when the water was more than -usually low. Here, then, as is now generally agreed, stood the bridge -of Trajan’s architect, Apollodorus.’—Merivale, _History of the Romans_, -chap. lxiii. - -[101] Galen, the great physician, who flourished in the second century -of our era. Busbecq’s allusion to him is quite in accordance with the -fashion of his day. See Ranke’s _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, -Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_, chap. xix. ‘Peter de la Ramée -wished to forsake in all things the path hitherto trodden, to alter the -entire system of doctors and professors in the university, and to make -the works of the ancients the immediate text-books of the different -branches of study,—the codex of the civil law in jurisprudence, -Galen and Hippocrates in medicine, and in theology the Old and New -Testaments.... Physicians arose who brought into practice once more -the deserted rules of Hippocrates; and it soon went so far, as Ambrose -Paré, the reformer of surgery, said, that people were not content with -what they found in the ancients, but began to regard their writings -as watch-towers, from which more might be discovered.’ For Busbecq’s -application of these principles see the Life. - -[102] An ‘aspre’ or ‘asper’ is still the lowest coin in Turkey. At the -present rate of exchange a penny is worth nearly 100 aspres, but in -Busbecq’s time the Turkish coinage had a considerably higher value. - -[103] See Ranke’s _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, Sixteenth and -Seventeenth Centuries_, chap. xiv. ‘As he (the Prince of Condé) had -distinguished himself by his bravery in the field, he now desired -to shine through his versatility, by taking part in the knightly -festivities of the court, in which it was the fashion to _represent the -heroic fables of the Greeks_.’ It would seem that it was the fashion in -high circles to appear on certain occasions in the dress and character -of Greek heroes and heroines. - -[104] John Cantacuzenus became Emperor 1341, and abdicated 1354. -His son Matthew was associated with him. His descendants have given -many princes to Moldavia and Wallachia. The Palæologi held the -Empire 1282-1453 (see Gibbon, chap. lxii., and following chapters). -Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, when banished from his kingdom became a -schoolmaster at Corinth. - -[105] See Freeman’s _Essays_, Series iii. p. 418. ‘The Bulgarian -land on the Volga—Great Bulgaria—kept its name long after the New or -Black Bulgaria arose on the Danube. It remained Turanian; it became -Mahometan; it flourished as a Mahometan state, till in the 15th -century, it yielded to the advance of Russia, and gave the Russian Czar -one of his endless titles.’ Mr. Freeman here quotes ἡ πάλαι καλουμένη -μεγάλη Βουλγαρία from Theophanes. This is an oversight, the words are -not taken from Theophanes, though he uses a similar expression, but -from Nicephorus of Constantinople. - -[106] Baldwin, tenth Count of Flanders, was elected Emperor 1204, and -taken captive by Bulgarians 1205. He died a prisoner, but that he -was put to death is by no means certain. He was succeeded by his son -Baldwin, eleventh Count and second Emperor of that name. See Gibbon, -chap. lxi. Busbecq would naturally take great interest in the Sovereign -of his ancestors. - -[107] The Rascians and Servians were distinct tribes in Busbecq’s time -and long afterwards; see page 165, where he notices that at Semendria -the Servians leave off and the Rascians begin; they are now both -included under the name of Servians. - -[108] This pass is commonly known as ‘Trajan’s Gate,’ or the ‘pass of -Ichtiman.’ It is a point on the frontier between Bulgaria and East -Roumelia. - -[109] For an account of Selim, who at last succeeded in dethroning -his father, see Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap. vii., -and Von Hammer, book xxi. He was father of the Sultan to whose court -Busbecq was accredited. His successful rebellion against his father has -an important bearing on the events of which Busbecq was about to be a -spectator. - -[110] Buyuk Tchekmedjé and Kutchuk Tchekmedjé. The bridges were -constructed by Solyman. - -[111] Of the two women mentioned here, one is called Bosphorana -by Busbecq and the other Roxolana. Bosphorana means a native of -the kingdom of the Bosphorus—not the Thracian Bosphorus near -Constantinople, but the Cimmerian Bosphorus, now called the straits -of Caffa—which included the Crimea and the Caucasus. Roxolana means -Russian; she was always spoken of by contemporaneous Venetian -ambassadors as ‘la Rossa,’ and Creasy in a note (p. 184), says that -‘La Rossa’ was euphonised into Roxolana; the mistake is obvious, -for Roxolana is the classical equivalent for a Russian woman (see -Smith’s _Classical Dictionary_, s.v. Roxolani), and it is to Busbecq -that she owes the name by which she has become famous. Her real name -was Khourrem, i.e., ‘the joyous one.’ See Von Hammer, book xxxi. -vol. v. p. 538. A curious story is told of how Roxolana prevailed -on Solyman to make her his wife. Having borne a son to the Sultan, -she became entitled, according to the Mahometan law to her freedom; -this she claimed, and then refused to allow Solyman the rights of a -husband unless he married her. She cleverly pointed out to the Sultan, -that though she had lived with him _as a slave_ without the bond of -marriage, _as a free woman_ she could not feel justified in doing so -any longer. Solyman, as Busbecq’s letters will show, was the very man -to be influenced by such an argument, and being unwilling to give her -up, he consented to her taking the position of a lawful wife. - -[112] See Creasy, _Ottoman Turks_, chap. iii., Von Hammer, book vii., -and Gibbon, chap. lxv. Tamerlane is a corruption of Timour lenk, i.e., -Timour the lame. - -[113] During the Russo-Turkish war, 1877-8, a paragraph appeared in a -paper published at Constantinople, professing to give an account of -Mr. Gladstone, late Prime Minister of England. It described him as -originally ‘a pig-driver.’ This created great amusement in England, but -to the countrymen of Roostem there seemed no inherent absurdity in the -statement. - -[114] Busbecq is in error here, for Solyman was encamped at Eregli, in -Karamania, about 250 miles from Amasia. Von Hammer takes our author -to task for laying the scene at Amasia; but Busbecq nowhere commits -himself to this statement. - -[115] Ghemlik, on the Sea of Marmora, called Prusias by Busbecq. It was -originally called Kios, and about B.C. 200, Prusias, King of Bithynia, -gave it his own name. See Strabo, 563-4. - -[116] The legend of Orpheus being torn to pieces by the women of Thrace -was a favourite with the ancients. See Virgil, _Georgic IV._, &c. - -[117] See Tacitus, _Annals_, xii. 63. Herodotus, iv. 144. - -[118] The bronze serpents, which are still on the same site, are three, -and not two in number. See Gibbon, chap. xvii., where he describes -these serpents, and proves that they form the serpent pillar mentioned -by Herodotus, ix. 81; on it was placed the golden tripod, made of part -of the spoil taken at the battle of Platæa B.C. 479, and dedicated -to Apollo. It was removed from Delphi to Constantinople by order of -Constantine. - -[119] ‘The centre of the Forum was occupied by a lofty column, of which -a mutilated fragment is now degraded by the appellation of the _burnt -pillar_. This column was erected on a pedestal of white marble 20 -feet high, and was composed of ten pieces of porphyry, each of which -measured about 10 feet in height and about 33 in circumference. On -the summit of the pillar, above 120 feet from the ground, stood the -colossal statue of Apollo. It was of bronze, and had been transported -either from Athens or a town in Phrygia, and was supposed to be the -work of Phidias. The artist had represented the god of day, or, as it -was afterwards interpreted, the Emperor Constantine himself, with a -sceptre in his right hand, the globe of the world in his left, and a -crown of rays glittering on his head.’ Gibbon, chap. xvii. - -[120] A similar story is told of the obelisk in front of St. Peter’s at -Rome. - -[121] The battle of Tschaldiran, August 23, A.D. 1514. See Creasy, -_History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap. viii.; Von Hammer, book xxii. - -[122] Busbecq is alluding to the then recent conquests of Mexico and -Peru. When he penned these lines only thirty-four years had elapsed -since Cortez conquered Mexico, and twenty-four since Pizarro made -himself master of the kingdom of the Incas; the tide of adventurers was -still pouring into those unhappy lands. - -[123] Busbecq is evidently referring to the exploits of his countrymen -in the days of the Crusades. ‘At the same time’ (A.D. 1200), says -Gibbon (chap. lx.), ‘Baldwin, Count of Flanders, assumed the Cross at -Bruges, with his brother Henry, and the principal knights and citizens -of that rich and industrious province.’ See also page 105. - -[124] Properly, the name of the islet at Alexandria on which the -lighthouse stood; hence the name was given to any lighthouse. - -[125] A Dalmatian fortress captured by the Spaniards in the autumn of -A.D. 1538, and recaptured by the Turks in the following August. Von -Hammer, book xxix. - -[126] ‘The straits of the Bosphorus are terminated by the Cyanean -rocks, which, according to the description of the poets, had once -floated on the face of the waters. The deception was occasioned by -several pointed rocks alternately covered and abandoned by the waves. -At present there are two small islands, one towards either shore; that -of Europe is distinguished by the pillar of Pompey.’ Gibbon, chap. xvii. - -[127] P. Gilles (or Gyllius) was born at Albi in 1490. He was sent -by Francis I. to the Levant; the remittances he expected having -miscarried, he was obliged to enlist in Solyman’s army and served -against the Persians. In 1549 he received money from his friends, with -which he purchased his discharge. He returned home in 1550, and died at -Rome in 1555, the year that Busbecq wrote this letter. Besides other -works he published three books on the _Thracian Bosphorus_, and four on -the _Topography and Antiquities of Constantinople_. Gibbon quotes him -frequently, and speaks of his learning with great respect. - -[128] This passage appears to be founded on a mistranslation of -Herodotus, iii. 104. - -[129] ‘In the deep gullies and broad plateaus of Angora is bred the -finest species of the mohair goat; its long silky and lustrous fleece -is the principal export of the country, so much so that it is a common -saying that “mohair is the soul of Angora,” without which it would have -become a desert long ago. The mohair is forwarded on mule and camel -back (in its raw state) to Constantinople, and thence, per steamer, to -Liverpool; it all finds its way to Bradford to be manufactured. The -export in this article alone was valued at 462,550_l._ for the year -1877, and in years of greater prosperity and higher values, this amount -has been nearly doubled.’ Extract from the letter of the correspondent -to the _Standard_ newspaper, dated, Angora, October 1, 1878. - -[130] The province of Angora occupies almost the same area as the -ancient Galatia. - -[131] See Herodotus, iii. 113. These sheep are very common in Asia and -Africa. Great numbers are to be found at the Cape of Good Hope, whence -they are called ‘Cape sheep.’ - -[132] Pierre Belon (Bellonus) was a contemporary of Busbecq’s, having -been born about 1518. He travelled in Greece, Italy, Turkey, Egypt, -Palestine, and Asia Minor. By profession a physician, he devoted -himself to the pursuit of Natural Science. He published several books, -and is generally considered to have been the founder of the science of -Comparative Anatomy. Busbecq corrects Belon, but his own account of -the hyena is wrong. It has vertebræ in the neck, and also an array of -teeth. If he had been able to procure a specimen we should have had an -accurate description. The Sultana, therefore, is indirectly responsible -for the errors. - -[133] The Kanûns formed a kind of Domesday Book, drawn up by the -direction of Solyman, who thence received the name of Solyman Kanûni. - -[134] A full account of the inscription is to be found in Merivale’s -_History of the Romans_, chap. xxxviii. ‘Augustus employed the next -few months in compiling a succinct memorial of his public acts to be -preserved in the archives of the state, a truly imperial work, and -probably unique of its kind. The archives of Rome have long mouldered -in the dust, but a ruined wall in a remote corner of her empire, -engraved with this precious document, has been faithful to its trust -for eighteen hundred years, and still presents us with one of the most -curious records of antiquity. The inscription, which may still be read -in the portico of a temple at Ancyra, attests the energy, sagacity, and -fortune of the second Cæsar in a detailed register of all his public -undertakings through a period of fifty-eight years,’ &c. In a note Dr. -Merivale states that it was first copied by Busbecq in 1544. This is -incorrect; Busbecq had it copied by his servants, and the date should -be 1555. - -[135] ‘Reges amici atque socii, et singuli in suo quisque regno, -Cæsareas urbes condiderunt; et cuncti simul ædem Jovis Olympii, -Athenis antiquitus inchoatam, perficere communi sumptu destinaverunt, -genioque ejus dedicare.’—Suetonius, _Octavius_, chap. lx. Augustus -directed a decree granting especial privileges to the Jews to be -inscribed ἐν ἐπισημοτάτῳ τόπῳ γενηθέντι μοι ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς Ἀσίας -ἐν Ἀγκύρῃ.—Josephus, _Antiquities_, xvi. 6. - -[136] Menin (near Bousbecque) and its neighbourhood were famous for -their capons. See L. Guicciardini, _Description de tout le Païs bas_, -p. 311. - -[137] There are different versions of this story, see Von Hammer, book -v. and Gibbon, chap. lxiv. Creasy says that Amurath was killed by a -Servian noble, Milosch Kabilovitsch. Being mortally wounded, Amurath -died in the act of sentencing Lazarus, Despot or Cral of Servia, to -death. - -[138] The permanent corps of paid cavalry in the Turkish army was -divided into four squadrons, organised like those which the Caliph -Omar instituted for the guard of the Sacred Standard. The whole corps -at first consisted of only 2,400 horsemen, but under Solyman the Great -(Busbecq’s Sultan), the number was raised to 4,000. They marched -on the right and left of the Sultan, they camped round his tent at -night, and were his bodyguard in battle. One of these regiments of -Royal Horseguards was called the Turkish Spahis, a term applied to -cavalry soldiers generally, but also specially denoting these select -horseguards. Another regiment was called the Silihdars, meaning ‘the -vassal cavalry.’ A third was called the Ouloufedgis, meaning ‘the -paid horsemen,’ and the fourth was called the Ghourebas, meaning ‘the -foreign horse.’ See Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap. ii. - -[139] Evelyn, who no doubt took the hint from Busbecq, induced Charles -II. to adopt the Eastern dress. _Diary_, p. 324. - -[140] See page 102 and note 1. - -[141] See Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap. viii.: ‘The -schism of the Sunnites and the Schiis (the first of whom acknowledge, -and the last of whom repudiate the three immediate successors of the -Prophet, the Caliphs Abubeker, Omar, and Othman) had distracted the -Ottoman world from the earliest times. The Ottoman Turks have been -Sunnites. The contrary tenets have prevailed in Persia; and the great -founder of the Saffide dynasty in that country, Shah Ismael, was as -eminent for his zeal for the Schii tenets, as for his ability in -council, and his valour in the field. The doctrine of the Schiis had -begun to spread among the subjects of the Sublime Porte before Selim -came to the throne; and though the Sultan, the Ulema, and by far the -larger portion of the Ottomans, held strictly to the orthodoxy of -Sunnism, the Schiis were numerous in every province, and they seemed to -be rapidly gaining proselytes. Selim determined to crush heresy at home -before he went forth to combat it abroad, and in a deliberate spirit -of fanatic cruelty he planned and executed a general slaughter of such -of his subjects as were supposed to have fallen away from what their -sovereigns considered to be the only true faith.’ This massacre took -place in 1513. The Selim here mentioned was the father of Solyman. See -Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap. viii. There was not much -to choose between Philip of Spain in the West and Selim in the East! -See Motley, _Dutch Republic_, part iii. chap. 2. - -[142] Scordium, or water germander, is mentioned in Salmon’s _Herbal_ -as a sudorific, &c.; he notices that it has a smell of garlic, and that -it is a specific against ‘measles, small-pox, and also _the plague or -pestilence itself_.’ The plague is a form of blood poisoning; a medical -friend whom we consulted considered that the symptoms indicated only a -mild form of the disease; he also entirely approved of the physician’s -treatment of the case. - -[143] See note page 254. - -[144] An electuary is a medicine of a pasty consistence composed of -various ingredients. The one mentioned in the text was invented by the -celebrated physician Frascatorius. It contained scordium, from which -its name is derived. The prescription for it may be found in Larousse’s -_Dictionnaire Universel_, vii. 3117. Evelyn went to see the severall -‘drougs for the confection of _Treacle_, _Diascordium_, and other -electuaries.’—_Diary_, p. 262. - -[145] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[146] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[147] See page 90. - -[148] Rakos is the name of a plain near Pesth; the greater -extraordinary Hungarian Diet used to assemble on this plain after the -manner of the Polish Diet which met near Warsaw. The Turks continued to -use the place for mustering their militia. - -[149] The Emperor Claudius was murdered by his wife Agrippina, who gave -him poison in a dish of mushrooms. Tacitus, _Annals_, xii. 67. - -[150] In all the Latin editions of Busbecq the date is given as -September 1, 1554. This is manifestly wrong, as may be shown by -internal evidence, as for example the date of the marriage of Philip -and Mary, July 25, 1554. Busbecq was present at this marriage, and was -not summoned to Vienna till November 3, 1554, see page 77. He must, -therefore, have returned in 1555. - -[151] At Augsburg. - -[152] See page 190. - -[153] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[154] Roxolana, see note, page 111. - -[155] I.e., the modern Bulgaria. - -[156] See page 115. - -[157] I.e., the Crimea and adjacent countries, the birthplace of -Mustapha’s mother, see page 111. - -[158] The Turkish historians do not mention Bajazet’s connection with -the attempt of the Pseudo-Mustapha. Busbecq’s account, therefore, -fills an important gap. Von Hammer would discredit all statements that -are not confirmed by Eastern writers, but surely the evidence of the -Austrian Ambassador deserves as much consideration as that of Ottoman -Ali. See note 1, page 264. - -[159] All the Latin editions have July 14, 1555. See note, page 173. - -[160] ‘The regular answer of the ancient Sultans, when requested to -receive an embassy, was, “The Sublime Porte is open to all.” This, -according to the Turkish interpretation, implied a safe conduct in -coming, but gave no guarantee about departing.’—Creasy, _History of the -Ottoman Turks_, chap. xviii. - -[161] ‘The intruding Ottoman himself, different in faith as well as in -blood, has more than once declared himself the representative of the -Eastern Cæsars, whose dominion he extinguished. Solyman the Magnificent -assumed the name of Emperor, and refused it to Charles V.’—Bryce, _The -Holy Roman Empire_, p. 407. - -[162] Compare Johnson’s _Vanity of Human Wishes_:— - - ‘Condemned a needy suppliant to wait, - While ladies interpose and slaves debate.’ - -[163] The great Council of State was named the Divan; and in the -absence of the Sultan the Grand Vizier was its president. The other -Viziers and the Kadiaskers, or chief judges, took their stations on -his right; the Defterdars, or treasurers, and the Nis-chandyis, or -secretaries, on his left. The Teskeredyis, or officers charged to -present reports on the condition of each department of the State, -stood in front of the Grand Vizier. The Divan was also attended by the -Reis-Effendi, a general secretary, whose power afterwards became more -important than that of the Nis-chandyis, by the Grand Chamberlain, -and the Grand Marshal, and a train of other officials of the Court. -(Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap. vi.) - -[164] ‘The Sultan (Bajazet I.) had at this time 7,000 falconers, -and as many huntsmen. You may suppose from this the grandeur of his -establishments. One day in the presence of the Count de Nevers, he -flew a falcon at some eagles; the flight did not please him, and he -was so wroth, that, for this fault, he was on the point of beheading -2,000 of his falconers, scolding them exceedingly for want of diligence -in their care of his hawks, when the one he was fond of behaved so -ill.’—Froissart, iv. 58. - -[165] The reference is to the _Digest_ or _Pandects_ of Justinian, -liber xxxix. titulus 4, _De Publicanis et Vectigalibus et Commissis_, -where ‘Babylonicæ pelles’ are mentioned in a catalogue of taxable -articles. - -[166] See Homer’s _Iliad_, iii. 2-6, and compare Milton, _Paradise -Lost_, i. 575: - - ‘That small infantry - Warred on by cranes.’ - -[167] These stories of the lynx and crane are quoted by Burton in his -_Anatomy of Melancholy_. - -[168] Gibbon’s reference to this passage is not fair. He says (chap. -lxviii. note), ‘Busbequius expatiates with pleasure and applause on -the rights of war, and the use of slavery among the ancients and the -Turks.’ In the first place Busbecq merely throws out a suggestion, -which _he would be sorry for his friend to take in sober earnest_. -Secondly, we must remember the evils existing in Busbecq’s days, which -slavery would have remedied; (i.) it was the common practice to put -to death all prisoners of war, who could not pay ransom; e.g. see -Busbecq’s letter of November 13, 1589, to Rodolph. Slavery in this -case would be a mitigation of their fate, (ii.) At that time death or -mutilation were the punishments for almost every offence. Busbecq’s -project is an anticipation of the more merciful system of modern times -which has introduced penal servitude, which is really ‘a just and mild -form of slavery.’ - -[169] Shooting with the crossbow has been a custom at Bousbecque from -very early times. The village had a guild of crossbowmen in the times -of Charles V., which was reconstituted in 1715. A society of the kind -still exists there. See _Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 170. - -[170] This passage occurs in the life of Saturninus, who uses it in -support of an invective against the Egyptians. The quotation is from -a letter of Hadrian’s preserved in the works of his freedman Phlegon. -(Vopiscus, in _Historiæ Augustæ Scriptores_, ii. 719, in the Leyden -edition of 1671.) The Egyptians still hatch chickens in ovens, but the -heat is supplied by a fire, and not by the hot-bed mentioned in the -text. The process is described in Wilkinson’s _Ancient Egyptians_, ii. -450. - -[171] Axylos, a woodless tract in Asia Minor, ‘northward of the -region of lakes and plains, through which leads the road from Afioum -Karahissar to Koniah, a dry and naked region, which extends as far as -the Sangarius and Halys.’—Leake, _Asia Minor_, p. 65. - -[172] Evelyn narrates how he went to see some Turkish horses captured -at the siege of Vienna; he admired their spirit, and says they were, -‘with all this, so gentle and tractable as called to mind what I -remember Busbequius speaks of them to the reproch of our groomes in -Europe, who bring up their horses so churlishly as makes most of them -retain their ill habits.’—Evelyn, _Diary_, p. 461, Chandos Edition. - -[173] ‘They were shod with yron made round and closed at the heele -with a hole in the middle about as wide as a shilling. The hoofes most -intire.’—Evelyn, _Diary_, p. 462. - -[174] See note 2, page 299. - -[175] Cyrus, in his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, took -with him 400 waggons loaded with barley and wine that, in case -provisions should be very scarce, he might have the means of supplying -the Greeks, who were the flower of his army.—Xenophon, _Anabasis_, i. -10. - -[176] The quotation is from Suetonius, _Life of Julius Cæsar_, chap. -67. Suetonius observes that sometimes Cæsar, after a great victory, -relaxed the strict rules of discipline, and allowed his army to abandon -themselves to the utmost license, boasting that ‘his soldiers, even -if perfumed for a banquet, would fight well.’ The conference with -Ariovistus is described in Cæsar _de Bello Gallico_, i. 43-45, and in -Merivale, chap. vii.: ‘Each was attended by a squadron of cavalry of -equal numbers. Cæsar had no Roman cavalry, nor could he safely confide -in his Gaulish auxiliaries: yet he would not reject the arrangement -proposed by his adversary, nor betray any appearance of distrust -or dread. He caused a party of Gauls to dismount, and placed upon -their horses the infantry of his favourite legion’ (the tenth). The -conference was interrupted by the impatience of the German horse, who -suddenly assailed the Romans with stones and arrows. See also pages 48 -and 49. - -[177] The Venetian ambassador to the Porte bore the title of Bailo -or Baily. This title was probably given to him on account of the -protection and jurisdiction he exercised with regard to the persons -and goods of all Venetian subjects, who lived and traded in all the -factories of the Levant. He, with the ambassadors of the Pope and -the Emperor, took precedence of all other ambassadors. On account of -the importance of the post, appointments to it were not made by the -Senate, but by the Great Council. Marc Antonio Barbaro, the subject -of Yriarte’s interesting work, _La Vie d’un Patricien de Venise_, was -appointed to this office in 1568. - -[178] This story is referred to by Bacon, _Essays_, XIII.: _Of Goodness -and Goodness of Nature_. ‘The inclination to goodness is imprinted -deeply in the nature of man; insomuch that if it issue not towards -man, it will take unto other living creatures; as it is seen in the -Turks, a cruel people, who nevertheless are kind to beasts, and give -alms to dogs and birds; insomuch as Busbechius reporteth, a Christian -boy in Constantinople had like to have been stoned for gagging in a -waggishness a long-billed fowl.’ Bacon, in his _Essays_, also alludes -to Jehangir, Solyman’s son, to Roxolana, to Selim, and to the fate of -Mustapha. - -[179] Busbecq’s countrywomen enjoyed great liberty. ‘Les femmes, oultre -ce qu’elles sont de belle et excellente forme, sont de beau maintien et -gracieuses; car elles commencent dés leur enfance, selon la coustume -du païs, à converser librement avec un chacun.’—L. Guicciardini, -_Description de tout le païs bas_, p. 38. - -[180] The festival called by Busbecq the Turkish Easter was that of -Bairam. It succeeds Ramazan, the month of abstinence, which he terms -their Lent. It lasts three days, and seventy days later is the Kourban -Bairam, or Feast of Sacrifice, which lasts four days. - -[181] See _Thirty Years in a Harem_ for a description of taking off the -veil.... It was the conclusion of the marriage, and the Bridegroom made -a present to the Bride on the occasion. - -[182] See note, page 161. - -[183] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[184] Ten years later Solyman died while besieging this place. - -[185] See note 1, page 196. - -[186] See note 1, page 196. - -[187] The Turks could hardly object to the use of ‘villainous -saltpetre’ as by its aid Solyman’s father, Selim I., had been enabled -to crush the Mamelukes. See Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, -chap. viii. After the battle ‘Koort Bey poured forth a brilliant eulogy -on the valour of the Mamelukes, and spoke with contempt and abhorrence -of guns which, he said, killed so cowardly, and so like an assassin.’ - -[188] Arslan was Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg and Veli of Hatwan. - -[189] Compare Brantôme, _Discours sur Duels_, vi. p. 151. - -[190] Of the nations mentioned in this passage the Mingrelians live -along the coast from the Turkish frontier to Sukhum Kaleh; the Iberians -correspond to the modern Imeritians, while the ancient Albanians -lived in what is now the part of Georgia that borders on the Caspian -and in Daghestan, the country of the Lesghians. According to Mr. -Bryce (_Transcaucasia and Ararat_, p. 99) the modern Mingrelians -correspond to Busbecq’s description of their ancestors. ‘They are -the ne’er-do-wells of the Caucasian family. All their neighbours, -however contemptible a Western may think them, have a bad word and a -kick for the still more contemptible Mingrelian. To believe them, he -is lazy, sensual, treacherous and stupid, a liar and a thief. Lazy -the Mingrelian certainly is, but in other respects I doubt if he is -worse than his neighbours; and he lives in so damp and warm a climate -that violent exercise must be disagreeable.’ According to Malte Brun, -‘the Prince of Mingrelia assumes the title of Dadian or Master of the -Sea, though he possesses not even a fishing-boat: he generally moves -about with his suite from place to place, and his camp is the scene of -licentiousness as well as poverty.’ The Caspian Gates mentioned in the -text are probably the Dariel Pass. ‘There were three passes, between -which boundless confusion has arisen: first, the Dariel, sometimes -called the Caucasian, sometimes the Caspian, sometimes the Iberian -Gates; second, the pass between the mountains and the sea near Derbend, -where is the wall of Gog and Magog, called sometimes the Caucasian, -sometimes the Caspian, sometimes the Albanian Gates; third, a pass -somewhere on the south coast of the Caspian, which was really visited -and fortified by Alexander the Great.’—Bryce, _Transcaucasia and -Ararat_, p. 76. - -[191] ‘A plant of the millet kind, differing from it in the -disposition of the flower and seeds, which grow in a close thick -spike. It is sown in parts of Europe as corn for the sustenance of the -inhabitants.’—Johnson’s _Dictionary_. - -[192] Medea was a Colchian, i.e. Mingrelian. - -[193] M. Génin, in the introduction to his edition of the _Song of -Roland_, the most famous hero of the Carlovingian epic cycle, speaking -of the wide-spread popularity of the legend, quotes this passage. He -also mentions that Bellonus, or Belon (see note, page 140), states that -the Turks preserved at Broussa the sword of Roland, who, they declared, -was one of their countrymen. This illustrates what Busbecq in his first -letter says of the way in which the Turks identified St. George with -one of their own legendary heroes. Godfrey de Bouillon was one of the -leaders of the first Crusade, and the first Christian King of Jerusalem. - -[194] See note, page 229. - -[195] The chief production cf Lemnos was a red earth called Terra -Lemnia, or sigillata, which was employed by the ancient physicians as -a remedy for wounds and the bites of serpents, and which is still much -valued by the Turks and Greeks for its supposed medicinal virtues. -It is dug out of a hill, made into small balls, and stamped with a -seal which contains Arabic characters. Mattioli, in his letter to -Quacquelben (see note 1, page 415), asks him for information about this -earth, and requests him to procure some for him. See also page 416. - -[196] The reference is to Terence, _Heauton timorumenos_, 3. 1. 48. - -[197] This was before March 13, 1559, as Verantius, in a letter of that -date, mentions that Hooz, Busbecq’s secretary, had been taken prisoner -with his Turkish escort by some Hungarians and brought to Kaschau, and -that he had said that Baldi was then on his way back.—Katona, _Historia -Regum Hungariæ_, xxiii. 227. - -[198] In 1540, Luigi Badoer was sent as ambassador to treat for peace -on the basis of the _status quo ante bellum_, and the payment of 30,000 -ducats, but was forbidden in any case to cede Malvasia and Napoli di -Romania. Such were the instructions of the Senate, but the Council -of Ten gave him in addition secret instructions, empowering him to -surrender these places, if he found it impossible to obtain a peace -on easier terms. The brothers Cavezza, of whom one was secretary to -the Senate, and the other to the Council of Ten, betrayed the secret, -probably through a French diplomatist, to the Porte. The consequences -are described in the text. See Daru, _Histoire de Venise_, book xxvi. -p. 82, Von Hammer, book xxix., and Charrière, _Négociations de la -France dans le Levant_, i. 548. - -[199] See page 79. - -[200] Some further details as to the intrigues which caused Bajazet’s -ruin may be gathered from the history of Ottoman Ali, who had been -secretary to Lala Mustapha. The latter was a _protégé_ of Achmet, the -Grand Vizier, and was on that account hated by Roostem, who, knowing -he was a friend of Bajazet’s, hoped to ensure his ruin by getting -him appointed Governor of Selim’s household. Lala saved himself by -betraying his former master. With Selim’s approval he encouraged the -unfortunate Prince to attack his brother, and caused some of the -Sultan’s messengers to be murdered in such a manner as to make it -appear that Bajazet was responsible for the crime, and thus widen the -breach between him and his father. It is the evidence of the secretary -of this double-dyed traitor that Von Hammer prefers to Busbecq’s. He -may have had more information than our writer; the question is, was he -as likely to speak the truth? See Von Hammer, book xxxii. - -[201] See page 189. - -[202] This was a very serious step. See page 187. - -[203] See page 188. - -[204] See page 116. - -[205] The allusion is to the ancient and famous oracle of Zeus at -Dodona in Epirus, which is mentioned in the _Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_. -The god, according to one legend, was said to dwell in an ancient oak -tree, and to give oracles by the rustlings of the branches. These -‘talking oaks’ are alluded to by Æschylus in the _Prometheus Vinctus_, -and by Sophocles in the _Trachiniæ_. Busbecq’s Latin, ‘A quo in rebus -dubiis responsa petuntur,’ is suggested by Virgil’s lines— - - ‘Hinc Italæ gentes omnisque Œnotria tellus - In dubiis responsa petunt.’ - - _Æneid_, vii. 85. - -[206] Koniah was the ancient Iconium. - -[207] The Arabic word Memlook or Mameluke means a slave. The first -caliphs formed their body-guard of slaves, and in the decadence of -the caliphate these slaves, like the Roman prætorians, played a -principal part in the numerous revolutions that occurred. It was in -Egypt, however, that the Mamelukes attained their highest power. They -were Sovereigns of that country for more than 250 years, from the -fall of the dynasty of Eyoub to the Ottoman conquest, and even after -that event were the real rulers of Egypt till their massacre in the -present century by Mehemet Ali. They were composed of three bodies, -the Mamelukes, properly so-called, who were of pure Circassian blood; -the Djelbans, who were mostly composed of Abyssinian slaves, and -the Korsans, an assembly of mercenaries of all nations. They were -governed by twenty-four beys, over whom was a Sultan. Their dominion -extended over Egypt and Syria with the holy cities of Mecca and Medina -and the adjacent parts of Arabia. Selim I., Solyman’s father, after -his victorious campaign against Shah Ismael attacked the Mamelukes, -defeated and killed their Sultan, Kausson Ghawri, near Aleppo (Aug. 24, -1516), and, marching into Egypt, defeated Touman Bey, the new Sultan, -at Ridania (January 22nd), and added Syria and Egypt to his empire. -When in Egypt, he induced the last of the Fatimite caliphs, who had -been a puppet in the hands of the Mamelukes, to transfer that dignity -to himself and his successors. It is in virtue of this transaction that -the present Sultan and his predecessors since the time of Selim have -claimed to be the head of the Mahommedan faith throughout the world. -See Von Hammer, book xxiv. - -[208] The Kurds are descended from the Carduchi or Gordiæans of the -ancients. (See Xenophon, _Anabasis_, iv.) They have gradually advanced -from their original mountain homes into the plains in the south-east of -Armenia and the north of Mesopotamia. They are a warlike race, and much -addicted to brigandage. - -[209] See note, page 108. - -[210] ‘The most remarkable building in Koniah is the tomb of a -saint, highly renowned throughout Turkey, called Haznet Mevlana, the -founder of the Mevlevi Dervishes. His sepulchre, which is the object -of a Mussulman pilgrimage, is surmounted by a dome, standing upon a -cylindrical tower of a bright green colour.’—Leake, _Asia Minor_, p. 50. - -[211] May 29, 1559, was the date of the battle. - -[212] See note 2, page 153. - -[213] Compare the account of the Turkish horses and equipments seen by -Evelyn in 1684:— - -‘It was judged by the spectators, among whom was the King, Prince -of Denmark, Duke of York, and several of the Court, that there were -never seene any horses in these parts to be compar’d with them. Add -to all this, the furniture, consisting of embroidery on the saddle, -houseings, quiver, bow, arrows, scymetar, sword, mace or battle-axe _à -la Turcisq_, the Bashaw’s velvet mantle furred with the most perfect -ermine I ever beheld; all which, yron-worke in common furniture, being -here of silver, curiously wrought and double-gilt, to an incredible -value. Such and so extraordinary was the embrodery, that I never -saw anything approching it. The reins and headstall were of crimson -silk, cover’d with chaines of silver gilt. There was also a Turkish -royal standard of an horse’s taile, together with all sorts of other -caparisons belonging to a general’s horse, by which one may estimate -how gallantly and magnificently those infidels appeare in the field, -for nothing could be seene more glorious.’—Evelyn, _Diary_, p. 461. - -[214] See note, page 87. - -[215] In Busbecq’s time it was the fashion in Europe to wear clothes -with slashes or eyelet-holes. Compare page 155. - -[216] See note, page 229. - -[217] See page 101. - -[218] ‘Cedo alteram,’ the original Latin, is a quotation from Tacitus. -(_Annals_, i. 23). - -[219] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[220] The Persian dominions were bounded on the east by the country -now known as Afghanistan, which then formed part of the empire of -the Mogul Emperors, or Padischahs, of Delhi, the second of whom was -Humayoum, the father of the famous Akbar. During his life of forty-nine -years Humayoum experienced extraordinary changes of fortune, losing -his throne, and being obliged, after undergoing the greatest hardships -and dangers in his flight through the desert, to take refuge with Shah -Tahmasp. Eventually he regained his dominions, and at his death in 1556 -was the ruler of Cabul and Candahar, and also of the Punjaub, together -with Delhi and Agra and the adjoining parts of India. - -[221] Shah Ismael was the founder of the dynasty of the Sofis or -Saffis, so called from Sheik Suffee-u-deen of Ardebil, a devotee -renowned for his sanctity, from whom Shah Ismael was the sixth in -descent. His father, Hyder, on the death of his uncle and father-in-law -Uzun Hussun, the prince of the dynasty of the White Sheep, invaded -Shirwan at the head of a body of partisans. He made his troops wear red -turbans, whence, according to one account, comes the name of Kizilbash -(Red Heads), by which the Persians were known among the Turks. Hyder -was killed in battle, and his sons were thrown into prison, but they -afterwards escaped. The eldest was killed in battle, the second died in -Ghilan, Ismael, the youngest, in 1499, at the age of fourteen, took the -field against the Turkomans, who were then in possession of the greater -part of Persia, and in the course of four campaigns succeeded in -establishing his authority throughout the country. His family claimed -descent from the seventh Imaum, and their great ancestor, Ali, was the -special object of their reverence. The very name of Schiah, which means -a sectary, and which Ismael’s enemies had given him as a reproach, -became a title in which he gloried. When Sultan Selim I. massacred -his co-religionists (see note page 161), the natural consequence was -a war between Turkey and Persia. The Turkish army advanced through -Kurdistan and Azerbijan on Tabriz, which was then the Persian capital. -They were much embarrassed by want of provisions, as the Persians -retired, laying waste the country in their retreat. A threatened mutiny -among the Janissaries was quelled only by Selim’s presence of mind and -resolution. Ismael at last abandoned his Fabian tactics, and took up -a position in the valley of Tschaldiran, some 30 miles south-east of -Bayezid. A bloody and fiercely contested battle (August 23, 1514) ended -in the complete victory of Selim, which he owed mainly to his artillery -and the firearms of the Janissaries. This success was followed by the -occupation of Tabriz, but Selim was obliged by the discontent of his -troops to return homewards. The acquisition of Diarbekir and Kurdistan -was, however, the result of this campaign. Apart from his defeat -by Selim, Ismael reigned with unbroken success till his death in 1523. -He was succeeded by his son Shah Tahmasp.—See Malcolm, _History of -Persia_, i. ch. 12. - -[222] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[223] See note, page 229. - -[224] ‘The youths among the Christian tribute children most conspicuous -for birth, talent, and beauty were admitted into the inferior class -of _agiamoglans_ or the more liberal rank of _ichoglans_, of whom -the former were attached to the palace and the latter to the person -of the prince.’—Gibbon, ch. lxv. Busbecq, in his _Art of War against -the Turks_, gives an account of the method by which the Turkish army -was recruited from the children of Christians. Every year the Sultan -sent to his different provinces, and took one out of every three or -four of the boys. When they arrived at Constantinople, the handsomest -and cleverest were placed in the households of the Sultan and Pashas. -Of the rest some were hired out to farmers, &c., and the remainder -employed in public works. The former were fed and clothed by their -masters, till they grew up, when they were drafted into the ranks of -the Janissaries, as vacancies occurred. Those who were placed in the -Sultan’s household often rose to the highest offices of the state. -The last of these levies of Christian children was made in 1638.—Von -Hammer, book xlviii. tome ix. p. 325. - -[225] In the account of the Shah’s dealings with Bajazet, we have -followed the readings given in all the editions prior to the Elzevir. -See Appendix, _List of Editions_. - -[226] ‘The Persians dwell with rapture on the character of Ismael, -deeming him not only the founder of a great dynasty, but the person -to whom the faith they glory in owes its establishment as a national -religion.’—Malcolm, _History of Persia_, i. p. 328. On his accession -Ismael declared Schiism to be the national religion. See also note 2, -p. 299 and note p. 161. - -[227] For a fuller account of the siege and capture of Gerba or Djerbé -or Gelves the reader is referred to Prescott’s _Philip II._, vol. ii. -book iv. chap. 1, and Von Hammer, book xxxiii. The Spanish historians -cited by Prescott are so conflicting that he defies the reader to -reconcile them, but Busbecq’s narrative, as far as it goes, may be -considered of the highest authority, as no doubt it was founded on -what he heard from his friend Don Alvaro de Sandé, who commanded the -garrison. In the spring of 1559 the Duke of Medina Celi, the Viceroy -of Sicily, was ordered to fit out an expedition against Tripoli and -its corsairs, to which Tuscany, Rome, Naples, Sicily, Genoa, and Malta -furnished contingents. John Andrew Doria, nephew of the great Andrew -Doria, commanded the Genoese forces. The fleet consisted of more than -100 sail, including 54 galleys, and had 14,000 troops on board. The -armament assembled at Syracuse, from which they sailed in November. -They met with such bad weather, however, that they were forced to -put into Malta, where they stayed more than two months refitting. So -much time had now been lost, that they gave up the attempt on Tripoli -as hopeless, and attacked Djerbé instead. They took it without much -difficulty on March 14, and spent two months there fortifying it, -and placed in it a garrison of 5,000 men, commanded by Don Alvaro de -Sandé. As the troops were preparing to re-embark, news was brought of -the approach of the Turkish fleet. A council of war was held, in which -opinions were divided; but the arrival of the Turkish fleet under the -command of Pialé, which included 86 galleys, each with 100 Janissaries -on board, saved them the trouble of deciding (May 14). The Christians -were seized with panic. Many of their ships were sunk, and many more -surrendered. A few took refuge under the guns of the fortress. The -Duke of Medina Celi and Doria were among those who escaped, and they -took advantage of the darkness of the following night to fly to Sicily -in a frigate. Next morning Pialé commenced the siege. After a breach -had been made, he assaulted the fortress, but was repulsed with great -loss, and several other attacks of the Turks met with the same fate. -The siege lasted nearly three months, although at the end of six weeks -provisions and water had begun to fail. On July 31, 1560, two hours -before dawn, Don Alvaro, accompanied by hardly 1,000 men, sallied -out and tried to cut his way through, with the intention of seizing -a vessel and escaping, but the attempt proved unsuccessful, and the -same day the rest of the garrison surrendered. On September 27 the -victorious fleet returned to Constantinople, as described in the text. -Don Alvaro lived to take ample vengeance for all he had suffered. When -the Spaniards raised the siege of Malta in 1565 Don Alvaro, as second -in command, again encountered his old opponent Pialé. The gallant -Spaniard was in the thick of the fighting, had a horse killed under -him, and was one of those who contributed most to the defeat of the -Turks. - -[228] Chios was first brought under the immediate dominion of the -Sultan by Pialé Pasha in 1566, though it had previously acknowledged -his suzerainty and paid tribute. It had been conquered by the Genoese -admiral, Simon Vignoso, in 1346. The form of government was so peculiar -as to deserve some notice. It is the first example of the territorial -administration of a mercantile company of shareholders exercising -in a distant country all the duties of a sovereign. Of this form of -government the East India Company is the best known specimen. The -Genoese treasury in 1346 was so exhausted that the funds for fitting -out the twenty-nine galleys of Vignoso’s fleet were raised by private -citizens, who subscribed the money in shares. The Republic promised -to secure them against all loss, and pledged a portion of its annual -revenue to pay the interest. After the conquest of Chios, Vignoso, -in virtue of the full powers with which he was invested, established -a committee of the subscribers, who administered the Government of -Chios, and collected the revenues under the sovereignty of the Republic -of Genoa. The contributors had formed themselves into a joint-stock -company, according to the established usage at Genoa; and this society -or maona assumed the name of the Maona of Scio. The Republic being -unable to repay the advances, a convention was concluded between the -State and the Maona, by which the shareholders were recognised as -the lawful proprietors and administrators of Chios, subject to the -terms on which the Greek population had capitulated, for a term of -twenty years, during which the Republic reserved the right of resuming -possession of the island on repayment of the sum advanced. This, -however, the Republic was never able to do, so the arrangement became -permanent. The greater part of the shares passed into the hands of the -family, or, more correctly speaking, the firm of the Justiniani, and -the Joint-Stock Company of Scio was generally called the Maona of the -Justiniani. For further details as to the Government of Scio while held -by this company, see Finlay, _History of Greece_, vol. v. ch. ii., -from which this note is taken. It must, however, be added that the -Government of the company, notwithstanding its defects, was for a long -period the least oppressive in the Levant. - -[229] Petremol, the French chargé d’affaires, mentions some Spanish -slaves being brought to Constantinople from Chios. The Sultan, it was -said, did not intend to keep them in servitude, but wished to see -whether Roostem’s contention was true, namely, that Pialé had stolen -all the prisoners of high rank, and had presented to the Sultan, under -the names of the different officers, common soldiers who could pay no -ransom. Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, ii. 671. - -[230] Adam von Dietrichstein was born in 1527. He accompanied -Maximilian on his journey to Spain, when he went to marry his cousin, -the Infanta Maria. In 1561 he was sent by Maximilian to the Pope as -ambassador. Maximilian appointed him his High Chamberlain in 1563, -and sent him to conduct his sons to Spain as head of their household. -Busbecq therefore served under him on this mission (see page 61). -About the same time Ferdinand appointed him his ambassador to Spain, -and after Ferdinand’s death he remained there as Maximilian’s -representative. In this post he had the delicate task of keeping the -bigoted Philip and the tolerant Maximilian on friendly terms. In 1573 -he escorted the Archdukes home, and was appointed Privy Councillor -and Governor of Rodolph’s household. He died in 1590, and was buried -at Prague, at the feet of his master Maximilian. He married in 1555 -Margaret, daughter of Don Antonio de Cardona. - -[231] In Wervicq Church, about a mile from Busbecq’s home, stands a -life-size figure of a galley-slave, with this inscription: ‘Vrais -Chrétiens, soyez touchés de cœur à faire charité aux esclaves -Chrétiens.’ The utter, hopeless misery there depicted illustrates the -force of this appeal. - -[232] July 8, 1561. - -[233] See page 157. - -[234] One of the Princes’ Islands in the Sea of Marmora, where the -British Fleet was stationed during the spring of 1878. - -[235] We have here a good description of a serious attack of the -plague. Compare pages 163-4. - -[236] Busbecq went there in the beginning of August 1561. He was -accompanied by a cavasse, and twenty Janissaries as a guard. Charrière, -_Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, ii. 668-9. - -[237] These references are to Cicero, _De Naturâ Deorum_, ii. cap. 48, -and _De Finibus_, iii. cap. 19; Pliny, _Natural History_, ix. cap. 66, -and _Athenæus_, iii. p. 93. For descriptions and figures of the pinna -and pinnophylax or pea-crab, see Wood’s _Natural History_, pages 422 -and 588. They are frequently found in the shells of bivalves. The real -reason for this habit is not certainly known. For an account of Belon, -see note, page 140. - -[238] This passage illustrates the statement in the _Life_, pages 50, -51. - -[239] In ancient times, and now in the English Church, the title -of Metropolitan (Archbishop) was confined to the chief bishop of a -province; but in the Greek Church at the present day the title is given -to many ordinary bishops. - -[240] See pp. 113, 114. - -[241] After the Spaniards, in 1533, abandoned the fortress of Coron in -the Morea, some Greeks, who had taken their part, fled with them to -Charles V. Among them was one James Heraclides, whose ancestors had -been Despots, or Lords, of Samos and Paros. In his suite was a lad -named John Basilicus, the son of a ship-captain in Crete. He took a -fancy to the young man, and had him educated, and for some years he -worked as a copyist in the Vatican library. On the death of his patron, -John persuaded his household to acknowledge him as the nephew of their -deceased master by allowing them to take possession of the property -left by him, only keeping for himself all the diplomas, title-deeds -and other documents he could find. Many years afterwards he repaired -to Charles V. in his retirement at Yuste, and obtained from him an -acknowledgment that he was nephew and heir of Heraclides, and as such -was recognised by him as Despot of Samos and Paros. Charles V. also -acknowledged the good service he had done while in the Albanian light -cavalry attached to the Spanish army, and according to some accounts -gave him the right of conferring the degree of Doctor and creating -Notaries and Poet-Laureates. Armed with these credentials he repaired -to Wittenberg, where he became acquainted with Melancthon, published -an historical work in Latin, and with the Emperor’s consent exercised -his powers by creating some Poet-Laureates. At Lubeck he assumed the -character of a prince banished by the Turks, and thence repaired to -the courts of Denmark and Sweden, and next went by Dantzic to Albert -of Brandenberg, the first Duke of Prussia. He then visited Nicholas -Radzivill at Wilna, who introduced him to Sigismund, King of Poland. To -gain Radzivill’s favour he professed himself a Protestant. In Poland -he heard of the disturbed state of Moldavia, and found that the wife -of the Hospodar Alexander was a kinswoman of his pretended uncle. -Armed with letters of recommendation from Radzivill and the King, he -entered Moldavia, assumed the name of James Heraclides, and on the -strength of a forged pedigree, passed himself off as a descendant of -the ancient Moldavian dynasty of that name. He applied himself to -learn the language and to gain the affections of the nobles. Thereon -Alexander, who at first had received him well, tried to poison him, -but he escaped to Upper Hungary; here he obtained the assistance of -Albert Laszky and would have invaded Moldavia through Ruthenia, if -the Palatine had not stopped him by the King of Poland’s orders. He -then retired to Kaschau, where he gained the confidence of Busbecq’s -old colleague Zay, then Governor of Upper Hungary. Having come to -an understanding between themselves, they wrote to Ferdinand, who -entered into a secret agreement to assist Basilicus with money, and -allow him to levy troops in his dominions. To lull the suspicions -of Alexander, a report of Basilicus’s death was circulated, and his -funeral was actually performed by Laszky at Kesmark, the capital of -the County of Zips. His second invasion proved more successful. In -November, 1561, he defeated Alexander near Suczawa, who fled to Jassy, -and thence to Constantinople. There he endeavoured to prejudice the -Sultan against him, and spread reports that he was about to invade -Thrace with his German mercenaries. Though Solyman was much annoyed -at these events, and had commenced to assemble an army to attack the -Despot, yet he deemed it wiser to dissemble his vexation, and, yielding -to the representations of the Despot’s envoys, which were supported by -a judicious administration of bribes, he conferred on him the vacant -dignity. The Despot, however, soon made himself unpopular by raising -the taxes, which he was obliged to do in order to provide the increased -tribute he had agreed to pay, Alexander having carried off all the -money in the treasury. Moreover, to save expense he dismissed his -German and Italian troops, retaining only Hungarians. The priests and -common people were alienated by his religious innovations, especially -as they could not refute his arguments, ‘having learnt to worship God -with more zeal than knowledge.’ He declared his intention of abolishing -vain ceremonies and false doctrines, and introduced Calvinist preachers -from Poland, who ridiculed the mass-books, expressed their abhorrence -of all ceremonies, destroyed images, and, in the words of the episcopal -historian, had the arrogance to affirm that their doctrines agreed -with the testimony of the Scriptures. He began to plunder the churches -of their treasures, plate, &c., which made the priests fear their -turn would come next. His crowning act of sacrilege was to melt down -certain silver crosses, venerable both from their age and the relics -they contained, and to coin them into pieces bearing his image and -superscription. The nobles were further estranged by his projected -marriage with the beautiful Christina, daughter of Martin Zborowski, -Castellan of Cracow, a man of great influence in Poland, and the leader -of the Protestant party. Accordingly, they conspired against him, -treacherously surprised and killed most of his foreign guards, his -other partisans, and his infant child, and besieged him in Suczawa. -After three months his Hungarian troops mutinied and surrendered the -fortress, and he was cruelly murdered by Tomza, the leader of the -conspirators. - -[242] See note, page 226. - -[243] The farewell audience took place on the Tuesday before September, -10, 1559. Apparently, however, it was on June 6 that Lavigne procured -the release of the prisoners. The Baily, Marini di Cavallo, was much -annoyed at the favour, which had been refused to his entreaties and -bribes, being granted to Lavigne. ‘Et il ne s’est peu tenir, tout saige -et _cavallo_ qu’il est, de se faire cognoistre fol et _asino_: car -usant de paroles magnifiques et de ceste bonne créance de Realto contre -moy, au lieu de me louer et vous faire remercier par sa seigneurie -d’une si bonne œuvre qu’il n’eust jamais sceu mectre à fin, soubz main -il a tasché de faire dresser les commandements desdits pellerins en son -nom, et de corrompre l’ambassadeur du roy des Romains (Busbecq) affin -qu’il escripvit à l’empéreur que c’estoit à la requeste de ladicte -seigneurie qu’ils avoient esté déliverez.’—Charrière, _Négociations_ -&c., ii. 584. - -[244] It is curious to find that some Goths still existed in the -Crimea so late as Busbecq’s days. They occupied the south coast from -Balaklava to Sudak, and the mountains north of the latter, and the -Genoese officer who governed this coast in the fifteenth century, bore -the title of Capitanus Gotiæ. They are mentioned by the monk Rubruquis, -who was sent in 1253 by Saint Louis to the Great Khan, and also by -Marco Polo, (book iv. c. 24, Yule’s edition, ii. p. 421 and note). -The traveller Pallas, at the end of the last century, could find no -traces of them or of their language, so that he thinks (_Travels_, -vol. ii. p. 358), that Busbecq’s belief in their existence must have -arisen from some German, Swedish, or other captives being found in -the Crimea. Busbecq, however, is not the only writer who notices -these Goths, and it is not difficult to understand that the tribe may -have disappeared before the time of Pallas in the numerous wars which -devastated the Crimea. The ruins of Mancup still remain, four leagues -south of Simferopol, and nearly due east of Sebastopol. It is an almost -inaccessible fortress, on a high isolated rock. Pallas describes the -ruins of it in the second volume of his _Travels_. One of Gibbon’s -numerous references to Busbecq is found in a note to Chapter xl., where -he alludes to ‘these unambitious Goths.’ - -[245] The Flemish is not given by Busbecq, but has been taken by the -translators from an article on Busbecq in _Les Voyageurs Belges_, ii. -p. 30, by the Baron de Saint-Génois, - -[246] This is a mistake on Busbecq’s part. The first German immigrants -came to Transylvania at the invitation of Geisa II., king of Hungary, -in the times of Conrad III. and Frederick Barbarossa, _i.e._, about the -middle of the twelfth century. Most of them came from the Lower Rhine. -They still form distinct communities, marrying only among themselves, -and are known as Saxons. - -[247] See note 1, page 415. - -[248] A similar legend is told of St. Raymond, a Spanish saint, who -lived in the thirteenth century. He was confessor to Don James, King of -Aragon. In the words of Mrs. Jameson (_Legends of the Monastic Orders_, -p. 421), ‘the latter’ (the King) ‘had but one fault; he was attached -to a certain beauty of his court from whom Raymond in vain endeavoured -to detach him. When the King summoned his confessor to attend him -to Majorca, the saint refused unless the lady were left; the King -affected to yield, but soon after their arrival in Majorca, Raymond -discovered that the lady was also there in the disguise of a page; he -remonstrated; the King grew angry; Raymond intimated his resolution to -withdraw to Spain; the King forbad any vessel to leave the port, and -made it death to any person to convey him from the island. The result -is thus gravely related: St. Raymond, full of confidence in God, said -to his companion, “An earthly King has deprived us of the means of -escape, but a heavenly King will supply them!” Then walking up to a -rock which projected into the sea, he spread his cloak on the waters, -and setting his staff upright and tying one corner to it for a sail, -he made the sign of the cross, and boldly embarked in this new kind of -vessel. He was wafted over the surface of the ocean with such rapidity -that in six hours he reached Barcelona. This stupendous miracle _might_ -perhaps have been doubted, if five hundred credible witnesses had -not seen the saint land on the quay at Barcelona, take up his cloak, -which was not even wetted by the waves, throw it round him, and retire -modestly to his cell; more like an humble penitent than one in whose -favour Heaven had so wonderfully wrought.’ - -[249] This feat is by no means impossible. See Hone’s _Everyday Book_, -ii. p. 771-9. - -[250] A receipt by which this feat may be accomplished is given in -the _Booke of Secrets_ of Albertus Magnus, imprinted at London by H. -Jackson. ‘Take the juice of Bismalua, and the white of an egge, and the -seed of an herb called Psillium, also Pulicarius herba, and break it -into powder, and make a confection, and myxe the juice of Radysh with -the white of an egge. Anoynt thy body or hand with this confection, and -let it be dryed, and after anoynte it againe; after that thou mayest -suffer boldely the fire without hurt.’ (See Hone’s _Everyday Book_, ii. -p. 774.) Similar feats were performed before Evelyn. (_Diary_, p. 370.) - -[251] See note, page 226. - -[252] Treaty of Cateau Cambrésis, concluded between France and Spain, -April 3, 1559. - -[253] ‘Alvaro de Sandé fit tres bien à la bataille de Gerbes, là -où combattant vaillamment il fut pris et mené à Constantinople en -signe de triumphe et presenté au grand Solyman, qui le fit garder -fort curieusement et estroictment, en faisant serment sur son grand -dieu Mahom(!) qu’il ne luy feroit jamais plus la guerre, et qu’il -vieilliroit et mourroit en prison sans le vouloir jamais mettre à -rançon; car il sçavoit bien que le roy d’Espagne son maistre le -rechapteroit de beaucoup. Enfin, voyant que pour or ny argent il ne -le pouvoit faire rançonner ny avoir, il envoya prier avec grande -suplication le roy Charles, son beau et bon frere, par le moyen de -ceste bonne Reyne d’Espaigne sa sœur, d’envoyer une ambassade vers -le Grand Seigneur pour le luy demander et le luy donner; dont le Roy -(comme je le vis moy estant lors à la Cour) despescha aussitost M. le -chevalier de Salvyaty, qui a esté depuis premier escuyer de la reyne -de Navarre, homme fort digne pour ceste charge, et fort habile, qu en -fit l’ambassade, avec danger de sa vie, pourtant qu’il courut par les -chemins, me dict il à son retour. Le Grand Seigneur du commancement -en fit un peu de refus à ce qu’il me dict; mais vaincu par prieres du -Roy, il ne l’en voulut refuser, et le luy accorda pour la premiere -demande qu’il luy avoit faicte, parce que c’estoit son avenement à -la couronne: outre plus, luy envoya les plus belles offres du monde. -Par ainsy ledict chevalier s’en retourna libre avec son prisonnier, -qui ne pensoit rien moins à cela devoir à nostre Roy sa vie et sa -liberté.’—_Brantôme_, i. 218. - -It is needless to point out the absurdities and gross inaccuracies of -this account, which is given by Salviati’s friend. It is contradicted -by the despatches of the French representative at Constantinople, -which show that Salviati’s mission was a complete failure: ‘Solyman ne -se souvenant plus de ses parolles et de ce qu’il avoit escrit au roy -dernièrement par M. le chevalier Salviati, que sa foy ne permettoit -point de délivrer les chrestiens pris en bataille, accorda la -délivrance desdits trois chevaliers espagnols, à la premiere requeste -et instance que Ferdinand luy en a faicte soubz ombre de cent cinquante -esclaves turcqs qu’ilz ont promis dellivrer.’—Charrière, _Négotiations -de la France dans le Levant_, ii. 704. - -[254] ‘Quant à l’aultre point des chevalliers espagnols délivrez, Ali -me dit que certainement leur foy ne permettoit point délivrer les -chrestiens pris en bataille, mais que le Grand Seigneur ayant remis -ce pesché sur ses bassats, ils avoient trouvé par leur loy que pour -eschange d’esclaves en tel nombre que les Espagnols promettent, et -faire un bien public comme la paix, leur foy, comme par une indulgence -spécialle, permettoit ladite délivrance.’—_Charrière_, ii. 706. - -[255] See page 156. - -[256] These ants are mentioned first by Herodotus, iii. c. 102, where -he gives an account of the stratagem by which the Indians steal the -gold thrown up by them as they burrow. The most plausible conjecture -is that which identifies this animal with the Pangolin or Ant-eater. -See Blakesley’s and Rawlinson’s notes on the passage, in the latter of -which the statement in the text is referred to. - -[257] This headdress must have resembled that of the Janissaries -Busbecq saw at Buda. See p. 87 and note. - -[258] Aleppo is really a considerable distance from the Euphrates. - -[259] The date of Bajazet’s death was September 25, 1561. - -[260] See note, page 108. - -[261] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[262] Compare page 159. - -[263] Theriac, the original form of the word treacle, is derived from -θηρίον, i.e. a venomous serpent (see Acts xxviii. 4). It originally -meant a confection of vipers’ flesh, which was popularly believed to be -the most potent antidote to vipers’ poison. Hence the word came to mean -any antidote against poison. - -[264] The value of this balsam is illustrated by the amusing account -of the adventures in Ireland of Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, -given by Sir James Melville in his _Memoirs_ (page 10, Bannatyne Club -edition). Like his friend Busbecq (see vol. ii. p. 34, _Letter to -Maximilian_, XI.) he had been ambassador at the Turkish Court, and was -afterwards sent in the same capacity to Scotland. On his return he paid -a visit to Ireland to intrigue with the chieftains who were hostile to -England. Melville, then a boy of fourteen, was sent back with him by -Mary of Guise, the Queen Regent, to be a page to her daughter Queen -Mary. They landed on Shrove Tuesday, 1550, in Lough Foyle, and were -taken to Odocarte’s house. A woman, who had been brought to entertain -the bishop, and was kept quietly in his chamber, ‘found a little glass -within a case standing in a window, for the coffers were all wet by the -sea waves that fell in the ship during the storm. But she believed it -had been ordained to eat, because it had an odoriphant smell; therefore -she licked it clean out; which put the bishop in such a rage that he -cried out for impatience.... But the Irishmen and his own servants -laughed at the matter, for it was a phial of the only most precious -balm that grew in Egypt, which Solyman the great Turk had given in a -present to the said bishop, after he had been two years ambassador -for the King of France in Turkey, and was esteemed worth two thousand -crowns.’ - -[265] See p. 86. - -[266] Here we part from the gallant Spaniard. For his future career see -note p. 317. He was finally Governor of Oran, ‘où il a finy ses jours -fort vieux et cassé.’—_Brantôme_, i. 219. - -[267] The then Duke, or rather Elector, of Saxony, was Augustus the -Pious, who succeeded his brother, the famous Maurice, in 1553, and -died in 1586. The Duke of Bavaria was Albert III., surnamed the -Magnanimous, who reigned from 1550 to 1579. His wife was a daughter of -Ferdinand. William the Rich was then Duke of Juliers, Cleves and Berg, -&c. He reigned from 1539 to 1592, and he also had married a daughter -of Ferdinand. He was younger brother of Anne of Cleves, Henry VIII.’s -fourth wife. - -[268] Ferdinand might have defended himself by the example of his -predecessor Sigismund. See the story in Carlyle’s _Frederick the -Great_, i. 187, of his speech at the Council of Constance. “‘Right -Reverend Fathers, date operam ut illa nefanda schisma eradicetur,’ -exclaimed Sigismund, intent on having the Bohemian schism well dealt -with,—which he reckons to be of the feminine gender. To which a -Cardinal mildly remarking, ‘Domine, schisma est generis neutrius -(Schisma is neuter, your Majesty),’ Sigismund loftily replies, ‘Ego sum -Rex Romanus et super grammaticam (I am King of the Romans, and above -Grammar)!’” - -[269] An allusion to Horace, _Odes_, iii. 3, 1-10. - -[270] In the battle of Nicopolis, A.D. 1396, Bajazet defeated -Sigismund, King of Hungary (afterwards Emperor), and a confederate army -of 100,000 Christians, who had proudly boasted that if the sky should -fall, they would uphold it on their lances. Among them was John, Count -of Nevers, son of Philippe-le-Hardi, Duke of Burgundy, afterwards the -Duke known as Jean Sans-Peur, who led a contingent of French knights. -In the battle of Varna, A.D. 1444, Ladislaus, King of Hungary and -Poland, was defeated, and killed by Sultan Amurath II. For Mohacz, see -_Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[271] Compare Camoens: ‘Eu nunca louvarei o general que diz “Eu não -cuidei.”—I will never praise the general who excuses himself by saying, -“I thought not.”’ - -[272] See _Sketch of Hungarian History_. - -[273] The Suleimanyeh, or mosque of Solyman, is the most glorious -masterpiece of Ottoman architecture. It is built after the pattern of -St. Sophia, and was intended to surpass it. As regards the regularity -of the plan, the perfection of the individual parts, and the harmony of -the whole, that intention appears to have been fully attained. It was -begun in 1550 and finished in 1555. - -[274] Johann Trautson von Matray, Freiherr von Sprechenstein, &c., -descended from an ancient Tyrolese family, was Governor of the Tyrol, -and Privy Councillor and Lord High Chamberlain to Ferdinand, who -created him a Baron. Leonard von Harrach, a member of an ancient -Bohemian family, Privy Councillor and Court Chancellor of Ferdinand, is -probably the person meant. - -[275] Mattioli or Matthioli, an Italian physician, was one of the -founders of modern botany. He was born at Siena in 1500, and died at -Trent in 1577. He was educated at Venice and Padua, and afterwards -lived at Siena and Rome, but was compelled by the sack of the latter -city to retire to Trent, from which he removed to Goritz. In 1562 -he was summoned by Ferdinand to his Court, where for ten years he -was first physician to Maximilian. His most celebrated work is his -_Dioscorides_ and his _Commentary_ on that author. In this he made -especial use of two MSS. discovered at Constantinople by his intimate -friend Busbecq, one of which is presently mentioned in the text. - -Mattioli in his _Commentaries_, continually refers to the specimens -and information he had received from Quacquelben, Busbecq’s physician. -He gives a figure and description of the _Acorus_, the plant mentioned -in the text, which Busbecq had had collected for him from the Lake of -Nicomedia, and also mentions the _Napellus_ under the head of Aconite. -Apparently there were two species known by that name, one of which was -extremely poisonous. Mattioli gives instances of experiments tried with -it upon condemned criminals, some of which proved fatal. Mattioli also -describes and gives figures of the horse-chestnut and lilac, taken from -branches and seed sent him by Busbecq. - -Quacquelben took advantage of the return of Busbecq’s colleagues in -August 1557, to send Mattioli a box of specimens accompanied by a long -letter, which, with Mattioli’s reply, is printed among the letters of -the latter. - -[276] The sweet or aromatic flag was used as a medicine in cases of -bites from mad dogs, &c. See Salmon’s _Herbal_. It was also used for -scenting rooms, and for ornamental purposes. See Evelyn’s description -of Lady Clarendon’s seat at Swallowfield: ‘The waters are flagg’d about -with _Calamus aromaticus_, with which my lady has hung a closet that -retains the smell very perfectly,’ _Diary_, p. 490. See also Syme’s -_English Botany_, vol. ix. p. 11. - -[277] See page 389. - -[278] Matarieh, a village near Cairo, occupies the site of the ancient -On or Heliopolis, where Cleopatra’s Needles originally stood. - -[279] See page 256 and note. - -[280] This MS. was purchased by the Emperor, and is still preserved -at Vienna. It is one of the most ancient and remarkable MSS. in -existence. It was written at Constantinople, towards the end of the -fifth century, for Juliana Anicia, daughter of the Emperor Olybrius, -who died A.D. 472. On the second and third pages are two miniatures, -each representing seven famous botanists and physicians assembled in -consultation. Among those represented in the second are Dioscorides -himself and Cratevas. On the fifth page is a picture of Dioscorides -engaged in the composition of his work. Visconti considers that the -resemblance of the two portraits of Dioscorides proves that they were -taken from a real original, and are not imaginary. On the sixth page is -a picture of Juliana Anicia seated on a throne between two allegorical -figures of Wisdom and Magnanimity. A winged Cupid, above whom is -written ‘The Love of the Creator of Wisdom,’ is presenting her with an -open book, while a kneeling figure entitled Gratitude is kissing the -feet of the princess. Engravings of these pictures, which, apart from -their antiquity, are remarkable as works of art, are given by Visconti, -_Iconographie Grecque_, vol. i. ch. 7, and by Montfaucon, _Palæographia -Græca_, bk. iii. ch. 2. Throughout the MS. the description of each -plant is illustrated by a figure. - -Dioscorides was a famous botanist and physician, who wrote a celebrated -treatise on Materia Medica. Cratevas was a Greek herbalist, who is -supposed to have lived about the beginning of the first century B.C. -The great work of Busbecq’s friend, Mattioli (see note 1 page 415), was -his edition of _Dioscorides_. - - - END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. - - LONDON: PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - AND PARLIAMENT STREET - - -——————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————— - - - OGIER GHISELIN - - DE BUSBECQ - - VOL. II. - -(_The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved_) - -[Illustration: CROSS OF BOUSBECQUE. - -THIRTEENTH CENTURY.] - - - - - THE - - LIFE AND LETTERS - - OF - - OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ - - SEIGNEUR OF BOUSBECQUE - - KNIGHT, IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR - - BY - - CHARLES THORNTON FORSTER, M.A. - - _Late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge: Vicar of Hinxton_ - - AND - - F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIELL, M.A. - - _Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge: Barrister-at-Law_ - - Πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω - - _IN TWO VOLUMES_ - - VOL. II. - - - LONDON - C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE - 1881 - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE SECOND VOLUME. - - - PAGE - - LETTERS FROM FRANCE TO MAXIMILIAN—I.-XXXVII. 3 - - ” ” ” RODOLPH—I.-LVIII. 141 - - APPENDIX 265 - - INDEX 311 - - - - - LETTERS FROM FRANCE. - - - - - BOOK I. - - LETTERS TO MAXIMILIAN. - - -In illustrating Busbecq’s letters from France reference is frequently -made to contemporary writers, and it may be useful to the reader to -have some idea of their different characters, and positions, and of the -historical value of their statements. - - (1). J. A. de Thou, the historian, son of Christopher de - Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris. Jurist and - statesman. Busbecq’s intimate friend and warm admirer. - Quoted as _Thuanus_. Edition, Geneva, 1620, &c. - - (2). Pierre de l’Estoile. Audiencier de la Chancellerie - de Paris. A quiet man, who took no part in politics. - He kept a diary which is generally known as _Journal - de Henri III._ and _Henri IV._, but is really _his own - private diary_ during the reigns of those monarchs. - Quoted as _De l’Estoile_. Edition, Paris, 1875, &c. - - (3). Pierre de Bourdeille, Abbé and Seigneur of Brantôme. - Soldier and courtier. Gentleman of the Chamber to Charles - IX. and Henri III. His ideas are those of the French - Court of that period, and consequently his standard of - morality is very low. He was a friend of Alençon, du - Guast, Bussy, de Viteaux, La Noue, &c., and a great - admirer of Marguerite, to whom he dedicated several - of his works. Having been disabled by a fall from his - horse, he devoted his last years to writing memoirs of - the celebrated men and women he had known, a treatise on - duelling, &c. Quoted as _Brantôme_. Edition, Paris, 1822. - - (4). Marguerite de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, - sister of Charles IX., Henri III., and Alençon, wrote an - autobiography which she addressed to Brantôme. Quoted as - _Mémoires de Marguerite_. Edition, Paris, 1842. - - (5). Theodore Agrippa d’Aubigné. Friend and adherent of - Henry of Navarre. He wrote a _Histoire universelle_ and - _Mémoires_. Quoted as _Aubigné, Histoire_. Edition S. - Jean d’Angely, 1616, &c. The _Mémoires_ are quoted from - the Panthéon Littéraire. Paris, 1836. - - (6). Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers. Soldier and statesman. - The compilation known as his Memoirs is quoted as - _Mémoires de Nevers_. Edition, Paris, 1665. - - (7). Venetian ambassadors:—John Michel, sent in 1575 to - congratulate Henri III. on his coronation and marriage. - Jerome Lippomano, ambassador in 1577-1579. Their reports - are contained in _Collection de Documents inédits - sur l’Histoire de France, Première Série, Relations - des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_. Quoted as _Ambassadeurs - Vénitiens_. - - (8). Guillaume and Michel Le Riche. Avocats du Roi at - Saint-Maixent in Poitou. Their Journal is quoted as _Le - Riche_. Edition, Saint-Maixent, 1846. - - (9). Famianus Strada. A Jesuit priest who wrote the - history of the wars in the Netherlands. Motley has drawn - largely from his work. Quoted as _Strada_. Edition, Rome, - 1648. - - - - -LETTER I. - - -Yesterday, August 21, I arrived at Speyer. I stayed a day at Salzburg -and another at Augsburg, on account of my health. For at my third stage -from Vienna an attack of hæmorrhage came on, unaccompanied, however, -by pain, or any great derangement of the system. The physicians I -consulted at Salzburg and Augsburg told me that, if I neglected it, the -consequences might be serious, and ordered me to rest for some days. -For my own part, till now I saw no reason for interrupting my journey -for any length of time, but, as I observe that this trouble, whatever -it may be, is aggravated by heat and motion, I intend to stay here over -to-morrow, for fear of more haste perhaps proving to be worse speed. In -order to save time, I have abandoned my project of passing through the -Netherlands, and intend to go directly to Metz by easy stages, as my -health will not admit of rapid travelling. As to the King of France, I -can learn nothing here; no one knows where he is, but he is said to be -going straight to Rheims, which lies, I imagine, on my road, and I hope -to get there before him. - -When I passed through Munich, the Duchess, the sister of your -Majesty,[1] who had lately returned from a visit, sent to me, and made -particular inquiries about the health of your Majesty, of the Empress, -and your children. She also gave me messages for the Queen of France, -and sent letters to Augsburg next day for me to take to her. - -I was speaking to someone to-day who had come but lately from the -Prince of Orange, and he said that negotiations[2] for peace had been -opened with him through St. Aldegonde, who was a prisoner in the hands -of the Royalists. He represented the Prince as strongly inclined for -peace, but said that the cities, which had called him in, were no less -strongly opposed to it, and would rather suffer the worst extremity -than trust themselves to the Spaniards, or send Orange away. The same -person told me that Leyden was starving, and must soon surrender.[3] -The Prince, he said, was not to blame for it, but the inhabitants, who, -having been repeatedly warned to lay in stores in time, had obstinately -neglected to do so. He also informed me that the Spanish fleet, if it -was really coming, was to sail round Scotland, and that Orange had set -up false beacons and lights on the coast to draw it among the shoals -and sandbanks. - -Perhaps the information I have sent your Majesty is not of much -importance, still I feel sure that it will at least do no harm, and -that with your accustomed graciousness you will not take my sending it -amiss. I pray God to preserve your Majesty, and remain, &c. - - Speyer,[4] August 22, 1574.[5] - - - - -LETTER II. - - -On September 2 I arrived at Meaux, fourteen[6] miles from Paris. My -journey was delayed by want of post-horses, for, as the King had just -gone to Lyons, they had almost all been transferred to that road from -their proper stations, and so for two days and nights I sailed down the -Marne, but, as it winds very much before its confluence with the Seine, -near Paris, I had to change my mode of travelling, and return to land. -As no horses or carriages were to be had, I sent people to Paris to -get some, and also to look for lodgings against our arrival. When the -Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, knew of this, she sent two of her own -carriages, which brought me and my suite to Paris on the 4th. - -On that day the Queen[7] wished me to rest, and did not send for me -till the next day. I found her in excellent health, but her face was -melancholy, and still showed traces of her recent loss. As I was going -through the points mentioned in my instructions, she spoke gratefully -of your Majesty’s thinking of her and sending to console and visit -her in her bereavement. She was not surprised, she added, at the deep -regret expressed by your Majesty, for, indeed, her late Consort had -always felt the warmest affection for you, and had always been most -anxious to meet your wishes. She then made very minute inquiries -about your Majesty’s health. But, when I said that she must wait -patiently till your Majesty should be able to decide, according to the -turn events might take, whether she was to leave or stay, she gently -replied, that all she asked was to be allowed to do that which was most -useful and pleasing to her father. Our conversation then ended, and I -received permission to retire. - -The next day the Queen again ordered me to be summoned, and during -the interview I contrived to introduce the question of her marriage -to the new King (Henry III.) by alluding to the reports now current; -many people set her down as his future bride, I remarked, and if the -union were to take place, it would, in my opinion, harmonise with your -Majesty’s views and policy. Her reply was such as to make it perfectly -plain the suggestion was by no means to her liking; and yet I could see -that she did not intend to be obstinate; she will, I am sure, place -herself in her father’s hands, and further his interests and wishes by -every means in her power.[8] - -I also touched on the Constantinople matter, as your Majesty directed. -She promised to bear it in mind when the Queen Mother returned. I will -then make it my business to remind her of it. - -I went to her a third time to ask that, as your Majesty’s principal -reason for sending me here was that I might look after her interests, -she would kindly give orders to the _maréchaux de logis_ to provide me -with proper quarters in the neighbourhood, and she at once complied -with my request. - -As to other matters, there is no news of any importance. The King is -expected to arrive at Lyons today, where the Queen Mother, Alençon, -and Vendôme[9] have been for some time awaiting him. Disturbances are -still going on in Poitou and the neighbouring provinces. The King, they -say, is preparing to exert his influence, and, if need be, to put them -down with a strong hand. He has hired 5,000 Swiss, besides reiters from -Germany, and some thousands of Italian musketeers. - -With regard to our business, not much, I see, can be done here while -the King is away, and so, if I was not afraid I might transgress the -rules of etiquette, I should like to run home for a few days. But I -cannot make up my mind, as I hardly know what people here might think; -otherwise I see no objection, as I had your Majesty’s permission. - -Montmorency and Cossé[10] are still confined in the Bastille, and both -are so strictly guarded by the people,[11] that passers-by cannot so -much as bow to them without danger. - -Yesterday there arrived here Master John Koch, whose misfortune has -been a great grief to me. Today I took the letters he brought to the -Queen, and she immediately answered them. - - Paris, September 10, 1574. - - - - -LETTER III. - - -A few days ago I sent such news as I had by way of Brussels; I now -write, more because I have a convenient opportunity of forwarding a -letter, than because I have anything particular to tell. - -The King arrived at Lyons on the 6th. His army is besieging the town -of Nove,[12] twelve miles from Lyons, which they think will not be -hard to take, as it is commanded on every side by the adjoining hills. -Still, they are not quite confident, as they know how obstinate the -King’s opponents have hitherto been in defending the places they -have occupied. Montpensier[13] is besieging the town of Fontenay; a -capitulation, they say, was agreed on, but his men refused to accept -it, preferring to risk their lives in storming the place, rather than -forego their plunder, so the result is still uncertain. Great is the -strength of despair, and however things may turn out, their spoils, I -warrant, will be blood-stained. - -They say that the King, before he reached Lyons, asked his Council’s -advice, as to whether he should send back the Italian troops he had -brought with him as a body guard, and that Pibrac,[14] whom your -Majesty saw at Vienna, was for dismissing them. This gave offence to -the Queen Mother, and on his arrival at Lyons she ordered him to return -to Paris, and resume his duties as Advocate of the Kingdom. The Queen -Mother, people think, is in favour of war, because she hopes thereby -to retain her power. - -Damville,[15] they say, received an unfavourable answer from the King, -and consequently remained at Turin; he has now, I hear, been summoned -by the King; a suspicious circumstance, as many think. It will be two -months, it is supposed, before the King gets away from his affairs -at Lyons, and in the meantime business here makes little progress. I -expect the King and the Queen Mother will give your Majesty an account -of what is passing in France. At any rate I feel justified in saying -that everybody is anxiously looking for a marriage between the King and -your Majesty’s daughter—it is the general topic of conversation. - -The Comte de Bailen, after being kept for a long time in Gascony by the -dangers of the road, has at last started for Lyons. - - Paris, September 17, 1574. - - - - -LETTER IV. - - -I have despatched two letters to your Majesty since I arrived here, one -I sent by way of Brussels, the other, dated the 17th, was given to a -servant of the Duke of Bavaria, who was travelling this way from Spain. -Now I have a convenient opportunity of sending despatches by the hands -of Master John Koch. - -The King has determined to continue the war rather than suffer two -religions in his kingdom, or allow the rebels to remain in possession -of the towns they have seized; while they declare that they will -hold them to the death, having no hope of safety left save in their -walls and their despair. Thus the King is again getting entangled in -difficulties, from which he will not easily free himself, and which he -might perhaps have avoided. - -Fontenay, the town about which I wrote lately, fell at the third -assault. There was great slaughter both of besiegers and besieged. -People think Lusignan will be attacked next. It is a fortress of -considerable strength, five miles from Poitiers, and being built on -a rock is not easily accessible.[16] The siege of Lusignan will give -Montpensier’s army occupation for some time, and though less important -places like these may be easily recovered by the King, at any rate the -reduction of Montauban, Nismes, Rochelle, and other towns, which still -hold out, will prove a more difficult task. But who can say what may -happen in the meanwhile? Time brings about many a surprise, and the -result may turn out far other than what it is expected to be. The King -thinks differently; under his mother’s influence, as it is supposed, -he is entering on the war with a light heart. Within the last few days -an Edict[17] was published, by which all who had fled the country are -invited to return home within six months, under promise of an amnesty; -if they do not avail themselves of this act of indemnity within that -time, they are to be considered outlaws and public enemies. This -proclamation, it is feared, will be the signal for those who distrust -the King’s word to take the field—it is the trumpet calling them to -battle. To people’s astonishment some noble families, as, for instance, -those of Rambouillet and d’Estrées,[18] have been ordered to leave the -Court and retire to their homes. - -At his parting from the Duke of Savoy, the King is said to have -made him a present of two towns which are still held by his -garrisons—namely, Savigliano and Pignerolo, if I remember the names -rightly. This arrangement, however, has been interfered with by -the Duke’s wife having died, unfortunately for him, before it was -completed, an event which may possibly make the King change his -intentions.[19] - -I am far from satisfied with the state of the business which is the -principal object of my mission—namely, the settlement of the Queen’s -dower. The King’s return, I suspect, is further off than people think, -and meanwhile nothing can be done here. The Queen is thus left in a -state of uncertainty; she knows not what is to happen, or what her -position is to be, and therefore she naturally feels by no means -comfortable. Some people think the King will go down to Avignon, to -be nearer the seat of the war which is imminent; and, if so, it is -supposed he will not be in Paris for full six months from this. If -this be true, though sufficient provision has been made for her in the -meantime, still perhaps it is hardly creditable that a lady, who is now -practically your Majesty’s ward, should be left dependent on another’s -beck and call, and sit quietly waiting till it pleases him to ask her -to become once more a wife. Such a position is, in my humble opinion, -a highly improper one; nor do I believe that in any other case the -relatives of a widowed queen ever waited so long before taking steps to -protect her interests. I trust your Majesty will consider what is to be -done. Shall I go to the King—which will involve some expense—or shall -I write to him, or shall I wait here for his return, whenever that may -be? - -If I may give my opinion, I think the King is likely to have more -trouble than he expects. For, taking even the most favourable -supposition, and assuming that he reduces a great part of the rebels -to submission, I consider that he cannot possibly complete his task -during the present winter, and that many of them will hold out still. -What then will be the King’s position? His forces will be no longer -what they were at the beginning of the campaign; war, privation, and -winter will have thinned their ranks. On the other hand, we must be -prepared to see the exiled nobles now in Germany come to the succour of -their friends with such troops as they can raise. All France will then -be in a blaze once more; the issue of the contest it is impossible to -foretell, for who can say how many secret allies the rebels can reckon -on? Those who are thoroughly estranged from the King are not a few. - -This forecast of future probabilities is derived in great measure -from a conversation I had, when I was passing through Kaiserslautern, -with an intimate friend of the Palatine and Casimir.[20] The exiles I -speak of have been prevented from invading the country chiefly by two -motives: in the first place, they had some hopes that the King would -be more indulgent to their party, and wished to give him a trial; -secondly, among their chiefs are two sons of the Constable,[21] and -they saw that if they stirred it would be the signal for the execution -of their imprisoned brother, Montmorency; the Queen Mother has openly -threatened and declared as much. Perhaps, too, they are influenced -by the consideration that it would be very bad policy to choose the -moment when the King’s forces are at their best for attacking him, -instead of biding their time. - -To turn to another subject. A few days ago a gentleman, who is one of -the King’s councillors, came to see me, and gave me a book to send to -your Majesty, to whom it is dedicated by the author. It is the work of -François de Foix, Bishop of Aire, and Privy Councillor to the King. He -is an old man of the highest rank, and is a great scholar. He is also a -near relative of your Majesty, for his father, he states in his letter, -was brother of your Majesty’s grandmother on the mother’s side.[22] His -elder brother, the Comte de Candale, is dead. He left a son, who was -killed by a musket-shot in the head,[23] while fighting under Damville, -who was then engaged in some service for the King. He left only two -daughters, the eldest of whom succeeded to the family property, and is -being brought up in the house of her maternal grandmother, the widow -of the Constable, their father having married one of the Constable’s -daughters. To return to the Bishop. He is a man of the greatest -learning, especially in mathematics, and is regarded by the professors -of that science here as one of their most distinguished men. He has -translated Hermes Trismegistus[24]—a writer of such antiquity that -some people make him out to be a contemporary of Moses himself—from -Greek into Latin, and this is the work that is now on its way to your -Majesty. He has also translated him into French, and has dedicated the -translation to the Queen Mother. He has written, besides, five books of -commentaries on the same author in French, which those who have seen -it assert to be a noble work; and this has been published under the -patronage of the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter. I humbly hope your -Majesty, when answering my letter, will condescend to acknowledge the -arrival of the book, and gratify the good old man by thanking him for -the compliment. I will take care to show the passage to his friends, -who brought me the book. - -As to the Queen’s condition, I have nothing to write which your Majesty -will not hear from her own letters. One matter, I think, I should not -omit to mention. Everything here is exceedingly dear, especially the -necessaries of life, such as bread, wine, fire-wood, and lodgings. -With these high prices, I do not see how I am to keep within the salary -allowed by your Majesty. However, I will do the best I can for this -half year, and after that I trust your Majesty will kindly see that I -am properly provided for. - -To conclude. As I perceive there is no immediate prospect of the King’s -arrival, and I can leave Paris for some days without any inconvenience -to the Queen, I have determined, with her approval, to avail myself of -your Majesty’s kind permission, and to make the journey home, which -I have so long intended, to arrange my private affairs. I think of -remaining in the Netherlands till your Majesty’s gracious reply to this -letter arrives at Brussels, which I consider your Majesty will find to -be the most convenient route for sending an answer. I have nothing more -to add except my earnest prayer that God may long preserve your Majesty -to us and to Christendom. - - Paris, September 28, 1574. - - -Montmorency is still detained in the same prison; Cossé, on account of -his illness, is allowed a more convenient lodging, but is guarded there -with the utmost strictness. - -I am not sure if it is worth adding a postscript to say that, if your -Majesty should think fit to send me to the King, any despatches to the -Duke of Savoy could be conveyed at the same time without any additional -trouble or expense, for Turin is not very far from Lyons, and is nearer -still to Avignon—if I mistake not. - - - - -LETTER V. - - -I have but lately sent all the news I had by the hands of Master John -Koch. Since then nothing has happened worth notice, except that letters -from Lyons have reached Paris, saying that the question of the Queen’s -dower has been discussed at Court, and that the Duchy of Berry has been -assigned to her on account thereof. The annual income, however, of -this Duchy, derived from real estate, does not come up to the amount -of her dower; whence the rest is to be provided we do not know, but -it certainly ought to be charged on lands in the neighbourhood. The -Queen herself has not heard a word on the subject, though the King -has written several times to her, and the Queen Mother still more -frequently. The report I mention about the dower prevents my starting -for the Netherlands, as I had intended, for I am afraid of perhaps -being wanted here. - -As to the King’s return, nothing is yet known for certain: some think -it is not near, and that he intends going further away; others regard -his movements as a trick to induce the gentlemen of the Court to start -for the camp, under the notion that the King will shortly follow. I can -make no positive assertion either way; I have not been long in France -and am at a distance from the scene of action; hitherto I have been -unable to do more than chronicle rumours and people’s opinions. Your -Majesty must excuse it, therefore, if I am occasionally wrong in my -facts or mistaken in my predictions. - -One part of the Royal army is besieging Poussin,[25] a castle fortified -by the Huguenots, on the bank of the Rhone, a little below Vienne, -I believe, and not many miles from Lyons. The rest of it is with -Montpensier, besieging Lusignan, which is garrisoned, they say, by -about 600 soldiers and 200 gentlemen. La Noue,[26] the head of the -rebels, is said to be at Rochelle with such a following, that they -think he will be master of the town. As to Damville, some people have a -story that, when he found the King intended to arrest him and put him -to death, he crossed by sea from Savoy to Montpellier, a city in his -government, and that he has induced it with some of the neighbouring -towns to revolt. Of this, however, there is nothing known for certain, -and I suspect it is somebody’s invention. - - Paris, October, 1574. - - - - -LETTER VI. - - -I lately despatched a letter to your Majesty by a running footman, whom -I sent to Brussels to bring back the answer I am expecting from your -Majesty. Since then nothing new has occurred except that the Queen was -threatened with an attack. The symptoms were sickness, accompanied by -general inflammation and irritation of the skin, while at night she -suffered from thirst. Physicians were called in, and they declared it -to be a case of bile in the blood; they said that there was danger of -fever if remedies were not promptly employed. Accordingly, they treated -her with purgatives and bleeding; since then there has been a change -for the better, and the physicians now have great hopes that the attack -has been taken in time, and this is also my view. The Queen herself is -in good spirits, and considers herself as well as before the illness. -Still I should not like to leave your Majesty in ignorance of what has -happened. - -A few days ago the Comte de Bailen arrived from Lyons to offer the -Queen the condolences of the King of Spain; he had already expressed -his master’s regret to the King and Queen Mother at Lyons. He was kept -a long time at Bordeaux by the dangers of the road, and he incurred -serious risks on his way round by Lyons, as parties were watching -at various places on his route with intent to waylay him. He is now -hesitating as to what road he shall choose for his return, and seems -to think the safety of his route a more important consideration than -its length. He has, moreover, a wish to visit the Netherlands and other -countries. - -To-day I was informed that Pibrac is coming here from Lyons; from him -I shall be able to learn how matters stand there. He is also bringing, -they say, the King’s instructions to me with reference to the dower. -Your Majesty shall be duly informed of whatever I hear. - -Poussin, which was being besieged, has fallen into the King’s hands; -the defenders, according to some accounts, sallied out by night and -escaped from the town.[27] Damville’s conduct excites suspicion; two -Vicomtes are said to have come to him at Montpellier to concert plans -for war. One of them, I think, is the Vicomte de Montbrun; the other’s -name I have not heard. Damville is also believed to have tried to take -Avignon by surprise; people think that he will raise the standard of -a fresh insurrection, and thus exasperate the King, who is at present -inclined towards justice and mercy, as your Majesty will see from -the Edict[28] I enclose. There seems, therefore, to be no prospect -that France will see any termination of the woes with which she is -afflicted. One civil war begets another, until there is no end. - -About the King’s coming there are vague reports, which change every -day. I cannot be sure of anything till I have an interview with -Pibrac, and, as soon as I have seen him, I will lose no time in making -my report to your Majesty. - - Paris, October 31, 1574. - - - - -LETTER VII. - - -In my last letter to your Majesty I gave an account of the Queen’s -health; and how her physicians hoped to keep off a fever by timely -remedies. Unhappily, a few days later, though the Queen had felt no -inconvenience in the mean time, there was a return of the complaint, -and it was found necessary to repeat the medicines and to bleed her -again. The blood that was taken was very corrupt, so much so that -her physicians became anxious, feeling sure that her illness would -be serious, and possibly dangerous. They called in some of the first -physicians in Paris, and held a consultation. The attack, however, -never became dangerous, and on the fifth day there was a decided -improvement, and on the seventh, which was Sunday, the fever had quite -subsided. Her physicians are not yet altogether free from anxiety, -as there is still some derangement of the system, which they are -endeavouring to remove; the Queen, however, now the fever has left her, -is not in the least nervous about herself. Thanks to God’s mercy, she -is in a fair way towards recovery. - -There is another matter, as to which it is essential to have explicit -instructions from your Majesty. From the beginning of next January -the Queen, they say, will have her dower assigned to her, and instead -of living as hitherto at the expense of the State, she will have to -maintain herself on her own resources and out of the revenues of her -dower. Consequently there are several points that present themselves -for your Majesty’s consideration. In the first place, your Majesty -will have to indicate the source from which the Queen is to get money -for her maintenance till her own revenues begin to come in; secondly, -your Majesty will have to decide whether she is to remain here for the -winter, so as to have milder weather for her journey, or to return -immediately. If the last course is preferred, your Majesty will have -to settle all the questions relating to her route, the expense to be -incurred, the suite that is to attend her, the road she is to take, and -her ultimate destination. If, on the other hand, there is not time to -make all these arrangements, and it should be therefore decided that -she shall stay some months longer in France, still a decision must be -come to as to whether she is to remain in Paris, or retire to the place -assigned her as dower. For there can be no question that she will live -at much less expense in her own house, if I may call it so, than here -in Paris, where everything is excessively dear. There is a château in -the Duchy of Berry which would just suit her, called Remorantin; the -Queen Mother herself is said to have sometimes thought of retiring -thither. Apart from any questions of economy, a residence in the -country would be more in keeping with her position as a widow. Assuming -this to be settled, your Majesty’s opinion will be required as to all -the arrangements of her new establishment, and the gentlemen and ladies -who are to constitute her household. Nothing can be determined till I -receive your Majesty’s instructions. - -I mentioned in my former letter that the Duchy of Berry is to be -assigned to the Queen, and I have now written that after the first -of January she is to live at her own charges. Both these statements -are founded only upon current report and require confirmation, for -neither the Queen, nor the Comte de Fiesco,[29] nor I have received -any official notice on the subject. However, the fact is in itself so -probable and the rumour has become so general, that neither the Comte -nor myself have any doubt of its truth. I heard from one of Pibrac’s -relatives in Lyons that he would shortly be here to discuss the whole -question with me on behalf of the King. However, he has not arrived -yet, though he is expected every day. I shall lose no time in informing -your Majesty of the result of our interview. In the meantime I have -thought it better to send this letter without waiting for his arrival. - -The report, which was at first very general, of the King’s intending to -marry your daughter, is now universally discredited. Some people, whose -opinion is worth having, ascribe the cause to the Sorbonne or College -of Divines in Paris. When King Henry VIII. of England began to question -the validity of his marriage with his deceased brother’s widow, and -wanted to have it declared null, these divines were consulted as to the -lawfulness of the marriage. At the instigation of King Francis I., who -wished to gratify the King of England, knowing that the dissolution of -the marriage would dissolve the alliance between the Emperor Charles -and Henry, they pronounced the marriage unlawful and incestuous, in -opposition to all the other divines and jurists before whom the case -had been laid.[30] This decision being so contrary to the general -opinion, King Francis thought it sufficient to forward it to England, -and wished it to be suppressed as far as possible in France. But the -King of England, being anxious to support his case, had the decision -printed, and published far and wide. This precedent is supposed to be a -great stumbling-block to the King, and to make him have scruples of the -lawfulness of a marriage with his brother’s widow, as he would thereby -seem to question the authority of his ancestor’s decision. - -This is one version of the story; whether it be the true one, or -simply an excuse, I cannot tell for certain. I fully expect that when -I have had a talk with Pibrac I shall be able to make out more of this -matter, or at any rate to form a tolerably good guess; for even if he -says nothing I shall be able from his very silence to draw my own -conclusions as to the King’s wishes and intentions. - -It is considered certain that the King will go down to Avignon. His -object, I imagine, is to be nearer the scene of action, where his -presence is required. Meanwhile the siege of Lusignan continues. As to -other matters, I cannot venture to make any positive assertion. The -Comte de Bailen will, I understand, leave this to-morrow on his way -back to Spain. He intends going to Nantes, a seaport in Brittany, and -thence taking ship for Bilbao or St. Sebastian. He has chosen this as -being by far the shortest route as well as the safest. - -I most humbly entreat your Majesty for an early answer to this letter, -for, until we have your instructions, we cannot bring this business to -a conclusion with credit to your Majesty. I would suggest sending the -answer to Leonhard de Taxis[31] at Brussels, who has promised to use -all speed in forwarding your Majesty’s letters to Paris. - - Paris, November 9, 1574. - - -I told your Majesty that we were expecting Pibrac in Paris. Well, he -has arrived, and as we were old friends, having made each other’s -acquaintance when the King of France was staying at Vienna, I went -and called on him. He returned my visit. I took the first opportunity -which offered itself in the course of our conversation of introducing -the Queen’s business, and expressed my surprise at the delay in the -assignment of the dower. He replied that affairs of this kind could -not be arranged in a hurry, and that matters would be set right if I -went to the King myself. - - - - -LETTER VIII. - - -I have little to add to what I told your Majesty in my last two letters -of the Queen’s health. She is still confined to her bed by the orders -of her physicians, but she looks well, and is in excellent spirits. -There is no need for me to say more, as she is writing to your Majesty -herself. - -Pibrac arrived three days ago. I lost no time in calling upon him, to -ascertain whether he had any instructions with regard to the Queen’s -dower. He avoided the subject, and talked of Poland, and a message the -King had received from a Diet held at Warsaw, begging him to return -forthwith. He told me that the Turkish Ambassador had been present -at the meeting of the Diet, and informed the Poles that the Sultan -would make it a _casus belli_ if they elected a Muscovite or one of -your Majesty’s sons to the vacant throne: they must appoint one of -their own countrymen, two of whom he specified as proper candidates. -It was supposed, however, that it was at the instigation of these two -gentlemen that the embassy had been sent. Pibrac then observed that -there was one of your Majesty’s subjects who was looking out for the -throne. - -I remarked that an absent king was not likely to keep his crown long. -He agreed, and was of opinion that the Poles would soon be engaged in -fighting with each other. - -The conversation flagged, and as he made no allusion to the subject in -which I was interested, I introduced it myself. I told him that there -was a rumour that the Queen’s dower had been assigned. He informed me -that the report was correct, and represented the settlement which had -been made as most advantageous to the Queen. He said that he understood -your Majesty intended arranging a marriage for the Queen with the King -of Portugal. I replied that I knew nothing of the matter beyond the -fact that the King of Portugal had been most anxious to obtain her hand -before her marriage. At present, I added, he was too much engaged with -his expedition against Fez.[32] - -It appears from my conversation with Pibrac that the Queen will -not receive her dower till January, and I am anxious to know what -arrangement your Majesty proposes for providing her with funds in the -meantime.[33] - - November 13, 1574. - - - - -LETTER IX. - - -On Saturday last I despatched a letter to your Majesty by a gentleman -who paid a visit to the Queen on behalf of the King and Queen Mother, -as he told me that on his return to Lyons the Seneschal of that city -would be sent to your Majesty. The Queen also wrote a letter, which I -enclosed. I wrote in such a hurry that I am afraid my letter is hardly -as clear as it should be; I trust your Majesty will, with your usual -kindness, pardon its shortcomings. - -The purport of my letter was that the Queen was convalescent, and -that her dower was to commence on the 1st of January. She will then -begin life afresh, and her residence and the arrangements of her -establishment will depend upon your Majesty’s pleasure. I humbly trust -that your Majesty will make such provision as the case requires. - -I understand that in similar cases the widows of French Kings have -been sent home with a French retinue at the charge of the royal -treasury; but I see that the Queen’s officials are anxious as to the -source from which funds are to be provided until her revenues shall -begin to accrue, for her debts are already large, and will be still -greater by January 1. At that date she will not owe less than 50,000 -francs. The King ought to pay the money, but I am afraid he will not -do so punctually, and in that case her creditors are likely to become -troublesome. I am also anxious as to her income, for I fear that, -whatever reductions are made in her household, she will have difficulty -in meeting her expenses if she remains in France. - -As to other matters, there is not much for me to say, except that -the King’s affairs are far from prosperous. The besieged garrison of -Lusignan has made a successful sally, and Montpensier has lost so many -men that he is compelled to raise the siege. Some companies also of the -Comte de Retz’s forces, with a detachment of cavalry, have likewise, -they say, been cut to pieces by Damville’s troops. Damville is believed -to be full of confidence, and busy in making preparations for defence. -He holds a commission as Condé’s lieutenant. There are fears that Condé -himself will take the field, and that troops will be raised in Germany. -In confirmation of this, we hear that the people of Rochelle have sold -a large quantity of salt to German traders, whose ships are lying in -their harbour, and that the proceeds are to be placed to the credit of -Condé in Germany, for the purpose of hiring soldiers. If this be true, -it is very serious news for France. - -As to the King’s views with regard to marriage, I cannot speak with -any certainty. Some think that he has set his heart on Monsieur de -Vaudemont’s daughter, who is a very handsome girl. Besides, the King is -devoted to the House and party of Lorraine, and most anxious for its -advancement. - -However, if he marries her he will cause tongues to wag, and give -offence to those who from interest or jealousy are opposed to the -party of Lorraine. Amongst these must be numbered Vendôme, Condé, -and possibly Alençon himself, who will suspect—not without reason -perhaps—that this marriage is only the thin end of the wedge. - - Paris, November 16, 1574. - - - - -LETTER X. - - -I received your Majesty’s two letters dated October 31, and also my -instructions, on November 23. I was at Paris when they arrived, having -abandoned my visit to the Netherlands for reasons with which your -Majesty is already acquainted. - -I informed the Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and at the same time -delivered the letter. I took the opportunity of ascertaining her views -as to the desirability of my visiting the King in accordance with -your Majesty’s instructions. She thought it advisable, on the grounds -mentioned by your Majesty. I asked her to think the matter over, and -when I had an interview with her the next day she was still of the same -opinion. - -Also I asked her whether the King (Charles IX.) had made a will before -he died? She replied in the negative, telling me that he had only given -verbal instructions on certain points; she was quite sure he had made -no will. I believe the Queen is right, for so far I have not heard from -anyone of his leaving a will. I will, however, make further inquiries. - -A few days after I had written my last letter to your Majesty, the -Bishop of Paris,[34] who is the Queen’s Chancellor, paid me a visit, -and we were shortly afterwards joined by the Comte de Fiesco and -Monsieur de France, the Queen’s first steward. We discussed the -question of the dower; the last two gentlemen expressed their doubts -as to the possibility of getting the pension of 20,000 francs usually -granted to Queens Dowager charged on a good security, quoting the case -of the Queen of Scots, whose pension was settled in such a way as to -be absolutely worthless. - -It would be of the greatest advantage to the Queen, your Majesty’s -daughter, if she could have the command of 10,000 or 12,000 thalers -to meet her expenses until the revenues of her dower shall begin to -accrue. I think we could manage without money in hard cash, if a credit -could be opened at Lyons or Antwerp, so that we might be able to draw -on our agents. My duty to your Majesty and the Queen, my mistress, -renders it incumbent on me to make this suggestion, but I shall gladly -acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be. - -Your Majesty mentions ‘credentials.’ I have not received them, and -I think they would be of some service to me; for if anyone should -challenge my right to act as the Queen’s representative, I have no -authority to produce except my letter of instructions, and I should not -care to have its entire contents made public. - - Paris, November 30, 1574. - - - - -LETTER XI. - - -I set out on the journey which I had undertaken at the desire of your -Majesty, and arrived at Lyons December 12. There I waited a couple of -days for the purpose of making inquiries as to the remainder of my -route, and obtaining what was needful for the road. - -I felt it my duty to have an interview with the Spanish Ambassador -and ascertain from him how matters were going on. His Excellency had -been ordered to remain at Lyons with the other ambassadors, and there -await the King’s arrival; but he had a still more imperative reason for -remaining—to wit, the gout! - -He advised me most kindly with regard to my journey, telling me much -of the dangers to be encountered, both on the river route and that -by land, and recommending me strongly not to go to Avignon. I think -he would have persuaded me, had I not sent for some boatmen who had -lately made the voyage; from them I ascertained that matters were not -nearly so bad as the Ambassador had represented; there was a risk, -but no certainty, of our being attacked. Accordingly, not wishing to -waste my time at Lyons, where no intelligence was to be obtained of the -movements of the King—nor, indeed, any news at all—and thus displease -both your Majesty and the Queen, I determined at all hazards to -continue my journey. - -Accordingly I embarked at Lyons on the 15th, and reached Avignon on -the 17th.[35] By God’s mercy, I encountered no difficulty or danger on -the way, and found the road far safer and pleasanter than I had been -led to expect. Not that it was altogether safe, for at Valence Bishop -Montluc,[36] (the chief negotiator in the Polish business), when he -came on board to pay his respects, advised me to take with me six -musketeers, as people had been stopped in the neighbourhood, and some -had been killed. I followed his advice. - -I had an audience of the King on the 19th of the same month, and was -received most kindly. On my delivering your Majesty’s message and -letter, together with that of the Empress, he answered in very handsome -terms, that for your Majesty’s sake he would do all that lay in his -power for the Queen, and spoke at great length of the attentions -and kind services he had received at your hands. The Queen Mother -(Catherine de Medici), to whose presence I was admitted a few days -later, held similar language; she had been suffering from constant -sickness, which prevented her giving me an earlier interview. I -ascertained later that the King had sent letters to the Queen at Paris -touching the dower, and that, contrary to the usual custom, they had -been registered by the Parliament of Paris before being presented to -the Queen. I called on his Majesty and made some objections to his -proposal. The King said he must refer the matter to his council, and -also wait for an answer from the Queen’s advisers. He spoke of your -Majesty’s kindness at great length, and specially of the assurances -he had lately received, through Vulcob,[37] that he would have your -Majesty’s support if he cared to keep his kingdom of Poland. - -In the course of our conversation I discovered that the King would do -whatever the Queen Mother wished, so I determined to approach her again -and ask for her services on behalf of the Queen. She professed the -utmost willingness and said, she would do her best for the Queen, who -had been an excellent daughter to her. - -A few days later, de Morvilliers,[38] the Bishop of Orleans, and the -Bishop of Limoges called on me and we had a long discussion with regard -to the dower. I must not forget to mention that, when the King told me -that your Majesty had offered to assist him in keeping his kingdom of -Poland, I was much surprised, but made no reply, as I thought it might -possibly be a trap. I wonder also that nothing has been said as to the -non-payment of the marriage portion[39]; I am afraid they are keeping -this argument in reserve. - -I must not forget to inform your Majesty that, in the course of my -interview with the Queen Mother, she told me she felt assured of the -kindly feeling which your Majesty entertained for her, because your -Majesty had continually advised her against war, whereas those who -wished her ill had given the opposite counsel. She had followed your -Majesty’s advice, she said, for a long time, and thereby exposed -herself to severe criticism from not a few. - - Lyons, January 24, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XII. - - -To-day the King set out from Lyons on his way to Rheims, where he is to -be crowned—as he told me himself—on the 13th. - -I will not weary your Majesty with a full description of the state of -France, but content myself with a sketch. - -Ever since the commencement of the civil wars which are distracting the -country, there has been a terrible change for the worse. So complete is -the alteration, that those who knew France before would not recognise -her again. Everywhere are to be seen shattered buildings, fallen -churches, and towns in ruins; while the traveller gazes horror-stricken -on spots which have but lately been the scenes of murderous deeds and -inhuman cruelties. The fields are left untilled: the farmer’s stock -and tools have been carried off by the soldier as his booty, he is -plundered alike by Frenchman and by foreigner. Commerce is crippled; -the towns lately thronged with merchants and customers are now mourning -their desolation in the midst of closed shops and silent manufactories. -Meanwhile, the inhabitants, ground down by ceaseless exactions, are -crying out at the immense sums which are being squandered for nought, -or applied to purposes for which they were never intended. They demand -a reckoning in tones which breathe a spirit of rebellion. Men of -experience, members of the oldest families in France, are in many cases -regarded with suspicion, and either not allowed to come to Court, or -left to vegetate at home. Besides the two parties into which Frenchmen -are divided by their religious differences, there are also feuds and -quarrels which affect every grade of society. - -In the first place, the feeling against the Italians who are in the -French service is very strong; the high promotion they have received -and the important duties with which they have been intrusted, arouse -the jealousy of men who consider them ignorant of French business, and -hold that they have neither merit, services, nor birth to justify their -appointment. Birague, as Chancellor, holds one of the highest offices -in the kingdom; Comte de Retz[40] is a Maréchal; Strozzi is in command -of the infantry of France; Guadagni is Seneschal of Lyons; and in the -same way other Italians occupy most important posts, while Frenchmen -murmur. - -Again, Italians farm nearly all the taxes, and exact their dues -so rigidly as to drive the natives, who are unaccustomed to such -extortion, to the very verge of rebellion; there will be another Saint -Bartholomew[41] if they do not take care, and they will be the victims. - -The feuds which separate the leading families of France are more -bitter than those described in ancient tragedy; this is the state of -feeling which exists between the Houses of Guise, Vendôme and Bourbon, -not to mention that of Montmorency, which, through its alliances and -connections, has a considerable party of its own. - -The Bourbons are the strongest; the Guises have most influence at -Court, but this is an advantage which they may lose any day by the -death of the King, and then their fall is inevitable. - -By his nearest relations the King is feared rather than loved, for, -knowing the designs they entertained before the death of his brother -(Charles IX.), they have no confidence in his mercy and forgiveness, -though he professes to have pardoned them, and think that his vengeance -is only deferred for a time. On the other hand, the King must see -clearly from the flight of Condé what the feelings of his own family -are towards him. - -The district in which the rebellion on religious grounds has struck its -deepest roots begins at Rochelle and reaches to the Rhone, comprising -the whole of Guienne and Languedoc: it includes Saintonge, Poitou, -the Limousin, Perigord, Gascony, the country round Narbonne, &c., &c. -Nor is this all; across the Rhone, in Dauphiny itself, Montbrun has -seized places, as, for instance, Livron, which is now besieged by the -Royalists. - -In making the statement that the rebels are powerful in Languedoc and -Guienne, I must not be understood to say that the principal cities of -those provinces do not obey the King; my meaning is that the insurgents -occupy posts of vantage throughout the country, which enable them to -render both life and property insecure; there is no peace or quiet for -those who are loyal to the King. To drive them from their fortresses -would be a most difficult task, for they have formidable positions -and strong fortifications, garrisoned by veteran soldiers, who have -made up their minds to die rather than trust the King’s word. Such, -undoubtedly, is their determination, for though peace, which is the -only cure for these ills, has lately been freely mentioned, and certain -men were at Avignon from Condé and his party, still, up to the present -moment, no arrangement has been concluded. True, the King is ready -to pledge his word that, if his towns are restored to him, no one -shall be troubled on account of his religion; but the memory of Saint -Bartholomew[42] is a fatal obstacle: they will place no confidence in -his promise, and believe that it is only a stratagem to destroy the -survivors of that night. - -Such acts of treachery, it would seem, never answer in the long run, -whatever the advantage at the time may be! - -Some people have a notion that the idea of peace is not seriously -entertained, but is simply a manœuvre to break up the confederacy by -making overtures to some of its members. - -Ambassadors, it is true, have been sent lately to Rochelle, but in the -meantime both parties are busy fighting: the King is pressing on the -sieges of Livron and Lusignan, while the rebels are using every means -in their power to harass and perplex him. After the King’s departure -from Avignon, they took possession of Aigues-Mortes,[43] where they -found a store of cannon, which will be of great service to them. One -fort, however, still remains in the hands of the Royalists, and the Duc -de Uzes, who commands for the King, does not despair of retaking the -town under cover of its fire. - -It is not that I should regard the situation as hopeless, if there -were a prospect of matters taking a turn for the better, but, bad as -is the present state of things, it is nothing compared to what we may -expect any day to see. - -Having given my ideas as to the state of the country, I will now -give my opinion of the King. Of his character your Majesty has had -opportunities of judging; he is naturally well disposed, and in the -hands of good advisers and councillors of sound judgment might turn out -a pattern sovereign. But his companions are wild young men, the tone of -French society is licentious, and he listens to selfish intriguers who -are seeking their own advantage; under such circumstances, who can say -that he will not go astray? Both he and his brother (Alençon) are of a -weakly constitution and not likely to be long-lived. - -The ambassadors who came from Poland have been ordered to remain at -Lyons, and there await the King’s arrival; it is supposed that his -Majesty will not care much for the despatches which they bring, as they -are couched in rough, not to say threatening, language. It seems that -the King has thoughts of keeping Poland, for, though he is still a -bachelor, he has announced his intention of bestowing it on one of his -future children, and with this view is negotiating for an alliance with -the King of Sweden’s daughter; for my own part, however, I am inclined -to suspect that this is a mere feint. First among the aspirants to the -Crown of Poland stands the Duke of Ferrara, but in France the idea -is that the Transylvanian[44] is the candidate most popular with the -Poles. The King is dissatisfied with the Duke of Savoy’s conduct with -regard to Damville, and it is supposed that, if what is past could be -recalled, he would not be so liberal with his towns.[45] - -It seems that the siege of Livron will be a long business; for, -though the wall has been battered with cannon, and there is as wide a -breach as the besiegers could desire for them to mount to the attack, -two assaults have already been repulsed with heavy loss. There are -several reasons to account for these failures: in the first place, the -attacking column has to climb up hill through the rubbish and _débris_, -which crumble away under their feet; secondly, fresh intrenchments have -been made within the circuit of the walls, and the besieged are so -confident of holding the town that they may almost be said to laugh at -the efforts of their enemies.[46] I saw this with my own eyes when I -passed Livron on my way back from Avignon. Thirdly, when they come to -close quarters, not only do they meet with a most stubborn resistance -from the men, but many of them are also wounded by the women, who rain -stones upon them from the roofs and ramparts. I saw six ensigns on the -walls of the town, whence it is assumed that there are 400 soldiers -in the garrison; they have muskets, but no cannon. His son-in-law, -who was in command of the town, having been killed by a cannon-ball, -Montbrun, the night before I arrived, sent four more gentlemen into the -place with a party of soldiers; it is said that they passed through the -outposts of the German horse commanded by Count Nogarola. - -Your Majesty no doubt received intelligence long ago of the death -of the Cardinal of Lorraine.[47] He died of fever, after an illness -of eighteen days. The attack was brought on, people think, by his -walking in a procession of Flagellants, at night. The Queen Mother has -been poorly from the same cause, and her daughter (Marguerite), wife -of Vendôme (Henry of Navarre), had a troublesome cold, which lasted -several days. - -There are four societies of Flagellants at Avignon; the Cardinal -enrolled himself in one of them, and advised the King to do the same; -his Majesty’s example was followed by the whole of the nobility. On one -occasion, when they were walking in procession with these societies -at night, which is the usual time for such ceremonies, there was a -very cold wind, and this is supposed to have been the cause of the -Cardinal’s illness and death, for two or three days afterwards he fell -sick. - -He was a great man, and took a prominent part in the government of the -country. In him we have lost a profound scholar, an eloquent speaker, -an experienced statesman. He was ever anxious to advance the interests -of his party and his family, and I am by no means sure that the State -did not sometimes suffer in consequence. The King visited him during -his illness, and would have gone to him oftener if he had not been -afraid of infection. He has felt his death deeply. When the body was -being removed from Avignon, on its way to Rheims, the King and four -Cardinals accompanied it to the gates of the city. They were attended -by all the nobles of the Court, with the King’s brother and the King of -Navarre (as they style him here) at their head. These last, I imagine, -were by no means sorry to do this honour, not to the Cardinal, but to -his corpse! He died at night, and the Queen Mother was so upset by his -death that the next day she fancied she saw him bidding her farewell, -and could hear him saying ‘Adieu, madame; adieu, madame.’ She tried to -point him out to those who were with her.[48] - -Whilst I was writing, news came that Lusignan had surrendered to -Montpensier. The garrison are to be allowed to retire to Bouteville -and Pons with their arms and property. I hear also that the siege of -Livron has been raised; the attacking force is broken up; the men -being quartered in the neighbouring villages, from which they are to -watch the town and see that no provisions are brought in. They will -have a hard task, methinks, to keep up so strict a blockade, as not to -be sometimes given the slip. - - Lyons, January 24, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XIII. - - -[The whole of this letter is occupied with business connected with the -dower. It is dated Paris, February 9, 1575.] - - - - -LETTER XIV. - - -I received your Majesty’s letter of December 31 on February 5, in which -your Majesty graciously acquaints me with the information touching the -dower given by the Seneschal of Lyons. On this head I wrote at such -length in my former letter that there is no need for me to recur to the -subject again. Your Majesty next informs me that the Seneschal of Lyons -said that the Queen would be treated in the same manner as during her -husband’s lifetime, a statement which, I think, must be considered one -of mere politeness—in short, a French compliment! - -With regard to your Majesty’s questions as to the manner in which the -Queen will return, I understand that the King will see that she is -escorted to Vienna, or whatever her destination may be, by gentlemen -of high rank and a distinguished retinue, following in this respect -the precedent of the Queen of Scots, whom his predecessor (Charles IX.) -sent to Scotland at his own charges. The only expense that will fall -on your Majesty will be the presents that must be made to those who -accompany her, and the cost of their journey when they return. - -Before leaving, I asked what your Majesty’s wishes were with regard to -the cipher I was to use. I was desired to draw up a code on my way, -and forward it to your Majesty. I drew up a code at Speyer, and put it -in a letter, of which I now enclose a copy. If the letter arrived, I -presume that the cipher arrived too; in the other case, they will both -have been lost together. I send another code, which seems to me less -difficult. I am surprised that your Majesty has not received the letter -I wrote at the end of November, before setting out for Avignon. Some -of your Majesty’s despatches to me are also missing—viz. those dated -December 11 and 16. - -As to the state of France, matters are at a deadlock. They would -fain be at peace, for war means ruin, and the very sinews of war are -failing; but still they insist on the restoration of the King’s towns -as a matter in which his honour is concerned. On the other hand, the -insurgents do not care for any peace which does not furnish guarantees -for their safety. As to confidence, which is the very bond of human -society, they have lost it altogether, and will trust nought save walls -and fortifications. - -Such a difference of views it is not easy to reconcile. I think that -anyone who offered to act as mediator would be welcomed by the King, as -he would then be able to patch up a peace by pledging some one else’s -word. His own is absolutely worthless. But who would care to pledge -himself, when there are a hundred ways in which his guarantee may be -set at nought? - -Some, however, wish that a league could be made against the Turk, and -Condé sent to Hungary, with large forces both of foot and horse, by way -of pumping out the water from which, according to their idea, France is -foundering. - -But it is an idle scheme, for the object of the rebels in making war -is to protect their altars and firesides, their children and their -wives; and I fail to understand by what argument they can be induced to -abandon all they hold dear, and allow themselves to be sent to Hungary. -This also is the opinion expressed to me lately by Bellièvre,[49] who -was the late King’s ambassador in Poland. Your Majesty saw him when -the King came to Vienna. He is a man who carries great weight. He -assured me in the most solemn manner that the King, at his suggestion, -had written during his stay at Mantua, and again from France, to his -ambassador at Constantinople, ordering him to support your Majesty’s -interests, and that if he had done otherwise he had distinctly -disobeyed the orders of his master.[50] - -The advice that your Majesty gave the King[51]—viz. that he should -avoid war—is frequently mentioned both by the Catholics and their -enemies. They say the King is sorry he did not adopt it, and preferred -to enter his kingdom with the gates of Janus wide open, instead of -closing them. Accordingly, Pibrac, who was the only man for taking your -Majesty’s advice, and stood alone as the advocate of peace, though -at first evil spoken of, is now praised by all. The whole blame with -regard to the war is laid on the Cardinal and the Queen Mother, the -first of whom allowed his animosity to carry him too far, while the -other was afraid that, if peace were declared, she would be reduced to -the level of a subject and find her reign at an end. - -I have now only to inform your Majesty of that of which your Majesty -must be already aware—viz. that my funds are completely exhausted by -my long and expensive journey to Avignon, and that I have been obliged -to incur some debts. I therefore humbly petition for the payment of my -half-year’s salary to Jerome de Cocq, who will arrange for its being -remitted to me here, in case your Majesty shall consider it advisable -to retain my services for the Queen. - - Paris, February 9, 1575. - - -I trust your Majesty will not take it amiss that I have been -occasionally addressed as ambassador in France; for, in spite of my -protestations, I cannot prevent their sometimes giving me this title. -It matters the less because it is quite clear that I am not your -Majesty’s ambassador. - -The Queen has just sent for me, to say that there is a general report, -which she hears on all sides, that the King is on the point of marrying -the daughter of Vaudemont of Lorraine, and that the ceremony will be -celebrated next Monday, at Rheims. She does not know how she ought -to treat her with regard to precedence, when she comes to Paris. I -trust your Majesty will deign to advise us on this matter. Possibly -your Majesty may think it advisable for the Queen to leave Paris and -go somewhere else—for instance, to her daughter at Amboise, or to any -other place your Majesty may prefer. - -I think I told your Majesty of this love-affair of the King’s—in my -letter dated November 16, if I remember rightly. It is quite certain -that this engagement, which was a secret to all but a very few, and -might almost deserve the epithet of _clandestine_, will cause a -bitter feeling throughout France. Vendôme’s sister,[52] who is now -of marriageable years, is intended for Alençon, so that he will ally -himself with the Bourbons, while the King will be connected with the -Guises. As to the policy of these marriages I am doubtful and fear that -they will only add to the miseries of France. - -I now implore your Majesty to send back the bearer of this letter as -soon as possible with full instructions on all points. - -The future Queen is, if I am not mistaken, the daughter of a sister of -Count Egmont. - -The Queen has sent for me again, and shown me a letter from the Queen -Mother, informing her of the approaching marriage of her son the -King, and telling her that the wedding is to take place next Tuesday; -she requests her to send nearly all her attendants to wait on the new -Queen.[53] Accordingly, many of her people have left, in order to -oblige the King; a few have refused to change their mistress at such -short notice. Among these last are the Comte de Fiesco and his wife. I -should be glad if your Majesty would notice their loyal conduct in your -next letter. - -I trust your Majesty will seriously consider what ought to be done; we -must have a clear and distinct answer. - -Whither is the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, to go? It is impossible -for her to remain in France without seriously compromising her -position, for here all will attach themselves to the new Queen, and, as -usual, worship the rising sun! It is a common saying that if one loses -one’s position in life, life is not worth the having. I will not say -more, as I rely on your Majesty’s discretion, and affection for your -most loving and obedient daughter. - -In the first place, we must have either cash or credit, and for that -reason I am going to the Netherlands. As soon as the messenger shall -have returned to Brussels, I shall be in a position to draw the money -from whatever house your Majesty may please to appoint, and return with -it to the Queen. - -By this means I trust we shall be able to get away from Paris before -the King returns, or at any rate leave soon after his arrival, and thus -save our eyes and ears from a great deal of vexation; for when changes -of this kind take place there is much that is unpleasant. - - The same day. - - -As to the dower question, of which I wrote from Lyons, the Queen’s -advisers at Paris think that it will be impossible to obtain a -settlement on Crown lands for the whole of the 60,000 francs per -annum due to the Queen. They say this was not done for the Queen of -Scots, though France was then much more prosperous, and her uncle, the -Cardinal,[54] was absolute master of the realm. - - Paris, February 9, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XV. - - -I have now been four days in Brussels waiting for your Majesty’s -orders; I am sure your Majesty will see how important it is that I -should have them as soon as possible. When I get them I shall return to -the Queen with all speed. - -Her position I explained clearly in my last letter. I have heard some -remarks which make me uneasy; people warn me that the French are most -liberal in their promises, but very niggardly in their performances, -and think the Queen will have great difficulty in obtaining her -revenues, and not receive more than half the nominal amount. They quote -the case of Queen Leonora.[55] - -I must say I am anxious, but I trust things will not prove quite so -bad. - -With the end of this month the quarter will expire during which the -King is to defray the Queen’s expenses, and she will then be left to -her own resources. I fail to see how funds are to be provided, unless -your Majesty will supply them. For, even assuming that we should -demean ourselves so far as to go begging to the King, we should expose -ourselves to be taunted with holding out on the question of the dower -as an excuse for dipping our fingers into the King’s purse. The only -available remedy is for your Majesty to place 8,000 or 9,000 crowns -to our account, and this I trust will be done. As to the rest, I find -that some people here talk of the Queen for the governorship of the -Netherlands. I should prefer seeing the appointment offered to one -of your Majesty’s sons; still, on the supposition that there should -be an obstacle in the way of such an arrangement—as is by no means -impossible—or in case of the Archduke’s receiving a more tempting offer -elsewhere, people have much to say as to the advantage which the public -would reap from the Queen’s acceptance of the post. - -Within the last few days, negotiations for peace have been opened -at Breda,[56] where both parties are represented by delegates. God -grant they be successful, as many hope and everyone wishes; wise men, -however, shake their heads, for it is certain that the religious -difficulty will prove a most serious obstacle on account of the great -number of Hollanders and Zealanders who have publicly renounced the -Catholic religion. I fail to see how they can be induced to sell their -property and go into exile, especially as they are for the most part -sailors and fishermen, and the loss of their trade would mean to -them absolute starvation. The King, on the other hand, is determined -to allow none but Catholics to remain in his dominions. Most people -despair of a solution. - -After writing my last letter I had some conversation with a gentleman -as to the Queen’s return; he told me that he knew for certain that the -Cardinal of Este[57] had long ago applied for the honour of escorting -the Queen to her destination. The Cardinal holds a great deal of rich -preferment: they say his income amounts to 100,000 crowns. - -There is now, therefore, no doubt on this score: the King will take -care that the Queen is sent to your Majesty with every mark of honour. - - Brussels, March 7, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XVI. - - -I returned to Paris March 21, where I found the Queen in excellent -health, and delighted at the prospect of a speedy return to her august -parents. - -I delivered your Majesty’s letter to the King, and laid before him your -Majesty’s request that the Queen might have what was due to her under -the marriage settlements. He, as usual, gave me a kind answer, and said -he would take the opinion of his council. The Queen Mother has also -kindly offered her services on our behalf. Still, we want deeds and not -words! - -It is quite clear that very little, if any, addition will be made to -the 32,000 francs already secured on Crown lands. The property, even in -the most prosperous days, never produced 60,000 francs. - -You ask whether your Majesty’s granddaughter will be permitted to -accompany her mother to Austria. I am not sanguine, as I know of no -precedent of the kind in the history of France. The end of it will be -that, when they have exhausted their other pleas as to the length of -the journey, the delicacy of the child, and her tender years, they will -fall back on the argument that it is contrary to all the precedents of -France, and I hardly see how we can meet it. If, however, your Majesty -should decide on making a further attempt, I would recommend letters -being sent to the King and Queen Mother, and I myself will leave no -stone unturned to forward the arrangement; but I should advise your -Majesty simply to ask to see the child, and, if this is granted, the -situation will be reversed, and her return to France will depend on -your Majesty’s pleasure.[58] - -As to affairs in this country, they were so bad that I thought it -impossible for them to grow worse; nevertheless they _are_ rapidly -growing worse. Damville, with his friends, is carrying war through -Languedoc and Guienne, and gentlemen are daily flocking to his -standard. - -Words cannot describe how unpopular the King and Queen have become -throughout France. So gloomy is the prospect, that careful, respectable -men, I see, are thinking of leaving the country and emigrating to some -distant land. Nevertheless, peace negotiations are still going on, for -delegates from the rebel party are in Paris, and more are expected. -They demand, I hear, first, liberty of conscience; and, secondly, -the convening of the States General with a view to reforming public -abuses.[59] This last demand is supposed to be aimed at the Queen -Mother and certain Italians of rank who occupy high offices. But, -though everything is in a bad way, the financial situation is worst of -all. It fairly passes belief. The King borrows what he can here and -there from those who have, or are thought to have, money; but even then -he cannot get enough. It was determined to send a large sum of money -with the ambassadors who are going to Poland—200,000 crowns, people -say—but I do not believe such a sum can be raised; they will have to be -content with much less. - -The new Queen has been troubled with constant sickness for several -days, and some fancy she is with child. She is no favourite with the -Queen Mother, who takes little pains to conceal her prejudice. - -The Queen, your daughter, has made up her mind to visit Amboise[60] -after Easter, for the purpose of taking farewell of her child. She is -afraid to let her travel, on account of her delicacy. She will be away -for a month or thereabouts. - -I hope your Majesty will condescend to grant the request which I have -already preferred, and order my half-year’s salary to be paid to Don -Rodolph Khuen,[61] Master of Horse to your Majesty, in order that I may -pay off my creditors, and have something in hand. - - Paris, April 1, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XVII. - - -Finding that Count Nogarola was on the point of returning to Vienna, -I felt I must send a letter to your Majesty, although the Queen’s -business is still on hand, and I am expecting every day to have it -settled. I shall reserve my account of this matter, and send it by -Peter the courier. Peter arrived here on the 15th of last month, -and gave me a letter from your Majesty. On learning your Majesty’s -instructions, I demanded an audience of the King, but he was so much -engaged in the negotiations for peace that he was unable to see me, -and referred me to the Queen Mother and the young Queen. By the King’s -orders, I went first to the Queen Mother. On my laying before her your -Majesty’s request, and delivering your letter, she, as usual, spoke -of the great regard she entertained towards your Majesty, mentioning -the deep obligation under which she had been laid by your Majesty’s -attentions to her son the King. She inquired after your Majesty’s -health, asked where your Majesty was, and whether you would shortly pay -a visit to Frankfort. I made suitable answers, and then began to ask -for her support in the Queen’s business. - -Whilst we were thus engaged, the young Queen (Louise de Vaudemont) -entered the room, and I took the opportunity of offering her your -Majesty’s congratulations (on her marriage). She sent her most humble -thanks to your Majesty, and made offer of her services to the Queen -with many expressions of regard. - -After this the Queens gave me leave to go, and two days later I had -an interview with the King. When I had laid before him your Majesty’s -message, he replied that he on his part would always be glad to be -informed of your Majesty’s views. He had married, he said, in order to -promote the interests of his subjects and gratify their wishes. One -of his inducements, he added, for allying himself with the House of -Lorraine was its connection with your Majesty.[62] For the rest, he -placed his services heartily at your Majesty’s disposal, and concluded -by asking me to let him know when I intended sending back the courier, -as he wished him to take his answer to your Majesty’s letter. When -I mentioned the Queen’s business, he begged me to have patience a -little longer, till the negotiations which were now going on should be -concluded. He would then place the matter in the hands of his Council, -and would himself do everything in his power for the Queen. - -The peace negotiations which the King alluded to have occupied his -attention for some time past, and I hardly yet know what the result -will be. - -Everyone is anxious for peace, specially the King, but the terms -offered by the insurgents are very hard, as your Majesty will see from -the paper I enclose. - -The extravagant nature of their demands will, in my opinion, make it -difficult for the King to grant them. The delegates will shortly be -sent back to their friends with the King’s answer, and are to return -with their reply on St. John’s Day (June 24). Meanwhile there seems -to be a good prospect of peace; everyone is anxious for it, and so -everyone assumes that it is certain. - -Well, I am afraid it will be easier to _make_ peace than to _keep_ it, -and also I am apprehensive that peace for the French means trouble for -their neighbours, for nothing would so calm the atmosphere in another -quarter (the Netherlands) as a tremendous storm in France. - -Frenchmen cannot keep quiet, and many years of war have made them more -restless than ever; consequently it is a matter of the first importance -to France that her adventurous spirits should find a field of action -elsewhere instead of fastening on her own vitals. - -Peace has been concluded between the King and the Queen of England, on -the same terms as before. - -The Ambassador who returned from England brings back a story of a joke -the English Queen (Elizabeth) made at his first audience. - -She at once asked whether the King was married. He replied in the -affirmative, and began telling her who the new Queen was. Her Majesty -broke in—‘Yes, exactly; that was the first clause in the Cardinal’s -will. Dear me, what an unlucky woman I am! What is to be my fate? I -had counted on marrying the Cardinal, and now I have only one hope -left—perhaps the Pope will consent to take me as his wife!’ - -About the 17th of last month the King’s ambassadors, Bellegarde[63] and -Pibrac, set out from Paris; the former was to go by way of Venice, and -your friend through Germany and Bohemia—at least he told me so. - -There are, I believe, financial reasons for Bellegarde’s _détour_, as -they have promised to send 200,000 crowns to Poland, and it would be -easier to draw blood from a stone than to make up such a sum just now -in France. They are said to be sending to the Pope at Rome, the Duke -of Savoy at Turin, and also to the Venetians, to raise funds; they -are supposed to be thinking of selling the marquisate of Saluzzo for -400,000 crowns, or at any rate, pawning it; but I suspect they will get -more in the way of promises than in the way of cash, and will carry -into Poland plenty of _golden_ words, but very few _golden_ coins. I -think also that the Ambassadors are intentionally lingering on the -road, in order that the Diet may be opened before they come. They will -thus be able to gain some idea of how matters are likely to go; and, if -they find that their case is hopeless, they will not have the disgrace -of being defeated through their own shortcomings, or lack of funds. -Again, if the prospect seems hopeful, and the Diet waits for them, they -will be able to employ the interval in sending agents before them to -prepare the way, and despatching letters full of fine promises, which, -with such aid as the lapse of time will afford, may be expected so -to soothe people’s minds as to render the avoiding of the threatened -Diet and election (of a new King for Poland) a matter of no great -difficulty. I give this as my own explanation. - -As I was penning these lines, news came that Pibrac had been waylaid -in the territory of Montbéliard,[64] which belongs to the Duke of -Würtemberg, by some French exiles. They killed two of his party, and -took prisoner the Ambassador himself. The governor of Montbéliard came -to the rescue, the neighbourhood was roused, and Pibrac thus regained -his liberty; but he was in great danger, and lost his plate and his -money—some 7,000 or 8,000 crowns in all. The King was greatly disturbed -at the news, but when he heard that Pibrac had escaped to Montbéliard, -he gave him supplies of money and a fresh equipment, telling him to go -to Soleure, in Switzerland, and there obtain what was needful. This -shows that the King has by no means given up his hopes of Poland. - -If I mistake not, I have before this mentioned to your Majesty that -agents had been sent to Sweden to procure a picture of the King of -Sweden’s daughter.[65] The picture has now come. Strange to say, it -greatly resembles the new Queen in height, complexion, and features; -the resemblance is increased by her having been taken in a French dress. - -I must not forget to add that a number of ambassadors have come from -Switzerland to take part in the negotiations for peace as mediators. - -It is supposed that Vaudemont, the King’s father-in-law, will also -offer his services as peacemaker. He is expected here in the course -of a few days with the Duke of Lorraine. The reason of his coming, -however, is not connected with the negotiations for peace, but with -a wedding, the Marquis of Nomeny, Vaudemont’s son, being about to -marry the wealthy daughter of Sebastian de Luxembourg, the Vicomte de -Martigues.[66] - -May it please your Majesty, Ilsing[67] has just sent word that of the -8,000 crowns required for the Queen’s service he has not been able -to raise one farthing at Augsburg by pledging his own credit or that -of the Ballers, and that he has therefore written to your Majesty to -inquire whether there is any merchant about the Court who would, on -their security, place that amount to the Queen’s credit at Lyons. I am -expecting an answer from your Majesty on this matter. - -The Queen is naturally and justifiably anxious to see her daughter -before leaving France. She has been ready to go to her since Easter, -but has been stopped by want of funds, and will be kept waiting still -longer unless they are provided, so that I am beginning to fear that -she will have to leave without seeing her child, to her great sorrow. -But this is not the only point to be considered, for the Queen may -have many other calls upon her purse, so that it is of the greatest -importance that she should be supplied with money, if she is to -maintain her position, live in comfort, and take advantage of such -openings as may occur. I hope it will not be long before I have more -certain tidings to give your Majesty with regard to the dower, and I -will then write at length by Peter the courier. - - Paris, May 15, 1575. - - -I heard to-day that some one said he would lend the Queen 10,000 -crowns, to be recouped out of her revenues. If this be so, and the -money can be obtained at a reasonable interest, I think the Queen will -accept his offer, since our business may any day take such a turn as -to render the possession of money indispensable, if we are not to be -exposed to delay and loss. For instance, it is essential to have a -valuation made of the revenues of the places offered to the Queen, in -order to make sure that they are not passed off for more than they are -worth. Now, this valuation will cost not less than 300 or 400 crowns, -and so without this sum we cannot conclude the negotiations. Again, -I have had notice that the King refuses to provide for the Queen’s -expenses after the Feast of St. John (June 24), and wishes her to live -at her own charges from her own revenues, and I am afraid of their -pressing the matter in such a manner as to render refusal impossible. -For we must admit that the King, when surrounded with difficulties -himself, has done his utmost for the Queen. It is now more than ten -months since the salaries of the Queen’s household have been paid, and -her people have received only paper cheques, or drafts. How many of -these are ever likely to be paid, God only knows! The Queen’s servants -are so utterly destitute of money that they have often had to undergo a -hardship quite without precedent. On some days there were not funds in -the palace to provide the table of the nobles and courtiers, and those -who did not care to fast had to procure their own dinner. - -Those who understand the arrangements of the Queen’s household declare -that it would be to the advantage of the Queen and her household for -her to live at her own charges, instead of being hampered with the -present arrangement. Bellegarde, the other royal ambassador, who was to -go through Italy, is said to have fallen sick. - - - - -LETTER XVIII. - - -[A business letter with reference to the dower, and therefore omitted. -It is dated June 1575.] - - - - -LETTER XIX. - - -[Another business letter. It is dated June 1575. To it is attached the -following postscript.] - -News has lately come to Paris that Mademoiselle de Bourbon,[68] -daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, who ran away from the nunnery -of which she was abbess, and took refuge in Germany, has married the -Prince of Orange; the report finds credit everywhere. - - - - -LETTER XX. - - -I sent quite lately, by Peter the courier, such statements as seemed -necessary, and I think my despatches must have already reached your -Majesty. - -I now write by order of the Queen. - -To-day she summoned me into her presence and told me she was quite -certain from the present aspect of affairs, and specially from -the greater severity with which Montmorency was guarded, and the -circumstance that the King was levying troops, that there was every -prospect of war, and of all the confusion that must necessarily follow -in its train. - -She instructed me to write to your Majesty, and urge this additional -reason for expediting her journey home. She says she has borne her -position patiently as long as she could, but she foresees that it will -soon become intolerable. I told the Queen that I would humbly obey -her orders, although I felt sure that your Majesty, after reading my -last despatches, would do all that was possible towards forwarding her -return, and that on this account my letter would be unnecessary. - -Having informed your Majesty of my conversation with the Queen, I -consider I have executed her commands, and do not think any petition or -prayer necessary on my part, in order to induce your Majesty to accede -to the natural desire of your most loving daughter. - -If we can trust the news we hear, war is already at our gates, and a -war which holds out no prospect of relief, but, on the contrary, will -aggravate the misfortunes and miseries of France; this is saying a -great deal, for the country is already in so bad a state that to make -it worse seemed a downright impossibility. - -But if the report be true that Condé and the other exiles will bring -strong forces to the support of their friends, there are no bounds -to the mischief that will ensue; in that case the existence of the -present _régime_ will hang on a thread, and be in the utmost danger; -for then the contest will be, not as to whose opinion shall have weight -in council, or who shall stand first in honour and rank, or who shall -administer the affairs of the kingdom, but simply _who shall wear the -crown_. - -If the King should gain the day, it is easy to see that he will stand -upon his rights, and punish the rebels as traitors; while, if the -other party should prove victorious, they will bring the King to trial -for his tyrannical conduct. He must expect no mercy or forgiveness; -he has often tried issues with them, and still oftener broken his -word, until at last none will believe it. It is to be feared also that -the flames of civil war are likely to spread over a wider area than -existing appearances would seem to indicate; for there are many who -smother their grievances at present, though they are disgusted with the -treatment they have themselves received and the miserable condition of -the country, and these, it is to be apprehended, will flock to Condé’s -standard. The voice of the country is undoubtedly on his side, as all -are dissatisfied with the manner in which the government is at present -conducted. - -The case of Montmorency, to which I have alluded, stands thus. His -prospects (of regaining his liberty) appeared to be good, and he was -being treated with much more indulgence than before, when tidings -came of his brother, Damville[69]; then all of a sudden there was a -complete change, and the prison rules were made much stricter: by the -King’s orders all his servants were removed, and, though seriously ill, -he was not allowed to keep so much as his physician or his cook, new -servants being appointed by the King. This alteration in his treatment -has caused the greatest alarm to his mother and other relatives, for -they think that this is a first step towards taking him off by poison. - -The King is so sure of Damville’s being dead that he has already given -away every one of his offices and commands. He is supposed to have died -of the plague fever on the last day of last month. - -His friends refuse to regard him as dead and console themselves with a -vague hope that he is still alive. - -I trust that no delay or difficulty will arise with regard to the -Queen’s journey; still, if it had not been finally settled otherwise, -I am not sure that the route by the Netherlands would not be the most -convenient. In any case, that road will always be open to her, should -the others be blocked. But your Majesty will decide what is best. - -The Portuguese ambassador has arrived and called yesterday on the -Queen. The King was indisposed, but is now better. - - Paris, June 13, 1575.[70] - - - - -LETTER XXI. - - -The Duke of Lorraine and Vaudemont are, they say, expected here in the -course of two or three days. - -The tedious and difficult negotiations about peace have kept Paris in -suspense for a long time. The following appears to be the result: the -deputies from the insurgents have not been able to carry all their -points, and the King, on his part, has not succeeded in inducing them -to accept his terms. They have therefore agreed upon a compromise, -the clauses of which are to be referred to Condé, Damville, and the -confederate towns: should they accept them, peace will be declared; -in the other case, war will be resumed. But it will be much easier to -declare war than to carry it on, as France is terribly reduced, and the -King himself is in the greatest straits for want of money. - -The religious question, which in the Netherlands is the only obstacle -to peace, has not been considered here as a matter of paramount -importance, and the King has made no difficulty about granting liberty -of conscience; there were other points which were more difficult for -him to digest—to wit, that the rebels should have possession of two -cities in each province, in addition to those which they now hold, as -places of refuge in time of trouble. They demand also that members of -their party should be admitted into the Parliaments, and that the King -should pay the wages of the German reiters who have taken service with -them; and, again, that the States-General be convened. If this last -should be granted, the Queen Mother will be in great danger of losing -her authority. There are some other points, which your Majesty will -learn from the enclosed paper. - -Never did France so hunger after peace; never was the country so -unanimous in desiring it. On other occasions it has been sometimes the -Order of the Clergy and sometimes the Order of the People, which has -been averse to a pacification; now all exclaim with one voice that war -means ruin. But the peace, I suspect, will not last long,[71] since it -has been obtained by compulsion, and granted by necessity. - -Moreover, I have observed that the authority of the Crown has -marvellously declined; men have shaken off their respect for the King’s -name, and are like horses who have got rid of their traces and fairly -bolted. The revolutionary spirit is rampant; some people are extremely -unpopular; feuds among the chiefs run high—these feuds are of old -standing and cemented with the blood of slaughtered kinsmen; to settle -and arrange such differences would require much trouble, ample time, -and infinite tact. I see that some people in a high position think -that it would be to the advantage of France if certain illustrious -gentlemen were to quit the country, and all the nobles who wish for war -were to find a field abroad, thereby relieving their country of anxiety -and trouble. From all this we may safely conclude that quiet in France -(if quiet be possible!) means a great disturbance in the atmosphere -elsewhere. On this ground some—not without reason, perhaps—remember -with regret, how useful Milan[72] was as a training-school for the -education of young French soldiers, and also as a means of letting out, -without injury to the rest of the body, that bad blood of which France -has such store. - -The nation desires Condé to be appointed to lead a force into the -Netherlands to the assistance of Orange, for it is thought that it will -be no small gain to France if he is sent beyond the borders. Condé is -himself possessed of considerable resources, and will be well supported -by his party, who wish to see him famous and great; they will the more -readily fall in with this plan because it will remove him from the -scene of danger and place him where he will be safe under the shadow of -that great Prince (Orange). - -Meanwhile the Royalists will rejoice at this opportunity of delivering -France from a troublesome and restless crew, and congratulate -themselves that the quarrel is to be fought out in the Netherlands -instead of France. - -I must explain that nothing is so hateful to your French gentleman as -quiet and repose. He would rather be rolling the stone of Sisyphus -than keep still; he is for ever hunting after an enterprise; he would -fain do something great; if that something be honourable, all the -better, but if there be difficulty on that score, he is not particular; -so long as it affords a field for the display of courage and skill, -and is thought dashing, the question whether it is right or wrong is -absolutely immaterial. These are the ideas which nature has planted in -him, and example confirmed, while long years of lawlessness and licence -have made their practice a habit. - -Hugo de Blot, the Netherlander, is anxious to enter your Majesty’s -service; as no better post is to be had, he has applied for the -comparatively humble position of librarian. He has asked me to -recommend him. - -I am fully aware how little weight my word can be expected to carry, -feeling as I do that I have need to be recommended myself instead of -recommending others; still I trust your Majesty will not be offended at -my mentioning the subject. I know De Blot to be both a good scholar and -an honest man; there are, however, two people who will be able to give -most positive testimony as to his character—Bishop Listhius[73] and -Lazarus Schwendi,[74] for they both selected him to take care of their -boys—he was their tutor for several years in Italy—and if they judged -him fit to take care of their _boys_ (liberos) I conclude he is quite -fit to take care of your Majesty’s _books_ (libros). - -I do not wish to press the matter further. I have now given my -testimony on behalf of an excellent gentleman, and at the same time I -feel I have done my duty to your Majesty in introducing to your notice -a man who will fill the post admirably. Your Majesty will now come to -a decision as to the appointment, and of the wisdom of that decision, -whatever it may be, I entertain not the slightest doubt.[75] - -The Spanish Ambassador told me that the Duke of Medina de Rio Sicco is -coming hither from his Sovereign to congratulate the King of France -on his marriage. An ambassador is also coming from Portugal on the -same errand: I believe he has been six months on the road, although he -arrived a few days ago at Nantes, a town in Brittany. - -The King is suffering from influenza, but is not supposed to be in -any danger. There was a report quite lately that the Duke of Savoy -had taken Savona, but it is not believed to be true. As to Jorneton, -of whom your Majesty writes in the letter dated May 2, your Majesty’s -orders shall be obeyed. - -Madame de Montmorency, formerly wife of the Constable of France, who -was then in such high estate, is now in great misery and affliction on -account of her sons; she has earnestly besought the Queen to procure -letters from your Majesty to the King of France, asking him to release -her son, the Maréchal de Montmorency, from his long imprisonment. The -Queen has given me instructions to write to your Majesty about this -business. I should have had some hesitation in complying with her -wishes, if any ground still existed for the dreadful suspicions which -were at first entertained with regard to his case; but facts have now -transpired which tend to show that these suspicions rested on little -or no foundation, and people are beginning to take a juster view; -indeed, the Queen Mother could not be kept from visiting Montmorency, -and chatted with him for some time. Under these circumstances, I feel -that I cannot do wrong in obeying the Queen’s orders, and that your -Majesty might write to the King on the subject of Montmorency’s release -in perfect confidence that such a suggestion will not be taken amiss -in any quarter. Undoubtedly this great and honoured lady (Madame de -Montmorency) has shown the utmost kindness and attention to the Queen -during the whole of her residence in France; she has never failed to -support her in every way, and on her assistance, advice, and loyalty -the Queen has been always able to reckon; such services may well claim -your Majesty’s kind consideration, and this is a good opportunity of -manifesting your gratitude. - -By adopting the course which I venture to suggest, your Majesty will -not only gratify the Queen, but will also lay the whole House of -Montmorency—which now, indeed, is brought low, but must one day rise -again—under an obligation so great that it can never be forgotten. - - Paris, June 7, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXII. - - -Not long ago I called upon the King of Portugal’s Ambassador, and a few -days later he returned my call. I had a conversation with him which is -perhaps of no great importance, but it is as well that your Majesty -should hear of it. - -He spoke of the Queen in the highest terms, and then let fall some -words of regret at the bereavement she had undergone. Her husband, he -remarked, had died in the flower of life, and she was very young to be -a widow. On my replying that it was God’s will, and we must accept His -decrees without murmuring, the Ambassador interrupted me with a remark -that the Queen would have great difficulty in finding a second husband -of such rank as would justify her in marrying him, seeing that her -first husband had been a very great and powerful King. - -Hereon I remarked that it was by no means an unusual thing for the -queens of great kings, on the death of their husbands, to marry -potentates of inferior rank, and sometimes to take even dukes as their -husbands. I was able to quote, as an instance, Mary, the sister of -Henry VIII., King of England, who on the death of her first husband, -Louis XII., King of France, was, at her brother’s desire, married in -England to the Duke of Suffolk. ‘Still,’ said the Ambassador, ‘if I am -any judge of looks, she is too proud to marry anyone lower in rank than -her first husband.’ Thereon I replied, that I had good reason to know -that any idea of a second marriage was most distasteful to the Queen, -who cherished in her heart the memory of the husband she had lost, -but never could forget. Still, I observed, she was a lady of great -judgment and discretion, one who would, I was sure, always be willing -to take her parents’ advice and submit to their wishes. The Ambassador -expressed his appreciation of such discretion, and we proceeded to -discuss other topics, coming back at last to the old subject, and -talking of the connection between the Houses of Austria and Portugal, -which dates from the time of the Emperor Frederic.[76] He concluded -his remarks by saying that he hoped to see the old alliance renewed by -another marriage between the two Houses. - -By the way, I must not forget to say that just before this he had been -expressing his regret at the Queen’s leaving France, and going so far -away. - -Whatever may be the meaning of his observations, I see no reason for -hiding them from your Majesty. - -As to the other matters, Damville,[77] who was lately reported as dead, -appears to have come to life again; the prayers of his friends have had -more weight than those of his enemies; but, after all, it is a very -common thing in France for people to accept idle rumours as established -facts, without suspending their judgment or giving themselves time to -ascertain the truth. It is quite certain that he was very ill, and some -declare that his symptoms indicated poison. Montmorency is now more -gently dealt with, and receives the same treatment as he did before the -rigour of his confinement was increased. - -The delegates of the insurgents are expected here in the course of a -few days, with the answer of their party as to peace or war. Endless -people have endless reasons to give for expecting that the answer -will be favourable. For my own part, I should be sorry to express an -opinion one way or the other; indeed, so many changes take place, and -so many rumours are about, that I should not like to pledge myself -for anything I had not seen with my own eyes. Meanwhile war is going -on, but it does not seem to promise any decisive result calculated to -affect the issue of the struggle. Insignificant towns and places are -daily lost or recaptured, and the most important news we have had this -long while is of a severe defeat the Swiss received the other day in -Dauphiny,[78] some companies being completely annihilated. - -The Queen is quite well, but cannot help fretting at the delay. She -longs to return home; she is also yearning to see her daughter; her -wish, however, cannot be gratified, as she has not funds for the -journey; indeed, she is so poor that meals are no longer served at any -table save that at which the Queen herself sits. Rations of bread and -wine are issued to the rest of her people, and with this they have to -content themselves as best they may. - - Paris, July 7, 1575. - - -If the King of Portugal wishes for the marriage, and your Majesty is -disposed to consent, advantage might be taken of the opportunity now -afforded of sending the Queen straight from Paris to Portugal without -much expense. - -I see our friends in France have not yet given up all hope with regard -to their claims on Poland, for they are said to be sending thither -200,000 crowns, which they have borrowed from the Duke of Savoy. He -has received the marquisate of Saluzzo as security for his advances. -Pibrac, too, it is supposed, will be able to do some good by visiting -the Palatines[79] one by one, and making an appeal to them in the -King’s name. - - - - -LETTER XXIII. - - -It is not long since I gave your Majesty an account of my conversation -with the Portuguese Ambassador, to be taken for whatever it might be -worth. I have nothing of much importance to add, except that, a few -days after the letter was despatched, the Queen was threatened with -an illness. Fever was apprehended, and there were some premonitory -symptoms, but they passed off without developing into anything serious. -Her physicians attributed the illness to grief and trouble of mind. She -is much distressed at the long postponement of her visit to Amboise, -on which she had set her heart, and also, I imagine, at her detention -in France, from which she has long been panting to fly. I hope to find -on the arrival of the next courier, that your Majesty has made such -arrangements as will relieve the Queen’s anxiety. - -As for other news, the condition of things here is unchanged, except -that Montbrun is said to have been taken prisoner. After cutting to -pieces some companies of Swiss, as I mentioned in a former letter, he -shortly afterwards found himself in the presence of a concentration -of Royal troops. Charging them with more courage than discretion, he -advanced too far, could not cut his way back, and, after receiving -several wounds, was taken prisoner. This event caused great joy here, -as of all the men in arms against the King none was considered more -determined than Montbrun. When all the rest of the party were stunned -by the slaughter of the King’s enemies on Saint Bartholomew’s day, he -came forward as the most valiant champion of the cause; his was the -first sword that was unsheathed, and his the example that roused others -to action. Some think he will be brought to Paris. If so, his doom, I -fear, is sealed; he is too brave to be forgiven; well for him if his -wounds prove mortal, so that he may die a soldier’s death. But he is -not altogether unavenged, for the Royalists were severely handled in -the skirmish in which he was taken prisoner.[80] - -On Tuesday the marriage of the Marquis de Nomeny was celebrated, in -the presence of Vaudemont, his father, and the Duke of Lorraine, his -kinsman. There were amusements of various kinds, and a magnificent -entertainment. None of the Princes were at the banquet, not even -Alençon, the King’s brother, who came only to the ball, and his sister -did not go even to that.[81] I must not forget to mention that, when -the Guises wished to have the honour of serving the King, the sons of -the late Prince de Condé quietly slipped in, and anticipated them. It -is not the first prize they have taken from them. It is strange that -Frenchmen cannot find a more honourable field for rivalry. - -People would fain believe that there are good hopes of the peace -negotiations succeeding. The King, however, they say, after Montbrun -was taken prisoner, ordered 1,000 fresh cavalry to be raised. Why he -has done so, I cannot say, but I am quite certain of one thing, that, -if peace is made, it will not be because he wishes for it, but because -he cannot help himself. - - Paris, July 16, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXIV. - - -A gentleman lately returned from Poland has assured the King (and, for -the matter of that, people here are not scrupulous as to what they -assert) that he had induced the Poles to agree to accept a Viceroy -during the King’s absence. Pibrac’s letters, however, told a different -story; he says there are two policies by which the crown of Poland may -be kept: if the King will go there himself, there is a certainty of -success; and if he will send 200,000 crowns, there is a chance of it. -The last plan will probably be tried. - -The Portuguese Ambassador has taken a house, and is expected to remain -here for some time. One of his suite has been sent to the King of -Portugal, and is likely to return shortly with an answer. Some people -fancy that his mission concerns your Majesty’s daughter. - -It is now nearly six weeks since the courier left, and our friends here -keep asking when he will return, as they want to finish the business -and relieve themselves of the burden of maintaining the Queen. There -is a notion that it will be to her advantage if her affairs are placed -under the protection of a Prince or some prominent man; the Duc de -Nevers[82] is mentioned for the office, which he would readily, I -fancy, volunteer to take. But a serious drawback to such an arrangement -is that it would probably excite the Queen Mother’s jealousy; she would -not like the notion of the Queen being placed under the guardianship -of anyone but herself. I think, therefore, that any application to the -Duke should be made privately; a secret understanding would be best, -but as to its remaining secret, I am doubtful. The Comte de Retz, one -of the Marshals of France, has been most kind in labouring to promote -the Queen’s interests; he has called on me at my lodgings about her -business. - -As regards myself, your Majesty will be graciously pleased to come to -some decision. For my own part, I think the best course your Majesty -can adopt will be to consider me a useless old soldier who has earned -his discharge, and to treat me accordingly. Still, I am inclined to -think it would not be amiss for some one to remain here for a time. For -the people who managed the property of former Queens tell me that many -things happened after their departure which required the presence of -a good man of business on the spot; while Queen Leonora[83] was three -years out of France before the final settlement of her affairs, which -was impeded by various obstacles, could be satisfactorily effected. I -trust, of course, we shall profit by the experience of other Queens, -and so take measures to meet many difficulties beforehand. Still, when -you have a shifty and tricky nation to deal with, it is impossible to -foresee every contingency, and emergencies may often occur requiring -the intervention of a faithful servant. The Queen will have worthy -gentlemen in France, namely, her Chancellor, her Councillors, her -Secretaries, her Procureurs, and her Advocates, all of whom are zealous -for her interests, and to their discretion much, I think, may be safely -trusted. - -At my request on a former occasion, your Majesty sent me credentials, -which were dated, I believe, in February; I have not presented them -yet, because I thought it would be for the Queen’s interest if I said I -had no power to settle anything finally, for under these circumstances -they would be more careful as to what they offered, as they could -easily understand it would be useless to expect your Majesty to accept -anything that was not fair. I should now be glad to have a fresh copy -of those credentials, as they may prove necessary. - -I wrote from Lyons asking your Majesty to send some watches as -presents for friends who have ere now done us good service, and whose -assistance we may need again. I feel I should be wanting in my duty to -your Majesty, if I did not renew my request. One might as well try to -make bricks without straw as to conduct affairs of this kind without -presents. - -We had some hopes of obtaining 10,000 crowns in Paris, but were -disappointed; there is nothing coming in from our friends here, so we -are often at a loss for want of funds. I therefore implore your Majesty -to give this matter your serious consideration, for we have no hope of -bringing back any sum worth mentioning—indeed, I doubt if we shall have -enough for the journey. - -I spoke to the King and the Queen Mother, and they assured me that they -would see the Queen was escorted to the German frontier in the most -honourable manner. Your Majesty, in return, will be graciously pleased -to inform us at the earliest moment to what place you wish the Queen -to be escorted by her French suite, where I trust such preparations -will be made as will show the French escort that your Majesty is not -indifferent to that which concerns the Queen’s honour. It will be well, -too, that the noble ladies and maidens attending her from motives -of duty or affection should feel that they have been well treated, -for they are sure on their return to talk about their reception. The -Queen has been long intending to go to Amboise; she is naturally -anxious to see her daughter before leaving France, but her wish is -still unaccomplished, owing to her want of funds. When this difficulty -is removed she will start on her journey. I think she will be away -twenty-four or twenty-five days. - -On the 23rd of last month a courier arrived with despatches from your -Majesty, from which I learnt your Majesty’s views as to the course -to be pursued with regard to the two proposals made by the King. By -the Queen’s desire the matter was considered by her Council. Her -wisest advisers thought we ought to accept that proposal which offered -the best security, and at the same time tended most to her honour, -following herein the principle adopted by steady fathers of families, -who make it a rule to prefer _good security_ to _high interest_. For, -after all, the proposal we have rejected would inevitably have left a -large portion of the Queen’s income subject to various contingencies -and dependent on another’s pleasure. True, it would have been illegal -to wrong the Queen, but, in the present state of France, people think -more of what they _must_ do than of what they _ought_ to do. The Bishop -of Paris, indeed, continued of the same opinion, but his opposition -appeared to proceed more from prejudice than reason. - -When this was settled, I went to the King and Queen, and having saluted -them in the name of your Majesty, whose letter I presented, I said -that your Majesty had hoped that the marriage contracts would have -been adhered to and fully carried out, but that, as you understood -from Monsieur de Vulcob,[84] who was at your Court, as well as from my -despatches, in what trouble and difficulty France was involved, you -did not wish to press the point, and had frankly accepted the King’s -proposals, in the hope that he would perform his promises in a liberal -spirit, so as to compensate the Queen in some measure for the rights -she had abandoned. I said, further, that it was by your Majesty’s -advice that the Queen had chosen the proposal which offered the larger -settlement on Crown lands, as being the nearest to the tenor of the -marriage contract. Both replied in the most gracious terms. Among other -remarks the King made in speaking of his goodwill to your Majesty, he -declared that he knew your Majesty’s fatherly affection for him from -your having, when he was at Vienna, given him such excellent advice, -telling him to prefer mercy to severity, and to choose peace rather -than war. With these views, he said, he quite coincided, but remarked -that Kings were not always allowed to have their own way. As to the -Queen’s departure, he said, he owed so much to your Majesty, and France -so much to the Queen, that it was alike his duty and his pleasure to -do everything he could for her. If needful, he would provide for her -escort, not merely as far as Nancy, but whithersoever your Majesty -might wish. As, however, your Majesty had chosen Nancy, he would take -care that she should be escorted thither in the most honourable manner -at the date appointed. - -As for Montmorency, the King replied that he had offered to stand his -trial and prove his innocence; that he might be able to do so was -his earnest hope and wish. But if, unhappily, Montmorency should be -found guilty, he would be compelled to act solely with a view to the -interests of his realm, and he thought your Majesty in his position -would do the same. Otherwise, he would most gladly do whatever he could -to oblige your Majesty. - -I concluded by asking that arbitrators might be appointed, according -to precedent, to make a valuation of the Crown lands in the provinces -which he was assigning to the Queen. He agreed to do so, but asked -me, as he was ignorant of such business, either to put my request in -writing or to see the Chancellor and Councillors about it. And so I -left the King. - -I was much gratified during my interview with the Chancellor at the -warm terms in which he spoke of your Majesty’s kindness to him when he -went to Vienna, and the great affection he professed for the Queen. -However, he appeared much surprised at our decision with regard to -the two proposals. De Morvilliers also expressed astonishment, which -has made me feel rather suspicious of the whole business, as I think -there is something in the proposal we have accepted by which we shall -lose and the King gain; for hitherto I have found them anything but -generous, refusing to make the smallest concession to the Queen, or the -smallest sacrifice on behalf of the King. - -As to the state of the kingdom, there is but little difference since -I wrote last. The King has just now assembled a body, which I can -only describe as a shadow of the States-General. He nominated six -persons from each province and city, choosing those on whose support -he thought he could best reckon, the clergy, the _noblesse_, and the -people being each represented by two members. He laid before these mock -States-General the miseries of the country, and the emptiness of the -treasury, and then proceeded to ask for a subsidy. After the Orders of -the clergy and the _noblesse_ had given fairly satisfactory answers, -the representatives of the popular Order said ‘that they would inform -their friends of the King’s request, and would bring back whatever -answer the community at large might decide to give. They could not do -more, as they had not been summoned to deliberate, but simply to learn -the wishes of the King.’ As the latter was much dissatisfied with such -a reply, they were at last induced to agree that every man should pay -to the King the price of one day’s food, and it is supposed that in so -great a country as France this will produce a very considerable sum. -They made this promise, however, only conditionally, and subject to its -ratification by their fellows. All who spoke endeavoured to impress -upon the King that, if he did not conclude peace, ruin was inevitable. - -As regards the prospect of peace, matters are so complicated and -uncertain that it is difficult to judge. There are strong reasons for -desiring it: the country is in a most miserable state, the war is most -unpopular, money is scarce, revolution is raising her head; but again -there are difficulties in the way: the terms offered are hard, there -are old grudges on either side, the King’s word commands no confidence, -the party in power has lost its authority, and royalty its prestige. -Which way the scale will turn it is not easy to tell. Meanwhile there -is no break in the war; they are fighting more fiercely than ever. The -King has lately ordered his troops to burn all the crops in Languedoc -within their reach, causing thereby as much loss to the loyalists as -to his enemies. There is also a report that the King has raised new -levies of cavalry, and that Condé is coming with an army. Some of his -party tried a few days ago to surprise certain towns, among which -were Poitiers, Compiègne, Amiens, and Besançon. From these attempts -it is thought in Paris that peace is probable. As it was agreed that -each party should retain what they actually held at the termination -of the war, this condition is supposed to be the motive for these -attempts. Further, however much inclined for peace the King and Condé -may be, still people think that neither will treat except sword in -hand. As to the credit to be attached to these reports, I am by no -means certain, but I think I can answer for one thing, that, if they -make peace between themselves, they will attack their neighbours, in -order to give an outlet to all those uneasy spirits who if left at -home would be a danger to the State. Genoa seems convenient for this -purpose, and perhaps the Netherlands also; at any rate, one hears -already of speeches made by certain Princes, who say that, if the King -gives permission, they will go to the assistance of Genoa with 1,500 -gentlemen. The journeys of the Fregosi[85] and the Biragues to and from -Italy, and the unusually frequent conferences between the Papal Legate -and the King, make many people suspect that something is brewing. Of -the rebel delegates who were expected with an answer about peace, some -have come back already, and the others are said to be on the road, and -are expected shortly—among them Beauvois de la Nocle,[86] who is sent -back by Condé. If this be so, the issue of the negotiations will ere -long be known for certain. - -As for the affairs of the Netherlands, I do not doubt your Majesty -is fully informed of everything. They do not, therefore, properly -come within my province; still there will be no harm in sending the -following particulars. After the taking of Buren[87] the persons -appointed by the two parties separated without effecting anything or -even concluding an armistice. The Royalists hope to finish the war by -force of arms, and are therefore prosecuting it vigorously by land; -they are also fitting out a fleet once more. Their chances of speedy -success will be considerably increased by their obtaining a supply of -small galleys, which are independent of winds and tides. By means of -such boats Mondragon[88] has ferried his troops over to some islands, -and intends to occupy others as opportunities occur, his design being -thus to cut off Zealand from Holland, and prevent them from helping -each other. However successful the Royalists may be, it will be a long -business, and who can tell what may happen in the interval to create -fresh difficulties for them? Of this much there is no doubt: Orange -has openly declared that, if he finds himself beaten, he will, as a -last resource, enter into negotiations with England or France or some -other power, and place a foreign Sovereign in possession.[89] In spite -of this clear declaration of his intentions, there are people who are -so confident in the present state of affairs that they take no thought -for the future. Three days ago, they say, a gentleman came to Paris -from the Governor of the Netherlands to ask the Duke of Lorraine’s -permission for the passage through his territories of some thousands of -Spaniards and Italians, whom the King of Spain, it appears, is sending -to the Netherlands. If this be so, there are misfortunes yet in store -for that unhappy country. - -The King, whose natural melancholy is increased by the troubles of -the times, in order to divert his thoughts has instituted a club, the -members of which take turns to invite him and the whole Court. At these -entertainments there is much merry-making and dancing. The people -grumble at these festivities; they think it wrong for the King to give -himself up to revels, when the distress of the country is so great and -so wide-spread, as if the miseries of France concerned him not, or -there was nothing more he could do to alleviate them. - -The day after your Majesty’s letter was presented to the King, -Vaudemont paid a long visit to Montmorency; on leaving, he said that he -had little doubt of his innocence, and would not hesitate, if bail were -wanted, to be his surety. He afterwards repeated to several gentlemen -his conversation with Montmorency. The latter had professed to him his -entire innocence. There is no need to trouble your Majesty with an -account of what passed. - -There is a report current that the municipality of Paris was ready, out -of love to the Queen, to defray the yearly expenses of herself and her -household, if she would remain here. The proposal, they say, was not -actually made, because they were afraid that, if the Queen refused, the -King on hearing of it would lay claim to the money and employ it for -his own private purposes. Whether this story is founded on fact or not, -there is no doubt that people are constantly saying that it will be a -bad day for France when the Queen goes away.[90] - -The King’s desire to retain the Crown of Poland will probably be a -powerful motive for making peace, as his advisers consider his chances -are hopeless if civil war continues in France. The Poles, they say, -will never believe that anything is to be got out of people who -have their hands so full at home; but if peace is made, they may be -convinced that the money will be forthcoming, and that the King will -some day return to Poland. - -Your Frenchman will gratify his own desires regardless of the ruin and -destruction he causes to others; all with whom the French have been -concerned have been brought to ruin, or at any rate to the brink of it, -and this, I fear, will be the fate of Poland and Genoa. - - Paris, July, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXV. - - -No provision has as yet been made for the money required for the -Queen’s service, in spite of my reiterated requests; not only were the -former letters of no avail, but the orders of your Majesty’s Chamber, -which were lately sent to Augsburg, have proved equally inefficacious. -Accordingly, we have been fooled not twice, as the proverb says, but -three or four times. Meanwhile the Queen requires ready money for many -purposes, and we can think of no plan for defraying our necessary -expenses without money, or for procuring it without damaging our -character; consequently we are in great difficulties. I send your -Majesty a list of ladies to whom special presents ought to be made -at the Queen’s departure; they must be given, or she will be thought -to have behaved unhandsomely. The list is long, and the expense will -consequently be considerable. Again, as the Queen is not likely, when -she leaves the country, to have a farthing remaining out of her French -allowances, funds will be required for the expenses of her journey from -Nancy to Ratisbon, which must be paid in ready money. It is hardly -necessary for me to point out how closely the matter concerns the -honour both of your Majesty and the Queen. As to the watches, about -which I have received no answer, I again most humbly entreat your -Majesty to send them. If we are left without the means of acknowledging -the kindnesses we have received, your Majesty will hereafter find -people disobliging when their assistance is needed. Matters occur every -day in which the help of faithful friends is indispensable, and there -can be no doubt that these little presents are of great use in securing -such services. I feel so certain that I am right, that I venture once -more to entreat your Majesty to send me three or four watches of the -most elegant workmanship. - -As regards your Majesty’s desire that I should remain in Paris, it is -my duty to obey, though I feel myself almost too old for the work. I -wish, however, to acquaint your Majesty with the fact that my expenses, -including those of the five journeys I have made in the course of the -last twelvemonth or so, will far exceed my ordinary salary. I received -from Monsieur de Morvilliers 500 crowns on condition that they should -be repaid to Monsieur de Vulcob at Vienna. I most humbly beseech your -Majesty to give the necessary orders accordingly, and to charge the -money to the account of my yearly salary. - -The Queen, it appears, has still chances left her, and your Majesty -will probably have plenty of aspirants to her hand, from whom you -may choose a new son-in-law! Duke Eric of Brunswick[91] has sent a -gentleman hither with credentials, Doctor Joachim Gotzen, to offer the -Queen a share in his bed and board. He likewise offers his portion -of the Duchy of Brunswick, such as it is, and 100,000 crowns which -he has in France, and undertakes that, if he dies without children, -his dominions and the rest of his property shall go to the House of -Austria. As the Doctor hinted and suggested instead of using plain -language, the Queen could only make a guess at what he meant. When he -pressed for an answer, she referred him to me. Accordingly he repeated -his story to me, and asked me to get the Queen to give him an answer in -person. I told him that her husband’s death had been a great shock, and -that any suggestion of a second marriage, whoever the person might be, -was most distasteful to her. An answer from herself was therefore out -of the question. I added, that the Duke could write, if he pleased, to -your Majesty, whose ward she had again become by her husband’s death, -and that he would get an answer from you. I treated him throughout -the conversation with all possible courtesy, and contrived to satisfy -him with this reply, which he took back to his master. He only asked -me that the matter might not go further; I promised it should remain -a secret, and I also undertook at his request, should I ever fall in -with the Duke, to bear witness to the care and loyalty with which he -had discharged his commission. The letter was written from Aachen, and -bore the following address, in the Duke’s own handwriting, as I think, -‘De V. R. Mag^d muy fiel y leal servidor hasta à la muerte, qui sus -reales manos besa mas de cien mil vezes, El Duque Erico de Brunswicque -y Lunenburg.’ - -If matters go on as they have begun, the Palace will be as full of -dissension as the rest of France. Every day the discords between the -Princes increase, even between those who ought to be most closely -united by the ties of blood and kindred. Alençon cannot keep quiet: he -is on the watch for an opportunity to upset the Government, and will -probably end by attempting some notable _coup d’état_. Some suspect -him of even aspiring to the throne. It is all the Queen Mother can do -to keep him from throwing off his allegiance. Not that she wishes to -humiliate him, for she is very fond of him, and anxious to advance his -interests in every way. Possibly in this she has an eye to her own -advantage, in order to gain Alençon’s protection against his brother’s -power, in case her influence over the King should ever diminish. There -is also no love lost between Alençon and the Duke of Guise. The former -is supposed to have some secret understanding with the Huguenots, -and people think that he was privy to the attempts recently made on a -number of towns, in which some of his friends lost their lives. His -confidant in all his designs is his sister, who is on bad terms with -the King and the new Queen. For the matter of that, she does not stand -well with her husband, the Duc de Vendôme; there are strange stories -about her. - - Paris, July, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVI. - - -On the 18th of this month the Queen started for Amboise. On her -departure from Paris the King accompanied her to the gates of the city, -and his brother, Vendôme, and Guise somewhat further, while the Duke -of Lorraine with the Cardinal of Este, the Duc de Mayenne, the Duc -d’Aumale, and the Marquis de Nomeny escorted her to the village[92] -where she dined. As I was sitting at table there with the Duke of -Lorraine and the Cardinal of Este, each of them spoke much of their -affection for your Majesty and the great honour that had been done -them in being chosen, the one to escort the Queen on her journey, and -the other to receive her as his guest. The Duke of Lorraine told me -that in three or four days he was returning home to make the necessary -preparations for the Queen’s arrival; he is also afraid of disturbances -arising in his absence, there being a very general report in Paris that -2,000 German reiters are coming, who are to make their way in light -marching order through Burgundy and Switzerland to join Damville, and -that more will shortly follow, as 8,000 have been hired. This is the -topic of general conversation, and the military preparations which the -King has been making show that he regards the news as well-founded. - -On the 24th of the same month we arrived at Amboise, where I saw your -Majesty’s grand-daughter. The child is not yet quite three years old, -is by no means bad looking, though more like her father than her -mother, and is of a very merry disposition.[93] - -The Queen intends to start for Nancy as soon as possible after her -return to Paris, which she hopes will be about September 8. If it lay -with me to decide, I should prefer her not remaining more than eight or -ten days in Paris. Unfortunately this is not the case, so I can only -do all in my power to hasten her departure. - - Amboise, August 25, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVII. - - -As regards the affairs of this kingdom, I have not much to tell. The -report that the German reiters are coming has made the Royalists rush -to arms; hopes of peace, however, are not altogether abandoned. They -seem to think they will make peace on more favourable terms if they -are ready for war. The King, passing over his brother, who, according -to precedent, was entitled to that office, has appointed Guise his -Lieutenant and Commander-in-chief. He is now raising troops in the -district of Langres. It is supposed, however, that they are neither -very numerous nor trustworthy, and that there are many among them who -would rather be vanquished than victorious. Although the war is only -just beginning, money is already lacking to carry it on, and the King -has had recourse to a forced loan from the Princes of his Court and the -leading men of the kingdom. The Chancellor contributed 4,000 francs; -Lansac, de Morvilliers, and several others, 3,000 a-piece; while the -Constable—that is, the Duchess Dowager of Montmorency—was assessed at -6,000 francs, which are equivalent to 2,000 crowns. The sums so raised -are said to amount to 100,000 crowns. Such are the straits to which -France is reduced. - -Attempts, they say, have been made by the rebels on several -towns—Tours, Chartres, and many others—in which free use was made of -Alençon’s name. Though matters have gone so far, commissioners from -the rebels for the conclusion of peace are still expected in Paris. -Besme, the German—who was the actual murderer of Admiral Coligny—on -his way back from Spain, fell into the hands of the enemy, and is in -great danger, but Guise leaves no stone unturned in order to liberate -him.[94] Montbrun’s wounds were such that recovery was impossible, -but, anxious that he should not die, save by the hands of the -executioner, they caused him to be beheaded at Grenoble. As the English -Ambassador[95] was suspected of having secret dealings with Alençon -and others, the King has requested all the Ambassadors to quit their -houses in the faubourgs and come into the city, where it will be easier -to protect them; this, at least, is the reason assigned. The new Queen -has had an attack of jaundice, but has been steadily improving for the -last few days. As for other news, desperate atrocities are every day -committed in Paris; murder and lust run riot together. Even into the -King’s own ante-chamber they carry their brawls and quarrels, and come -to blows when they are all but in his presence. No notice is taken -of these outrages, and apparently they are not regarded as offences -against the King. - -I had got to this point in my letter a few days after the courier’s -arrival in Paris, and hoped to send him back without delay, when news -of great importance reached me, of which your Majesty must be informed. -Alençon, the King’s brother, who is eager to upset the Government, -and has long been on bad terms with his brother, has fled from Paris. -Having arranged his plans some time before, he pretended on the evening -of September 15 to be going to certain ladies, whom he had made a habit -of visiting in order to throw the King off his guard. He drove there -in a carriage with only two companions, one of whom he sent back to -the Palace to see what the King and Queen Mother were doing; with the -other he went into the house. But he was no sooner inside than he went -out by a back door, got into another carriage, which was waiting for -him, and drove off to a trysting-place not far away, where horses and -companions were waiting for him.[96] Others joined them on the road, so -that before he reached Dreux, where he arrived in twenty-four hours, -travelling without intermission, he had, it is believed, an escort of -almost 200 men. Dreux is a county forming part of his appanage, not far -from Normandy. He was admitted by the inhabitants, not so much from any -affection towards him, as because they were taken by surprise, and not -prepared to resist so strong a party. - -Meanwhile, the gentleman whom he had sent back to the King returned -to the house, and finding him gone brought the news to the King. The -latter at first hoped he would return. But when time passed, and he -did not appear, suspicion became certainty, and they knew that he had -fled. Parties were despatched to bring him back, but all in vain; he -had got some hours’ start of his pursuers and had lost no time on the -road. Moreover, some of the King’s people had a hint that it might -be dangerous to pursue the chase too far, for they found on the road -the dead body of one of the Royal Guards, whose duty it was to patrol -that district. The man had challenged Alençon, and asked who he was, -and where he was going. His comrade—for there were two of them—would -have shared his fate, but he had the presence of mind, when his horse -was killed by a shot, to lie still and pretend to be dead. After this -warning the pursuers gave up the chase. It would have been madness -for them to continue it, as they knew he was strongly escorted, while -they were mere stragglers hurrying along without any attempt at -organisation, as naturally is the case in a sudden and extemporised -pursuit. Alençon’s flight—or departure, as some may call it—has -produced a deep impression on the King and the Queen Mother, as they -foresee what a serious addition it will make to the other calamities of -France. - -The next day the King ordered Nevers to follow his brother with -some regiments of cavalry to prevent the towns from revolting, and -to protect them against assault. He has fixed his head-quarters at -Chartres, probably in order to cut off Alençon from the Loire, and to -prevent his penetrating into the country on the other side of that -river, where he must retreat if he wishes to join his partisans. A few -days afterwards the Queen Mother followed, in the hope of recalling -him to his senses before he was utterly perverted by intercourse with -rebels; but she was not allowed to see him. Indeed, her coming had the -contrary effect, for Alençon, suspecting foul play, and thinking he -had evidence of something of the kind, set out for the Loire with his -followers by a circuitous route, in order to cross while it was still -fordable by reason of the drought of last summer, and thus ensure his -safety and facilitate his junction with the King’s opponents. Behind -him came the Queen and Nevers—his mother and his foe. The latter would -have attacked him whenever an opportunity presented itself, as was -the case at his passage of the Loire, but was forbidden by the Queen. -She was anxious to avoid an engagement as long as possible, for any -bloodshed might make war inevitable. At last, after crossing the river, -he granted an audience to his mother. She spoke, they say, with great -ability, representing to him the disastrous condition of the country, -and reminding him that the course he was taking would greatly aggravate -existing evils; ‘he, who was the heir presumptive to the crown, ought -to be the last man,’ she told him, ‘to split the kingdom in two.’ -The result of the interview was that an armistice for a few days was -arranged, to give time for the delegates of the different parties to -assemble, and for peace negotiations to be opened. - -Meanwhile, it was decided that Montmorency should be released from -prison, on giving his parole not to leave Paris without the King’s -permission. Alençon is also said to have demanded that certain very -influential persons should be removed from Court. Among them the -Chancellor is included, and some other councillors of the King, who, -Alençon thinks, are hostile to himself and his party. - -But his chief motive for running away, it is supposed, was a desire -to escape from the degrading surveillance under which he was kept; -he remembered that when his brother occupied the same position, he -possessed unbounded influence and had the revenues of some of the -richest provinces to support his rank, while _he_, on the other hand, -was granted but trifling allowances, exercised no influence, and could -scarcely call himself his own master.[97] Charles IX. had appointed -the present King his Lieutenant, and had entrusted him with the entire -management of the war and with the government of the country; while -_he_ had been passed over in favour of Guise. It was not likely that -a young Prince, eager for adventure and thirsting for war and glory, -would patiently submit to such treatment. Hence he was induced to take -this serious step, the consequences of which God only knows. There is -an impression that the King had been warned by letters from several -people of Alençon’s intentions, and had resolved to place him under -closer surveillance, but the Prince escaped the day before the one on -which he was to have been arrested. - -On the 10th of this month news arrived here of the defeat of the German -reiters by Guise. As they were marching into Berry to join Alençon, -Guise came upon them at the passage of the Marne and routed the part -that had crossed, their commander, Affenstein, being killed, and -Monsieur de Clervant[98] taken prisoner. Those who had not yet crossed -were terrified by the disaster, and began to treat for a surrender. -The King was consulted, and decided that their surrender should be -accepted, on condition of their not serving against him for a year. -They were left in possession of their horses, swords, and cuirasses, -and the rest of their accoutrements, having to give up only their -standards and fire-arms, and an escort was appointed to conduct them -over the frontier. Thoré, the son of the Constable, and many Frenchmen -besides, to the number of 200, who were with the Germans, crossed the -river in the middle of the night, and so escaped safe and sound. The -Germans accuse them of deserting them, while they retort on the Germans -that, though the safety of the army depended on its speed, they could -not be induced to leave their baggage behind to lighten them on their -march, and declare that the disaster, in which they lost not only their -baggage but everything else, was due to their wilfulness. They say -that Guise during his pursuit of the Germans often had the chance of -plundering this baggage-train, but that he was deterred by the advice -of an experienced general, who said that it would delay their march, -and finally compel them to fight at a disadvantage. Be that as it may, -the disgrace of these troops is in my opinion greater than their actual -loss. Our friends in Paris are much elated at their victory. The fate -of the Frenchmen who escaped by their speed is uncertain, for there -are plenty to pursue them. Guise, however, himself did not come out of -the encounter scot free; he received a serious wound in the jaw from -a musket ball, and was at first considered to be in great danger; the -King, who loves him very dearly, gave him up for lost, and was much -distressed. Now, however, he is expected to recover. - -The day before the news of this battle arrived, the King set -Montmorency free, and restored him to his former influential position. -Accordingly, he is made acquainted with the chief secrets of State, -as he used to be, and now, in the absence of Alençon and the rest of -the Princes of the Blood, takes precedence next to the King. There -is a notion that he, accompanied by Cossé, will shortly join the -Queen Mother to act as a mediator. Alençon, people think, will return -to-morrow to his mother at Blois to re-open negotiations. To me the -whole story sounds suspicious, and, granted that he does go back there, -I think they will hardly come to terms. But supposing they do, it is -to my mind quite certain that war will presently follow, either in the -Netherlands or in Italy with Alençon as the nominal or, perhaps, the -real commander. - -To-day news has arrived here that Thoré and his followers after routing -those who barred their passage, have reached the Loire. He has, they -say, about 400 horse, among whom are many Germans. Whether he will be -able to cross is uncertain, as a strong force has been collected in -hopes of crushing him. Two thousand of Alençon’s cavalry with some -infantry are reported to be awaiting his arrival on the other side of -the Loire. - - Paris, October 14, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVIII. - - -On September 12, the day the Queen returned to Paris from Amboise, -the courier arrived and delivered to me your Majesty’s letter and -instructions. On the following day I asked an audience of the King, -but was put off till the next day. After complimenting the King and -the Queen Mother in your Majesty’s name, I laid your request before -them—namely, that the date appointed for the Queen’s departure should -be adhered to. The King answered he would do what he could to meet -your Majesty’s views. I replied that it was of great consequence that -I should have a definite answer to send to your Majesty, as otherwise -the ladies and gentlemen, who were to meet the Queen at Nancy by your -Majesty’s orders, might find themselves in an awkward position. He -agreed that the request was reasonable, and promised to lay the matter -before the Council, and give me a definite answer on the morrow. So -passed away that day and the next, which was the 15th of the month, -the day on the evening of which Alençon fled. I received almost the -same answer from the Queen Mother, except that she added some further -details about the expenses of the journey, saying that the whole sum -could not be paid down in specie, but that an appropriation would be -made for pressing expenses, while for those that need not be paid -on the spot good warrants would be given. The arrangement was not -an unreasonable one, and the Queen’s business appeared at that time -to be in a fair way, but then came Alençon’s flight, which caused a -hitch. For some days the King could not attend to me; at last, on the -19th, in consequence of my pressing applications for such an answer -as would relieve your Majesty from uncertainty, I was granted an -audience. The King at the beginning of our conversation requested me -to inform your Majesty of his unhappy misfortune,—these were the very -words he used—saying, he felt confident from the relationship that -existed between your Majesty and himself, and from the kindness he -had experienced at your hands, that you would sympathise with him. He -remembered that your Majesty had on former occasions advised Alençon -to keep clear of revolutionary designs. His conduct was the more -unjustifiable, he said, as he was not conscious of having done anything -on his part to give him a reason for forming these projects or running -away. It was by the evil counsels of bad people that he had been -seduced from his allegiance, though on his side he had behaved towards -him like an affectionate brother. This unexpected event prevented his -sending back the Queen at the time arranged, and I must see myself -the difficulties that surrounded him. What the King said was only too -true, and accordingly I answered that I would comply with his request -and write as he wished to your Majesty, saying, ‘I felt no doubt that -your Majesty, with whom he was connected by so many ties, would give -him the warmest sympathy in his troubles, and would gladly afford him -any assistance in your power.’ I then used such language as I thought -was likely to comfort him. As to the Queen’s departure, I told him that -your Majesty was most anxious to have her back, and that your plans did -not admit of her prolonged absence, and asked him, if it was impossible -for her to leave at once, at any rate to fix the earliest possible -date. He said he would consider my request, and promised to send me an -answer on the following day together with his letter to your Majesty. -At my interview with the Queen Mother almost the same language was -used on both sides, except that I added that I thought, if the Queen’s -departure were put off much longer, your Majesty would be obliged to -consider how to bring her home at your own expense, for you felt that a -longer separation was unbearable. - -From that time to this I have never ceased pressing the King every day -and demanding an answer, but my efforts have been of no avail. The -truth is, the King has given his ministers instructions to find the -funds necessary for the Queen’s journey, but this is a very difficult -matter, and, until he is sure of the money, he cannot positively fix -the date at which she is to leave. In the mean time due attention has -been paid to all the interests of the Queen. A valuation has been made -of the Crown lands, and also of the other property. A contract has been -drawn up, and a demand has been made that the deficiency in value of -the Crown lands assigned should be made good. For the Duchy of Berry -with the County of Le Forez, the upper and lower parts of La Marche, -and Remorantin did not come to much above 26,000 francs, so that nearly -6,000 were wanting to make up the sum the King had promised. To find -them was no easy task, in consequence of the small amount of Crown -lands available, and the difficulty was increased by the irregular and -unbusinesslike conduct of certain officials of the King, who tried to -make out that the said places had been undervalued, and wanted us, in -consequence of their own fault, to be content with 26,000 instead of -32,000 francs. At last, after some trouble, it was arranged that two -places should be added, to be taken from the Duchy of Bourbon—namely, -the towns of Murat and Gannat—and so a total of 32,000 francs in Crown -lands was made up, and the remaining sums were secured as in the -schedule annexed. All possible care and discretion have been used in -making these arrangements. - -As regards the Queen’s departure, I should not like to promise myself -an answer from the King for many days. The grant of 32,000 crowns is -all very well, but there is enormous trouble in getting them paid down -in hard cash: 20,000 of them, for which a warrant on Rouen has been -given, will begin to come in on November 15, and this sum, I hope, may -be relied on. This leaves 12,000 to be provided; it might have taken -us a long time to procure this sum, and we might have been obliged in -consequence to postpone the Queen’s departure, but fortunately your -Majesty’s bounty has made us independent so far; a large sum has been -remitted by the Nuremburg merchants, and even if we have no answer from -the King, I feel confident that the Queen will be able to set out -about November 25 or 26. For I think it better to risk our money than -to lose our time, lest, in the changes of this mortal life, something -should occur to make us regret deeply the loss of the opportunity; -though I feel no doubt that the 12,000 crowns decreed by the King can -be secured for the Queen even after she has gone. When the day of her -departure draws near, the Queen will send a courier of her own to -bring your Majesty news of the final arrangements. In order to relieve -your Majesty’s anxiety, it has been decided not to detain the present -courier any longer; the Queen would have sent him back some days ago -if she had not been waiting for the King’s letter to your Majesty; he -keeps promising to send it every day, but it does not come. - -One point with reference to the Queen’s journey remains for -consideration, and that is a serious one. More German reiters are said -to be on the point of entering France, and there is danger of the seat -of war being transferred to Champagne and the country through which -her Majesty is to travel; so that it is doubtful whether the road to -Nancy will be safe, or, indeed, if it will be open at all. Of course -no one will do any harm to the Queen, but it would be impossible to -answer for the safety of her French suite, and it would not perhaps be -consistent with the King’s dignity to beg his enemies to grant them a -sort of passage on sufferance, and to place at their mercy Frenchmen -of the highest position, and ladies of exalted rank, especially as -nothing is safe from the lawlessness and insolence of the times. As -to these matters, the King can settle nothing at present, as he does -not know what may be the state of things six weeks hence; but I see -that all the prudent and sensible men of my acquaintance entertain -serious doubts as to the safety of this route. If it should happen to -be closed, I doubt if there is a more convenient way than that through -the Netherlands, by Cambrai, Valenciennes, Mons, Namur, and thence -either to Coblentz or Trier. Here, again, we are met by a difficulty, -for perhaps the Governor of the Low Countries may not care to have -such a number of French people travelling through these territories -at the present time. This may be obviated by the French suite being -sent back from Cambrai or Valenciennes, and by the servants whom your -Majesty will send, such as cooks, butlers, waiters, &c., being ready -to meet the Queen at either of those places. For she is to take none -of her domestic servants beyond Nancy, as your Majesty will have -graciously understood from the list of her retinue which was forwarded -some time ago. There ought to be some gentlemen at the head of each -department; but this whole scheme of going through the Netherlands is -full of difficulties, and is much more inconvenient than the other. -Still, if we are compelled to take it, we must manage as best we can. -I am willing to hope for the best, and that this _détour_ may not be -necessary; but if we are disappointed—and disappointments do come—I -should wish to be prepared for the worst, and to have some arrangement -to fall back upon, instead of having to waste time in making out a -new one from beginning to end. I think it prudent, therefore, to have -our plans ready in case of need; and in the meantime to sound the -Governor’s disposition by letter, so that if we cannot get through by -any other road, at any rate this way may be open to us; but the final -decision will, of course, rest with your Majesty. - -As regards the money forwarded to the Queen from Nuremberg by your -Majesty’s order, I have hitherto received no letter from your Majesty; -but the agent of the merchants informed me that such and such an amount -was to be placed to the Queen’s credit, that the time of payment was -the end of October, and that he would meanwhile collect the money; but, -if there was any need for it sooner, he would pay down part of it. No -doubt we shall soon have despatches from your Majesty, and I shall -then understand the bearings of this business more clearly. I have -also received no answer as yet to my requests about the watches and my -own affairs. As regards the Kinsky question, I will do as your Majesty -orders, when Schomberg[99] returns from the campaign on which he is -now away with Monsieur de Guise; or, if he answers the letter I sent -him, I will inform your Majesty of his reply. I have received from de -Morvilliers, the Bishop of Orleans ... crown pistoles on account of my -yearly salary. I most humbly beg your Majesty graciously to order that -amount to be paid to Monsieur de Vulcob in the usual way. - - Paris, October 23, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXIX. - - -I sent in my last letters by Peter the courier such news as I had. -Since then I received your Majesty’s letter from Prague, dated -September 4, which informed me that arrangements had been made with -a Nuremberg merchant for remitting the money to the Queen. The bills -of exchange will, I trust, shortly arrive. Without this money it is -impossible to guarantee the Queen’s return; for, though magnificent -promises are held out to us, they are not to be relied on in these -troublous times, when the country is so ground down with taxation. The -20,000 crowns are thought to be certain; but there will not be much -left out of them after paying the wages of the household and making -preparations for the journey; 12,000 more are promised, a sum which -would be abundantly sufficient if we could reckon on it, but I am -afraid the prospect of its being paid is somewhat remote, and to wait -for the money would be to subject the Queen to endless trouble and -vexation, and perhaps cause injury to her health. For her anxiety to -return to your Majesty, and to be quit of the troubles and hurly-burly -of France, is unspeakable. I hope, too, your Majesty will remember what -a dutiful and obedient daughter she has always been, and will therefore -comply with her very reasonable request, and, now that she has been -led to count on returning, not let her after all be disappointed. As -regards the route she is to take, I hope your Majesty will graciously -give the question your serious consideration. For here, indeed, there -are continual reports that more German reiters are coming, and, in -fact, are actually ready to march; if this be true, there is also fear -that the seat of war may be transferred to the countries through which -lies the road to Lorraine. - -The Countess of Aremberg[100] has written from Nancy to inform the -Queen of her arrival there, and also to inquire what she wishes her -to do, and what hope there may be of her soon leaving. She tells her -that she has been away for some time, and is much wanted at home, but -will postpone everything if she can be of any use. The Queen replied -that there was not much hope of her leaving before November 25; she -might, therefore, revisit her home in the meantime, provided that -she presented herself at Nancy by that day to give the Queen the -advantage of her society and company on the journey, according to your -Majesty’s desire. To prevent her making any mistake about the day, -she would later on send a letter to inform her fully of the intended -arrangements. It will, I think, take the Countess six or, at the -utmost, seven days to travel from Nancy to her home. - -As for other news, the state of affairs here is much the same as -it was; what little alteration there has been is for the worse, as -Alençon’s last move has made people less hopeful as to peace. Till -lately he appeared to approve of Blois as a safe place for holding -the negotiations, but he is now said to have changed his mind, and to -demand Poitiers, his reason being that none of the King’s opponents -will trust themselves at Blois, as it is too near Paris and they are -afraid of foul play. There is a notion that his real motive is not -peace, but to obtain possession of a strongly fortified town. Time -will show. Montmorency, to whom everybody’s thoughts are turned as the -best mediator between the opposing parties, set out a few days ago -for Alençon’s quarters. When he started from Paris he was escorted -by a multitude of gentlemen and courtiers. He is indeed a remarkable -instance of fortune’s changes, for only recently he was in great danger -and so hated and despised by everyone that his strong prison-walls -seemed scarcely able to protect him from the violence and insults of -the mob and his enemies. His brother, Thoré, with his troops, has got -safe to Alençon, after routing at various places those who tried to -oppose his march, and taking prisoners some who pursued him too eagerly. - -As to your Majesty’s gracious answer about the watches, it is my duty -to be most humbly satisfied with whatever meets with your Majesty’s -approbation. - - Paris, October 23, 1575. - - -I must also humbly beseech your Majesty to give us betimes any -directions about the Queen’s departure and her journey, otherwise we -may be greatly inconvenienced by having to alter our plans at the -last moment. I shall endeavour to adhere to the arrangements already -mentioned, and intend to use my utmost efforts to have the Queen’s -preparations for the journey completed by November 25. Accordingly, -I mean about November 20 to send your Majesty tidings by a private -courier. He will hardly reach your Majesty before the 27th. Again, some -time will be required in order to apprise those who are to escort the -Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and to enable them to reach Nancy. I -must therefore ask the Queen to postpone her departure to December 1, -so as to arrive at Nancy about the 10th or 11th of the same month. I -send these details in the hope that your Majesty will be graciously -pleased to correct any mistake I may have made. - - - - -LETTER XXX. - - -On the night before November 1, Louis du Guast was murdered in his bed; -he was stabbed in several places. The gates of Paris were kept shut all -the next day, and search was made for the murderers, but they could not -be found. The King’s brother Alençon is supposed to have instigated -the murder, or at any rate to have been privy to it, as he hated du -Guast as much as the King loved him.[101] The cause of their respective -hatred and affection was but trifling; still, for that very reason it -ought, I think, to be mentioned. Some years ago Thoré, the Constable’s -son, had been playing tennis with du Guast, and had lost a considerable -sum to him; on du Guast’s pressing for payment Thoré kept putting him -off and making excuses. Du Guast finally lost his temper, took some -horses out of Thoré’s stable, sold them by auction and paid himself -out of the proceeds. When this came to Thoré’s knowledge, he was -exceedingly annoyed, and quarrelled with du Guast, and ere long they -came to blows. The King, who was then Duke of Anjou (for the late King -was still alive), being informed of this, and fearing that du Guast, -who was his servant, would get the worst of it, as Thoré was the more -powerful man of the two, turned out with his guards to defend his -_protégé_. At the same time word was brought to Alençon that Thoré was -in great danger, as Anjou had come to du Guast’s assistance. Thereupon -he immediately brought up his escort to defend his friend Thoré. A -disgraceful contest seemed inevitable, but the Swiss behaved with great -discretion, and at last they parted without bloodshed. - -However, from that day forth the brothers have been at variance, and -the King has hated Thoré and the whole house of Montmorency. Du Guast, -on the other hand, has always had Alençon for his foe. Moreover, from -his reliance on the King’s favour he gave himself the habit of flouting -Alençon and speaking of him in disrespectful terms. His impertinence -has now cost him dear. - -This du Guast had been appointed by the King commander of the ten -regiments of Frenchmen which he had established after the model of the -Prætorian guard. Among them were many picked privates, serjeants, and -captains, who seldom left du Guast’s side, and generally messed at his -house at the King’s expense. Such was the splendour and sumptuousness -of his table that if any of the Princes, such as the Duke of Guise, or -the titular King of Navarre, chose to drop in upon him unexpectedly, -they never had any reason to regret it. Du Guast was enabled to live in -this magnificent style by the King’s generosity, for it is certain that -since he returned from Poland he has paid him more than 50,000 crowns -for his expenses. He, on the other hand, thought it a point of honour -not to be outdone by the King in generosity, and out of this vast sum -laid by nothing for himself, as is sufficiently proved by his debts, -which amount to 30,000 crowns. The King has taken his murder much to -heart, and there is reason to fear it may serve as a torch and make the -war between the two brothers blaze up more furiously than ever. - - Paris, November, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXI. - - -On the 24th of last month, Laurence Scuter arrived, and delivered to -me your Majesty’s two letters, from one of which I learn that your -Majesty is anxious for definite information with regard to the Queen’s -departure, while in the other your Majesty graciously advises me of the -bill of exchange drawn on Nuremberg. - -As to the Queen’s departure, it has till now depended so entirely -on other people’s pleasure, and the issue of events on which it was -impossible to reckon, that I could not write with any certainty, either -in the letter which I sent by Peter the courier, or in that which I -despatched a little later by Mola of Augsburg. But now everything -is settled, and your Majesty will find in the enclosed paper a full -account of the arrangements connected with the Queen’s return. - -The only points on which I am still troubled are the weather and the -dangers of the road. Her Majesty will, I fear, find it a very bad time -of year for travelling, and I am also afraid that our best and shortest -route will be rendered impassable by the presence of the new levies of -German reiters. I trust I shall soon receive full instructions from -your Majesty. - -The Queen has decided to send off the messenger without further delay, -for fear your Majesty should, as on a former occasion, be kept waiting -for her answer. She will therefore despatch a second messenger, as soon -as the date of her departure is absolutely certain, to bring word to -your Majesty and at the same time to give notice to Ilsing,[102] in -order that he may write to the ladies and gentlemen whom your Majesty -has commanded to wait on the Queen. By this arrangement I hope we shall -be able to save several days. - -I will now give some account of affairs in France. A few days ago -Alençon, the King’s brother, took possession of Châtelherault,[103] a -town near Poitiers, with the free consent of the inhabitants. The Queen -Mother is endeavouring to arrange with him for a six months’ truce; -but he demands, as a guarantee of his personal safety, the possession -of four most important towns—Bourges the capital of Berry, Angers, -Angoulesme, and La Charité—and I hardly think the King will consent to -such hard terms, as they will be difficult places to retake, supposing -the negotiations for peace to prove a failure. It is evident the Queen -Mother will do her very utmost to prevent her sons from fighting, but -whether she will be able to stop them is more than I can say. - -The Duke of Guise has come back from the wars.[104] He arrived at -Paris the day before yesterday; crowds went out to meet him, and -everyone congratulated him warmly on his success. His wound is not as -yet perfectly healed, but it is no longer considered dangerous. - -Michel[105] has come to Paris as ambassador for the Republic of Venice. -Your Majesty must occasionally have seen him, as he was for many years -residing at Vienna. The King treats him with the highest distinction, -entertaining him splendidly, and causing him to be served as if he were -some Royal personage. For his expenses are assigned 800 francs per -diem. He has come to congratulate the King on his marriage. He called -on me lately, and spoke at great length of the profound respect and -regard which he entertained for your Majesty. - -I hear that the Pope has offered the King 3000 Swiss to assist him in -the war, which is now imminent, against his brother and the Huguenots. - -Pibrac’s relations tell me that they have been expecting to hear from -him for some time past, and, as he has not written, they think he -must be on the road home. In his former letters he had given them to -understand with tolerable plainness that he had little or no hope of -success, and had therefore resolved to take the very first opportunity -of quitting Poland. - -He felt sure that, if he remained in the country, some affront would -be put on him, not by members of the opposite party, but by his own -friends. The latter were not well treated when their influence was used -to dissolve the Diet, Pibrac being unable to keep his promises to them -on account of the failure of those on whom he relied. - -De Morvilliers has ordered 500 crowns to be paid to me; I humbly -beseech your Majesty to order that amount to be paid as usual to -Monsieur de Vulcob. - - Paris, November 9, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXII. - - -After sending several times to Rouen to demand the money for the -Queen’s expenses during her journey, it was only yesterday that news -arrived of the payment of the last instalment. With these tidings came -also an answer to the Queen from the Queen Mother, expressing her -regret at being prevented by business of the greatest importance from -going to Paris and bidding the Queen farewell in person before she -left. After reading these letters the Queen came to the conclusion -that she was now at liberty to arrange a day for starting on her -journey. December 4 was appointed, with the approval of the King, whom -I thought it advisable to consult; in giving his sanction he expressed -much sorrow at the Queen’s departure being so near, saying he wished -he could have kept her longer in Paris, as he had no doubt that her -presence had saved the realm of France from many a misfortune, and was -afraid that her departure would be the signal for fresh calamities. - -The Queen thought that, as soon as it was definitely settled, she ought -to give your Majesty the earliest possible information as to the date -of her departure. Hitherto she has been afraid to write positively, -on account of the doubts and uncertainties with which we have been -surrounded, especially with regard to money, lest some difficulty -should arise which would prevent her from keeping her appointment with -those who are to meet her at Nancy. Now, however, there is nothing to -prevent her leaving on the day appointed, our funds being sufficient -for the expenses of the journey as far as Nancy. There is a prospect, -if we are willing to wait, of our raising more money, but for this we -shall have to give a charge on the Queen’s future income; to the King, -moreover, who is in great distress for money, this arrangement would -involve serious difficulties, while it would be no great benefit to the -Queen, as her departure must in that case certainly be postponed, and -it is by no means certain that she would after all obtain the money, so -that the funds provided by your Majesty have come in the nick of time -to relieve us of our difficulties. - -Though matters are thus far arranged, I do not think that the Queen can -reach Nancy before December 18 or 19, and I am not at all sure that she -will not be kept there for several days, if the report be true that -preparations are being made for the marriage of the Duke of Lorraine’s -sister to the Duke of Brunswick, in which case the ceremony will -probably take place about that date. - -I have instructed the bearer of this letter to give notice of the date -of the Queen’s departure to the Duke of Lorraine at Nancy, the Bishop -of Strasburg[106] at Saverne in Alsace, and Ilsing at Augsburg. - -The Queen sent forward part of her furniture eight days ago, and also -four waggons of Orleans wine, which she thought would be beneficial -in the present state of your Majesty’s health, in order that, if she -should not reach the Danube herself before it was frozen, at any rate -her luggage might be able to go by water. With the baggage train were -sent some greyhounds, and also a couple of lime-hounds,[107] under the -charge of a young gentleman and two servants, who accompany them by the -orders of the King. This young gentleman is a skilful huntsman, and it -is hoped that your Majesty will be diverted at hearing him blow his -horn, and cheer on his dogs in the French fashion. - -As to John Kinsky’s business, I applied to Schomberg.[108] He maintains -that he does not owe Kinsky a farthing; he admits that he was in his -debt at one time, but declares he paid the money over some time ago to -certain parties by Kinsky’s directions, and maintains that it is no -affair of his if the aforesaid parties have failed to make good the -sum which they received. In proof of his assertion he brings forward -the fact that the bond he gave to Kinsky has been returned. I asked -him whether he could produce a genuine letter from Kinsky directing -him to pay the money to the parties he had mentioned. He told me ‘he -did not remember: he generally tore up letters of this kind; but still -it was possible that he might have it—at any rate, he was quite sure -that Kinsky had given him distinct verbal directions to that effect.’ -He next proceeded to abuse Kinsky for thus maligning him, and accused -him of trying to take away his character, threatening to make him pay -for it if he continued to libel him. I asked him to give me in writing -the statements he had made, that I might send them to your Majesty. He -agreed to do so, but has not kept his promise: I cannot say whether he -failed through want of time or want of will, for two days later the -King sent him out of Paris, and whither he went I cannot say. - -The names of those who are to escort the Queen back I am unable to -ascertain, for nearly every day there is a change of circumstances, and -a corresponding change is made in the list. However, the appointment -of the Cardinal d’Este is certain. Those who are also named are the -Duke of Mayenne, the Bishop of Paris, Monsieur de Luxembourg, and some -others; but whether they will come with us or not, after all, is, to -my mind, by no means certain. As to the ladies whom I mentioned in -a former letter, no change has been made; but some think that the -Comtesse de Retz will be added to the number. - -Pibrac returned from Poland three days ago, after making his way -through the Hanse towns and the Netherlands. - -The Comtesse d’Aremberg has been given notice of the time when the -Queen is to start. - - Paris, November 9, 1575. - - -The Queen Mother has at last succeeded in concluding a truce for -six months on the terms of the King’s surrendering to his brother -(Alençon) certain cities as a guarantee for his safety, viz., Bourges, -Angoulesme, Mézières, Niort, La Charité, and Saumur. At the last two -towns there are bridges over the Loire, so that Alençon can march, when -it pleases him, either into Burgundy or into Brittany; Niort opens -communication for him with Rochelle, while Angoulesme connects him with -the insurgent forces, and is moreover strongly fortified, as also is -Bourges, the chief town of Berry. But he has not obtained possession of -more than two of these places, viz., Niort and Saumur, the other towns -are up in arms and will not consent to the transfer, from a fear that -the most frightful calamities are in store for them if Alençon should -become their master, especially in the event of the peace negotiations -proving a failure. Accordingly, they are preparing to do battle, and -are supposed to have entered into alliance with other towns, Orleans -to wit and Moulins. - -The Queen Mother is said to be thinking of visiting them in the hope -that her presence will recall them to their obedience. Whether she will -succeed or not I cannot say. - -Meanwhile the truce is publicly proclaimed in Paris; but, nevertheless, -on the other side, German reiters are said to have crossed the Rhine, -and to be marching into the interior, and this makes many people think -that no reliance can be placed on the truce. The King, indeed, has -also undertaken to pay Casimir and the soldiers under his command -500,000 francs to go off home without causing further trouble. Not -having sufficient funds for this purpose, he has sent jewels of great -value to the Duke of Lorraine, who is to retain them as a pledge, and -then become security to Casimir for the payment of the money. The -Duke, however, has the option of taking some neighbouring town in pawn -instead of the jewels. I am afraid it is easier to call in German horse -than to send them back; and, even if they leave France, there is fear -of their pouring into the Netherlands. - -Mézières was appointed as the residence of the Prince of Condé, and -the King has also undertaken to pay 2,000 infantry who are to form -Alençon’s garrisons in the towns already mentioned. But the chief -difficulty that is likely to occur with regard to the truce is Condé’s -promise to pay certain sums to the German horse for crossing the Rhine; -such at least is the story, and the King, if he wishes for peace, will -have to make good the money. However that may be, they say that Condé -and Casimir have entered into a covenant to help each other in case -of war; and just as Casimir came to the aid of Condé, so hereafter, -should need require, Condé will lead his party to the assistance of -Casimir. If this report is correct, it is a matter deserving serious -consideration. In any case, the truce has been made after such a -fashion as to render it quite plain that the King consented to it not -of his own free will, but by compulsion. - -What would it have availed him to nurse his wrath, and make plans -for some mighty undertaking, for the accomplishment of which his -resources are totally inadequate, when the only result would be to -make his weakness plain and risk his crown? Being utterly unprepared, -the only other course open to him was to submit to whatever terms his -adversaries thought fit to impose, and this latter alternative he chose. - - - - -LETTER XXXIII. - - -The Queen reached the town of Dormans six days after her departure from -Paris, and there she met the courier with your Majesty’s despatches; -from which I learnt your Majesty’s pleasure with regard to the -arrangements connected with the Queen’s journey, which I will do my -utmost to carry out. With reference to your Majesty’s desire that I -should attend the Queen to Vienna, and act on the journey as her chief -chamberlain, I beg to offer my most humble thanks for the honour thus -conferred. - -The Queen left Paris on the 5th of this month, amid the tears and -regrets of the entire population.[109] Great sorrow was also shown -by the upper classes, who are deeply attached to her. On the 19th she -reached Nancy. Our journey was not unattended with danger, for parties -of German reiters were scouring the country; but our party was not -molested in any way. The Duke of Lorraine, with his Court, came as far -as the first milestone to meet her, and received her with every mark of -honour. - -That same evening was celebrated the marriage of Eric, Duke of -Brunswick, to Dorothea, sister of Lorraine. The Queen was present at -the ceremony, but did not appear at the banquet and other festivities. -On the next day Count von Schwartzenberg came to the Queen with a small -party of Austrian noblemen.[110] Schwendi would have accompanied them -if he had not been confined to his house by sickness; however, he has -written, promising to meet us on the road if his health permits. On the -22nd, William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife, arrived. The Bishop of -Strasburg has not yet come, and from his letter which Schwendi sent me -I am inclined to think that he has been kept at home through fear of -the German reiters and Swiss infantry, whose road to Nancy lies through -his territory. - -Having heard nothing of Madame d’Aremberg’s coming, on the day after -our arrival the Queen decided to send a courier to her; he found her -at home, waiting for the Queen’s summons. This misunderstanding was the -result of an unlucky accident. Madame d’Aremberg had written to the -Queen at Paris asking for information as to her plans and movements; -the Queen sent back the answer by Madame d’Aremberg’s own messenger, -who promised to deliver it to his mistress within three days. After -all, the Queen’s reply, informing Madame d’Aremberg of the date of her -departure from Paris, and telling her what she wanted her to do, was -lost, and never reached its destination. This accident caused some -delay in the arrival of Madame d’Aremberg, but the Queen’s courier -brought back a letter from her, informing her that she would be here -to-morrow; she will require one day’s rest, so I think the Queen -will fix on Friday, the 30th of this month, for her departure. The -Master of the Order of St. John has not come, and, as I understand, is -not expected. The whole country side is kept in a state of alarm by -wandering parties of horse and foot-soldiers. It was on this account -that the Cardinal d’Este had to leave us in the middle of our journey -and return to Paris; he received a letter from the King informing him -that he had discovered a plot to waylay him on the road. The Bishop of -Paris has had a similar scare, and early last night he set off home -post haste under the escort of a strong body of dragoons. Some others -who are not safe in the neighbourhood of the (German) troops will be -compelled to slip off as best they may. The rest, who have no special -cause for fear, and are furnished with passports from Casimir, will -leave Nancy openly. - -Three days ago Casimir sent one of the chief officers of his -household, whose name, if I mistake not, is Diest von Sterckenburg, to -congratulate the Queen on her arrival, and tender his services; he was -also instructed to offer some explanations and apologies for the course -his master had taken, as your Majesty will learn at greater length -from the Queen’s own letter, for Casimir wished her to represent the -case herself, in the hope that your Majesty would be induced to take a -favourable view of his conduct. - -As I write this letter, bands of reiters are to be seen from the -ramparts marching past Nancy in the direction of St. Nicolas, on their -way to the town of Luneville. The Queen will have to pass through -both these places, but the troops will have moved on before our party -starts, and the only inconvenience we shall suffer from their presence -will be the rise they will cause in the price of provisions; nor is -even this slight disadvantage without its compensation, for this -movement will leave the road open for Madame d’Aremberg, which she -could not hitherto have traversed without danger. As to the destination -of these armaments, and what is to be the upshot of it all, it is not -easy to say. The King indeed is treating for a truce, and Alençon does -not seem unwilling to come to terms, but Condé and Casimir, while quite -prepared to conclude a peace, will not hear of a truce; they say that, -if they throw away this opportunity, it will not be in their power to -reassemble their forces, so that they are in a very different position -from the King, who can raise a fresh army whenever he pleases, and -therefore finds his advantage in a truce. Casimir also demands a large -sum in addition to the 500,000 francs already offered him by the King -for the withdrawal of his army, in order to make up the arrears of pay -due to his troops for their services in former campaigns when fighting -for the insurgents. From this we may conclude that nothing is yet -settled. - -Pibrac, whose return from Poland I mentioned before, is wont to say, -when talking privately, that the only advantage the Poles have gained -from their friendship with France is to catch the diseases which are -ruining the country—dissension and civil war. - -As to other matters, the Queen is in excellent health, and is supported -under all the troubles and fatigue which such travelling involves, -by one hope alone, to wit, the prospect of shortly being with your -Majesties. - -The elder Duchess of Lorraine[111] manifests the greatest pleasure at -the Queen’s arrival, and declares herself amply compensated by this -honour, both for the devotion she has ever felt for your Majesty, and -also for such services as it has lain in her power to render. She -wished me to give this message to your Majesty. - - Nancy, December 27, 1575. - - -_Note by Busbecq._—The letter is missing which I wrote in the village -of Markirch, informing his Majesty that our contract had been -registered by the Parliament of Paris. I also mentioned that ——, a -small town in Lorraine of considerable wealth, had been taken and -plundered by Condé’s soldiers; lastly I complained that the sums I -had obtained from Monsieur de Vulcob had not been repaid to him. This -letter was sent in a portmanteau together with a gold chain, which was -a present from the King, and as far as I know I have not kept a copy of -it. - - - - -LETTER XXXIV. - - -Yesterday the Queen arrived at Bâle, where we are now staying; -to-morrow she will leave it, and in four days we hope to reach -Schaffhausen. As to what is to be her next destination, and what -road she is to take to get there, those who have charge of these -arrangements have not, I see, quite decided, but the question will be -considered after we have reached Schaffhausen. I understand that we -are not to go through Villingen, and, whatever haste we make, I do -not imagine that we can get to Munich before the 27th or 28th of this -month. The Bishop of Strasburg will return home to-morrow. I judged -it well to write these particulars on the chance of my being able to -forward my letter to your Majesty, although I cannot be certain of -finding a bearer. - - Bâle, January 12, 1576. - - - - -LETTER XXXV. - - -The Queen arrived at Augsburg, January 27, and on the same day the -courier brought back letters from your Majesty, from which I learnt -your Majesty’s gracious pleasure with regard to the Queen’s movements, -to wit, that she should come to Vienna by the shortest and most -convenient route. I reported this to her Serene Highness, and she, -being eager to hasten on and join your Majesty at the earliest moment -possible, was in favour of a voyage down the Danube, as this is -supposed to be a good time for sailing. I then referred the matter to -William, Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and they judged -it advisable to keep the courier until they should have laid all the -considerations before the elder Duke of Bavaria, and ascertained his -views as to the relative advantages of the water route and that by -land. In order to prevent delay, Duke William sent his own courier -forward to Munich, that the whole question might be discussed and -settled before the arrival of the Queen. Her Highness arrived at Munich -January 29. Duke Ferdinand with the Margrave of Baden met her at a -considerable distance from the city; they were attended by a large -force of cavalry, handsomely equipped, so that the Queen entered Munich -in great state. The elder Duke’s health was such as to prevent his -going out of doors to receive the Queen; he takes all the expenses of -her Highness and her retinue on himself, and will not allow them to be -at charges for anything; such a liberal reception makes it incumbent -on the Queen not to stay too long. The elder Duke, on being consulted -as to the Queen’s route, was in favour of the river, and said he would -take boat himself if he wanted to go down to Vienna; his opinion -therefore coincided with the Queen’s. She was eager to leave on Friday, -February 3, after a visit of four days, but as the Duke pressed her to -stay six days she decided not to refuse his earnest request, and so -February 6 was appointed for her departure. It will take two days to -get to Wasserburg, and then seven more to reach Vienna, so that, unless -something unforeseen should occur, I trust the Queen will reach Vienna -on the afternoon of February 13. God grant that we may be prospered in -our voyage, as we have been on the road; hitherto, in spite of some -changes and chances on the way, we have had a good journey, considering -the time of the year. - -The Queen herself has enjoyed excellent health throughout, save that -on the day she stopped at Bâle she was troubled with violent sickness; -this, however, served to relieve her stomach, and she has since been -perfectly well. William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife treated her -with the utmost kindness and consideration, so that she had no need of -anyone else. The Bishop of Strasburg remained at Bâle. - -The noblemen who came to meet the Queen at Nancy attended her as far -as Ulm, where others took their place and have waited on her till now; -they will, however, stop here, or at any rate not follow her further -than Wasserburg. - -Your Majesty being thus informed of the Queen’s route, will now decide -as to any further arrangements that may be necessary. Your Majesty, of -course, knows best, but still I venture to observe that, as the Queen -has settled to go by water, a large body of attendants is in no way -necessary. - - Munich, January 31, 1576. - - -The time for our voyage has been lengthened by two days, as your -Majesty will see from the enclosed route, so that, I think, the Queen -will not be at Vienna before February 15; I have also made out a list, -as best I could, of the Queen’s servants and attendants, which I -thought would be useful in arranging for their lodgings. - - - - -LETTER XXXVI. - - -On the 31st of last month I despatched a letter by Gilles, groom of -the Queen’s bedchamber, giving your Majesty such particulars as I -judged to be necessary; to-day I received your Majesty’s letter of -January 31, being the same date as that on which I wrote myself; this -letter requires no reply, beyond stating that as soon as I received -your Majesty’s orders I lost no time in writing to the Governor of -Upper Austria, informing him of the date of our departure, and giving -him the same route I sent to your Majesty, with a list of the places -at which we intended stopping, and the dates on which we were to -be expected. He will, therefore, now be in a position to make the -necessary arrangements. I have no fresh news to give of the Queen, -except that she is looking forward with great longing to the 6th of -this month, when she will commence the last stage of her long journey -and be hurrying onward to her father’s arms. I asked her if she had -any message for your Majesty. ‘Only my best and warmest love,’ was her -reply.[112] - - Munich, February, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXVII. - - -Your Majesty’s letter, dated February 4, reached me at the Monastery of -Ebersberg on the 7th, just as the Queen was about to enter her carriage -on her way to Wasserburg. I lost no time in communicating its contents -to the illustrious Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and -they promised to reconsider the whole question of the route when they -got to Wasserburg. Accordingly, when we arrived, they took counsel -with the captain of the boat, but could not prevail on him to alter -his opinion. ‘He would do what he could,’ he said, ‘to reach Vienna -earlier, but the days were so short, the water was so low, and the -mornings were so dark, that it was impossible to promise more.’ -However, I am in great hopes that the Queen will be able to reach home -one or two days earlier than was arranged. - -The reason I did not mention in my former letter that the Duke of -Bavaria and his wife were coming, was that I assumed that he would -obey your Majesty’s commands, as he has always professed to do. But -had it been otherwise, and had some alteration been made so as to -deviate from your Majesty’s instructions, I should have lost no time in -communicating the fact. Under present circumstances, no change having -been made, I did not consider it necessary to write on the subject; -moreover, I believed the Duke had enclosed a letter to your Majesty in -the packet which he gave me to forward to Vienna, containing, I did -not doubt, some reference to his coming; lastly, I thought it probable -that a _maréchal de logis_ would be sent on in front to inform your -Majesty of the number and composition of his household. After all I was -mistaken. - -In accordance with your Majesty’s instructions I have written to -Gienger,[113] the Lord-Lieutenant, giving him such information as -I was able as to the dates of the Queen’s route, the number of her -attendants, &c., &c. I had had a letter from him, asking for this -information. So now, I think, everything has been settled. - - Wasserburg, February 8, 1576. - - - - -LETTERS FROM FRANCE. - - - - -BOOK II. - -LETTERS TO RODOLPH. - - - - -LETTER I. - - -I had to undertake a second journey to Blois, on behalf of your -Imperial Majesty’s sister the Queen of France (Elizabeth), and this -has prevented my writing again as soon as usual, for I was hoping -from day to day that my business would be settled one way or the -other, and I should be free to depart. In this I was disappointed, and -being unable to leave unfinished this business, which is of material -importance to the Queen, I came at last to the conclusion that I must -contrive to despatch a letter from here; and this I am now doing. -When I was admitted to the King on the business to which I alluded, -I took the opportunity of delivering to him your Imperial Majesty’s -despatches; the few words with which I introduced the subject were to -the effect, that your Imperial Majesty had heard on good authority -that he was a party to his brother’s[114] (Alençon’s) expedition -into the Netherlands, and that your Imperial Majesty did not believe -the statement; but that, if it was true, such interference seriously -affected the interests of your Majesty and the Electors of the Empire -and could not be tolerated, as he would learn at greater length from -your Imperial Majesty’s own letter. To this the King answered that he -had no connection with his brother’s proceedings, as might be shown -from the fact that the mischief done in the Netherlands was small -in comparison to what it would have been if his brother had had his -support in his late campaign. His brother, he added, was not in the -habit of asking or taking his advice; besides, he was now causing more -noise than harm; nay, if there was any ground of complaint it affected -rather himself and his subjects, who had for months been harassed and -plundered by his brother’s soldiers,[115] while the farmers of the -Netherlands were left unscathed; he would see what your Majesty wrote, -and would send a reply. - -I refrained from answering at greater length, and in sharper language, -out of regard to the Queen’s interest, which does not allow of my -lightly incurring the displeasure of the French court. The King’s reply -will reach your Majesty at the same time as this letter. - - March 25, 1582.[116] - - - - -LETTER II. - - -There is now no doubt of the Prince of Orange being alive and well; -but his wife[117] has died of an attack of pleurisy. The Prince was at -death’s door through the bursting of the maxillary vein; the loss of -blood was very great, and there seemed no possibility of stopping it, -so that his life was despaired of. For thirty-six hours he held the -wound together, but fresh relays of attendants were needed from time -to time to prop up his elbow with the hand, or otherwise he would have -been unequal to the exertion. - -The Queen of England is said to have supplied Alençon with a large -sum of money, namely, 300,000 crowns. It is also said that a bill has -been laid before the States-General proposing, if they accept him as -their Sovereign, to grant him one-fifth of their property towards -the expenses of the war. If this be carried, it will produce a very -considerable sum, sufficient to feed the war for a long time. The -Prince of Parma is besieging Oudenarde and battering its walls with -cannon; but the garrison are said to have sent word to Alençon that he -need fear nothing on their account for the next two months. Meanwhile, -by the capture of Alost, which is now in Alençon’s hands, a serious -loss has been inflicted on the Prince of Parma, who derived many great -advantages from the possession of the town. In it some gallant soldiers -were slaughtered, who preferred a glorious death to the dishonour of -surrender. - -Fifteen hundred German troopers, hired by Alençon, are reported to be -not far from Cambrai, with more to follow. They are joined by many -Frenchmen, apart from those who are already in the Netherlands, and -they are numerous. Apparently it is Alençon’s purpose to make the -Prince of Parma abandon the siege of Oudenarde by laying waste Hainault -or Artois. - -I hear Alençon has also sent emissaries into Italy to hire horsemen as -big as the Albanians.[118] - - May 30, 1582. - - - - -LETTER III. - - -Sharp fighting is going on. The Prince of Parma, after an unsuccessful -assault on Oudenarde, kept up a roar of cannon throughout the following -night, and battered the walls without cessation, in order to prevent -the townsmen repairing the breaches. This is the last news we have -had, but people do not think the town will be easy to storm, now that -Alençon’s reinforcements are coming up; they are scarcely two miles -from Arras, and if they do no more than burn the ripe crops, it will be -a crushing blow to that town, and also to others whose harvests will be -destroyed. - - April 26, 1582. - - - - -LETTER IV. - - -News has come that Oudenarde, after having been thrice unsuccessfully -assaulted, has surrendered to the Prince of Parma on honourable terms. -On the other hand, they say that Bouchain, a small but strongly -fortified town in Hainault, near Cambrai, has fallen into Alençon’s -hands through the treachery of the commandant appointed by the Prince -of Parma. - -Alençon proclaims himself a great champion of the Catholics, and in -many places has restored their churches to them. Hence some surmise -that his reign in those parts will not be a long one, as no dependence -can be placed in an alliance between parties of different religious -opinions; they think that the enemies of the Catholics wink at these -acts of his, on account of the destruction which now threatens, -but that, as soon as the danger shall have passed by, changes will -immediately follow. It will end, they say, in the Prince of Orange -carrying off the lion’s share of the spoil by securing to himself the -undisturbed possession of Holland and Zealand. - - June 12, 1582. - - - - -LETTER V. - - -The King has set out for Lyons. The reason of his journey is not -certainly known. His anxiety to be blessed with a son and heir, and -his devotion to shrines of high repute, render it probable that he -has gone to Lyons with the object of visiting on his way the shrine -of some saint famous for his miracles, and offering up his vows for -the birth of a son. He will be absent on this tour for more than two -months. The supreme power has in the meantime been vested in his mother -(Catherine de Medici); this will afford her a good opportunity of -favouring Alençon, and assisting him with the ample succours placed at -her disposal. - - July 4, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VI. - - -There is at last no doubt as to the disastrous defeat of the French -at the Azores,[119] letters having come from Spain confirming the -previous account, though differing slightly in some particulars. - -Among other details, we learn that Strozzi, and the man they call -Don Antonio’s Constable, were taken prisoners, but were so severely -wounded that they died soon afterwards. The French declare that poison -was poured into their wounds to hasten their death. Forty nobles were -beheaded as pirates, because they were unable to show any commission -from the King authorising the expedition; for the same reason three -hundred common soldiers were hanged. We hear also that the victory -was won by the Lisbon fleet alone, the cooperating squadron[120] -not having come up in time to take part in the action. Report says -that they owe this great success to the size of their vessels and -the calibre of their guns.[121] The French, burning for revenge, are -so exasperated that I think it will be a long time before it will -be safe for a Spaniard to show himself in France; they will hurry -with redoubled zeal into the Netherlands—whether to avenge their -countrymen’s fall or share it, God only knows. - -At any rate it is quite certain that large numbers of soldiers are -everywhere pouring into the Netherlands, and that Alençon will shortly -have a very large army. The chiefs are the Prince Dauphin,[122] -Rochefoucauld, and Laval, the son of d’Andelot.[123] What they lack is -an old and experienced leader, and people think that this deficiency -will be supplied at the right moment. Biron is no doubt the man they -mean. I mentioned in a former letter that Alençon had asked for him, -and been refused by the King. People think, that when affairs are ripe, -he will avail himself of the King’s absence to leave France secretly -and join Alençon, by order of the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici), -and moreover that his example will be followed by several regiments of -royal cavalry which are quartered on the Netherland frontier; just as -lately happened when Alençon was escorted to Cambrai. - -The Prince of Parma having drawn up his whole army before the gates of -Ghent, there was some desultory fighting between light-armed troops on -either side, who skirmished in front of their respective armies, while -Alençon looked on from the walls. On both sides men were slain, and -the engagement ended without advantage[124] to either party. Alençon -retired with his people to Antwerp. - -The garrison of Lier have commenced a kind of fortification at the -monastery of St. Bernard, which will be a thorn in the side of the -citizens of Antwerp if they succeed in finishing it. Probably Alençon -will employ all his strength to prevent its completion. - -From Scotland also we have news of disturbances, that the Regent[125] -has been put to death, d’Aubigny is besieged, and the young King -himself deprived of his liberty, and that all this has been done in the -name of the Estates. This news is accompanied by sundry _canards_, viz. -that the King of Spain has promised his second daughter to the young -King on condition of his raising war against the Queen of England, -and that this has given such deep offence to the Duke of Savoy that -he is completely estranged from Philip, and altogether in the French -interest, intending to marry the sister of Henry of Navarre. - -Your Imperial Majesty will see in the document I enclose evidence -touching some plot against Alençon and Orange. I can add nothing to -the contents of the document, except that the Salceda[126] who is -mentioned in it is a prisoner here. How it will end I cannot guess, -but I suspect he is kept till the King returns. - -The King has left Lyons to join his wife at Bourbon-les-Bains. - - August 15, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VII. - - -The Prince of Parma has checked the progress of Alençon’s -reinforcements by encamping at Arras. They are obliged, therefore, to -make a _détour_ to Calais, so as to reach their destination by sea. -Alençon has divided the army which he already had in the Netherlands -into garrisons for different places. Thus he has quartered some -in Brussels, some in Mechlin, some in Vilvorde, and some also in -Gelderland and Friesland. - -The Spanish Ambassador having sent one of his people with despatches -to the Prince of Parma, the man had but just left the first stage, -when he fell in with some horsemen, whose names I do not know, and -was compelled to surrender his papers. As the man was a Netherlander, -he was allowed to escape unharmed. The horsemen told him, with many a -threat, that if he had been a Spaniard he would not have got off so -easily, but would have paid with his life for the butchery of their -kinsmen in the Azores. - - September 12, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VIII. - - -The event has justified the conjecture of those who suspected that, -when the time was ripe, Marshal Biron would find his way to Alençon’s -camp. The King made him Governor of the French Netherlands, which they -call Picardy, to protect his interests in that quarter, and take such -precautions as occasion might require. He also issued instructions to -the authorities on that part of the coast to place themselves under -Biron’s orders. - -Great things were expected of him when he set out, for he is considered -the most experienced general in France, having, during his long career, -passed through every grade and rank in the French army. - -One of Alençon’s corps has joined him in Brabant, the other and -stronger corps is with Biron. To these must be added the whole of the -royal cavalry, which, as I mentioned in a former letter, has been -quartered on the frontiers under pretence of guarding them. He has, -nevertheless, asked for more horse, for, while he thinks himself quite -a match for the Prince of Parma in infantry, he considers himself -very inferior in cavalry. Accordingly, seven or eight squadrons of -horse are under orders to join him. Meanwhile, he has garrisoned -Peronne and St. Quentin so strongly as to render them safe against any -hostile attack. For the Prince of Parma has been threatening in plain -terms that, if the French invade any part of his territories, he will -immediately march against St. Quentin. This move of his, therefore, is -now forestalled. Famine is what the Prince of Parma has most to dread, -especially now that he has been cut off from the sea, and supplies are -not allowed to cross the French frontier. - -There are many symptoms of the King’s becoming more favourable to -his brother’s enterprise. Without any notice beforehand, certain -commissioners were lately appointed to inspect the ledgers of business -men generally, and specially those of the Italians, in order to see -whether any moneys could be seized on their way to the Prince of Parma. -The investigation over, two men were ordered to quit France, Capello -of Milan, and Calvi of Genoa, who were both suspected, on very strong -evidence, of having helped the King of Spain by forwarding money to the -Netherlands. At one man’s house were seized 18,000 Italian gold pieces, -which had been deposited with him by a Spaniard. These were confiscated -to the crown, as there is an Edict here forbidding people to have money -of any coinage save that of France; the only exception being in favour -of Spanish money. The coinage of every other country must be brought to -the royal Bank, and changed at a heavy discount. The King melts down -the gold, and issues new coins bearing his own stamp. Thus, not only -have precautions been taken, by the issue of a stringent proclamation, -that Alençon’s opponents should get no supplies from France to relieve -their famished troops, but it is evident that measures are being set -on foot to prevent their henceforth having the means of purchasing -provisions. The roads are everywhere blocked to all who still -acknowledge the authority of the King of Spain, and so closely are they -watched that no one can pass through France without being plundered or -taken prisoner; nor can any remonstrance be made on this score, since -it is easy to pretend that they are the acts of common highwaymen. - -Up to the present date the posts have been permitted to run openly -and without interference into Spain; but now a letter-carrier on his -way to Spain has not been allowed to have relays of horses, except on -condition of his giving security that he carries no despatches but -those of merchants. This order has prevented his going forward, and so -the man is detained in France. - -The disaster which befell their countrymen in the Azores has had so -little effect on the spirit of the French, that it is intended to fit -out a new fleet much bigger than the last, and to place some Prince -in command of it. Ships accordingly have been selected, which they -are beginning to equip, so as to have them ready against next spring. -After all, the future is uncertain; who can tell what may happen in the -meantime? - -Montpensier,[127] father of the Prince Dauphin, has departed this life, -at a good old age. I shall, therefore, for the future call his son -Montpensier, when I have occasion to mention him; for, in spite of his -father’s death, he is carrying out his intention of proceeding to the -Netherlands. - -The man Salceda,[128] whom I mentioned in former despatches, has paid -a heavy penalty for his crime; what that crime was I do not know, -but it must needs have been monstrous to deserve so dreadful a doom. -Only one instance of such a punishment is found in the whole history -of Rome, viz. when Hostilius inflicted it on Fuffetius. Whether he -conspired against the life of Alençon or the King, or both, I am not -certain. He was condemned to be torn asunder by four horses. As soon -as the horses began to pull, he said he had something more to confess. -When his confession had been taken down by a notary, he asked to -have his right hand released,[129] and when this was done, he wrote -something more, or at any rate signed his name. - -When his hand had again been fastened to the traces, and the horses, -being started in different directions, had made two distinct pulls, and -yet failed to pull him in two, he called out to the King, who with his -mother and wife was looking on from a window, imploring mercy. Then his -neck was broken, his head severed from his shoulders, and his heart -torn out. The rest of his body was pulled asunder by the horses. His -head was sent to Antwerp, with orders to have it stuck on the highest -pinnacle in the city. Such was the end of a wretch monstrous alike in -his wickedness, and in his audacity. - -Here is a specimen. He purchased an estate, and paid for it in bad -money which he himself had coined. The vendor discovered the fraud, -brought an action for treason against Salceda, and so recovered his -house and land. Salceda saved himself by flight from the customary -punishment, otherwise he would have been put to death with boiling -oil, but nevertheless he took means to have fire set to the aforesaid -house at night, and the owner was within an ace of perishing with -the building. When the King, who sometimes visited his place of -confinement, upbraided him for his cruelty in trying to destroy by such -a fearful death the man whom he had already cheated. ‘Well,’ quoth -Salceda, ‘when he wanted to have me _boiled_, was it unreasonable that -I should try to have him _roasted_?’ What a fund of wit the scoundrel -must have had, when even at such a time he must crack his jokes! - -I am afraid that Count Egmont’s brother is seriously compromised by -Salceda’s evidence.[130] - - October 1, 1582. - - - - -LETTER IX. - - -Biron has halted on the banks of the Somme, and intrenched himself. -Some think that he will remain there for a time to observe the -development of the Prince of Parma’s plans, and watch the result; for -they say that the daily losses of the Spanish army from famine and -pestilence are very heavy. - -The Netherland letter carrier, who, as I mentioned, was detained here, -having given security through responsible people, that he was conveying -no letters save those of merchants, was allowed to proceed on his way -to Spain. - -The Spanish Ambassador was deeply annoyed at Salceda’s head being sent -to Antwerp with orders from the King that it should be exposed to -public gaze on the highest pinnacle in the city, and reminded the King -in a solemn protest that he (the French King) had no jurisdiction in -Antwerp. The King was taken aback, and had no answer to make except -that he had sent the head to his brother to do with it in Antwerp as he -would; or, to use the French phrase, ‘Qu’il en fist des petits pastez -s’il vouloit.’ - -They say that Schomberg[131] is going to Germany, whether to hire -soldiers I cannot say. - -A messenger has just come from Languedoc with the news that some -Italian nobles, on their way back from Spain, have been captured at sea -by Huguenots, and taken to the town of Aigues-Mortes. A brother of the -Marquis of Pescara is thought to be among the captives, but nothing is -known for certain, as they refuse to give their names. Whoever they may -prove to be, if they are men of rank they are not likely to get their -liberty until La Noue[132] is restored to freedom. - -The King is again on a tour, having undertaken a pilgrimage[133] to -the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Joy (they call her Nostre Dame de -Liesse), in the part of Champagne adjoining Picardy, in the hope, we -may suppose, of gaining _joy_ by the birth of a child. - -They say the King has commissioned the Bretons to build fifty galleys. -There are also other signs of a fleet being in prospect. - - November 25, 1582. - - - - -LETTER X. - - -They say that the King has ordered 50,000 gold pieces to be paid -monthly towards Alençon’s expenses, and that over and above this -regular payment extra money is to be sent from time to time. - -No one now has the slightest doubt as to the fact that Montpensier -and Biron have joined Alençon, making their way along the sea coast -north of Bruges. People think that Alençon will take them both -into his service, the former as chief Minister, and the latter as -Commander-in-chief, and that the Prince himself will cross over into -England, and, after having concerted his plans with the Queen, will -return to France for an interview with his brother. - -To the great content of his people the King is said to be calling to -account more vigorously than ever those who are suspected of making -away with Church property. - -The force Biron has taken with him is not numerous, but it consists of -picked troops, the royal cavalry being left to guard the frontiers, -and every one having been sent back whose circumstances or disposition -appeared unsuited to the strain of a long campaign, or whose licentious -habits would render him intolerable to the Netherlanders. He is -supposed to have taken with him 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry. - -Whatever others may think, I am confident that this French invasion -is a very serious matter; the movement will grow and send forth roots -which presently it will be very difficult to get rid of. Whether I look -at its immediate results or more remote consequences, the prospect is -alarming. - -Some assert that the troops of the Prince of Parma are suffering from -disease and famine, more especially the new Italian levies, who are not -yet hardened to the cold of the Netherlands. - -Before commencing his march towards Brabant, the Prince of Parma retook -Cateau Cambrésis; he is said to be at present closely blockading Diest, -which belongs to the Prince of Orange, and unless it is speedily -relieved, its fall is certain. People think his next enterprise will be -an attack on Brussels. - -There are crowds of Swiss ambassadors here, representing nearly all the -Cantons; they have come to renew and ratify their treaty with the King -of France; there are great rejoicings at their arrival, and every day -they are magnificently entertained at State banquets, given sometimes -by the King, sometimes by the city of Paris, or by the Guises and -other Princes of the Court. When these are terminated, and each of the -ambassadors has been presented with a weighty chain of gold, they will -be allowed to depart. - -There is a report that the King and the Duke of Lorraine will arrive -here at the same time. - -Some Frenchmen have lately returned from the Azores, and report their -position there to be perfectly safe; they say there is no want of -anything except clothing, supplies of which are now being forwarded -as fast as possible. It appears, after Strozzi’s defeat, a large -proportion of the French ships and men retreated to the islands. -Meanwhile rumours as to the new expedition are as rife as ever. - -I must now say a word of what is going on in France; the King has -despatched distinguished men[134] of high position into all the -provinces of the realm, under pretence of correcting any errors and -abuses in the administration, and of hearing all complaints; but the -real object he has in view is to lay on the people a new and heavy tax. -The experiment does not appear to be over successful; as to what will -be the issue I could not venture to speak positively, for what the King -has so often wished for he has not obtained![135] - - December 15, 1582. - - - - -LETTER XI. - - -It is hardly worth telling, but still your Majesty may like to hear -of a scene which took place at Antwerp. St. Luc was in Alençon’s -chamber.[136] (If I remember rightly I told your Majesty in a previous -letter that, when he fell under the King’s displeasure, he joined -Alençon’s party.) Some noble or other said something in his presence -that annoyed him, and which he considered to be a personal insult. - -Thereon he gave him a blow in the face[137] before Alençon’s very eyes. -The Prince of Orange, who was present, was indignant at his behaviour, -and, giving vent to his wrath, plainly told Alençon that such -outrageous conduct ought not to go unpunished, and that the Emperor, -Charles the Fifth, had he been alive, would not have put up with it, -but would have punished the offender most severely, whatever his rank -or position might be. He told him that the chambers of Princes ought to -be inviolable and sacred ground, in which brawling was not permissible. - -On this St. Luc rejoined—I give you almost his very words—‘Marry, is it -Charles that you quote to me? Why, if he were still alive, you would -ere this have lost your estates and your head.’ With these words he -flung out of the chamber, leaving all the company dumbfounded at his -outrageous conduct. - - December 18, 1582. - - - - -LETTER XII. - - -The Swiss Ambassadors have left Paris, after receiving each a chain -worth 500 gold pieces.[138] There were twenty-six to whom this honour -was paid. Moreover, the chiefs of the embassy were loaded with special -presents of plate, furniture, &c. I append to my letter a copy of the -speech in which the King bade them farewell. I was unable to learn the -terms on which the treaty was renewed, although I tried my best. It -would seem that our friends do not wish them to be published. By these -arrangements with the Swiss the King has secured a supply of infantry. -Of cavalry he thinks he has abundance in his own realm. The financial -question has yet to be solved; his scheme for coining[139] money I -described in one of my last letters; and, though the plan has not -hitherto met with much success, the provinces turning a deaf ear to -requests of this kind, nevertheless, such efforts are still being made, -that I should not like to pledge myself positively as to what will be -the result. - -Don Antonio has come back to France with a few ships; the reason of his -return I have not discovered; possibly he did not think himself safe -in the Azores; or it may have been that he considered his presence and -influence would be of service in promoting the new expedition. At any -rate, he is here, and has been already on several occasions admitted -to a private interview with the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici). -A lodging has been given him close to the palace, built by the young -Queen, whither she is often wont to retire. - -A few days ago this same Don Antonio set out for Dieppe, in order -personally to hasten the equipment of the fleet, which in his absence -was going on more slackly than he liked. I cannot describe how -exasperated all our friends are against the Spaniards, and how eagerly -they desire war. A book is said to be in the press, in which the claims -of the elder Queen[140] (Catherine de Medici) to the kingdom of -Portugal are set forth at great length. - -When the Prince of Orange was dangerously ill of the fever, from which, -by the way, he is now reported to be convalescent, prayers for his -recovery were offered up, not only throughout the Netherlands, but -also in France, by the churches of the Reformed religion, as they call -themselves. The Prince of Parma has received the surrender of Diest and -several other obscure places. These successes will seriously endanger -Brussels, unless the state of affairs should be changed by the arrival -of the troops under Biron, who is a redoubtable antagonist; it is said -that he is going into the Campine[141] to attack certain places, the -loss of which will derange Parma’s plans. Alençon has prevailed upon -the citizens of Antwerp[142] to have lodgings in the city assigned to -three hundred French noblemen. - -They say that news has come of the death of the Duke of Alva in Spain. -The garrison at Cateau Cambrésis, being strong in cavalry, causes -great annoyance to the French at Cambrai, and is for ever scouring the -surrounding district. The insolence of the French soldiers at Dunkirk -provoked the citizens to rise against the garrison; the attempt was put -down with great slaughter. Everyone here is talking of the troubles at -Cologne;[143] after all this smoke, as I may call it, we must expect a -fire. - -The Duke of Lorraine has arrived here with his two sons; why he came I -cannot tell, but it is commonly supposed that his object is to betroth -his daughter to the Duke of Savoy, and to demand the hand of the King -of Navarre’s sister for his eldest son. - -May God Almighty bless and keep your Majesty through the year we have -now begun, and for many more. At the same time I venture most humbly to -ask for a settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, which has been -standing over for so many years. - - January 16, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIII. - - -The weather here is dreadful; for many months southerly winds have -prevailed, accompanied by incessant rain and storm; so unseasonable -and unhealthy a winter renders it probable that we shall have a sickly -summer. - -The rivers, overflowing their banks, have spread far and wide over -the fields. By reason of the constant floods the arable lands are so -wet and spongy that the seed is rotting in the ground, and farmers -cherish but little hope of a good harvest. This state of things not -only excites apprehensions of a great future rise in the corn markets, -but its effects are already felt, the price of wheat having risen fifty -per cent. In addition to these misfortunes, ships are constantly being -wrecked, almost in sight, on the voyage to England or Zealand; in -fact, the whole coast line of Aquitaine is said to be piled up with -planks, masts, spars, rudders, and other fragments of wreck, which the -tempest has washed ashore; so that, if nothing else should betide, the -astrologers had good reason for prophesying a powerful combination of -the starry influences and a year of terror to mankind. - - January 19, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIV. - - -News has arrived from Brabant by way of England, which has thrown the -Queen (Catherine de Medici) and the whole nation into the greatest -alarm. The account is vague, but the purport of the tidings is to the -effect that a quarrel arose at Antwerp,[144] between the French and the -citizens, and that the French force was annihilated. - -The anxiety was greatly increased by the silence of Alençon; and, when -no despatches arrived from him, serious doubts were entertained as -to his safety. In this uncertainty several days passed by; at length -messengers came pouring in, who told us the particulars of the affair, -but still their accounts were defective in several important points, -and differed in details. - -I will relate what I made out as the nearest approximation to the -truth: the points which I do not yet know about, I will fill in -afterwards, and also correct any mistakes I may have made. I think -I wrote to your Imperial Majesty that Alençon intended to travel to -France, by way of England, for the purpose of visiting the King, -and, as we may well suppose, of discussing with him the affairs and -general condition of the Netherlands, and that his intention was to -leave Montpensier and Biron as his lieutenants during his absence. But -when Alençon applied to Biron to undertake this duty, the marshal was -unwilling to accept the command, on the ground that he would have a -restless and turbulent race to deal with, and no place to retreat to in -case of misfortune. He reminded the Prince that such a large assemblage -of French noblemen could not be withheld from committing occasional -excesses and provoking the citizens, who would then immediately rise -and threaten death to every Frenchman; and he thought the best means of -meeting this danger would be for the French to hold some place to which -they could retreat for refuge against the violence of the mob. For -this purpose the citadel (of Antwerp) was admirably adapted; it needed -but a few repairs and a strong garrison; there were now in the city a -great many Frenchmen, both gentle and simple, who could easily seize -the citadel, nor again would it be difficult to gain possession of one -of the city gates, and, his army being so near, to throw into the town -as many men as he chose. Further, the inspection of the forces which -he (Biron) had brought with him, furnished Alençon with an excellent -pretext for going out of the city and not mixing himself up with these -irregular proceedings; all that was needed was the approval of Alençon -and the nobles of his court. - -On hearing Biron’s views, which were so well calculated to please -Alençon’s licentious and lawless nobles, the greater part gave their -adherence to his plan, whilst a sense of shame induced the more -honourable men to agree to it, lest they should be thought cowards for -shrinking from so important an enterprise. Alençon was the last to -yield to the united wishes of his followers. - -On the next day he went out to the camp, but as he passed the gate -several of his body-guard, desperate fellows who had been selected for -this service, halted on the bridge leading across the moat into the -open country, instead of following the Prince. The citizens, who were -guarding the bridge and the gate, warned the Frenchmen to clear the -bridge, either by following their lord, or by returning into the city. -The men listened with apparent deference to what was said, but none the -less remained on the bridge; then the language of the men of Antwerp -grew rougher, and the French retorted in words every whit as bold; so -from words they came to blows; the French, who were all musketeers and -came prepared for action, easily wounded, killed, or drove away the -townsmen, and so took possession of the bridge and gate. They were -joined by others, both horse and foot, who had left Alençon’s escort -and had halted in the neighbourhood for that purpose; they formed a -column, and in one compact mass burst into the town. The uproar alarmed -the citizens stationed on the walls; from both sides of the gate they -hurried to the fray, and climbing down into the road began to fight -with the party who had been left to guard the entrance; the contest -ended in the victory of the townsmen, who succeeded in beating their -opponents and shutting the gate. They say that presently Alençon rode -back and demanded admission, but the cannon’s mouth was the only mouth -that answered! - -Meantime, the French spread themselves through the city; on every -side they could see the townsmen flocking to the fray, but there was -no quailing or fear, for they felt certain that their superior skill -would ensure their victory over a set of untrained civilians. Some -made for the citadel, others, without any thought for that which was -the real object of the enterprise, began plundering private houses; but -it was not long before their ranks were broken by the charge of the men -of Antwerp, and, with a few exceptions, they paid with their lives the -penalty of their rash attempt. - -They say that the Queen Mother, on hearing the news, burst into tears, -and cried ‘Alençon, Alençon, would you had died long years ago, rather -than so many of our nobles should have perished through you, and such -great trouble and distress have been brought upon France! Moreover, -you are also endangering the safety of the realm, for you have brought -yourself, the heir of the throne, into the most imminent peril, and -every effort will be needed if you are to be extricated from your -unfortunate position.’ - -They say that the Duke of Guise has tendered his services to the Queen, -promising, if 3,000 French horse are given him, to find Alençon, -wherever he may be, and bring him home. Round him accordingly the -nobles are gathering, and the clatter of the armourer’s hammer is to be -heard in every street. But I do not myself believe that anything will -come of it. - -This scheme of Biron[145] (assuming that it is his scheme) will go far -to confirm the judgment of those who maintain that, though an active -and experienced commander, he is in all other respects a person of -little discernment. Alençon, being shut out of Antwerp, spent the night -with his army at the monastery of St. Bernard. There he was joined by -the officers of his household. They had remained in their quarters -during the disturbance, and, being held guiltless of any part in the -conspiracy, were sent back to their master by the men of Antwerp. -However, Alençon’s first object was to cross the Scheldt before any -attempt should be made to obstruct the passage; so all night the Swiss -were hard at work building a bridge. As soon as it was finished, he -crossed from Brabant into Flanders, and came to Dendermonde, where he -is supposed to be still lying. The question now is, what is he to do? -Ought he to lead his forces back to France, and abandon all interest -in the Netherlands? Or again, ought he to make up his quarrel with the -people of Antwerp? Now that there is an end of all confidence between -them, I fail to see how this latter alternative is possible; but the -French are wonderful fellows when they set their minds on a thing! - -These details, which I have picked out of several different versions, I -have thought it my duty to place before your Majesty. Time will give us -further particulars, and accounts on which we can better rely. - -Your Majesty and the Archduke[146] Ernest are supposed to have played -a part in this drama. This notion was very rife when the news first -came, and no particulars had as yet transpired. Some people about -the Court, who fancied themselves to be wondrous wise, would have it -that the eldest daughter of the King of Spain was betrothed to your -Majesty, and the younger to the Archduke Ernest, with all the provinces -of the Netherlands as her dowry, and that it was, therefore, of prime -importance to your Majesty and the Archduke that the French in Antwerp -should be cut to pieces, and Alençon driven from the city; that on -this account there had been secret negotiations with the townsmen, -who had been promised an amnesty for all past offences, on condition -of their exterminating the French; and further, that your Majesty and -the Archduke had secured the concurrence and assistance of the Prince -of Orange; for they argue, the townsmen of Antwerp would never have -ventured to go so far had they not been thus aided and abetted. - -The Prince of Orange, it appears, had a presentiment of what was -coming, and when Alençon desired to have his company to the camp, he -steadily refused to go, giving as an excuse the state of his health and -the badness of the weather. His presence saved the lives of several -Frenchmen, among whom was Fervaques, one of Alençon’s favourite -officers. But here in France this gentleman’s life is in danger in -quite another way. They declare that the scheme of seizing the citadel -was his suggestion, and wish him to be tried and executed. It is -thought that a reconciliation between Alençon and the citizens of -Antwerp will be brought about by the intervention of the King, who will -send men of note to conduct the negotiations; the names of Bellièvre -and Pibrac are mentioned as members of the commission. The latter is -also marked out as Alençon’s chancellor. - -So far from blaming the men of Antwerp, the French are actually -beginning to praise them for their kind feeling and politic behaviour, -for it appears that, after the excitement had abated, they showed every -possible attention to their prisoners, and to those of the Frenchmen -who had remained in their quarters. - - February 5, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XV. - - -I felt confident, when I despatched my last letter to your Majesty, -that it would not be long before I should have further news of a more -trustworthy description from Antwerp. After all, I am disappointed; -though several days have elapsed, there has been no fresh arrival from -the Netherlands of anyone able, or at any rate willing, to tell us the -truth of what happened. The few who have come were all sent by Alençon -to the King, to repeat a set story which was put into their mouths, -and hide the blackness of Alençon’s case under a cloud of specious -words. There is no letter-carrier or merchant from Antwerp; indeed, -the wardens of the marches put a complete stop to the travelling -of Frenchmen to Antwerp, and of Antwerp people to France. Of late, -however, the restrictions have been removed, and the merchandise, on -which an embargo had been laid, having been released by both sides, -the old rules, regulating the commercial intercourse between the two -countries, are once more in force. But, in spite of this change, scarce -anyone will run the risk of so hazardous a journey. One letter-carrier, -it is true, has come by way of England, but he has brought no fresh -tidings, except that the number of slain and captured is greater than -was at first reported; in other respects his news differs little from -the account given in my last letter. - -Alençon’s friends, and those who are anxious to save his reputation, -say that, though he is a mild and gracious Prince, yet, being no -longer able to stomach the pretensions of the Prince of Orange and the -independent ways of the men of Antwerp, so distasteful to a Frenchman, -he endeavoured to take possession of the city, as the best means of -freeing himself from his intolerable position, not having any idea that -the enterprise would be either difficult or attended with much loss -of life; but expecting that, after a few citizens had been killed at -the first entry of the troops, the remainder would be so terrified as -to abandon all thought of defence, and, laying down their arms, would -submit to any conditions he might think fit to impose, provided that -their lives were spared, so that he would have an excellent opportunity -of binding down the city of Antwerp to his own terms. But he was -utterly mistaken in his calculations, for he did not find the hearts of -the citizens so tame, or their arms so weak, as Frenchmen would have -them to be. - -Some people put a totally different construction on the whole -affair; but this is Alençon’s explanation. As to what really took -place, it seems needless to write more, for your Majesty is no doubt -in possession of all the facts, since there has been far freer -communication with Germany than with France. In case, however, anything -should be lacking, I enclose three documents. (1) The statement of the -citizens of Antwerp, published in their own language. (2) A paper which -is attributed to Bodin,[147] author of the treatise _De la République_, -published a few years ago. The letter is written in French. (3) A paper -which is the production of some unknown person, but it is plain that he -is a Frenchman, and his account is evidently untrustworthy. - -Mirambeau, the brother of Lausac, was first despatched to Alençon by -the King, and later on Bellièvre. The issue is still uncertain. Some -think Alençon and the States will come to terms, while others are -positive they will not. As to my own opinion, I have determined to -reserve my judgment till time shall bring more certain news. - -In the meanwhile several of the King’s commissioners, who were sent -round to collect money, have returned. They report that nothing is to -be obtained without the risk of an insurrection, and that all reply -that if the King is straitened in any way, they know their duty: but in -their opinion, his only object in asking for money is to lavish it on -his young favourites; they consider such grants unreasonable, and will -have nothing to say to them. - -I am not surprised, for a gentleman in the royal treasury, on whose -word I can rely, told me that since his return from Poland the King has -squandered six million crowns in presents and other useless expenses. -The King having been disappointed of these supplies, people think he -will deprive the Queens Dowager of a large part of their property, to -satisfy the claims of his young favourites. Your Imperial Majesty’s -sister will be one of the sufferers, as, in violation of the marriage -treaty, she has long ago been placed on the same footing as the other -Queens Dowager.[148] - -We have in France, as Governor of Brittany, a brother of the Queen -Consort, son of Vaudemont; his title is the Duke of Mercœur.[149] -News was brought during his absence from home that he had died of -the plague. Two men immediately asked for his post, Nevers[150] and -the Duke of Epernon, who stands well nigh first among the King’s -favourites. Nevers’ application was refused, and the other appointed -Governor of Brittany, conditionally on the office being vacant. - -Though the appointment came to nothing, since news shortly arrived of -the Duke of Mercœur’s recovery, yet Nevers was so indignant that he -then and there gave orders to his retainers to prepare to leave the -Court, and two days later retired home, after first upbraiding the King -for his ingratitude. - -The King’s conduct in this matter is being unfavourably criticised by -many, and especially by the aristocracy. - - March 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVI. - - -We have still no news from Antwerp of Alençon. Most people agree -with Mirambeau in thinking that there is little hope of a friendly -arrangement, the demands of the States being exorbitant; they ask for -the restoration of Dunkirk and Cambrai, and henceforth refuse to permit -any one, who is not a Netherlander born, to hold place in the suite or -service of Alençon. - -The King is moving infantry and cavalry to the frontier, so as to have -them ready should need arise. I doubt whether even with this help -Alençon’s journey is likely to be very rapid, as the district through -which his road lies is deep in mud at this season. - -Meantime the men of Antwerp are said to be exacting money from their -prisoners, and demanding ransom for having spared their lives. Whether -it be so or not, the breach between them and Alençon seems to be -complete, so that they will hardly readmit him into the town. - -Bellièvre stops behind with the hopeless task of trying to arrange -matters; there is an idea that, by his oratorical powers and diplomatic -skill, the wrath of the Netherlanders may be appeased, and the way -paved to an agreement. But it is with the men of Antwerp as it was -with Alençon; success was too much for his ill-regulated mind, and -has proved his ruin; even so some great disaster will overtake the -citizens, if they wax thus presumptuous on the strength of this -unexpected victory. - - April 12, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVII. - - -This very day it is still uncertain as to what will be the issue -of the affair at Antwerp. Though there are the plainest signs of -the deepest exasperation on both sides, there are some who think an -arrangement possible; they admit that no real peace or friendship can -hereafter exist, now that confidence has received so rude a shock, -with the Netherlanders estranged from Alençon by the recollection of -his dishonourable conduct, and Alençon burning to avenge the heavy -punishment he has received; but still hold that it is to the interest -of both parties that some sort of reconciliation should be patched -up, and the former alliance be preserved, or at least the appearance -of it. To what other quarter, they ask, can the Netherlanders look -for assistance against the powerful foes who surround them, or what -other help have they than their French allies? Or again, what could be -more disastrous to Alençon’s reputation, than thus to withdraw from -Brabant with the disgrace of having lost by his folly the provinces -which had so unexpectedly fallen into his hands, and to have his shame -blazed abroad throughout the world, which is watching the result of -his enterprise? When a man has damaged his reputation, oftentimes, -if he is only patient, an opportunity will come, which will enable -him to restore it. But if, in spite of these considerations, Alençon -must leave the Netherlands at an early date, still, if an interval is -allowed to elapse, he will be able to avail himself of those numerous -excuses for departure which may arise,—or, at the worst, can be -invented,—and thus diminish materially the disgrace of his failure. -Accordingly they hold an arrangement to be possible on the basis of a -general amnesty. But this appears to me to be easier said than done! -Brussels, according to their programme, is to be assigned to Alençon -as a residence, and there also the Estates of the Netherlands are to -meet; a few towns in the neighbourhood are likewise to be given him, -that he may feel more secure. Brussels to be guarded by 1,500 Swiss -and 500 French troops. Orange to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, or -Imperial Vicar. The prisoners at Antwerp to be discharged conditionally -on remuneration being given to their hosts who rescued them from the -violence of the people. In all other matters the late treaty to stand -good. - -In this arrangement the case of Fervaques is the chief difficulty. The -citizens of Antwerp hold him to be the instigator and ringleader of -this atrocious plot, and demand his execution. - -Biron, by the way, has written a letter to the Queen Mother, in which -he completely clears himself of all blame. He says he came too late to -take any part in the discussion, the matter was already decided, and -his share in the business consisted simply in yielding to Alençon’s -wishes and executing his pleasure. - -Some talk of a reconciliation on the terms which I have given; but what -will happen it is impossible to say. It is well known that the other -day, when Orange went into the town hall of Antwerp to make a speech in -favour of reconciliation, a mob assembled in the market place, shouting -and threatening to throw anyone out of the window who ventured to -propose the readmission of the French. Orange, they say, was so alarmed -by this demonstration that he spent the night in the town hall. Though -a considerable space of time has elapsed, scarce a single Antwerp man -has crossed the French frontier, although the road is open, and this, -to my mind, is the surest proof that the prospects of a reconciliation -are dubious; so long as there is a doubt as to the renewal of the -alliance and arrangement of terms, none of them care to risk their -lives by entering France. - -So much for this subject. - -Men, on whose authority I can rely, tell me that the King is pressing -the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter, who is now grown up and a -great heiress, to the Duke of Epernon, but that Lorraine, who loathes -the idea of such a _mésalliance_, is doing his utmost to avoid giving -his consent to so unsuitable a match, taking refuge in a proposition -that, if the King will bring about a marriage between his son, the -Prince of Lorraine, and the sister of the King of Navarre, he in return -will gladly comply with his request. This last is a young lady who, if -her brother, as is not unlikely, should die childless, has very great -prospects indeed. For the King of Navarre’s wife has not yet presented -him with a child, and she is young enough to make it probable that -she will be the survivor. The family feuds, however, which have been -handed down from father to son, between the Bourbons and the Guises -and House of Lorraine, render Navarre’s consent to the match highly -improbable. The Duke of Lorraine sees clearly that Navarre inherited -these feuds when he inherited the Crown, so he protects himself behind -this entrenchment; whether it will be strong enough for his purposes -time will show. - -I must now give a description of Epernon. By the King’s favour he has -been created duke; five years ago, before he became intimate with the -King, he was a poor unknown man, who passed by the name of La Valette; -at the outside his income did not exceed 400 crowns; his father was a -gallant soldier, but his grandfather was a scrivener or notary. Now -this upstart is a duke, and, what is more, a wealthy duke, for he -can always dip his fingers into the royal treasury. But his present -position is nothing to what he has in prospect; he aspires to one of -the great dignities of the realm, and a governorship of the first -rank, such as that of Brittany, touching which I wrote the other day. -If, in addition to this promotion, he should obtain a wife so nearly -connected with the King that no other Frenchman, however high his -rank, would venture to aspire to her hand, he will be one of the most -marvellously successful men that ever lived; and yet neither in birth -nor deserts has he aught to boast of; in the King’s opinion no doubt -he is a man of great promise, but no one else thinks so; whether it be -envy, or his own fault, that causes him to be thus esteemed, I cannot -say, but almost every one detests him on account of his exclusive and -supercilious manners, and there is no one so hated by the Princes of -France. - -His colleague, if I may so term him, who, however, takes precedence of -him, is the Duke (formerly Count) of Joyeuse, husband of the Queen’s -sister; this last, however, has the advantages given by ancient and -illustrious descent, amiable disposition, and natural talent; the other -day he was made Admiral of France, now he has been appointed Governor -of the whole of Normandy; in order to give him this command, three -noblemen of the highest rank, who shared the province amongst them, -had to be turned out. These two young fellows are the men in whose -friendship the King considers himself blessed, and envies not the -success of Alexander the Great! This infatuation of the King’s awakes -the indignation and despair of France. The men who formerly held the -highest positions next to the throne fly from the Court to avoid the -painful sight; the rest are dumbfoundered at the King’s caprices. - -This is the reason the King is always in difficulties, always poor, -never able to reward or honour a good servant; his wealth is being -piled on these young fellows, and they are being fashioned out of -nothing into pillars of the State, so that they may occupy the greatest -places in France. Amongst those who are greatly offended is Alençon; he -is intensely indignant at being assisted with so niggardly a hand in an -enterprise which he considers of the first importance, and complains -that the King thinks more of his favourites than of his brother.[151] - -As I shall often have occasion to allude to these gentlemen, I have -described them at some length, so that, when they are referred to, your -Majesty may have some idea of them. - -Don Antonio is still at Rouen and Dieppe, busily engaged in the -equipment of his fleet, or fleetlet, if I may so term it, for it falls -far short of what was talked of, and will carry scarce 500 soldiers to -reinforce his troops in the Azores. - -Great supplies will be collected of such things as are needed in those -localities. - - May 2, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVIII. - - -Messengers have lately come from Alençon with the news that the -negotiations for a reconciliation promise well; in confirmation of -this, they produced the terms of an arrangement, which I now enclose. -Alençon refuses Brussels and prefers Dunkirk[152] as his permanent -residence. When he gets there, people think he will cross over to -France, press his grievances upon the King, and ask him why he is more -anxious for the aggrandisement of certain young fellows than for the -prosecution of a most important enterprise. - -Orange has invited from France Teligny’s widow, daughter of Coligny, -some time Admiral of France, with the view of making her his wife; -he is also giving the hand of his daughter, the Comte de Buren’s -grandchild,[153] to Laval, son of d’Andelot, brother of the aforesaid -Coligny; they say that Laval will be Governor of Antwerp. - -The King is instituting a new order of Flagellants, or Penitents.[154] -It is talked of everywhere in Paris, and all the more because lately -when a celebrated preacher,[155] though a most orthodox Catholic, -attacked the order from the pulpit in a sermon full of sarcasm, the -King ordered him to leave the city. - -Touching the Flagellants there is a merry story to be told. The -footmen of the nobles, of whom we have crowds at Paris, out of sheer -wantonness, were mimicking in the palace itself certain rites of the -brotherhood;[156] the King ordered some eighty of them to be carried -off into the kitchen, and there flogged to their hearts’ content, so -their representation of the Flagellants and Penitents was turned from a -sham into a reality! - - May 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIX. - - -The reports of fresh disturbances, which I mentioned lately, are -gaining ground, and worst of all, there is no certainty as to whether -Alençon is concerned in them or not. - -In consequence of these rumours his mother (Catherine de Medici) has -been for some time intending to visit him at Calais, but he has -been detained at Dunkirk by sickness; he is supposed to be suffering -from the French disease, and has placed himself in the hands of his -physicians and surgeons. As soon as he recovers, people think he will -cross over to Calais; but there is no telling, for some maintain that -he will go to Normandy, and others that he will take ship for Brittany. -If war ensues the King will be in great straits, since neither -financially, nor in any other way, is he prepared to meet it. - -Bellièvre has returned from Antwerp; he tells us that concessions -have been made on both sides, and all obstacles to a satisfactory -understanding removed. - -One of the points arranged was the release of the prisoners, amongst -whom was Fervaques; on this gentleman’s rejoining Alençon the latter -presented him with an abbacy[157] worth 6,000 crowns per annum, in -acknowledgment no doubt of his brilliant conception and its admirable -execution! When this was told to the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici) -she lost all patience, and called Alençon a fool and madman, repeating -her words again and again. - -A letter of Biron’s has been discovered in Alençon’s cabinet at -Antwerp, written the day before the disastrous attempt of the French, -in which he does his utmost to induce Alençon to abandon his foolish -scheme. This discovery has made Biron extremely popular at Antwerp; in -fact he stands first in favour of the citizens, and this is the man on -whose head not long ago rested most of the odium! - -Pibrac, who lately joined Alençon, has been despatched by him to -Antwerp as his representative with the States; he is an ambassador who -will, I fancy, cause more mischief than several thousand soldiers. -Endhoven, a little town of Brabant, has capitulated to the King (of -Spain) in spite of de Bonnivet’s defence. On the other hand, Biron has -retaken some small forts. They say that the Prince of Parma is making -preparations for the siege of Alost, thus threatening Brussels. - - June 1, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XX. - - -The King’s inordinate devotion to religious observances is the subject -of general remark; some declare that he will end by changing his crown -for a cowl. The Queen Mother, they say, disgusted with the way he -neglects his duties as Sovereign, roundly rebuked one Edmund,[158] a -Jesuit, who is the King’s chief adviser, for having well nigh turned -her son from a king into a monk, to the great detriment of the realm. - -Meanwhile serious disturbances are taking place in Aquitaine and -Languedoc. In consequence of these movements the King has despatched -Monsieur du Ferrier, whom he employed for a long time as his ambassador -at Venice, to the King of Navarre. He is an old man and reputed wise. - -The Queen Mother would have rushed to meet Alençon at Calais, if he -had not written to stop her, warning her that a visit from her would -wake the suspicions of the States of the Netherlands, and so damage -his prospects. This is the excuse he gives, but most people think his -letter was written to suit the views of the gentlemen responsible -for the catastrophe at Antwerp, who are afraid of meeting with hard -language and reproaches from the Queen, and haply also of being -dismissed from their places. - -Don Antonio was here the other day with the Queen, having run away -from Dieppe and Rouen on account of the plague. He has now left for -a village in the neighbourhood called Ruel, where he is living in a -pleasant house lent him by Alençon. His household consists of some -sixty people, who consume daily a quarter of an ox, two sheep, one -calf, and 150 loaves. - -It is now quite certain that Orange openly assumes the position of -Count of Holland. Flushing,[159] a city of Zealand, he bought with his -own money; so that he commands the communications of those provinces -with the sea. Thus amid the downfall and ruin of others Orange has -secured a success. - -The King is preparing for a journey to Mézières, with the intention of -going on to a château called Foullenbraye, where he will stay to drink -the Spa waters for the benefit of his health. During his absence the -government is placed in the hands of the Queen Mother and the Privy -Council. It is thought he will be away the whole summer. His days, I -fear, are numbered. - -After several feints, by which he kept every one in suspense as to -where he would next strike, Parma has settled down to the siege of -Cambrai. It will be a tedious affair, and success is by no means -certain, still the capture of the town would go far towards deciding -the struggle. He is said, moreover, to have recovered the town of -Diest. Brussels, too, seems inclined to go over. - -People are again beginning to be afraid of the plague. There are -serious signs of its presence in Paris, and also in several other -French towns. - - June 25, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXI. - - -The Queen Mother has been with the King. After her interview she flew -off to Boulogne-sur-Mer to meet Alençon, with Marshal de Retz in -attendance on her. Alençon himself is levying fresh soldiers with the -purpose, I suppose, of sending them to the relief of Cambrai. - -The States and Biron have received a severe check at Steenbergen,[160] -losing a great many men. Biron was wounded, and had difficulty in -protecting himself behind the walls of Steenbergen. - -The Governor of Namur has been sent by Parma to the King. A messenger -also came from Casimir to ask a free passage through France; he is -sending him to the Queen of England about the Cologne business. The -Pope, through his nuncio, is urging the King to accept the decrees of -the Council of Trent, and to publish them throughout the kingdom. I -do not think his representations will have much effect, not because -the King is a supporter of the privileges of the Gallican Church, but -because there is a suspicion that the real object is the introduction -of the Inquisition into France. Fresh disturbances would be the certain -consequence of so unpopular a measure. - -For these reasons people say the King, though personally disposed -to accede to the demands of the Pope, will not grant them, being -determined, as far as in him lies, to avoid all risk of rebellion and -civil war. - -The King was desirous of placing the Duke of Epernon in command of -Metz, but the present governor is an obstacle. He refuses to transfer -his command to any one until he shall have received the reward due -to him for long service in the army and years of honest work. In my -opinion the King has another reason for prolonging his stay in those -parts. Cologne is not far distant, and he may be thinking of making his -own advantage out of the disturbances. - -Then, after conducting his wife to Bourbon-les-Bains, he will make a -_détour_ to Lyons, not returning to Paris till the end of the summer. - -The Duke of Joyeuse is expected back. He crossed the mountains into -Italy with a brilliant train on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Holy -Virgin of Loreto, in fulfilment of a vow he had undertaken when his -wife was ill. - -On his way he visited Rome to do reverence to the Pope, and possibly -also to give him a private message[161] from the King. - -The men of Antwerp have lost a great deal of their old confidence and -love for Orange, who seems only to care for making his kingdom of -Holland secure, and does not pay sufficient attention to the safety -of the other provinces. From Brussels also there is news of some -disturbance, touching which I am expecting a report from a trusty -correspondent. - -Meanwhile I pray God to grant good health to your Imperial Majesty, -whose most humble servant I remain. - - July 3, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXII. - - -As the Queen Mother was hastening through Picardy to Boulogne, Alençon -met her at La Fère. He did not leave Dunkirk an hour too soon. No -sooner had he gone than Parma’s army sat down before it, and the -siege was so skilfully conducted that the garrison were compelled to -surrender;[162] they were, however, able to obtain honourable terms. -With Dunkirk Alençon has lost all footing in the Netherlands except -Cambrai, and even that is hard pressed and in great want of provisions, -by reason of the garrisons and outposts which encompass it on every -side. However, Alençon, with a relieving army, is not far off, and -stores of wine and corn, collected in Picardy, have been laid up at St. -Quentin to supply the famished town. As to what the end of it will be, -no one knows. - -The ambassadors, who were expected from Antwerp for the ratification -of the terms of reconciliation, did not arrive, in consequence of -which Alençon returned to France in high dudgeon with the States of -the Netherlands. Biron is said to be at Antwerp, with one word and -one word only in his mouth, which he is ever repeating, and that word -is ‘money;’ no one listens to him, for there seems no possibility of -extracting a penny from the townspeople without running the risk of an -outbreak; in good sooth, the funds which the citizens supplied have so -often been wasted that they are sick of the business. - -On the other hand, Orange does what he can to awake the zeal of -Antwerp, but, since Alençon’s disastrous attempt, his influence has -fallen low, and there is a suspicion abroad that he is more anxious for -his own personal advantage than for the welfare of his country. Some -say he has crossed over to Zealand, to make all safe in that quarter, -and transact some pressing business. - -The fall of Dunkirk has been followed by the surrender of Nieuport, -St. Winoc, and other neighbouring towns, so that they are in hopes -of taking Bruges and Ypres. Thus affairs in the Netherlands are -mending;[163] and possibly a little skilful management would induce the -people to come to terms. I was expecting a man from Brabant, who would -have given me accurate information on all these points, but I am afraid -his return will be delayed by the capture of Dunkirk, which has greatly -added to the difficulties of a sea passage. - -There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for his skill in conveying -to their destination the orders and despatches of his master; nor was -there any one in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed greater -confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to cross the Alps with an -autograph letter, filling two sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had -not gone far before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging his -path; they stabbed him in several places, and carried off the King’s -letter; by this means, it is supposed, several important secrets have -been discovered by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for this -reason or not I cannot say, but the King immediately hurried back to -Paris, instead of accompanying his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had -intended. However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, going -on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he gets there is a secret -to most people. - -For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes to see whether his -presence on the spot will enable him to turn Montmorency[164] out of -the government of Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of -his other minions, in possession. - -I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the Duke of Joyeuse, -since a most handsome provision has been made for him in the -governorship of Normandy, which was refused to Alençon himself. But -perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth. - -Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don Antonio’s new fleet -has reached the Azores in safety. The commander is Monsieur de Chattes, -a knight of Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, Admiral -of France. - -Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your Majesty’s service as a -gentleman cadet. I understand he is now serving in Hungary. This young -gentleman’s eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake not, he stands -next in succession to the estate; there are several brothers, and, if -he is not present when the property is divided, there is danger of his -not getting his proper share; as the loss to him might be considerable, -his friends have come to the conclusion that he ought to be summoned -home, and have requested me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an -honourable discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It will be a -good occasion for your Imperial Majesty to exercise your kindness by -graciously giving him leave of absence for the transaction of private -business. - -The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, the wind being -unusually steady, and never shifting, unless it be from south to west. - -As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my request that your -Majesty would keep the matter in mind. - -There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good family, who was a -notorious duellist. His name was the Baron de Viteaux,[165] and he -had attained some celebrity by the bold and successful way in which -he had killed sundry gentlemen with whom he had differences. The son -of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his father’s death; he -had also another motive, for having lately been discovered in a plot -against the Baron’s life,[166] he knew that unless he killed him his -doom was sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided course; so -last Sunday he invited the Baron to measure swords with him in a field -near Paris; the arrangement was that they should have in attendance -only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the common friend -of both parties, to act as umpire and marshal of the lists; the duel -to be with sword and dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only -to be terminated when one of the combatants should have fallen. The -Baron accepted the challenge; as soon as they met he ran his opponent -through the arm and stretched him on the ground; not liking to strike -him when he was down, he told him to get up. This act of kindness cost -him dear, for his opponent, in no way daunted by his wound, but burning -to avenge his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the Baron -through the heart; then, as he lay dying on the ground, he stabbed him -again and again, and thus rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist -whose arm still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the young man -had for years been devoting himself to the art of fencing, with a view -to this meeting. Thus died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as -a second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the King[167] more -than once. His end was like that of Montal[168] and Bussy,[169] both -of whom died as they deserved to die. ‘Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia -justis.’ The victor is not yet out of danger. He received two wounds, -one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the other in his thigh. Even if -he recovers, another duel awaits him, as he will be challenged by a -relation of the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his death. - -I thought there was no harm in giving your Majesty a full account of -this affair, though it has but little connection with my business. - - Paris, August 10, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIII. - - -However famous Africa may have been of old for tales and wonders, it -must yield the palm to modern France. - -Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of gossip aroused by the -death of the Baron, which I have already described, when there crops up -another scandal, calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and -conversation. The King, publicly before a large audience, gave a severe -lecture[170] to his sister the Queen of Navarre, reproving her for her -disreputable and immoral courses; he gave her the exact dates at which -she had taken on each new lover; he reproached her with having had a -son of whom her husband was not the father; in each instance his dates -and particulars were so accurate, that one would have thought he had -been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) was overwhelmed, -being ashamed to confess, and at the same time unable to refute, the -charges brought against her. The King concluded his lecture by ordering -her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute the city with her -presence. - -In obedience to this command, the Queen of Navarre packed in haste, -and left Paris on the following day; no one paid her the attention of -escorting her from the city, and she had not even a complete train -of servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vendôme, one of her -husband’s towns. Two ladies of rank,[171] who are at the head of her -household, were arrested on the road, brought back to Paris, and placed -under guard. - -Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he had inflicted, but -must needs write a letter to the King of Navarre with a full account of -his wife’s delinquencies. People say that, if her husband accepts this -statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the intention of the King -to immure his sister in some lonely fortress, where she can injure no -one by her immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite surprise, for -there is some fear that, if she should return to her husband, and make -herself out innocent to him, she will be the source of much disturbance -and disquiet to the realm; of will and malice for such work she has -good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare. - -Immediately after the interview between the King and his sister, a -gentleman, named de Chanvallon,[172] fled to Germany; for a long time -he had stood high in Alençon’s favour; but when it was discovered that -he had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, touching matters -which Alençon wished to be suppressed, he fell out of favour with the -Prince, and was ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris -and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the great annoyance of -Alençon, who is now completely estranged from him, if one may believe -what one hears. - -De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to noble birth are doubtful; -he has, however, the advantage of pleasing manners, and is a handsome -young fellow; he holds a high place among the admirers of the Queen of -Navarre. They say the Queen Mother also is greatly incensed with her -daughter for her indiscretions. How that may be I cannot tell; but at -any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your Majesty, left Paris, -declaring again and again that ‘she and the Queen of Scots are the most -unhappy beings in the world; a little drop of poison would give her -relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has neither friend nor -foe to do her this service.’ - -This story, which is now current in France, is perhaps hardly deserving -of your Majesty’s attention, or a fit subject for a confidential -despatch; but I was induced to give these details by the circumstance -that I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the business of the -Queen made it necessary that I should write to her. So, having little -else in the way of news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with -this gossip. - -The Queen Mother has returned to Alençon at La Fère. The King himself -has set out for Lyons, his chief object being, as he professes, to meet -his dear Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy. - -There is a report that Alençon will marry his niece, the daughter of -his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, and that the sister of the King of -Navarre is intended for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks, -and not worthy of much credit as yet. - -The Prince of Parma’s victorious career in Flanders has been stopped at -Ostend; the town was reinforced by the Prince of Orange, and refused -to surrender. Ypres is lost; Dixmude is said to be hard pressed, for -the people of Bruges were obliged to call in the garrison of Menin for -the further protection of the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be -plundered and sacked. - - August 27, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIV. - - -At last the gentleman whom I expected from the Netherlands, as I have -already told your Majesty, has returned. The only news he brings is -that the Netherlanders are acting in the maddest way, the citizens -quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady policy, and a -reckless spirit prevails. However, in one point they all agree, to wit, -their detestation of the French; who since the outrage at Antwerp have -become positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment which they -on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on account of this feeling, he -says, that Biron has returned with his forces to France. When he was -embarking, there were not enough transports for the conveyance of the -troop horses, so the men piled straw round a number of them, and burnt -them; others they stabbed or hamstrung, so as to render them useless. -Everywhere Netherlanders are being stopped on the road and plundered by -the French, who tell them that they are returning the favours they have -received in the Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrustworthy -is a league between ill-assorted allies, however much it be varnished -over with a pretence of friendship, and how quickly ancient national -feuds break out afresh. - -They say that Puygalliard, commander of the royal cavalry in Picardy, -is acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, Alençon having -handed over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to join -him. - -Apparently Alençon’s plan is to throw a strong garrison into Cambrai, -and retake some places in the neighbourhood, while harassing the -cities of Hainault and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant -and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, hate him -cordially, how much protection he could have afforded, and how much he -would have done if they had continued to cultivate his friendship. - -This is supposed to be his only chance of reinstating himself in -their good graces. Towards carrying out this scheme he has received -material assistance, it is said, from the King, who has appointed him -his Lieutenant; but his powers are so far limited, that he cannot -levy money or draw on the royal treasury at his own discretion. Still -his success is in no way assured, for the French are so unpopular in -the Netherlands, that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly abused -for supporting their interests; he does not carry anything like the -weight he once possessed; his influence has declined even among the -Hollanders and Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of -making him their Count and Sovereign; now, however, he is compelled to -listen to language from them which is not merely blunt, but actually -rude and insulting. Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy to -Alençon’s schemes, when he made his disastrous attempt on Antwerp. - -He is consequently living in retirement at Flushing, in a position -hardly above that of a private gentleman. Occupied solely with sundry -family affairs, he is quietly waiting till the storm of unpopularity -shall have spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the masses -are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour is likely to last long. - -The following piece of news I give, but do not vouch for, though the -report is generally current. Those who do not like it explain it away. -All France rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores;[173] -the fleet, they say, is lost; the French cut to pieces; the Portuguese -condemned to the galley and the oar; the commander of the expedition a -prisoner. If this be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will -have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese. - -Among other instructions given by the King to the Duke of Joyeuse, when -setting out for Italy, was one of special importance; he was to obtain -the Pope’s permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the -value of some hundred thousands of crowns; it is now reported that the -Duke’s attempt to obtain the Papal sanction was a complete failure. So -the King’s hopes in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not -been more successful than the great men whom the King lately sent round -France to obtain supplies. The first debates on the King’s return will -be, I imagine, on the best method of scraping up money! With the lower -orders in this country distress has gone so far that they are like -to hang themselves from sheer despair, consequently they take these -frequent and heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part. - - September 15, 1583. - - -The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, has died here of -fever. He was a man of kindly feeling and high character. - - September 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXV. - - -I have not much to report. Alençon is at Cambrai, in great want of -many things, especially money, which in his case is all important. His -captains attempted to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in -Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter. - -St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, who acted as secretary -to the late Count Palatine,[174] are said to have come to Cambrai -as ambassadors from the States, to treat with Alençon for a -reconciliation; but treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they -will not be supported by public sentiment, for the Netherlanders loathe -the very name of Frenchman. - -Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy’s works, though there is a story -that the besiegers have suffered some loss at the hands of the garrison -of Bruges. - -The plague, which is now raging at Paris with extraordinary violence, -will, I think, cause the King to defer his return. People expect that -Alençon will meet him here. - -A new religious fashion[175] is in vogue among the French. The townsmen -and peasants of some place, of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes -in a body, and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some famous -shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in white linen robes, and -carry crosses in their hands. Some people think that this movement -had its origin in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people, -and led them to take this means of appeasing the Deity, and saving -themselves; others think that it is to gratify the King that these -pilgrimages are undertaken, and that their object is to ask God to -grant him children. - - October 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XXVI. - - -I have received a letter from the Counsellors of your Imperial -Majesty’s chamber, in which they state that the books which I presented -to the library some seven years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor -Maximilian, of blessed memory, have been valued at one thousand -florins; if your Imperial Majesty regards this sum in the light of a -present in return for my present of books, I shall consider it most -handsome, and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for the -same; but if it is a matter of business and strict account—if this -sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the ascertained value of all those -precious volumes, the antiquity of which renders them so important an -acquisition to the Imperial Library—I must confess that such a price -in no way represents their value. The precious character of the books -and the high regard I have ever felt for them[176] render it incumbent -on me to make this protest. As far as I am personally concerned, I am -ready to acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be. - - October 9, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXVII. - - -The King has at last returned. On account of the plague it was -determined that he should not enter Paris. It was arranged, as the most -convenient plan, that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his -arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen who, as I told your -Majesty in a former letter, were sent round the provinces and cities of -France to collect money. They are all men of high standing.[177] The -King will now receive an account of the steps they took and the reply -they got. Their report must needs be that all made answer with one -accord, their burden was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it -any longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by the addition -of a fresh tax. - -This will compel the King to consult these gentlemen as to the best -means of raising funds, for, one way or another, money must be had. -As to what course they will recommend there is no certainty; but some -people are disposed to think that the honour of replenishing the -treasury will be assigned to the Church. The King, it seems, desired -the Duke of Joyeuse to open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining -his sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of -several hundred thousand crowns; but for some reason or other nothing -came of it. - -These conferences at Saint-Germain would have been brought to a -conclusion had not Alençon made a _détour_ to Château Thierry, some -26 miles[178] from Paris, on his way from Cambrai to his own town of -Angers, where he intends spending the winter; his mother has gone to -visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in order that he may be -present at the above-mentioned conferences; but whether he will be -persuaded is still uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he -has not been properly supported in the great work he has undertaken, -and that the King has had more regard for the interests of utter -strangers than for those of his own brother. - -As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against attack nor -adequately provisioned. Biron tried to storm Cateau Cambrésis, but, -unluckily for him, the Prince of Parma came to the rescue; the French -army was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat; Biron, -however, managed to save his cannon. - -The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at Middelburg[179] to -transact federal business, the party of the Prince of Orange urged -strongly the advisability of a reconciliation with Alençon; they were, -however, repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that the late -disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them how impossible it was to -trust the word of Frenchmen. There were some who wished for the King of -Denmark, while several mentioned Casimir, who had the support of the -Queen of England; but the assembly broke up without arriving at any -decision. - - October 29, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXVIII. - - -Alençon has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the Queen Mother has -gone to visit him. Of the reason of this step I am not sure, but -probably his object is to be near Cambrai. It is well known that great -disturbances lately took place there; certain of the citizens conspired -with officers commanding posts in the neighbourhood, and either took -the town or were within an ace of taking it. The French, however, still -hold the citadel. - - November 2, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIX. - - -The Queen Mother has returned from her visit to Alençon. All her -trouble has been to no purpose, for he could not be induced to -accompany her to Court.[180] The King’s distress at his absence is not -overwhelming! - -The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband; he received her -courteously, but she will live apart from him until the truth be -ascertained concerning the immoralities of which she is charged. It is -on this business that Bellièvre has been sent to the King of Navarre. -He is to make a recantation on the King’s behalf, and reconcile husband -and wife. - -They say the King has been brought to task for allowing himself, in a -fit of passion, to blast the reputation of a member of his own family, -and is now sorry for what he has done.[181] He tries to clear himself -by saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain people told -him. The King of Navarre demands that, if his wife be guilty, she -should receive the punishment she deserves; but that, if she has been -falsely accused, and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the -penalty. It is well known that the King was provoked into this by the -murder of the messenger[182] he sent to the Duke of Joyeuse, of which -I informed your Majesty in a former letter, for he suspected that his -sister had been privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted -with the character of the lady say that, unless they are greatly -mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the insult she has received. - -The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I mentioned at the end -of my last letter, arose from the Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a -neighbouring place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. It -was assumed that he could not be staying in Cambrai without the consent -of the townsmen. The assumption was ill-grounded, as the event proved, -for he had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alençon, whom he -has followed to France; for aught I know, he is still at his quarters. - -The reason of his visit was the hope that had been thrown out of some -arrangement for recovering Cambrai, a large sum of money having been -promised to Alençon on behalf of the King of Spain. - -The ruined and impoverished condition of the nobles in Alençon’s -train renders it by no means improbable that this scheme may come to -something, as it would provide the means to save them from starvation -and destitution; but in the Royal Court, and throughout France, the -negotiation is held to be most discreditable, and is regarded as a -striking proof of the fickleness of the French. - -A report is current that the King has written a letter to his brother -cautioning him. An arrangement for the exchange of prisoners furnishes -the pretext under which this negotiation is being conducted. - -In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that the States of -Brabant are getting ready a fresh embassy, which will shortly be sent -to arrange the terms of a reconciliation with Alençon. It would appear -that they have been driven to this course by the successes of the -Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly all the country save Ghent and -Antwerp. The Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with the -double object of protecting themselves, and making Parma’s conquests of -no avail to him. It is supposed that their next step will be to send a -fresh embassy, since they are determined to suffer the worst that may -befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of Spain. However -this may be, there is news that the Zealanders and Hollanders will -shortly appoint Orange as their Count. - -De Puygaillard has left Cambrai; de Balagny[183] is in command of -the citadel and garrison, and he is not the sort of man to surrender -the town to anyone, even though Alençon himself should give the -order. The latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will not -go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, but will stop in -his present quarters at Château Thierry. He has returned from the -Netherlands with such discredit that he is only thinking of where he -may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the King is holding his -assemblies, which will continue sitting for at least two months; not -only will the financial question be considered, but also a general -reform of all abuses; it is the purpose of the King, in conformity with -his present strict religious views, to correct all vices and faults -in the administration of his realm and thus promote the welfare of -his people; it is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes -will be to make the King’s interest the paramount consideration. For -instance, the Crown claims the right of conferring Church patronage, -and in consequence you may see children, military men,[184] and women -holding bishopricks and abbacies; well, first there was a debate as -to the advisability of replacing matters on their old footing, and -making these appointments elective, but a resolution was passed that, -inasmuch as the old purity in voting had passed away, and all principle -had been lost, there appeared no reason for depriving the Crown of -the valuable right it had acquired, and that the matter had better be -left on its present footing, with the understanding that the King, -when exercising his patronage, should have regard to the character -and qualifications of the candidates. In many other cases there will -be a similar result—that is, projects will be ushered in with fine -phrases as to the _interests of the people_ and the mitigation of -their burdens, and then in the end the _interests of the Crown_ will -carry the day. The King indeed takes care that the law he enacted with -regard to dress should be strictly observed; it had not been in force -many days when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was -disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty sent the Provost of -the Court into the city with orders to throw into jail all persons whom -he might find transgressing the law. There were several arrests both -of men and women, and a great commotion was the consequence, amounting -almost to an insurrection. ‘Were they to be arrested by the Provost -as if they were highwaymen or burglars? They had their own judges and -magistrates to punish offending citizens. If the Provost[185] continued -to interfere it should cost him his life.’ It seemed likely that the -people would be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the city -came to the King and informed him of what was going on; at first he -took them roundly to task for their laches in allowing these salutary -laws to fall into abeyance, telling them that it was through their -negligence he had been driven to other means of enforcing them; he then -hurried to Paris, went straight to the prison and set free all who had -been arrested on this charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor’s -dues for each prisoner. Since then the law has been more strictly -enforced. - -Cardinal de Birague[186] is dead, at the age, if I mistake not, of more -than eighty years; the Court followed its usual fashion, and gave a -magnificent funeral at death to one whom it loved not during his life. -He held the title of Chancellor of France, but the duties of his office -were discharged by a deputy; he was a man who loved fair dealing, -and consequently a good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of -France, your Imperial Majesty’s sister; his successor[187] is his exact -opposite in character, disposition, and intentions. - -Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of Gueldres, which has -been taken by the Spaniards. The Count of Gueldres is suspected of -having a secret understanding with Parma; there is a report that he -has been sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At Ghent -also a conspiracy[188] of some nobles against the city authorities has -been detected through Imbize, who for a long time was an exile in the -Palatinate; this discovery has placed them all in imminent danger; -among the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Constantinople. - -However the others may fare, Champagny, who was the prime mover and -soul of the plot, can hardly hope to save his head. - - December 4, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXX. - - -Nothing of importance, as far as I know, has happened since I last -wrote, unless it be that some men were caught at Alençon’s quarters, -with arms in their hands, under suspicious circumstances; it was -thought that they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alençon was -strongly impressed with the idea that they were cut-throats hired to -murder him. At last, after a careful investigation, it was discovered -that it was not his life they designed to take, but Fervaques’; -moreover, it was ascertained that the man who set them on was at open -feud with the latter, on account of some injury he had received at his -hands. - -The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to Alençon. She has -several objects in going, but the chief one is to remove whatever -suspicions he may still entertain. People say Alençon is also about -to receive ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the -Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which has not yet been -induced to sanction his recall. For the aforesaid ambassadors, whose -arrival is expected, eighteen gold chains are being worked up at -Alençon’s quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to have -already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on the point of so doing, -with the reservation that the supreme sovereignty be vested in Alençon. -Whatever else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power of -perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His chief assistant and -adviser, St. Aldegonde, has been made burgomaster of Antwerp. For -many years past I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful -settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, done much, but I -doubt whether there is not quite as much more to be done. - -We have news of disturbances in Gascony and Aquitaine; in both of these -provinces places have been seized, and attempts are being made to -recover them by force of arms. - -That the year on which we have just entered and many, many coming years -may bring prosperity to your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of -your most humble servant. - - January 9, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXI. - - -The King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and devoting -himself more exclusively to religion. It was supposed that he would -spend the Carnival at Paris; he used to say that not to be at Paris -at that season was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all -the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not least, the -society of certain ladies whom he had been accustomed to meet on that -occasion.[189] - -In his present humour he does not care to leave Saint-Germain, where -he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile the assembly, which was convened -for the purpose of reforming the people and remedying abuses in the -government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a number of wholesome -measures, of which I shall now proceed to give your Majesty an example. -There is no greater burden laid on the realm of France than the -multiplication of official posts, which the King creates to the benefit -of his own pocket and the impoverishment of his people; these are now, -to a great extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as many as -150 chamberlains, all of whom are now dismissed, with the exception -of sixteen, or, according to another version, twenty-four. The same -course, it is supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the -great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose shoulders the entire -burden of supporting these sinecures used to rest. - -This reform, however, will draw complaints from individuals who have -purchased such offices with hard cash out of their own pockets. Their -claims, it is true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great -inconvenience and loss by the change. - -Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on the eve of a fresh -civil war, and there are people who assert that Navarre has sent to -Germany to hire reiters. Whether that be so or not, at any rate the -King is raising troops. - -It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will shortly be reconciled to -her husband, if indeed the reconciliation has not already taken place, -through the mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable champion -of Protestantism. The Netherland ambassadors are now with Alençon, -waiting for fuller instructions from the States. Alençon is urging his -claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, with the same -powers as the present Sovereign held during the reign of his brother -Charles, which were very extensive; but the King objects, and it seems -hardly likely that they will come to terms. This difference, it is -feared, will, in the event of war, be the source of yet more serious -quarrels. - -Every day men[190] are coming over from England to France who have -been concerned in the great conspiracy against the life of the Queen -(Elizabeth). The Earl of Norfolk[191] has been arrested in England for -his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will lose his head, -but the Earl of Arundel’s case is not regarded as equally desperate, -as the Queen seems more inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of -Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their designs, is -considered to be in great danger. The Ambassador[192] of the King of -Spain, they say, was the prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this -account has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea that he -will pass through France on his way to Spain. - - February 12, 1584. - - -The King has returned from Saint-Germain to Paris, on account of the -illness of the Queen Mother. She had an attack of fever, which lasted -longer than was expected. - - February 15, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXII. - - -Alençon has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying with her some -days before he showed himself to the King. At last, by her advice, -as I suppose, he approached[193] the King in a most respectful and -submissive manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his knee well -nigh touching the ground. When raised by the King, he commenced his -address by imploring forgiveness for any offences he might have -committed against him. - -The King replied there was no need of pardon; he was quite aware that -in certain points he did not agree with his brother, but for his own -part he was prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of -their mother, and would abide by her decision. - -People say that Alençon was advised to make sure of Joyeuse and -Epernon, through whose eyes the King sees everything, if he wanted -his brother to help his party, and interfere in the affairs of the -Netherlands. The King could be led to anything, if they chose to exert -their influence. This advice he seems inclined to adopt. - -The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have now arrived; people say -that they have offered Alençon the right of placing garrisons in any of -their cities with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. They -have also been to Paris to plead their cause before the King. - -Alençon, after spending a few days with the King, returned to his old -quarters at Château Thierry, with the intention of coming again to -Paris before Easter. - -When he left the whole court escorted him out; there was a great fuss, -and none so forward as Joyeuse and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every -mark of favour at parting. - -The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under his protection, and -will send some troops thither, which, however, are nominally to be -Alençon’s. - -Everyone is talking of the campaign against Damville, whose present -title is the Duke of Montmorency.[194] He is Governor of Languedoc, -and appointments of this kind are held for life, and not for a term of -years, the holder not being superseded unless he has become a rebel or -been convicted of high treason. The King is determined to bestow the -governorship of the province on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency, -it seems, does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is -life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to be tried before -his Parliament, and pronounced contumacious and rebellious. This -campaign, people say, will be taken in hand after Easter. Alençon is to -act as the King’s Lieutenant in proof of his submission to the royal -authority. The result is anxiously expected. - -Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, and is supported by a -united and numerous party. Many will suspect that his downfall will -pave the way to their destruction. - -A few days ago the King was within an ace of committing an act in his -own council-chamber hardly consistent with the gracious character -which befits a Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of Malta, -the Prior of Champagne,[195] a violent and reckless man. The King was -speaking earnestly on some important point, and the Prior, who took an -opposite view, went so far as to say, ‘If you wished,[196] Sire, to -speak the truth, you must remember, &c.’ The King took his words as -a personal insult, and was furious. ‘What?’ cried he; ‘do you think I -am telling a lie? Down on your knees at once, and beg my pardon.’ When -he had done so, the King forgave him, but at the same time ordered him -out of his sight. When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it -may be, said something in reply, the King again lost his temper, and, -drawing his sword, was on the point of running him through, when he was -held back by the gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris[197] is still -suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received in grasping the -naked blade. Thus the King in his council-chamber all but perpetrated -a crime little becoming his character as a ‘penitent.’ Several people -interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly pardoned him, but at -the same time required him to leave the Court and enter his presence -no more—a severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and knows no -pleasure elsewhere. - -The Ambassador, who is said to have been an accomplice in the English -tragedy, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is -waiting for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what business I -cannot say. Some think he is seeking the post of ambassador at the -French court. - - March 20, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIII. - - -Alençon,[198] after his return to Château Thierry, fell seriously ill, -and his life was in great danger. This gave rise to a story that he had -been poisoned. However, he is now said to be better. From his bringing -up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs are affected. -The Queen Mother, who went to see him, has not yet returned. - - March 29, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIV. - - -When the people from Flanders saw that they made no way with Alençon, -and all hope of help from France was at an end, they returned home, -reversed their policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.[199] Their -ambassadors were entertained courteously by the Prince, and received -presents from him on leaving, while the envoys whom Parma sent with his -reply had like treatment from the town of Ghent. - -Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the citizens will -endure the worst sooner than submit to the old yoke, and have therefore -determined to cast in their lot with Zealand and Holland for weal -or woe. This new combination will prolong the war, as they are the -wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifications, and have -the keys of the sea in their possession. - -The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to be on the eve of -returning to their allegiance to the King of Spain, in company with -Flanders; the men of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved -of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have taken under their -protection, is the only exception. Alençon indeed has something else -to think of just now besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and -something that touches him more closely, for there is a report that he -is in a decline, which has reached the consumptive stage. If this be -true—and it is generally believed—he cannot be long for this world, -and then, however little the House of Valois may like it, the Bourbons -will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown—first the Cardinal, and then -Navarre. The Queen Mother is staying in the country at some distance -from Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The King, it -seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign against Damville,[200] -of which every one was talking, and has issued a proclamation to the -effect that there is nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to -rise in arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. This -Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean exactly the reverse, -and to be proof positive that war is intended; they say this is his -usual trick when he means to attack them. - -Whether they are right or wrong time will show. - - April 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXV. - - -Alençon’s[201] life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two ago he was -reported as dead, and not only was the date of his decease given, viz., -the 25th of this month, but also the hour, viz., 10 P.M. For several -hours, it seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought to be -dead; afterwards he became conscious, and is still alive, if a man -can be called alive, whose case is hopeless and whose death is hourly -expected. The King’s chief physician has visited him; on his return he -made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his report, but privately he -told his friends that he did not expect him to last a month. Well, the -matter is in God’s hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, is -the prayer of your humble servant. - - April 29, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVI. - - -That Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms with Parma is -considered certain; they say indeed that service in the cathedral of -Ghent is already celebrated after the Roman rite; and this is also -the case in three churches in Bruges. In that district Sluys alone -stands out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms of the -arrangement will, people think, shortly be made public. - - May 3, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVII. - - -Alençon is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak more correctly, -to his bed; no one is allowed to see him save one or two of his -adherents, who encourage him to hope that he will recover, but -impartial people consider his case desperate; while some think he is -already dead, but that his death is kept secret. - -The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and it is indeed a -critical time, for Alençon’s death will be a most serious matter to -the kingdom. For some time past the King has been estranged from his -wife; people trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke -of Mercœur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of Joyeuse, husband to -the Queen’s sister. The latter has been appointed by the King Admiral -of France with very extensive powers; while the Duke of Mercœur has -been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke of Mercœur maintains that -all appointments within the limits of his province belong to him, -and Joyeuse disputes his claim. The King on being informed of this -difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercœur, and from that time -forth his manner to his wife has been less kind, from an idea that the -Duke of Mercœur would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for -his sister’s countenance and support. This has given rise to a notion -on the part of some people, that the King is thinking of divorcing his -wife, on the plea that she is barren, it being most important, under -present circumstances, that children should be born to the King of -France. - -The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aquitaine with a numerous and -splendid retinue; his mission is a mystery and has furnished much -material for conversation and conjecture; only one or two, besides the -King, being acquainted with the secret.[202] The King also himself, -they say, is intending to visit Lyons shortly; no doubt there is some -important reason for this visit, but what it may be, there is no one -who can explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time! - - June 5, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVIII. - - -That Alençon’s case was desperate has been proved by his death. He -breathed his last on the tenth of this month, almost at the same hour -and minute as his brother Charles some years ago; it is certain that he -died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as your Imperial -Majesty will have already learnt from the King’s own letter. - -Some people declare[203] his death is a far greater benefit to the -world than his birth; they say he had fallen under the influence of -worthless satellites, and was incapable of distinguishing between -friends and flatterers; he made notoriety his object, but the notoriety -he sought might more correctly be described as infamy; he lightly -undertook, and yet more lightly abandoned that which he had undertaken. -His life was in accordance with his character; fickle, unstable, -restless, his one great object was to destroy concord and promote -disorder. His mother’s grief for him is genuine, the tears of the rest -are constrained tears, I fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent -funeral, people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will not -last beyond St. John’s Day, which is now near at hand. The corpse is -to come to Paris. The King has put on black; this is unusual, for on -former occasions it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear -violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that Alençon’s death will -give rise to great changes in France, and I think they are not far -wrong, for the chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be -disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs from theirs, -neither will they lack leaders when they rise, for the governors of the -provinces will come forward, and others to boot. - -Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the future, that they are -already thinking of emigrating. The King indeed is heaping honours -on Navarre;[204] he has presented him with the duchy of Alençon, and -in his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by custom -assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne;[205] moreover, a way -has been discovered of perpetuating the miseries of the Netherlands in -spite of Alençon’s removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai[206] -to his mother; this legacy will probably carry with it all his other -acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his interests in that quarter; it -is thought that the Queen Mother will make all this bequest over to -Navarre. In this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes in -the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain ground for complaint -against the King of France. Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of -Artois and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far and wide, -burning and harrying the country. - -The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the troops of the King -of Spain; Ghent has admitted Orange’s forces, but there was such -want of forage that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to -leave. People have a notion that the departure of the cavalry may lead -the men of Ghent to resume their negotiations with Parma; another -reason assigned is the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish -reinforcements. - - June 18, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIX. - - -On the festival of St. John and the two following days the last rites -were paid to Alençon; there was nothing in the ceremonies to call -for remark, except that in the funeral speech no mention was made of -his connection with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of -the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into the procession. I -have appended to my letter a copy of what is commonly supposed to be -Alençon’s will. - -To his Majesty’s great delight, the King of Navarre treated the Duke of -Epernon, on his arrival, with every mark of consideration and honour; -but Navarre’s wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit him to her -presence. Epernon is supposed to be going through the province of -Narbonne, and so to Lyons, where the King will meet him. - -Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening the garrisons of -forts and towns, where needful, so that they may be ready in case of -attack or sudden emergency. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are -being stationed in different parts of the country, with the object, as -I suppose, of having a relieving army at hand in case Cambrai shall -be hard pressed. The Hollanders and Zealanders have raised a fleet -to prevent any supplies being introduced into those ports of the -Netherlands which are in the occupation of their adversaries, and this -will probably cause a rise in the price of corn. - - July 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XL. - - -The news has come of Orange’s death; there is no doubt as to the -accuracy of the report. He was shot with a pistol.[207] The assassin -has been taken and tortured, but refused to confess at whose -instigation he committed the murder. His only statement consisted of -a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he was prompted to -the deed by the desire of delivering the Provinces from so despotic a -master. - -The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come to Paris, in the hope, I -suppose, of inducing the King to give them his support, but his answer -was not favourable. They are now importuning the Queen Mother, and if -she refuses they will probably apply to the King of Navarre and the -Bourbons for assistance. - -Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, is closely -besieged by Parma; three attempts have been made to take it, but in -each case the assailants were repulsed with great slaughter.[208] - -The King has set out for Lyons; his chief object, people think, is to -supersede the present governor and appoint Epernon, or the Duke of -Joyeuse’s father, in his place.[209] The King has asked Navarre to come -to him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. - -The party of the Guises are striving to make themselves masters of the -State. There is an anxious feeling abroad, but why or wherefore no -one exactly knows. Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal -de Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen -Mother. - - July 23, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLI. - - -The Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to induce the King to give -them his support. This is the only fact worth recording in my present -letter. Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen Mother, and her -influence is said to have had some weight with the King. One of the -ambassadors has been sent back to the Netherlands in company with the -gentleman[210] who was formerly Alençon’s representative at Antwerp. - -They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable answer to the -States from the King, promising to give them advice, countenance, and -reinforcements with a liberal hand. The terms which the States offer -in return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The result of the -negotiations is awaited with the deepest interest. Some people are -sounding the war-note right lustily. What, say they, would the King -wait for, or what better opportunity could he find for commencing a -struggle which must inevitably come before many years are out? Why -does not he take the initiative, when such an opportunity and such -advantages are placed within his reach? It is folly to keep longing -for that which it is in one’s power to possess. Granted, that the -Netherlanders at the bottom of their hearts distrust the French, and -will not submit to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw -them from their allegiance to their ancient lord? Let them live in a -state of semi-independence, and not as subjects of France, so long as -they remain the bitterest foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of -so many provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, even if -the King of France should not succeed in subjecting them to himself. -No sensible man can fail to see that the Spaniards, who are naturally -greedy of empire, when they have consolidated their position, will -not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but will endeavour to -make themselves masters of the whole of Christendom. But how little -remains for them to win, compared with what they have already secured! -Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, and all other princes -and states will be placed in a humiliating position. Everything will -depend on the pleasure of the Spaniard—a most miserable and degrading -prospect! No time, therefore, must be lost in encountering this attack -on the liberties of Europe, before the Spanish power is consolidated. -There is no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have any -regard for their own safety and reputation would gladly join their -forces and unite in extinguishing a conflagration which is dangerous to -everyone.[211] - -My own opinion is that these views are popular, and that they are only -waiting for the death of the King of Spain, as the most favourable -opportunity for a general movement. - -Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Dendermonde, after great -losses, if we may believe the report. He retains, however, the fort of -Calloo, which enables him to cause much trouble to the ships as they -sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde[212] without much difficulty, as -the larger part of the garrison has been cut off from the town. - -Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard to induce -Balagny,[213] the governor of Cambrai, to surrender the town to -the King and the King’s nominee. Balagny’s tyrannical conduct has -rendered him most unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some -arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has proved himself a skilful -and sagacious diplomatist in affairs of this kind. - - Paris, August 18, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLII. - - -I have hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to allow a longer -time to elapse before writing. - -The King has returned from Lyons without achieving anything worth -notice, as far as I know. He stayed for some time at the castle of _le -Bois de Vincennes_, in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building -a church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the benefit of -himself and his society of Penitents.[214] At the same time he is -carrying on his campaign against vice by punishing heinous offences, -especially those which are connected with malversation of public -moneys, whether they belong to the privy purse or the exchequer, -France being full of offenders of this kind. - -In dealing with these matters he does not spare even men of high rank; -consequently there is a panic, and people are leaving the country. He -will next attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require them to -give an account of the way they have administered justice, and the -sentences they have pronounced, for these courts of justice are, it is -considered, full of corruption and in great need of reform. In France -the Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King’s; in them justice -is sold, or given as a matter of favour. - -Though well stricken in years,[215] the Cardinal de Bourbon is -apparently unwilling to surrender the right of succession to the throne -to his nephew Navarre, and therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a -numerous party regard as their leaders; nay, a little while ago it was -stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender his Cardinal’s -hat, and marry the widow of Montpensier, sister to the Duke of Guise. -The report is still current. - -Marshal de Retz is still in Picardy, strengthening fortifications -and garrisoning posts, for the Queen Mother has, it appears, set her -mind on keeping Cambrai, and some of the household troops have been -despatched thither with that object. The Queen herself has left Paris -for the banks of the Loire, and is going from place to place in the -hope of arranging an interview with Navarre, but the probability of -his meeting her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will -not trust either her or the King. That his wife may meet her mother -is not impossible. The King too has set out for the Loire, and will -stop some time, should the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow -him to remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the King’s -destination really is. - -Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very favourable to the -King of Spain. Ghent[216] has made its peace with him. If report says -true, the terms are as follows: they are to pay him 200,000 crowns, -restore the churches, allow two citadels to be built, and give up any -six men who may be demanded. - -Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of surrender. In spite -of this Antwerp does not lose heart, nor are the Hollanders and -Zealanders abandoning any part of their programme. The Queen Mother’s -Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and talks much of the -highly favourable terms on which they are willing to conclude a bargain -with the King of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that God -Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty is the prayer of your -humble servant. - - October 4, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLIII. - - -I have allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, partly because I -was every day expecting Sancerre to leave, and partly because I had no -news worth sending. - -The King, who had been dodging the plague from place to place, at last -stopped at Blois; the plague,[217] however, gave him notice to quit by -carrying off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bedchamber, so after all -he has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he intends prosecuting -his social and legal reforms. I saw him at Blois, whither I went to -express to him and the two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief -and sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty’s sister, at the -death of Alençon. - -There was some talk of disturbances in the south of France, but they -seem to have subsided. - -Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as travelling from England -to Spain by way of Paris, has returned to these parts. He comes to -express his master’s grief at the death of Alençon, and also to -supersede Tassis[218] as ambassador to France. Tassis has gone to the -Netherlands _en route_ for Spain. If laying out large sums be the proof -of a good ambassador, Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, for -they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 crowns a year. I hope -the rest may be in keeping, and that he may prove in every way as good -as Tassis. - -The Duke of Epernon, who is the King’s second self, is ill with a -severe attack of scrofula, a disease which the Kings of France profess -to heal by a touch of the hand,[219] so the King has an admirable -opportunity of putting his power to the test! I write this because I -have nothing else to say. Everything is at a standstill from the frost, -but this pause will probably lead to greater movements in the spring. - - December 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLIV. - - -Ambassadors have again come from the rebel States of the Netherlands, -with very extensive powers, they say, to induce the King to take them -under his protection. The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful. -There are men about the King who would fain lead him into war. - -Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly blockaded, the navigation of -the Scheldt being almost entirely stopped. - - December 15, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLV. - - -A numerous deputation has again come here from the insurgent States of -the Netherlands with very full powers and large offers. On condition -of the King’s receiving them into his protection, they undertake -to hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority shall be -supreme; they promise to contribute 100,000 crowns a month towards the -expenses of the war, one-half to be paid by themselves, and the other -by the Queen of England. An English ambassador is expected here, with -a large and numerous train, to take part in these negotiations; the -ostensible object of the embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter -to the King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambassadors have been -ordered to stop short at a neighbouring town,[220] but for all that -they are treating with the King by means of letters and memorials; -their expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They assure the -King of an easy success, if he will only cut off the enemy’s supplies -by stopping all exports from France. If this is done, they declare -that in a year’s time there will not be a single foreign soldier in -the Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved out, their -supplies by sea being already cut off; even now, they say, though there -is nothing to interrupt their communications with France, provisions -in the enemy’s camp are scarce and dear. What the King’s decision will -be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse their cause, he will thereby -involve himself in a serious war; if he helps rebels against their -Sovereign, he supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awkward -precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for heretics, when he hates and -loathes the heretics in his own realm, and endures them only because he -cannot help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent; but, however -that may be, he will not, people think, openly espouse the cause of the -Netherlanders, the ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to -the Queen Mother, while the King is to support her with his forces, -and countenance the undertaking; but as to who is to have the conduct -of the campaign is more than I can make out. The King of Navarre or -Condé would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but neither of -them will place himself in the King’s power, as they have not forgotten -the wedding and massacre of Saint Bartholomew; notwithstanding, some -say that Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the sole -heir of his kingdom, to Condé, with the view to securing his own -safety, as well as the Prince’s, since in that case, if either of them -be murdered, there will be a survivor to avenge his death.[221] The -decision arrived at must be known before long. - -The Monsieur de Selles,[222] whom your Majesty knew in Spain, has died -in his prison in Zealand. - -The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, which has been so long -under consideration, has at length been published, but save in a few -particulars it is not of the description generally expected; I enclose -a copy for your Imperial Majesty. - -That God may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your most -humble servant. - - January 25, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVI. - - -The King has granted a private audience to the Netherland ambassadors; -I cannot give the terms of their address, but it is easy to guess what -they were. As to the King, they say, he replied that he would not fail -in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors are fifteen in number, -and their retinue comprises some sixty gentlemen; they have been joined -by the Prince of Espinoy,[223] who, with his brother, the Marquis of -Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court of the late Emperor -Maximilian. - -It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at any rate despatches, -are also coming from the King of Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of -Savoy, to remind the King of his engagements and to call on him to -fulfil them; but, for my own part, I incline to think that neither -letters nor ambassadors from the King of Spain or Duke of Savoy will -have much influence; as to how much weight will be attached to the -Pope’s remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the Netherland -ambassadors are being defrayed by the French treasury. Lastly, the -English Ambassador, who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and -gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby[224]; he is of royal -blood the French say, and the English confirm the statement. He was -met and escorted into Paris with the utmost pomp; a house next the -Palace was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day assigned for his -expenses. He is the bearer of the Order of the Garter from the Queen -to the King of France. This is the ostensible object of his mission, -but the real and more important reason is supposed to be connected -with the affairs of the Netherlands. On the last day of last month the -King was invested with the insignia of the Order in the Church of St. -Augustine during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter of the -Knights of the Holy Ghost; all the ambassadors attended the ceremony by -invitation; amongst them were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but -their coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador. - -To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience to the aforesaid -ambassadors, in company with the English Ambassador, but, as to what -the issue is likely to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the -King is entering into the business without much heart, and is even -dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed arrangements, which do -not go so far as he would like; but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to -anything Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the matter. -People think that the King will give way to his mother, and take up the -cause of the Netherlands, giving them secret support, even if he does -not openly adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the -consequence. The most important part in this adventure, people say, -will be assigned to Don Antonio[225]; by their account, he is to be -given the command of the French forces. In a business of this kind we -can be certain of the past, but of nothing else! - -These are our troubles here; still, mischief is not confined to -Paris. A man tried to poison the King of Navarre, but failed in the -attempt, either by reason of the strength of the King’s constitution, -or the weakness of the poison; the assassin then had recourse to -open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. He failed again, -was arrested, and is being tried in chains.[226] The King is greatly -distressed at the affair, as indeed he has good reason to be, for -his own reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore sent a -distinguished judge to be present at the trial and examination of -the assassin under torture; he is to bring back a true and accurate -report as to whether the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from -motives of personal malice. - - March 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVII. - - -Positive news has come from Brabant that Brussels[227] has been -compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, and Antwerp is hard pressed, -being debarred from all use of the Scheldt by the completion of the -bridge. These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French -Court, and compel them to come to some decision with regard to the -Netherlanders, for, unless these last receive some support, their -defence must collapse. Indeed, the ambassadors of the rebel States -assume an air of despondency, being disappointed at the King’s handing -over the responsibility to his mother, instead of declaring war on his -own account. - - March 7, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVIII. - - -The English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this month, after a -visit of twenty days, during which he was treated with high honours, -and received every mark of respect. On leaving he was presented -with plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gentlemen in -his train had also the honour of receiving presents. A little later -the Netherland ambassadors took their leave, when each of them was -presented with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns; their visit -has produced little or no result; at any rate, if any arrangement has -been made, it is a complete secret. The King’s public answer was that -he did not intend to break the peace which subsisted between himself -and the King of Spain; the Queen Mother said, she was deeply concerned -for their preservation, but was prevented by the King’s wishes from -giving them assistance. Whether any secret understanding is implied in -these ambiguous phrases, I cannot say. The ambassadors have done their -utmost to draw the King into open war; this appears also to have been -the object of the English Ambassador, but he does not seem to have had -much success. Some people think the King has undertaken to give them -considerable succours as soon as his present troubles shall have blown -over, and meanwhile to furnish them with some little assistance. As -regards the troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are without -doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises are levying war; the popular -account is that they are angry[228] with the King for not recognising -their own and their family’s services, while a couple of young -fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and conceit, are -loaded with high offices and honours. But this is not all; they wish to -have a Catholic successor appointed in case of the King’s death, and -they are again putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy against -heretics, in which they claim the leadership. The meaning of all this -is, that knowing there will be no room for them in France, should -Navarre, on the death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish betimes -to grapple with this danger, and thus consult their own interests, -regardless of the great troubles they must bring on the country. And, -to be fair, there is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety, -as people cannot tell what the position of the Church will be after -the King’s death. Many believe that their ancient ritual, services, -and sacraments will be profaned and put down by Navarre, and that the -Catholics will be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto -been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These fears give an -excellent handle to those who are desirous of a revolution, and men who -have been true to the old religion are in a peculiarly good position -to take advantage of it. Among these stand the Guises, who are most -popular in France, so much so that one may hear them spoken of with -greater deference than the King himself. The family of Guise, they say, -can trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charlemagne,[229] has -ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever loyal to King and country, -in spite of the neglect with which it has been treated, and the -bestowal on others of the honours it has earned, and now is justified -in unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal prerogatives, and -undertaking the defence of the Church.[230] - -The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his family and takes part -with the Guises. The King has warned them by letters and messengers to -have a care of whither the road leads on which they are travelling; to -which they replied, they had no designs against him, they had never -swerved from the paths of loyalty and duty, so that he ought not to -believe the calumnies of their enemies. - -In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining ground of German -reiters being brought to France; they say they are already on the -borders of Lorraine, and Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under -arms. - -If one inquires whence the money will be forthcoming for the campaign, -everybody has an answer ready to the effect that, with the Pope and -the King of Spain[231] at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and -that there is an understanding between them and the Guises is a matter -beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one considers who is to profit by these -disturbances, it is difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the -King of Spain; for the pacification of the latter’s provinces in the -Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment of his plans are -impossible so long as France is quiet and united. The King of Navarre -is quite alive to what is going on, and completely on his guard; indeed -he also is making ready to defend himself against any murderous attack; -he likewise offered the King his services against the enemy. The King -tells him not to be uneasy; he is to make no movement, but simply to -keep his towns in readiness to repel any sudden assault, and leave the -rest to him. - -I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, for some are disposed -to suspect him of knowing and approving of all the plans of the Guises; -others again hold that, while hitherto he has not been privy to their -schemes, he will in no long time adopt their ideas and join their -party; not that he loves them, but because he hates Navarre still -more, on account of their old quarrels and the difference of their -religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt that the King would -sooner have anyone than Navarre as successor to his throne, since he -can have no confidence that after his accession his policy will not be -reversed, the position of his connections and relations be impaired, -and his friends cast down from their high estate; lastly, it is most -annoying to feel that after one’s death people will be exalted, whom -during one’s life one has desired to keep down. However, it is not easy -to trace the workings of the heart, and so it is better to suspend our -judgment till time makes all things clear. - -Not long ago the rumour was very general that a fresh attempt against -the life of the Queen of England had been discovered. - -The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy preparing a fleet, which is to -break through the bridge and relieve Antwerp; should this attempt fail, -they intend opening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and flooding -the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring their fleet, in spite of -the bridge, up to the walls of the town; this plan, however, must cause -great suffering throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obstinate -they are; their own account is that they have no other course. - - March 26, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLIX. - - -People are becoming seriously alarmed. Suddenly and unexpectedly France -finds herself on the brink of a great war; the King himself hardly knew -of its approach before it burst upon him. Two months ago the Duke of -Bouillon[232] wrote cautioning him to be on his guard, as the Guises -were preparing for a campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his -imprudence in disregarding this warning. - -Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is the Cardinal de -Bourbon, but, if I am not very much mistaken, the real leaders are -the three brothers—the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal -de Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and the Marquis of -Elbœuf; they have also on their side the Queen’s brother, the Duke of -Mercœur, Governor of Brittany; there are besides in the ranks of the -insurrection many gentlemen of less mark, with whose names I need not -trouble your Majesty. - -The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief one is jealousy. -For a long time the Guises have felt bitterly their position at the -Court, where they do not hold the influence and station to which they -consider themselves entitled.[233] Others are loaded with wealth and -honours, while they are held of no account, and are left crippled by -the debts, which they and their ancestors have saddled themselves -with in the service of the State. The King, they complain, has picked -out a couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affection and -caresses, treating them like sons, squandering on them the public -revenues, living with them in the closest intimacy, while the Guises -are not merely kept at a distance, but are actually insulted by having -the doors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into the royal -presence. - -Besides these causes for complaint, there is a notion, I fancy, which -is not altogether groundless, that the sister of Navarre, the heir of -his kingdom and extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon, -who is generally supposed to have been appointed by the King Constable -of France, and that the King, who is not at present favourably disposed -towards Navarre, will be reconciled by this alliance, and support his -claims to the succession. In all probability the object of the Guises -is to put a stop to this arrangement, which would be most disastrous to -their interests, as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Condé on -the throne, their influence in France would be obliterated. - -The Cardinal de Bourbon[234] assumes the title of successor to the -throne, and is indignant at the preference given to the claims of his -nephew; he has thrown off his Cardinal’s robes and fancies himself so -much in a soldier’s coat, that people think he must be childish. He is -fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic See, to the faith he -professes, to his family, and to himself, not to allow a Protestant -to ascend the throne on the death of the King. He therefore considers -himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first place in it. -The Church, the Commonwealth, the convening[235] of the Estates, the -security of the country, the safety of honest people, the common pleas -of all revolutionists, are pressed into their service as a cloak for -their designs. - -Again, there was a report of a Bull[236] coming from the Pope, which -might arrive at any moment, pronouncing Navarre and Condé incapable -of ascending the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, I -question the policy of such a step, showing as it does the disunion -of Christendom at a time when the Turkish victories over the Persians -render an invasion more probable than ever; for there is no doubt -that the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their long -struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way for the extinction of -Christianity. As soon as they have secured their rear, by destroying or -crippling their Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces -for a struggle with us; they will fight with us for existence and -empire, and the chances are greatly in their favour.[237] - -But yet the movement I have described is so popular that I cannot tell -what the result will be. To the King, indeed, this outbreak is a most -untoward and unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds -wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a Catholic nobleman -in France who is not suspected of being concerned in the designs -of the Guises, and secretly favouring the movement; almost all the -provinces are wavering in their allegiance; of the great cities some -are disloyal, while others refuse to receive garrisons from the King. -Thus he hardly knows which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open -enemies, while his friends are few and weak. Whatever efforts he may -make to muster his troops, it will be too late, for he has to deal with -an enemy near at hand and well prepared. - -The only man I am surprised at is the Duke of Mercœur;[238] I cannot -understand his taking up arms against the King, when he is brother to -the Queen, and has lately received great promotion from the King. He -has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as he has been deprived -of certain privileges which his predecessors in the government of -Brittany enjoyed, these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse -as Admiral of France.[239] - -Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has declared for the -Guises. Caen, on the coast of Normandy, which is commanded by the -strong fortifications of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of -Elbœuf; the citadel is held by d’O, who was formerly one of the King’s -mignons, but has now attached himself to the party of the Guises. -The Duke of Aumale has seized several other places, and the Duke of -Joyeuse is on the march to recover them. The younger Lansac, who is -also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, near Bordeaux, and will prove a -thorn in the side of that town if it remains loyal to the King.[240] De -Brissac[241] holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the length -and breadth of the country, numbers are revolting and bidding defiance -to the King. An attempt has also been made to seize Marseilles, but -it proved unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affairs have -made the Duke of Epernon a little more courteous; he used to be so -supercilious that when members of the royal family spoke to him and -removed their hats, he kept his on his head; but now he has the grace -to put his hand to his hat. This has given rise to a popular joke, that -Epernon has at last found out where his hat is! - -The King has sent deputies all round the country to calm the storm, but -they do not bring back any offers of a compromise. - -The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and is oftentimes obliged -to hear him speak of her son in terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal -de Bourbon is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival the -latter used to protest against any application being made to himself -with reference to the rising, declaring that he was not in command, but -simply a private gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Archbishop -of Lyons is[242] also there, as the King’s representative, with very -extensive powers. Unless they come to terms the prospect for France is -desperate, and we are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen’s[243] -return, which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace with -the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the commencement of a -disastrous war. According to some, one of the terms of peace will be -the restoration of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how little -the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up arms they are acting -in concert with Spain. - -The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect of this movement to -herself, is, they say, offering the King 6,000 horse, to be hired at -her expense, and to consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King -shall decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong force of his -partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he is the real object of -attack. - -Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have heard that the Marquis -of Richebourg and sundry others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;[244] -they say that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain. - -I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as freely as -before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy are occupied by the soldiers -of the two contending parties, who examine and tear to pieces all -communications; indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this very letter -will be able to get through safely. - - April 25, 1585. - - - - -LETTER L. - - -Guise has taken the town of Verdun,[245] slaying several of its -defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes have also gone over to -the Guises. - -There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. The Earl of -Arundel,[246] who was concerned in it, has been arrested. - - April 28, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LI. - - -The war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened deserving special -mention. The clergy are said to be furnishing the King with 100,000 -crowns a month, on condition of his shortening the term within which, -according to his previous decree, the Huguenots must leave the country. -He has acceded to this demand, as your Majesty will see by reading -the enclosed proclamation;[247] but even this has failed to convince -the people that the King really and honestly shares the views of the -League, and has joined the party; for, according to some, it is only a -device to extract money, and when he has gained his object he will turn -his coat! Time will show. - -A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in number, created -a panic by seizing the citadel of Angers;[248] the excitement was -increased by the news that the Prince of Condé was coming; he had -crossed the Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the -suburbs. All the troops that could be got together were hurried off to -Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, and thither went all the leaders, -Joyeuse, Epernon, Mayenne, and Biron. - -But Condé, finding himself surrounded by such powerful forces, and -seeing that he would not be able to reach the citadel, abandoned his -design and retired across the Loire; he then broke up his army, and -sought safety in the country occupied by his own garrisons. Meanwhile -it was the common talk, and generally believed, that he had been taken -prisoner while crossing some river or other, but it soon became clear -that the story had no foundation. Shortly after this affair the King -recalled his forces, which have suffered severely from the incessant -rains and the hardships of an autumn campaign; neither have they -altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging. - -The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, have accused their -commander[249] of high treason, charging him with intending to admit -a Spanish garrison into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion -they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications. - -The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the ground some time ago, -and people say the King has given orders that the citadel of Angers -shall be treated in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of -fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones are being built. - -I shall enclose the Papal Bull[250] declaring Navarre and Condé -incapable of succeeding to the throne of France. What effect it will -have God only knows; for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal -for greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, _has_ confiscated -all the property of Navarre on which he could lay his hands, and placed -it in the custody of the Cardinal de Vendôme,[251] the owner’s cousin. - -The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the King’s Ambassador, to -treat for the appropriation of ecclesiastical property to the service -of the State, and, no doubt, concerning other matters as well. - -Again, a new Ambassador[252] of high rank is on his way to -Constantinople; his policy, I imagine, will be anything but favourable -to the peace of Germany. There is nothing they are so much afraid of -here as German reiters, and they have apparently come to the conclusion -that the best way of keeping them employed elsewhere is to threaten -their country with a Turkish war. - -I understand that one packet of the despatches I wrote in May is -missing. I cannot tell where it was stopped. I sent it by way of -Brussels as the safest route. My present letter will also go by the -same road, but I shall take further precautions to ensure its safety. I -trust that the missing packet will also eventually reach your Majesty. - - Paris: November 15, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LII. - - -Although nothing worth recording has happened since I last wrote, -nevertheless I take up my pen because I have a chance of sending a -letter, which does not often occur now-a-days. - -The Duke of Mayenne’s forces are now in close contact with the enemy, -and we shall soon see in what direction he is moving, and his prospects -of success in the campaign. - -The King has made up his mind not to allow a single Huguenot, or indeed -anyone who is not a Catholic, to remain in France; consequently all -who do not care to change their religion are leaving the country. -A few days ago a petition was presented to the King on behalf of -certain women and girls, imploring leave to remain in France under his -protection, and promising that they would live in retirement and give -offence to no one. The King would not grant their request, but took -care that they should not be injured, and sent them to England under -his safe conduct. - -As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new religious services, -and lives like a hermit. People are afraid his health will be affected -by the austerities he practises, or that he will become the victim of -some superstitious craze. - -The Queen of England is openly taking Holland and Zealand, with certain -towns besides, under her protection, and has issued a proclamation to -that effect. I cannot say whether she will give much help to places at -a distance from the sea, but the maritime position of England renders -it probable that the towns on the coast will derive great assistance -from her powerful navy. - -So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all its sufferings and -all its uncertainties, while the blockade by sea will bring the other -provinces of the Netherlands into danger of starvation. - - December 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LIII. - - -There is a report that German cavalry is already on the march for -France. The King has despatched the Duke of Epernon to his command at -Metz, where there have been great Protestant disturbances. - - December 8, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LIV. - - -Navarre, having shaken off the enemy, determined to assault the -faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the probability of such a -movement. Marching with all his forces on the capital, he stormed -and sacked the four faubourgs of the Université,[253] each of which -is as big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which consisted of -citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre’s men contrived to slip -in between them and the city walls, and thus cut off their retreat. -Many of them were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no quarter -being given except to those who could convince their captors that -they had the amount of their ransom in hard cash in their houses. The -number slain and captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day -after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Navarre, after halting -for a time and offering battle, retreated a few miles from Paris with -his booty and prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy had -occupied; although it is an open town, the position is important from -its commanding the road to Paris from the principal corn-growing -districts. Mayenne, they say, can still muster a considerable force, -but, as he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence is -more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. Whatever the enemy -has either not found out or not thought worth taking, becomes their -booty. Thus the Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No -wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel the effects -of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps winter and the difficulty of -finding money will bring the first act of this tragedy to a close, and -then each party will endeavour to support their cause by convening the -Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the towns, and the Order -of the Clergy will meet at Paris; Navarre and the leading nobles at -Tours. He will there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of -Coronation service performed, in order to increase his authority, and -justify his assumption of the title of ‘Royal Majesty.’ He will not -however remain quite idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations -in Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as opportunities may -occur. At Tours he will be able, should it prove desirable, to treat -with the young Duke of Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other -prisoners,[254] with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure -that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have already been -taken in this direction with some prospects of success. I remain your -Imperial Majesty’s most humble servant. - - November 13, 1589.[255] - - - - -LETTER LV. - - -Navarre has retaken Vendôme by storm. This strong town, which forms -part of his hereditary possessions, had been lost by the governor’s -treason. The governor, who was a man of noble birth, was captured. -In order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat was cut, -while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who had been sent from Paris -to preach there, was hanged.[256] He next received the surrender of Le -Mans, a rich and famous town; such at any rate is the report, but it is -not positively confirmed. It is certain that money is being secretly -sent to Paris by the King of Spain, but I am afraid not as much as they -require. When people have to supply their allies with money they soon -get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from Antwerp for Paris; -large supplies of gunpowder are also said to be coming by the same -channel. - - November 29, 1589. - - - - -LETTER LVI. - - -There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at Tours by Cardinal -de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of Rheims,[257] four other bishops -being present or assisting at the ceremony. Some people add that he -attended divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others deny -this; but admit that, in the speech which he made on the occasion, -he declared that as regarded religion he would soon give them such -satisfaction that no one would have any just ground for complaint left. -They say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of France; he is -expected to come to Tours and do homage to the King on his Coronation. -There is no longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le Mans, -nor does the mischief stop there, for some assert, that Chartres, -a wealthy and fortified city, has gone over to Navarre. He has for -some time been master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations -are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the town itself. -There is the same news about Melun, which lies on the Seine above -Paris; the position is important for preventing the introduction of -provisions into the capital. Further, some would have it believed -that the governor of the port of Havre de Grâce in Normandy is ready -to come to terms with Navarre. If even a part, and much more if all, -of these rumours be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They -are now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they say, amounts to -300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see that they have any trustworthy -resources to support their resistance, and I am consequently afraid -that, when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to some he is -to be expected shortly, others say not till spring. I have great fears -for the town where I am now staying, and am therefore obliged to look -out for a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors which -occur when a city is taken by storm. The Marquis of Pont-à-Musson[258] -has crossed into Flanders, intending to return from there either -through Brabant or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at Paris, -which was called the Council of the Union,[259] is said to have been -dissolved, and the supreme authority again restored to the Parliament, -which issues decrees in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de -Bourbon. It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which was -removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the stronger of the two. -The Duke of Parma is said to be suffering from illness. I do not know -the exact nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous -one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the Queen of France -(Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles IX.) from receiving and -enjoying her property and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost -they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary expenses of the -maintenance of herself and her household. I have already ventured, I -think, to call your Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s position in this -respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is at hand I have -judged it to be my duty to repeat the warning. I trust your Majesty -will consider how the Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has -passed by. - - December 14, 1589. - - - - -LETTER LVII. - - -A meeting of the States-General of the kingdom has been summoned at -Tours by Navarre to consider the state of the country, and to take -measures for punishing the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is -the day appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,[260] who has -been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on the way. Thither he -summoned the people of Langres, and invited them to abandon Navarre -and acknowledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. On -their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and transferred their -bishopric to Dijon.[261] People think he entered Paris three days -ago. There is a report going about here of the arrival of a Turkish -fleet, but it is doubtful, and does not rest on any good authority. -The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking to supply -him with whatever he may want against Spain.[262] People are anxiously -waiting to see at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He has -taken several important cities in Normandy. Some think he intends to -besiege Rouen,[263] which is already exhausted by the calamities of -war. Things, however, are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops -enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are being raised, -and will soon be ready. The result of Mayenne’s enterprises remains -to be seen. His plan seems to have been to demolish all the forts of -the enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the river from -Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find an easy task, especially with -Navarre so near at hand. In proof of this the fort of Meulan,[264] -before which, as I mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and -does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. The reputation of -both generals is at stake; the question being, whether Mayenne shall -abandon his enterprise, or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed -before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage when offered -battle by the other. - -I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of Scotland has married -the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, as I thought Navarre’s -sister was intended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of Parma, -they say, has taken offence at something or other, and has therefore -withdrawn himself from almost all the duties of his position, and -avoiding the crowded Court has for some time past allowed himself to -nurse his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on that account -been sent to the King of Spain. - -To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a short time, they think -Evreux will soon be added. Though it is not a strongly fortified town, -it is the seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles from here. -He has already occupied the suburbs. Both this town and the whole -neighbourhood were greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar -fate, but he seems to intend to direct his march against Rouen, for he -sent a trumpeter thither to summon them to surrender, and to threaten -them with destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many towns -falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror-struck, and therefore -to desire peace at any price. On this Navarre builds his hopes. -Meanwhile the siege of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on -very languidly.[265] - - - - -LETTER LVIII. - - -Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He is, however, too weak to -raise the siege of Paris, or to engage the King with a fair prospect -of success. When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a safe -position. The King thought this an additional reason for pressing the -siege. Though he had effected a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts -of them which were nearest the city were more in the citizens’ power -than his own. He therefore resolved to push forward his entrenchments -to the walls of the city. This operation was executed in a single -night, the breastwork of the besiegers being carried up to the very -gates. Thenceforth no one was able to enter or leave Paris without his -permission. Meanwhile the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed -impossible for them to hold out much longer, and more than 12,000 -perished of hunger. The inhabitants, however, bore their sufferings -patiently, and preferred to hold out to the bitter end rather than -abandon the cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained in -this resolve by the promises of the Spanish Ambassador and the Papal -Legate, who declared that the Duke of Parma himself was on the point -of coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion which was -soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived at last, after negotiations for -peace had actually been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal -de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate of Gaul,[266] went -under a safe-conduct to the King. They failed to come to terms, but the -negotiations were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange -of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed that three -commissioners on each side should meet at the fortress of Nanteuil[267] -and the mansion of Schomberg, nine French miles from Paris.[268] The -prospects of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters of -Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, in which he exhorted -them to hold out a little longer, and told them that he was actually on -the march to their relief; there was no fear, he added, that _he_ would -demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his King, or by coming -to terms with him. The King showed these letters to the Cardinal and -Archbishop, and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but at -their entreaty he finally consented to await the day which had been -fixed for the termination of the armistice, namely, the 26th of this -month. He did not sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already -decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, under Nevers -and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he expected in a few days. He only -withdrew his cannon from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St. -Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might have his hands free, -if he were obliged to fight or should be summoned elsewhere, it being -his usual practice to leave his baggage behind, when he undertakes any -operation. Apart from this he made no change, and did not move a single -soldier from his position under the ramparts of Paris. - -In case of an engagement taking place, the news will in all probability -reach your Majesty before my account of it arrives. Therefore, in order -that your Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the value -of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for your consideration -a sketch of both generals, the King and Mayenne, and their several -forces. The contest will be one between two famous leaders, in the -prime of life and at the height of their renown, one of whom, Mayenne, -will give up the command to Parma, and will fight as his subordinate. -The King is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest -experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he will have, it is -thought, some 20,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry. The latter for the -most part is composed of gentlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted. -Of French infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, with -whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The _élite_ of his foot consists of a -body of four or five thousand Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse -and foot alike, are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed -to be led, and whose presence inspires them with confidence. Moreover, -the King has with him veteran generals of great experience, whose -advice and assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, La Noue, -and many others. Round him too have gathered the Princes of the Bourbon -blood, with the leading gentlemen from every part of France. - -With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of generalship there is not -much to choose between them, but it must be admitted that the latter is -a most unlucky commander, while the former is a favourite of fortune, -as is proved by his long list of successes in the Netherlands, and in -this respect he may fairly be considered a match for the King. Their -united infantry, as report goes, amounts to 17,000, while their cavalry -is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their foot the Spaniards and -Walloons are considered the best, and these, with the addition of some -Italian companies, are not much over 4,000 strong. Next to these come -the Germans; the French and Lorrainers are the worst. - -The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in concocting devices against -each other, the object being to inflict the maximum of damage with the -minimum of loss to their own troops. To enable his men to resist the -charge of the French cavalry, Parma encloses his infantry with a fence -formed of ropes of the strongest and thickest description, which are -supported by stout stakes at regular intervals. Immediately behind the -ropes he posts his musketeers, who can thus fire on the French horse -in perfect security. All the musketeers have a store of double bullets -fastened together with copper wire, which will be very effective -against horses. The cannon also are loaded with chain-shot, and masked -batteries are planted in good positions, with troops drawn up in front -so as to conceal them from the enemy; at the critical moment they -will open fire, and pour a withering volley among the horses of their -assailants. - -Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he takes counsel with his -craftiest and wisest captains, to see if they cannot devise a new mode -of attack. Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful manœuvre to -be executed, which is to discomfit the enemy. - -On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general and a powerful -army. The King’s forces are supposed to be somewhat larger than -Parma’s, and he has also a decided superiority in the composition of -his troops, for, with a few exceptions, they are all men of the same -nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma’s forces have been recruited -from various nations, and are to a large extent made up of raw levies, -on whom not much reliance can be placed. Again, the King has the great -advantage of fighting on his own ground, that is to say, on ground -which he has previously chosen and fortified, while Parma, by the -circumstances of his position, is compelled to attack at a disadvantage. - -Such are the premises; whether they are sufficient for forming an -opinion as to what the result of a battle would be, is more than I can -say. They are valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a -sunset are valuable in enabling us to guess what weather we shall have -to-morrow. Besides, it is mere guessing, and no more; victory does not -depend on scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of soldiers, or -the abundance of munitions, but solely on the will of God. - -If I have lingered longer over this subject than has been agreeable, I -trust I may be pardoned. That God may long preserve your Majesty is the -prayer of your most humble servant. - - Mantes, August 27, 1590.[269] - - - - -APPENDIX. - -CONTENTS OF APPENDIX. - - - PAGE - - I. SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY 267 - - II. ITINERARIES 284 - - III. EDITIONS 288 - - IV. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS:— - - i. Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin 292 - - ii. Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq 295 - - iii. Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque 300 - - iv. Copy of the Sauve-garde 303 - - v. Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of - Charlot Desrumaulx 305 - - vi. Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert - du Mortier 309 - - -I. - -_SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN._ - -IN order that the reader may be able to appreciate the circumstances -under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters were written, and to understand -many of the allusions they contain, it is necessary that he should have -the power of referring easily to the leading events of Hungarian and -Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman. For Busbecq’s French -letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch Republic’ and ‘United Netherlands’ may be -consulted, but no such works in English upon Hungarian history exist. -The narratives of Robertson and Creasy are meagre in this respect, and -contain only scattered and incidental notices of Hungarian events; -while Von Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in Heeren’s -Series, valuable as they are, have not been translated into English, -and besides are not easily accessible. None of these works give a -connected narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which are -mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian history, and have to be -picked out from it with much time and trouble. It is hoped that this -sketch will to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a clue to -the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some curious facts have been -gleaned from Katona’s ‘Critical History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which -is mostly composed of original documents, including numerous letters -written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after he had returned from -his embassy, and long extracts from Busbecq’s own letters. - -During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the Debatable Land between -Christendom and Islam. The picture which the ‘Lay of the Last Minstrel’ -and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the English and Scottish -border, will suggest a faint notion of the state of things all along -the frontier between the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon both -sides continual forays were made, villages were plundered and burnt, -castles surprised, cattle driven off, and, worst of all, prisoners -were carried away into hopeless slavery.[270] Every few years these -desultory hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwithstanding -occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the tide of Turkish invasion -rose steadily higher and higher. In addition, the unfortunate country -was distracted by civil war, waged with varying success between -Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the rivals for the throne, while -the magnates of the kingdom went over from one side to the other, -according as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage for -themselves. - -Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of Othman, was born in -1494, and succeeded his father, Selim I., in September 1520. The first -year of his reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, and the -fall of Belgrade,[271] the bulwark of that kingdom. Louis, the King -of Hungary and Bohemia, was then a minor, and, in the party strife of -the different factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was -neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention was diverted to other -enterprises, of which the most famous was the siege and capture of -Rhodes in 1522, but in 1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29, -the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated King Louis -with great slaughter at Mohacz,[272] the King himself perishing in the -flight, and then advanced on Buda, which surrendered on September 10. -Thence he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian nobles, -and, after promising them to make John Zapolya, Count of Zips and -Voivode or Viceroy of Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden -with booty to Constantinople. - -Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor as Emperor, and -Zapolya were rivals for the crown of St. Stephen. The first relied -upon family compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with King -Louis.[273] Zapolya, on the other hand, was supported by a strong party -among the nobles, who disliked Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s -partisans took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at which -he was elected King, and he was duly crowned at Stuhlweissenburg by -the Archbishop of Gran. Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the -Palatine Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which declared -Zapolya’s election void on the ground that the diet of Tokay had not -been summoned by the Palatine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after -defeating his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the following -year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya then threw himself on -Solyman’s protection, offering to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his -tributary, and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in -February 1528. In the following year Solyman invaded Hungary for the -third time, and took Buda on September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya -was again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of the Aga -of the Janissaries, and did homage for his kingdom. Leaving a Turkish -governor in Buda, the Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it -on the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on October 16, in -consequence of the lateness of the season and the gallant resistance of -the garrison and inhabitants.[274] - -In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged Buda unsuccessfully. -In the campaign of 1532 Charles V. came with the forces of the Empire -to the assistance of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat -of war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before the little town -of Güns by the gallantry of the commander Jurischitz, who at last -surrendered on honourable terms.[275] The delay, however, prevented -the Sultan from accomplishing anything considerable, though his army -ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as far as Gratz and Linz. - -In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand and Solyman on the -basis of Ferdinand’s retaining what he actually held in Hungary, the -Sultan reserving to himself the ratification of any arrangements that -Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between themselves. - -For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was devoted to his wars -with Persia, and no invasion of Hungary on a large scale occurred; -but, notwithstanding the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoining -districts continued their inroads. To check these incursions Ferdinand, -in 1537, assembled at Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot -and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of Katzianer. He advanced on -Essek, intending to besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light -cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to retreat. After -losing his siege-guns at the passage of the Vouka, he encountered the -enemy on December 1, and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the -night with some of the other generals. The troops that were left were -cut to pieces the next day with their gallant commander, Lodron.[276] -Katzianer was accused of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and -was thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing his gaolers, -and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, where he entered into -negotiations with the Turks, promising to betray the strong fortress -of Kosthanitza. However, his treasonable designs were cut short; Count -Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him at one of his castles, -treacherously stabbed him, and despatched him with the assistance of -his servants. His body was flung from a window into the castle ditch, -and his head was sent to Vienna. - -In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the treaty of Gross Wardein -was concluded between Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain -the title of King during his life with Transylvania and the part of -Hungary which was then in his actual possession, on his death his male -issue was to succeed to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both -parties united in a league for mutual defence against the Turks. - -Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he immediately afterwards -married Isabella, the King of Poland’s daughter, and, dying in July -1540, left by her a son—John Sigismund—who was born a fortnight before -his father’s death. - -Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms of the treaty, he -should be placed in possession of the whole of Hungary; but Isabella, -as guardian of her infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand, -under the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, refused -to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be crowned, and appealed -to the Sultan for protection. Ferdinand then entered the country, and -besieged Buda, which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade. - -Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On August 29 his troops -occupied the gates of Buda, and he annexed that city to his dominions, -making it the seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in -it. He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust for John -Sigismund during his minority, and in the meantime appointed the -latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, under the regency of Martinuzzi and -Petrovich. The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transylvania, most -of the country to the north as far as the river Theiss. - -In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took the cities of Gran and -Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, the former being the primatial see -of Hungary, and the latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end -of 1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by Ferdinand as -internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria Malvezzi, a member of a noble -family of Bologna, as secretary; but he died shortly after his arrival -at Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by Nicholas Sicco, who -was sent by Ferdinand as a new ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador -of Charles V., then undertook the management of the negotiations, -and concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months between -Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and Charles on the other.[277] -This was followed, in June 1547, by a peace for five years, in which -the Emperor, the Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the -basis of _uti possidetis_, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 ducats -a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for the territories of -some of the nobles, who had formerly adhered to the Turkish side, and -had afterwards gone over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a -present, but was more justly considered by the Turks as tribute for the -portion of Hungary which still remained in his possession. - -The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was his desire to turn -his arms against Persia. Elkass Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the -reigning monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,[278] and in -1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained considerable -successes. In the following year Elkass was captured by his brother in -an expedition he had undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the -rest of his life. - -In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella ceded Transylvania -and the part of Hungary that remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in -exchange for the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the -Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard Castaldo, took -possession of these territories.[279] When Solyman heard this news, -he summoned Malvezzi before him, who pledged his life that there was -no ground for this report; but, as he could not give satisfactory -explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency of his instructions, -he was thrown into prison in the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia -on the Bosphorus,[280] the Sultan excusing this violation of -international law by the argument that an ambassador was a hostage for -the good faith of his master, and should suffer for any breach of it. -From this incident it appears that the post of ambassador at the Porte -was by no means unattended with danger. - -Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for him a Cardinal’s -hat, and appointing him Archbishop of Gran. Not content with these -dignities, that wily politician made overtures to the Turks, with the -object of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and Hungary for -himself; but he was assassinated by Castaldo’s officers acting under -Ferdinand’s orders, or, at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz, -December 18, 1551. - -In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on Hungary, which were -attended with almost uniform success. In February they gained a victory -at Szegedin; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha of Buda; -and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture was followed by the loss of -the rest of the Banat. On August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an army of -Ferdinand’s at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was -taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop of Waitzen, whom -Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, was killed.[281] -Erlau, however, was besieged by Ali unsuccessfully. - -In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the Grand Vizier, asking -for Malvezzi’s release, and for a safe conduct for two more envoys. -In consequence, Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his -allowance was increased; but he was still kept in close confinement. - -Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical juncture, a Persian -invasion and the Sultan’s domestic troubles created a diversion in his -favour. In 1553 the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of -the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia against the Persians, -was obliged to take command of it in person. The most notable event -of the campaign was the tragical end of Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest -and most promising son. The story of his cruel murder is narrated -in pathetic words by our author in his first letter,[282] though he -is mistaken in placing the scene of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in -Karamania, where it really happened, is about 250 miles from that -city. To appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of -their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was deposed, and his office -conferred on Achmet Pasha. Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in -1555, witnessed the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and the Shah. - -The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure on Hungary. Solyman -granted a six months’ armistice, and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy -or Verantius, then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and afterwards Bishop of -Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constantinople.[283] They arrived in -August. They were instructed to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for -Hungary Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and Transylvania. The -Viziers, however, told them that the abandonment of all claims to -Transylvania was an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations. -Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna to receive -further instructions from Ferdinand; and it was arranged that the peace -should be prolonged for five years, and that on account of the loss -of territory Ferdinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present or -tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace was not to be -ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce was prolonged in the -meanwhile. - -In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but he was prevented -by illness, and Busbecq was sent in his stead.[284] He arrived at -Constantinople on January 20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with -Verantius and Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at Amasia. They -brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 ducats as tribute for -Transylvania. They complained of the numerous breaches of the armistice -on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised 80,000 ducats to -the Sultan and large sums to the chief viziers, they could only obtain -an extension of the armistice for six months, and a letter from Solyman -to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to Vienna. - -On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, and Roostem reappointed -Grand Vizier.[285] - -Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids on both sides -continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. To check the incursions -of the Heydons, Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,[286] attacked and took -Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, with the same -object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, on May 24, 1556, and assaulted -the place a month later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the -meantime the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and Ali hastened -with a detachment to relieve it, but was defeated with great loss on -the river Rinya (July 25). Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and -fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, and blew up the -citadel. Ali resumed the siege of Szigeth, but was so weakened by his -defeat, that he was obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he -died soon afterwards.[287] The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed for -ten years, when it was destined to be associated with the termination -of a more glorious career, and the extinction of a more famous -name.[288] - -Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into the possession of -Isabella and her son. She had at first gone to the Silesian duchies, -which Ferdinand had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she -was dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s court in -Poland, where she entered into correspondence with her partisans in -Transylvania. The current of feeling there ran strongly in her favour. -The Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant of the -national laws and usages. His troops were left unpaid, and supported -themselves by plundering the country. At last one corps after another -mutinied for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania; and Castaldo -himself, unable to check the dissolution of his army, withdrew to -Vienna. For a time anarchy prevailed in Transylvania; but in June, -1556, the inhabitants resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The -envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to return. The Voivodes of -Moldavia and Wallachia entered Hungary to protect her passage, and on -October 22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in triumph.[289] - -Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen Isabella, was using every -means in his power to thwart the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues. -The latter returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was rewarded with -the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as June, 1555, allusions to the -prospect of his appointment may be found, and the see had been kept -vacant for him for more than a year before his actual translation in -November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. He was perpetually occupied -in providing for the defence of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of -Buda to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the neighbouring -Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the intrigues of Zapolya’s party. -His remaining time and energies were devoted to attempts to check the -spread of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked here that John -Sigismund was much assisted by his patronage of Lutheranism. His court -was the refuge of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. An -anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will show what a hold -Lutheranism had obtained in parts of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to -be the work of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jaszbereny, -most of the inhabitants of the town refused to help to extinguish -it, declaring that they would rather the Turks had the monastery -than the monks. Zay, the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of -Kaschau.[290] - -In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight miles from the -right bank of the Danube, was surprised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of -Stuhlweissenburg. - -Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on the cession of -Szigeth, but was induced in the winter of 1557 to grant a fresh -armistice for seven months. In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de -Wyss[291] four projects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the -restoration of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these conditions. -The last was presented by Busbecq in the camp at Scutari to Solyman, -but was not accepted by him; and the Sultan, on his return to -Constantinople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his house. - -In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen Isabella began to fail, -and Melchior Balassa, a great Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand -proposing, on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. This -letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, having such a -proof of the treachery of one of her most trusted adherents, thought -it advisable to open negotiations with Ferdinand herself, and, with -the Sultan’s approval, did so through her brother the King of Poland. -It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s daughters should marry John -Sigismund, and that the latter should have Transylvania and Lower -Hungary (the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland and -Transylvania), but should abandon the title of King. These negotiations -were broken off by her death, which took place at Karlsburg in -September, and an attempt in the following year to renew them also came -to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to renounce the title of King. - -In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded his brother Nicholas -and Melchior Balassa to go over to Ferdinand’s side.[292] As soon as -Ferdinand had recovered the town of Munkats, Balassa was to receive -it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain number -of soldiers at Ferdinand’s expense, and, in return, to give up to -Ferdinand various towns immediately to the north of Transylvania -Proper, which were his possession. - -Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by Ali, who proved much -more pliant in his negotiations with Busbecq, and the latter at -last succeeded in obtaining a peace for eight years. The principal -stipulations of the treaty were as follows:[293] - -1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 ducats, and also the -arrears due in respect of the last two years. - -2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand either directly, or by -furnishing assistance to John Sigismund. He also undertook that John -Sigismund should respect the territories of Ferdinand. - -3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and others in a similar -position, who had returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, to be -included in the peace with their property and lordships, and to be the -vassals of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly. - -4. If any of Ferdinand’s subjects had been expelled from his property -by the adherents of John Sigismund, or _vice versâ_, no suits or -proceedings to recover such property to be taken during the peace. - -5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences should arise -between the contracting parties with regard to the limits of their -jurisdiction, as a provisional arrangement the _de facto_ subjects of -each party at the commencement of the peace to remain so during its -continuance, and, in particular, certain villages near the Danube and -the fortress of Tata, some of which were in Ferdinand’s and some in the -Sultan’s possession, to remain respectively as they were, and those in -Ferdinand’s possession not to be molested by the garrison of Tata. - -6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of any of Ferdinand’s -officers, either as fugitives or otherwise, to be released without -ransom. - -7. Runaway slaves with any property they might have stolen to be -mutually restored. - -8. Ferdinand’s officers to be allowed to fortify and provision castles, -towns, and villages on the borders of Hungary within their own -territories. - -9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between the subjects of the -two parties to be settled by arbitration, and the persons at fault -punished as truce-breakers. - -10. The treaty to be in force for eight years, and to be binding -upon all the officers and subjects on both sides, particularly the -Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and none of -Ferdinand’s subjects or their property to be molested or injured in any -way. Any property taken contrary to this stipulation to be restored to -its owners, and any person taken prisoner to be released uninjured. - -11. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full permission to travel in -the Sultan’s dominions, with liberty of ingress and egress to and from -his court, and to be supplied with interpreters. - -On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with Ibrahim, the first dragoman -of the Porte, important differences were found to exist between the -Turkish and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only included the -barons who had already returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, and -not those who might afterwards do so; it stipulated for the extradition -of refugees, as well as that of brigands and rebels, and included -the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Emperor demanded that -these points should be corrected; but his demands seem to have been -ineffectual, and the Turkish incursions on the Hungarian frontier -continued. - -Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was succeeded as Emperor by his -son Maximilian, who had been elected King of Hungary and Bohemia in -his father’s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him and John -Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. Szathmar was taken by the -latter, and Tokay[294] and Serencs by the former. The Grand Vizier -Ali, who was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and was succeeded -by the more warlike Mehemet Sokolli. During 1565, the Sultan was -fully occupied with the siege of Malta, but in the beginning of the -following year war was declared against Hungary, Albert de Wyss, who -had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, was thrown into prison, and on May -1 Solyman started from Constantinople on his last campaign. His age and -infirmities obliged him to quit the saddle for a carriage. - -On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, and intended to -march on Erlau, but, hearing that Count Nicholas Zriny, the commander -at Szigeth, had surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of Tirhala, -he resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. The siege -commenced on August 5. Two furious assaults on the 26th and 29th were -repulsed with great slaughter. On September 8, Zriny, finding he could -hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied forth, sword in -hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a soldier’s death. The Turks -poured into the citadel, intent on murder and plunder; but the fire -reached the powder-magazine, which blew up, burying in the ruins more -than three thousand men. Solyman did not live to witness his triumph. -His health had long been failing, and he died on the night of the 5th -or 6th of September. His death was concealed by the Grand Vizier for -three weeks, to give his successor, Selim, time to reach Constantinople -from Kutaiah. - -The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting termination to this -sketch. With the exception of his successor, Selim, he is the last -survivor of the personages who figure prominently in Busbecq’s pages. -The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, Roostem, and Ali, and -the unfortunate Bajazet, have passed away. The greater part of Hungary -and Transylvania continued subject to the successors of Solyman, either -immediately or as a vassal State, till near the close of the following -century. In 1683 Vienna was once more besieged by the Turks, under the -Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha, but was relieved by John Sobieski. The -reaction from this supreme effort was fatal to the Turkish dominion in -Hungary. In 1686 Buda was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and by -the Peace of Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole of Hungary and -Transylvania was ceded to the Emperor Leopold. - - -II. - -_ITINERARIES._ - -IN describing his first Turkish letter as an ‘iter,’ or itinerary, -Busbecq places it under a class of composition of which there are -several examples still extant. In Busbecq’s days it was a common -practice for scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any journey -they might happen to make. These itineraries are generally extremely -amusing, the writers being men of keen observation, with a great sense -of humour, and condescending to notice those trifles which are passed -over by the historian. - -As an example, Nathan Chytræus gives an account of his trip to England -during the Long Vacation of the University of Paris. He lands at Rye, -and, going to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he hugely -enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces and dignified -bearing of the waitresses. On his way to London he is struck with the -comfortable appearance of the country seats, and specially with the -belts of laurel with which they were surrounded. As he passes over -London Bridge he is delighted with the handsome shops full of every -kind of merchandise which lined its sides. He visits Westminster Abbey, -and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr. Linacre, the celebrated -physician, who, though a canon of St. Peter’s, Westminster, was buried -at St. Paul’s. He goes eastward, and visits the Tower of London, -noticing the menagerie, and specially two lions at the entrance of the -Tower. Of the collection of arms he says that a visitor would imagine -it to be the greatest in the world if he had not seen the Arsenal at -Venice. He has a word for Southwark across the river, telling us that -it was covered with small houses, and the home of numerous dogs and -bears, which were kept for baiting. He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch -Park,[295] and Windsor; at the last place Elizabeth was staying, with -all her court. The Queen is duly complimented on her learning, but he -can spare a couple of lines also for the rabbits which then, as now, -were scampering fearlessly about the Park: - - Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris - Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari. - -It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan Chytræus is written very -much in Busbecq’s style, while there are other itineraries which -require notice as taking us over nearly the same ground as our author. - -Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. i. page 79), when he went as -Ambassador to Constantinople, was Hugo Favolius, who has left us an -account of the expedition in Latin hexameters. Having ingeniously -introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us that was the year— - - Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens, - Pertæsus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus - Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris, - Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat. - Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus - Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros, - Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum - Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas; - Atque illum ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem, - Præstanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni - In melius si forte queat convertere mentem. - -After this humiliating confession of the power of the Turk, Favolius -tells us how they sailed across the Gulf of Venice and landed at -Ragusa. After a short rest the party travelled over the mountains to -Sophia, and thence to Constantinople. In returning Veltwick made the -journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the same route as was -afterwards traversed by Busbecq, while Hugo Favolius and some of the -younger members of the party obtained leave to go back to Venice by sea. - -It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the writer should so -frankly admit the superiority of the Turkish power; it would appear to -be but an ill compliment to the sovereigns from whom Favolius must have -looked for advancement. In order, however, to gauge the real amount of -terror which the Turks inspired it is necessary to take the account of -P. Rubigal, the Hungarian, who was attached to an embassy sent shortly -after the death of John Zapolya[296] by the leading nobles of his -party to convey their tribute to Solyman. Rubigal’s itinerary may be -considered to furnish us with an idea of the position of a Hungarian in -the middle of the sixteenth century. His description is ludicrous, no -doubt, but it is no less horrible. - -He begins thus:— - - Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes - Liquerat Hungaricæ regia sceptra domus, - Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans - Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat, - Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet, - Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit, - Pannoniæque petens perfricta fronte tributum, - Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis. - Quid facerent? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat, - Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent. - Nec mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos - Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium; - Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa, - Flectere et immitis pectora dura Getæ. - -The party started from Szegedin, on the river Theiss, going by boat to -Belgrade, and thence by land to Constantinople. - -They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, and were much disgusted -at two things: first, he gave them sherbet instead of wine; and -secondly, at the conclusion of the banquet he caused the ghastly heads -of men who had been recently executed to be set before them. The grim -pleasantry could not be misunderstood. The heads, no doubt, were those -of Hungarians, whom Solyman was pleased to regard in the light of -rebels. Whilst at Constantinople Rubigal had an opportunity of seeing -the Turkish fleet, which was then commanded by the famous Barbarossa. -The Hungarian was evidently horribly frightened at the formidable -preparations of the Turks, for immediately afterwards he gives his -readers plainly to understand that his tastes are of a domestic turn, -and that he has no hankering after— - - the perils which environ - The man who meddles with cold iron. - -Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of two Germans he met -with fetters on their legs, who beg him to tell their friends at home -that it will be the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks into -the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously refrains from -either endorsing or contradicting their opinion. - - -III. - -_EDITIONS._ - -THE following is a list of the various editions and translations of -Busbecq’s works, with which we are acquainted. - - -DATE. _In Latin._ - - 1581. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. _Editio Princeps._ - It contains only the first Turkish Letter, under the - title of _Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum_, and - the _De Acie contra Turcam Instruenda Consilium_. - - 1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the contents - of the first edition the second Turkish Letter is added, - under the title of _Ejusdem Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam - Profectio_. - - 1589. _Paris._ Contains all four Turkish Letters and the - _De Acie._ - - 1595. _Frankfort._ The same as the previous one. - - 1605. _Hanau._ The same as the last, with the addition of - the Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at Frankfort, and the - text of the treaty of peace. - - 1620. _Munich._ Edited by Sadoler. The same as the last. - It contains portraits of Busbecq and Solyman. - - 1629. _Hanau._ The same as the edition of 1605. - - None of these editions contain any but the Turkish - Letters. - - 1630. _Louvain._ Edited by Howaert. It contains the - letters to Rodolph from France, 1-53 inclusive. - - 1632. _Brussels._ Also edited by Howaert. This edition - contains the letters to Maximilian from France. Then - follow the letters to Rodolph as in the last edition, and - at the end come five more letters to Rodolph. - - 1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the - last. There are, however, a few alterations, and there is - no date on the title page. - - 1633. _Leyden._ The Elzevir edition. Two editions with - slight variations appeared in the same year. They contain - the four Turkish Letters, the _De Acie_, the Speech of - Ibrahim, the Treaty, and the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. At - the end of the third Turkish Letter there are variations - from all the preceding editions. See vol. i. page 305, - note. - - 1660. _Amsterdam._ Elzevir. A reprint of the last. - - 1660. _Oxford._ The same contents as the Elzevir. - - 1660. _London._ The same contents as the Elzevir. There - is also an _Epitome de Moribus Turcarum_, not written by - Busbecq, which follows the Treaty. - - 1689. _Leipsic._ The same contents as the Elzevir. - - 1740. _Bâle._ The same contents and characteristic - readings as the Elzevir, except in one passage. - - -_In German._ - - 1596. _Frankfort._ It contains the four Turkish Letters - and the _De Acie_. The translator was Michael Schweicker, - Master of the School at Frankfort. - - -_In English._ - - 1694. _London._ ‘The Four Epistles of Augerius Gislenius - Busbequius, concerning his Embassy into Turkey, with - his Advice how to Manage War against the Turks. Done - into English.’ It contains a dedication to the Earl of - Bolingbroke by Nahum Tate, from which it appears that - the translator died before the book was published. The - English is racy, but the book is full of mistakes and - misprints. - - 1761. _Glasgow._ It contains only the Turkish Letters, - and is said to be the third edition. It is a reprint of - the last with some of the mistakes corrected. - - -_In Bohemian._ - - 1594. _Prague._ Translated by Leunclavius. It contains - the First and Second Letters and the _De Acie_. - - -_In French._ - - 1649. _Paris._ A translation by Gaudon. - - 1718. _Amsterdam._ - - 1748. _Paris._ A translation in three volumes of the - Turkish Letters and the Letters to Rodolph, by the Abbé - Louis Étienne de Foy, Canon of Meaux. - - 1836. _Paris._ A translation of the Letters to Rodolph, - 1-53, is contained in ‘Archives Curieuses de l’Histoire - de France, Première Série,’ tome 10, by MM. Cimber and - Danjou. - - -_In Flemish._ - - 1632. _Dordrecht._ - - -_In Spanish._ - - Before 1650. _Pampeluna._ A translation by Stephanus - Lopez de Reta, published by Charles de Lobaien. _Viaje de - Constantinopla_, and also the _De Acie_. - - -IV. - -_ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS._ - -A. - -_Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin._ - -Charles, etc., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et advenir nous avoir -recue lhumble supplication de Ogier, filz illégitisme de George -Ghiselin, escuier, seigneur de Bousbecque, et de Catherine Hespiel -jeune fille, lors non mariez, contenant que ledit Ogier de son jeune -eaige a esté entretenu aux estudes à Louvain et ailleurs, où il sest -conduict et gouverné bien et honnestement comme celluy qui a désir -de parvenir à estatz honnourables avec volunté et bonne affection de -bien faire vivre et de mourir soubz nous et en nostre obéissance, -se nostre plaisir estoit le légittimer et sur le deffaulte de sa -nativité luy impartir nostre grace si commil dit, dont il nous a très -humblement supplié. Pour ce est-il que ce considéré nous icelluy Ogier -suppliant inclinans favorablement à sadite supplication et requeste, -avons, de nostre certaine science auctorité et plaine puissance, -légittimé et légittimons, et ledit deffault de sa nativité aboly et -effacé abolissons et effacons de grâce speciale par ces présentes, luy -octroiant et accordant par icelles et de nostre dite grâce quil puist -et poira comme personne légittime et habile succéder en tous les biens -meubles et immeubles et aultres quelzconques esquelz de droit et selon -la coustume et usaige de noz pays et seignouries, il debveroit et -pourroit succéder sil estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige et venir -aux successions de sesdits père et mère et aultres que luy compétent et -compéteront cy aprez, pourveu toutesvoyes que à ce se consentent ses -plus prochains parens de lignaige et que aucun droict ne soit desja -acquis à aultres et en ce cas qu’il puist avoir et tenir pour luy, ses -hoirs et successeurs à tousiours tous les biens que lui adviendront -et escherront desdites successions et aultrement et qu’il a acquis -et acquerra et diceulx biens ordonner et disposer et les laissier -ou légater par testament ou aultrement ainsi que bon luy semblera; -et qu’il soit doresnavant receu selon sa vocation à tous honneurs, -estatz, offices, dignitez et aultres faiz légittimes quelzconques et -tenu et réputé doresnavant pour personne légittime, tout ainsi que -s’il estoit né en léal mariaige et aussi que après son trespas, ceux -de son lignaige procréez ou à procréer en léal mariaige luy puissent -succéder par droit d’hoirie en tous sesdits biens, meubles, héritaiges, -possessions et aultres choses quelzconques acquises et à acquérir ou -à luy venuz et escheuz, ou que luy viendront et escherront cy aprez, -tout ainsi et par la forme et manière qu’il eusse fait et peut faire -et pourroit se il estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige si aultre -chose ne luy répugne que ladite deffaulte de procréation légittime, -saulf que à cause de bastardise et illégittimation, nous ou noz -successeurs y puissons ou doyons quereller ou demander aulcun droit -ou temps advenir, nonobstant quelzconques constitutions, ordonnances, -statuz, droiz, coustumes et usaiges à ce contraires, parmy et moyennant -toutesvoys que à cause de ceste nostre présente légittimation, ledit -suppliant sera tenu payer certaine finance et somme de deniers pour -une fois à nostre prouffit, selon la faculté et qualité de ses biens -à larbitrage et tauxation de nos amez et féaulx les président et gens -de noz comptes à Lille, que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement -auxdits de nos comptes que ladite finance et somme de deniers par eulx -tauxée, arbitrée et par ledit suppliant payée à celluy de noz receveurs -qu’il appartiend, lequel sera tenu en faire recepte et rendre compte et -reliqua à nostre prouffit avec les aultres deniers de sa recepte. Ils, -nostre gouverneur de Lille, les président et gens de nostre conseil -en Flandres et tous noz aultres justiciers et officiers quelzconques, -présens et advenir, cui ce peult et pourra touchier et regarder leurs -lieutenans et chacun deulx en droit soy et si comme à luy appartiend, -facent seuffrent et laissent ledit suppliant, ensamble sesdits hoirs, -successeurs et ayans cause à tousiours procréer en léal mariaige de -nostre présente grace et légittimation, et de tout le contenu en ces -dites présentes selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement, -paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user, sans luy faire mectre -ou donner, ne souffrir estre faict, mis ou donné ores ne ou tempes -advenir, aucun destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en maniere -quelconque. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit chose ferme -et estable à tousiours, nous avons faict mectre nostre scel à ces -présentes, saulf en aultres choses nostre droit et laultruy en toutes. -Donné en nostre ville de Gand, ou mois d’Avril apres Pasques, de nostre -empire le xxi^e, et de noz règnes de Castille et aultres le xxv^e. - -Sur le ploy estoit escript par l’empereur et signé du secrétaire, -Bourgois, et sur le ploy estoit encoires escript ce que sensuit. Cette -chartre est enregistrée en la chambre des comptes de l’empereur, nostre -sire a Lille, ou registre des chartres y tenu commenchant en avril -xv^e quarante-neuf, folio ii^e xvi, et apres que Messrs. les president -dicelle chambre ont esté bien et deuement informez des faculté et -puissance des biens de l’impetrant, la finance dicelle a par eulx -esté tauxée a la somme de neuf vings dix livres de xi gros monnoye -de Flandres la livre: ordonnée estre payée es mains de Jehan Hovine, -conseiller de l’empereur nostre dit Sire, m^e en la dite chambre et -commis a la recepte de lespargne des pays ortissans en icelle chambre -lequel sera tenu en baillier sa lettre et en faire recepte avec les -aultres deniers de son entremise. Et au surplus ladite chartre a este -expediée en ladite chambre selon sa forme et teneur, le xxiii^e jour de -novembre xv^e quarante. Ainsi signe moy present. - - A. GILLEMAN. - - -B. - -_Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq._ - -Ferdinandus etc., etc., nobili fideli a nobis delecto Augerio a -Busbeck, equiti aurato, Consiliario nostro gratiam nostram Cæsaream et -omne bonum. - -Cum nihil sit inter mortales sublimius Imperiali Majestate et -celsitudine, quam Deus Optimus Maximus cæteris humanis dignitatibus -eminere voluit, ut micantissimis radiis suis terrarum orbem et -commissum Imperium illustret, par equidem est, ut, quem Deus ad -fastigium hoc evexit, is etiam dignitatem et munus sibi demandatum -ita administret, ut, quantum fieri potest, in hac vita quam proxime -accedat ad exemplum divinæ ejus Majestatis a cujus nutu tota hujus -mundi machina dependet, nullisque finibus clementiam et liberalitatem -suam teneat circumscriptam, sed in omnes eam exerceat, præcipue, quos -summa virtus, prudentia, doctrina, integritas ac rerum usus aliæque -ingenii et animi dotes, nec non præclara in Rempublicam Christianam -merita præ cæteris claros reddidere, omnem in eo operam et diligentiam -adhibendo, necubi virtutem debitis premiis destituisse videatur. Etsi -enim virtus se ipsa facile sit contenta neque magnopere indigeat -alienæ laudis adminiculo, quam alioquin etiam honos, amplitudo et -gloria ut certissima premia sponte plerumque sequuntur, fit tamen, ut -si quando illa summorum Imperatorum ac Regum judicio atque decreto -comprobetur, multo illustrior et clarior evadat et alios quoque non tam -ad admirationem quam ad imitationem et studium accendat. - -Qua in re sicuti olim divi prædecessores nostri Romanorum Imperatores -ac Reges omnem adhibuere curam, sic nos quoque hunc eorum laudatissimum -morem secuti in eandem semper curam et cogitationem incubuimus ut -optimorum virorum de nobis atque Republica bene meritorum virtus a -nobis condignis honoribus cohonestaretur. In quorum sane numero, -cum te prefatum _Augerium a Busbeck_ haud postremum locum obtinere -compertum habeamus, æquum est profecto, ut in te ipso nostram erga -tales homines clementissimam animi propensionem omnibus declaremus, -et contestatam reddemus, idque ejuscemodi ornamenti genere, quod -virtutibus ac meritis tuis quam maxime respondeat. Tu namque nobili et -honesto loco in Belgio natus, ingenii acumen et vim, quod Deus tibi -dedit præstantissimum vitæ morumque honestate, probitate ac bonarum -literarum studiis, diversitate linguarum multarumque rerum cognitione -et aliis plurimis excellentibusque animi dotibus ita excoluisti, ut -ad gravissima et maxima quæque Reipublicæ negotia exequenda visus sis -aptus esse. Quapropter quum existimaremus te aliquando nobis magno -usui futurum haud gravatim te in aulam nostram recepimus, ubi quidem -nostræ de te expectationi non modo cumulate satisfecisti, sed eam longe -quoque superavisti. Cum enim superioribus annis nobis occurrissent -ardua quædam negocia, de quibus a nobis mittendus erat ad Solymannum -Turcharum Principem Orator, qui fide, prudentia, rerum usu atque -industria præstaret, te ex Anglia revocatum, quo tunc temporis jussu -nostro profectus fueras, ad id muneris suscepimus, quo magna tua cum -laude et ingenti nostro ac Regnorum Dominiorumque nostrorum imo totius -Reipublicæ Christianæ commodo octo annos functus es, confecta ad -postremum inter nos et ipsum Turcharum principem octennali pace. In -qua legatione quas sustinueris curas, incommoditates, molestias, quos -tuleris labores, quæ vitæ pericula subieris, quam etiam ostenderis -in rebus agendis ingenii vim, quam fidem, quam solicitudinem, quam -solertiam, prudentiam et industriam, quam intrepidi animi constantiam, -et qua denique usus sis pietate in redimendis, juvandis et fovendis -miseris Christianis, qui Constantinopolim tuo tempore in fœdam -captivitatem adducti fuerunt, magno etiam fortunarum tuarum dispendio, -nimis longum foret sigillatim recensere. Illud profecto consecutus -es, quod non omnibus qui talem provinciam suscipiunt, ne dicamus -perpaucis, contingere solet, ut non modo a nobis ac Serenissimis -filiis nostris et aliis sacri Romani Imperii Principibus, statibus -et ordinibus summam gratiam iniveris, verum etiam ipsismet Turcis -propter virtutes tuas, quas naturæ instinctu in te prospexere et -admirati sunt, valde gratus exstiteris. Quare merito probandum est -præclarum de te judicium Serenissimi Principis Domini Maximiliani -secundi, Romanorum ac Hungariæ et Bohemiæ, etc., Regis, Archiducis -Austriæ, etc., filii nostri charissimi, in eo, quod te dignum et -idoneum reputaverit, quem Dapiferis Serenissimorum filiorum suorum -Rudolfi et Ernesti, Archiducum Austriæ, charissimorum nepotum nostrorum -cum profisciscerentur in Hispaniam præficeret. Quod si ergo olim apud -veteres, qui luctu et saltu in Olympiaco stadio celebres athletæ -virium suarum specimen aliquod egregium edidissent, divinis propemodum -honoribus affici, qui vero in bello vel murum primi ascendissent vel -civem morti seduxissent corona vel murali vel civica donari soliti -fuerunt, et nostra quoque ætate, qui vel cum hoste singulari certamine -congressus victor evasit vel in prelio strenuam præ ceteris operam -navavit vel alias rem bellicam caute et recte administravit, auratæ -militiæ titulis insignitur, quanto magis tu, Augeri, tali dignitate -condecorandus fuisti, cui non cum uno homine nec uno prelio per -unum aut alterum mensem res gerenda, sed totos octo annos cum gente -Christiano nomini infensissima adeoque cum ejusdem gentis Principe -potentissimo ac pluribus victoriis et successibus elato, cumque ipsius -præcipuis consiliariis et ministris, callidissimis et versipellibus -diesque noctesque acerrime dimicandum fuit, quorum potentiam et -nefarios impetus tu, divino adjutus auxilio, tua prudentia, industria -ac rerum agendarum dexteritate postpositis quibuslibet periculis -infracto animo sustinuisti et a cervicibus Regnorum et Dominiorum -nostrorum avertisti. Quæ cum ita se habeant optimo certe consilio -factum est quod præfatus Serenissimus Romanorum Rex superiore mense -Septembri, quando paterna voluntate nostra Rex Hungariæ renunciatus -publicatus ac Regali corona insignitus fuit, te publice in spectantibus -et grato applausu probantibus ac suffragantibus prælatis, proceribus, -Ordinibus et Statibus ejus Regni nostri, quorum saluti et incolumitati -potissimum studueras, ictu ter vibrati ensis benedicti Militem seu -Equitem auratum fecerit atque creaverit, quia te et eo et alias longe -clarioribus ornamentis dignum censemus. Et licet ad perpetuam gloriam -tibi sufficere queat publicus ille Serenissimi filii nostri Romanorum -Regis actus neque is ulla approbatione Cæsareæ et paternæ auctoritatis -nostræ opus habeat, pro nostra tamen in te mirifica benignitate volumus -te eam dignitatem ab Imperiali quoque culmine obtinere, quo luculentius -sit in omnem posteritatem virtutis tuæ testimonium. - -Itaque nos ipsi etiam te antedictum Augerium a Busbeck, Militem sive -Equitem auratum fecimus, creavimus, ereximus, ac præsenti nostro -Cæsareo edicto ex certa scientia et authoritati nostra Imperiali -Militem et Equitem auratum facimus, creamus et erigimus et ad statum -militarem assumimus militarisque cinguli et balthei decore, fascibus -et titulis atque stemmate militiæ insignimus, accingentes te gladio -fortitudinis et omnia ad hunc ordinem pertinentia ornamenta tibi -conferentes hoc nostro Imperiali edicto statuentes, ut deinceps -ubique locorum et terrarum pro vero Milite et Equite aurato habearis, -honoreris et admittaris, possisque et debeas pro suscepto dignitatis -equestris ornamento, torquibus, gladiis, calcaribus, vestibus, -phaleris, seu equorum ornamentis aureis seu deauratis ac omnibus -et singulis privilegiis, honoribus, dignitatibus, præeminentiis, -franchisiis, juribus, insignibus, libertatibus, immunitatibus et -exemptionibus, prærogativis et gratiis tam realibus quam personalibus -sive mixtis et aliis quibuscunque militaribus actibus et officiis uti, -frui et gaudere, quibus cæteri Milites et Equites a nobis stricto ense -manu et verbo nostro creati ac ejusmodi ornamentis insigniti gaudent -et fruuntur et ad ea admitti, ad quæ illi admittuntur, quomodolibet -consuetudine vel de jure, absque alicujus contradictione vel -impedimento. - -Mandantes universis et singulis Principibus tam ecclesiasticis -quam secularibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Prælatis, Ducibus, -Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, Militibus, Clientibus, -Capitaneis, Vicedominis, advocatis, præfectis, procuratoribus, -quæstoribus, civium Magistris, Judicibus, Consulibus, armorum Regibus, -Heroaldis, Civibus, Communitatibus, et cæteris quibuscunque nostris -et Imperii sacri subditis et fidelibus cujuscunque præeminentiæ, -dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis et conditionis fuerint, ut te -præfatum _Augerium a Busbeck_ pro vero milite et equite aurato habeant, -teneant et reputent et in hoc militari et Equestri ordine et dignitate -et notis ad eum spectantibus prærogativis et libertatibus conservent, -quatenus gratiam nostram charam habuerint, ac pœnam _quinquaginta -Marcharum auri puri_ pro dimidia fisco seu ærario nostro Imperiali, -reliqua vero parte _tibi antedicto Augerio a Busbeck_ vel hæredibus -tuis toties quoties contrafactum fuerit, irremissibiliter applicandam -maluerint evitare. - -Harum testimonio literarum manu nostra subscriptarum et sigilli nostri -Cæsarei appensione munitarum. - -Datum Viennæ die tertia mensis Aprilis anno Domini millesimo -quingentesimo sexagesimo quarto.[297] - - -C. - -_Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque._ - -Comparut en sa persone messire Jehan de Thiennes, chevalier, seigneur -de Willergy, etc., procureur espécial de Charles de Eydeghem, escuier, -seigneur de Weze, &c., souffisament fondé par lettres procuratoires -données des advoé, eschevins et conseil de la ville d’Ypre le xvi^e -jour de décembre xv^eiiii^{xx} sept, desquelles la teneur s’ensuyt. - -A tous ceulx, etc., lequel comparant oudit nom et en vertu du pooyr a -luy donné par lesdictes lettres recognut avoir vendu bien et léallement -à messire Ogier Ghiselin, chevalier, conseillier de l’Empereur, et -grand maistre d’hostel de la Royne Elisabet, douagière de Franche -quy le cognut avoir acheté, toute la terre et seigneurie de Rume dit -de Bousebecque, comprendant la seigneurie temporelle et paroissialle -dudit Bousebecque, contenant quinze bonniers demy d’héritaige ou -environ séans en la paroisse dudit Bousebecque, chastellenie de Lille, -si comme six bonniers ix^e ou environ tant pret que labeur, par une -partye et par aultre huict bonniers xv^e de bois en ce comprins et que -sont réunis audit fief ung bonnier de pret que feu Collart Lejosne -tenoit en fief de ladicte seignourie; item, huict cens quy estoyent -tenus de l’allengrie de Le Becque, avecq deux aultres bonniers x^e -et ii^e estants présentement à uzance de bois quy estoient tenus en -commun contre le seigneur de Péruwez; item, sept quartrons de pret de -l’allengrie de la Westlaye et iiii^e de terre en la mesme allengrie, -auquel fief et seignourie appartient des rentes seignouriales chacun -an en l’allengrie de la Plache, en argent iiii l. iii s. et au Noël -six chapons et le quart d’un; item en l’allengrie du commun, contre le -seigneur de Péruwez, cent sept razières ung havot et ung quart de Karel -d’avaine molle quy se prendent sur quarante cincq bonniers xvii verges -ou environ chergiez du x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport, moictié -au prouffit dudict Seigneur de Bousebecque allencontre dudit Seigneur -de Péruwez; item, en l’allengrie du commun de le Becque, quarante -razières ung quareau et demye d’avaine brune, trois havots, trois -kareaux de soille, trois chapons et le vi^e d’ung, et en argent i s. ix -d., lesquelles rentes se lieuvent sur xi bonniers ix^exi verges; item, -en l’allengrie de Péruwez xii razières ii havots trois karelz et demy -et xii^e d’ung havot et le vii^e d’un francquart, tierch d’un quareau -de bled fourment, trente neuf razières vi^e et vii^e d’un havot, les -deux tiers et le quart d’un quarel d’avaine blanche, six chapons et en -argent sept solz iii deniers, quy se prendent sur xix bonniers xiiii^e -demy d’héritaige ou environ. Item, en l’allengrie de la Westlaye cinq -razierès trois havots ung quart et le quart d’un karel de bled, vingt -razières deux havots trois quareaux d’avaine brune, ii kareaux et -environ viii^e d’un quarel de soille; item, deux chapons, xviii^e et -lxxii^e d’un chapon et en argent cinq gros iii deniers i party quy -se ceullent sur quattre bonniers xiiii^e cinq verges d’héritaige ou -environ, le tout déduction faicte desdictes partyes réunites et rentes -qu’elles doibvent, lequel fief et seignourie est tenu du Roy nostre -sire de sa salle de Lille en justice viscontière à dix livres de relief -à la mort de l’héritier et le x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport -et sy appartient a icelle ung bailly, lieutenant et sept eschevins -avecq plaids généraulx trois fois l’an, plusieurs arrentemens de -maisons et héritaiges gisans allentour de la place dudit Bousebecque -portant environ cent florins par an pardessus les rentes cy dessus -déclarées, les fondz desquelles l’on croyt estre prins du gros dudit -fief et seignourie cy-dessus déclaré avecq la place et chimentière. Sy -appendent cincq fiefz et hommaiges en tenus, lesquelz sont chergiez de -certains reliefz à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e denier à la vente, -don ou transport, et les aultres héritaiges tenu de ladicte seignourie -chergiez de double rente de relief à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e -denier à la vente, don ou transport, lesquelles rentes dessus déclarées -se payent à la priserie du Roy nostre sire de son Espier de Lille quy -se faict au terme de sainct Remy, la razière de soille estimée aux deux -tiers de celle de bled, fourment, l’avaine molle aux deux tiers de -la blanche, et la brune au pris moyen d’entre la blanche et la molle. -Ladicte vente faicte moïennant six florins de denier à Dieu, et pour -le gros et principal dudit marchié la somme de six mil florins carolus -de vingt patars pièche, francq argent, à payer cejourd’huy comptant -que ledit vendeur a confessé avoir receu en deschargant la loy pour -dudit fief, terre et seignourie de Bousebecque, ses appartenances -et appendences telles que dessus sans aultrement riens livrer par -mesure ainsy que de tout temps l’on en a joy et possessé, joyr et -possesser par ledit messire Ogier Ghiselin depuis cedit jourd’huy en -tous droix, prouffictz et émolumens le cours de sa vie durant et après -son trespas retourner et appartenir audit seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs -ou ayans cause et leur demourer héritablement et à tousjours à la -charge d’entretenir par ledit seigneur second comparant tels baulz, -lesquelz les occuppeurs feront apparoir. Et pareillement debvra ledit -Seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause entretenir les baulz que -lors se trouveront faictz par ledit s^r Ghiselin, comme à viagier et -usufructuaire appartient de faire selon la coustume de la salle de -Lille, promectant ledit s^r de Willergy en ladicte qualité ladicte -vente, entretenir, conduire et garandir envers et contre tous soubz -l’obligation des biens du dit Seigneur de Wize et de sesdis hoirs vers -tous seigneurs et justices. - -Ce fut aussy fait et passé à loy les xviii^e et pénultiesme de decembre -xv^e iiii^{xx} sept, pardevant Mons^r le bailly de Lille, ès présences -de maistres Jehan Denys, Philippes Carle, Noël Waignon, Pierre Hovine, -Josse et Simon Vrediére. - - Archives départementales du Nord, - Chambre des comptes de Lille. - - -D. - -_Copy of the Sauve-garde._ - -Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit lieu, et jadis -ambassadeur en Constantinople de très-hauts, très-puissants et -très-excellents princes Ferdinand et Maximilien, empereurs des Romains -de louable mémoire; aussi conseiller de l’empereur Rodolphe, second de -son nom présentement régnant, conseiller et grand maître d’hostel de la -royne Isabelle (Elisabeth), douairière de France, et surintendant les -affaires de ladite royne chez le roi très chrestien. - - -Alexandre, duc de Parme, chevalier de l’ordre, lieutenant, gouverneur -et capitaine général, - -A tous lieutenants, gouverneurs, chiefs, colonnels, capitaines, -conducteurs, fourriers et aultres officiers des gens de guerre du Roy -monseigneur, tant du cheval que du pied, de quelque nation qu’ils -soient, salut: - -Sçavoir vous faisons que, en contemplation des bons et aggréables -services que Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit -lieu, conseiller de l’empereur et grand maistre d’hostel de la royne -Isabelle (Elisabeth) douairière de France a faict à feus de louable -mémoire les empereurs Ferdinand et Maximilien (que Dieu fasse paix) -tant en qualité d’ambassadeur en Turquie que de gouverneur des -archiducs d’Austrice, au temps dudit feu empereur Maximilien, et depuis -aussi à l’empereur moderne en diverses charges et qualités, ainsi qu’il -faict encore à présent aujourd’hui dame Royne. - -Nous avons au nom de Sa Majesté pris et mis, nous par ces présentes -prenons et mettons en notre protection et sauvegarde spéciale les -maisons, terres et seigneurie dudit Bousbeque, vous mandant partant, -et commandant au nom et de la part que dessus, à chacun des bons -endroits, soy et comme eux appartiendra, bien expressément de ne loger -ni permettre que soient logés au village de Bousbeque aucuns gens de -guerre sans expresse ordonnance notre ou du mareschal et chef de camp -de Sa Majesté. - -Et au surplus affranchissons et dégrevons les manants et habitants -dudit village avecq leurs familles, leurs meubles, fourrages, -advestures et bestial, de toutes foulles, torts, invasions, mengeries -et exactions, les laissant de ceste notre présente sauvegarde -pleinement et paisiblement jouir et user, sans y aller au contraire ny -autrement les molester ni endommager en corps ny en biens en quelque -manière que ce fut, sous peine d’encourir l’indignation de Sa Majesté -et la notre et être punis comme infracteurs de sauvegarde. - -Et afin que personne n’en puisse prétendre cause d’ignorance, nous -avons consenti et consentons audit seigneur de Bousbeque que puisse et -pourra faire mettre et afficher aux advenues dudit village nos bastons, -blasons et pannonceaulx armoyés de nos armes. - -Donné au camp devant Berghes sur la Zoom, sous notre nom et cachet -secret de Sa Majeste, le 15^e jour d’octobre, 1588. - -Soubs etait le cachet du Roy, etc. - -Colleaction faicte à l’originale, etc. - - Archives de Bousbecque E. E. I. - - -E. - -_Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot Desrumaulx._ - -Charles par la grâce de Dieu etc. Savoir faisons à tous présens et -advenir, Nous avons receu l’umble supplication de Daniel de Croix -Escuyer filz de Geraerd Seigneur de Wambrechies, jeusne homme à marier, -contenant que ledit suppliant s’est, à certain jour passé, trouvé avecq -George Giselin Seigneur de Bouzebecque Jacques de Sauch et autres en la -ville de Comines vers le Seigneur de Halewyn. Lesquelz ilz ont servi -en leur jonesse. Or est que à certain jour de feste du soir que lors -on s’estoit esbatu au chasteau du dit lieu, entre huyt et neuf heures -du soir, le dit Seigneur de Hallewyn avec le Seigneur de Croisille se -retirèrent au dit chastel pour eulx coucher. Et quant au dit suppliant, -George Giselin et Jacques de le Sauch, ilz se retirèrent vers le -marchié avec Jehan Homme, Bailli du dit lieu, et les sievoit feu alors -vivant Charlot Desrumaulx, joueur du luut, qui démonstroit avoir assez -fort beu, et en allant leur chemin, l’un d’entre eulx mist en bouche -aux autres d’aller bancquetter à la maison d’ung nommé maistre Franche -Barbier demourant auprès dudit marchié, à quoy ilz saccordèrent et -allèrent tous ensemble celle part, où ilz furent syevis par le dit -Charlot sans y estre appellé. Que lors les dits suppliant et de le -Sauch, qui alloient devant vers la dite maison, le dit Suppliant ayant -son esprivier sur son poing, prièrent au dit Charlot, obstant qu’il -estoit noyseulx après boire, qu’il se retirast et allast couchier, -et qu’ilz ne le voloient point avoir, ce qu’il ne voloit faire, mais -entra en la dicte maison, parquoy le dit Suppliant le print par le col -et le poussa hors de la dite maison à l’ayde du dit Jacques, dont il -se courroucha et se mist en tous debvoirs de tyrer son baston pour -les villonner, mais il fut empesché par le dit Jacques, et soubit -survint le dit bailli qui le print au corps, mais finablement soubz -promesse qu’il fist de soy partir et aller couchier, le dit bailli -à la requeste des assistans le laissa aller, et lui estant hors des -mains du dit bailli se tyra d’un lez oudit marchié contre une maison -ou sur ung bancq, il mist son luut et desvesty sa robbe tira sa dagge -et proféra plusieurs haultaines langaiges sentans menaces disant, -ou parolles en substance, qu’il estoit homme pour respondre au plus -hardy de eulx tous. Et craindant par le dit Daniel, suppliant le -débat appant contre lui bailla son oiseau à son homme, et ainsi qu’il -estoit sur le marchié, il veyt ledit deffunct qui continuoit du dit -langaiges haultains au deshonneur de lui et des autres. Disant qu’il -estoit homme pour le plus hardy, ayant sa dage nue marcha vers lui -comme aussi fist le dit deffunct. Que lors le dit Suppliant ayant son -sang meslé, et mémoratif que lui qui estoit josne noble homme sievant -les armes, se il se retiroit pour ung menestrel de basse condition ce -lui seroit à toujours reproché en villonnie entre tous nobles hommes. -En ceste chaleur, non puissant de la refrener ayant aussi son baston -nud, frappèrent l’un après l’autre aucuns cops et fut attaint par le -dit deffunct sur l’espaule, et du cop que icellui suppliant rua, il -attaindit ledit deffunct en la mesmelle, dont brief après il termina -vie par mort. Pour lequel cas le dit suppliant a esté appellé à noz -droiz au siège de notre gouvernance de Lille, en lui donnant tiltre -tel qu’il s’enssuit. Daniel de Croix, escuyer, vous estez appellé aux -droiz du Roy Catholicque, nostre Seigneur, Archiduc d’Austrice, Duc -de Bourgogne, Conte de Flandres, pour et sur ce que en la ville de -Comines, avez allé en la maison de maistre France Barbier avec Jaquet -de le Sauch à l’intention de bancquetter, là ou vous auroit sievy, -sans y estre appellé, feu lors vivant, Charlot Desrumaulx, lequel -auroit par vous et le dit de le Sauch esté bouté dehors, pourquoy -il s’estoit courrouchié, et de faict auroit en partie desgainié son -espée, et ce voyant par Jehan Homme, bailli de la dite ville le auroit -prins au corps, et finablement eslargi soubz promesse par lui faicte -de aller couchier, et lui venu au bout du marchié, et laissant vous, -Daniel, le dit de le Sauch avec George Ghiselin, escuyer, Seigneur -de Bousebecq et autres, auroit desgaignié sa dite dagge et proféré -aucunes parolles deshonnestes, incitant le plus hardy à venir vers luy. -Lesquelles parolles vous Daniel seriez marchié vers le dit feu ayant -desgaigné vostre rapière, et à l’aborder entre vous et le feu y ont -aucuns cops ruez, et entre autres de votre rapière donnast au dit feu -ung cop d’estocq au dessus de la mammelle dextre, du quel cop brief -aprez le dit feu termina vie par mort sans confession. Qui est cas de -souveraineté et privéligié au Roy notre Seigneur, et querra la darraine -tierchaine le iii^e d’aoust xv^exix. Sie est ainsi signé. A Cuvillon. - -Obstant lequel cas le dit Suppliant, doubtant rigueur de justice, s’est -absenté de notre chastellenie de Lille, et n’y oseroit retourner, -hanter ne converser combien qu’il ayt fait pays et satisfaction à -partie, se de notre grâce ne lui est, sur ce, impertie. Dont actendu -ce que dit est, mesmement les services qu’il nous a faiz en estat -d’homme d’armes, soubz la charge et compaignie de notre amé et féal -cousin, le Seigneur de Fiennes, aussi que en autres choses, il est -bien famé et renommé, il nous a très humblement supplié et requis. -Pour ce est-il, que nous les choses dessus dites considérées audit -Suppliant inclinans à sa dite requeste, et lui voulans en ceste partie -préférer grâce à rigueur de justice, Avons au cas dessus quicté, remis -et pardonné, quictons, remectons et pardonnons de grâce espécial par -ces présentes, le cas de homicide dessus déclairé, ensemble toute -paine et amende corporelle et criminelle en quoy pour raison et à -l’occasion dudit cas et les circunstances et deppendances il peult -avoir mesprins, offencé et est encouru envers nous et justice. En -rappelant et mectant au néant tous appeaulx, deffaulx, contumaces -et procédures pour ce contre lui faiz et ensuyz, et l’avons quant à -ce remis et restitué, remectons et restituons à ses bonne fame et -renommée à nostre dite chastellenie de Lille, et tous noz autres pays -et seigneuries, ensemble à ses biens non confisquiez, saucuns en a, -tout ainsi qu’il estoit avant l’advenue du cas dessus dit. En imposant -sur ce scillence perpétuelle à nostre procureur général et tous noz -autres officiers quelzconcques, satisfaction toutesvoyes faicte à -partie interressée se faicte n’est et elle y chiet civilement, tant -seullement et moyennant qu’il l’amendra aussi civillement envers nous -selon l’exigence du cas et la faculté de ses biens. Et avec ce, aussi -qu’il sera tenu payer et respondre les mises et despens de justice, -Pour ce faiz et ensuyz à l’arbitraige et tauxation de nostre Gouverneur -de Lille ou son lieutenant que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement -à notre dit Gouverneur de Lille ou son dit lieutenant que appellez -ceulx qui pour ce seront à appeller, il procède bien et deuement à -la vérification de ces dites présentes et à l’arbitraige et taxation -desdites amende civille et mises de justice, ainsi qu’il appartiendra. -Et ce fait et les dites amende civille et mises de justice tauxées -et payées ainsi qu’il appartiendra, de laquelle amende cellui de noz -recepveurs ou autre notre officier cuy ce regarde sera tenu faire -recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à notre prouffit avecq les autres -deniers de sa recepte. Il et tous aultres noz officiers quelzconques -présens et advenir facent seuffrent et laissent le dit suppliant de -noz preséntes grâce, remission et pardon, selon et par la manière -que dit est, plainement paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user -sans lui mectre, faire ou donner ne souffrir estre faict mis ou donné -aucun arrest, destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en corps ne en -biens en manière quelconque. Ains se son corps ou aucuns de ses biens -non confisquiez sont ou estoient pour ce prins saisiz, arrestez ou -empeschiez, les mectent ou facent mectre incontinent et sans delay à -playne et entière délivrance. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce -soit chose ferme et estable a tousjours nous avons fait mectre nostre -scel à ces présentes, saulf en autres choses, notre droit et l’autruy -en toutes. - -Donné en nostre ville de Malines, ou mois de novembre l’an de grâce mil -chincq cens et dix neuf, et de nostre règne le iiii^e. - -Ainsi signé par le Roy en son conseil. - - DESBARRES. - - Chambre des comptes de Lille. Registre des chartes de - l’audience B. 1730, fo. 104. - - -F. - -_Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du Mortier._ - -Phelippe, Roy de Castille, d’Arragon, &c., Comte de Flandre, &c., -sçavoir faisons à tous présens et à venir. Nous avons receu l’humble -supplication et requeste de Jehan Dael, contenant, que le 23^e -Septembre dernier, ayant esté convocqué au bancquet de nopces de -l’enfant de Michel Dael, son frère, en la paroisse de Halluin, y -seroit aussy esté appellé Guillibert du Mortier, lequel voiant la -table couverte et la pluspart des convives y assisse, seroit ingéré -de vouloir faire ung présent à la compaignie avec quelque peu de vau -mis sur deux plats dans lesquels il avait enclos deux grenouilles, -vulgairement appellées ronnes, lesquelles à l’ouverture d’iceulx -plats, ont sauté sur la table et viandes, ce que auroit causé ung -tumulte, et qui le tout auroit esté culbuté, ce qui auroit despleu -fort audict remonstrant, tant à cause que les viandes estoient partie -gastées et contaminées, comme aussy à raison de ce que la perte en -resultant estoit assez de consideracion pour son dit frère qui est -honneste homme, et bien qui le dit Guillebert debvoit endurer la -reprinse de son faict, neanmoings au contre, il auroit injurié du mot -——[298] deux de la compagnie, et notamment le dit remontrant, ce quy -l’occasionna de luy dire: Quy at il tant à (dire comme cela). A quoy -il auroit respondu: Je te —— aussy, advienne. A quoi luy fut reparty -par ledit remontrant en ces termes, ou en substance, Je pauleroy bien -à toy, ce qu’entendu par le dit Guillebert auroit tiré son coustel et -s’approché le remontrant, quy l’obleige de tirer pareillement le sien, -et se mectre en deffence, du quel il en auroit donné un coup au dict -Guillebert vers le dos, dont environ xii jours aprez il seroit allé -de vie à trespas, au grand regret dudit remonstrant. C’est à quoy il a -prins son recours vers nous, suppliant humblement qu’il nous pleust luy -pardonner le dit cas et homicide luy en accordant et faisant depescher -nos lettres patentes de remission en forme. - -Pour ce est-il que nous, les choses susdites considérées, et sur -icelles eu l’advis de noz chers et féaux les lieutenant et autres -officiers de nostre gouvernance de Lille, voulans en ceste partie -préférer au dit Jehan Dael, suppliant, grâce et miséricorde, ut in -forma. - -Interrinement de la dite gouvernance de Lille, &c. - -Donné en nostre ville de Bruxelles, le 27^e de janvier l’an 1643, signé -Robiano, de nos regnes xxii^{eme}. - -Au bas estoit, pour le Roy en son conseil et ceste visue. - - Chambre des comptes de Lille, Registre des chartes de - l’audience. B. 1817, fo. 11. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Albert III., Duke of Bavaria, married in 1546 Anne, daughter of -Ferdinand, and had by her two sons, William, the hereditary Prince, his -successor, and Ferdinand. - -[2] For details of these negotiations, see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_ Part IV., ch. iii. - -[3] See Motley, _Dutch Republic_, Part IV., ch. ii. The siege was -eventually raised on October 3rd. - -[4] In the original the place is given as ‘Augustæ’ = Augsburg; -but from the first line of the letter it appears it was written at -Speyer. ‘Augustæ’ is probably a mistake caused by ‘Augusti’ following -immediately. - -[5] Nearly twelve years have elapsed since we parted company with -Busbecq on his return from Turkey. A sketch of his life during this -interval will be found in vol. i. pp. 59-64. We there expressed some -doubt as to whether there was any trustworthy authority for his visit -to Spain in attendance on the younger Archdukes; we have, however, -since obtained evidence of it in the Archduke Albert’s decree, creating -the Barony of Bousbecque. In it are recited Busbecq’s services, and -amongst them this visit is mentioned. The date of the decree is -September 30, 1600, and it states that the visit took place twenty-five -years before. This is obviously an error, as we can account for -his time from August 1574 to February 1576; in all probability the -true date of the visit lies between the years 1570, when Albert and -Wenceslaus went to Spain with their sister Anne on her marriage to -Philip II., and 1572, when we find Busbecq residing at Vienna. See vol. -i. p. 62. - -[6] That is, about thirty-five English miles. See note, vol. i. p. 80. - -[7] For an account of this interesting lady, who was at this time -barely twenty years of age, see note to Letter XXXVI. - -[8] After Henry III.’s flight from Poland, he stayed some time at -Vienna, where Maximilian, through Pibrac, made overtures to him, -offering the hand of his daughter, the widowed Queen. Henry was under -such great obligations to Maximilian, that he was disinclined to give a -downright refusal. _Thuanus_, iii. p. 8. The following quotation from -an account of Busbecq’s Queen will show what these obligations were. -‘Or, estant veufve, plusieurs personnes d’hommes et dames de la Court, -des plus clair voyans que je sçay, eurent opinion que le Roy, à son -retour de Pologne, l’espouseroit, encore qu’elle fust sa belle sœur; -car il le pouvoit par la dispense du Pape, qui peut beaucoup en telles -matieres, et sur tout à l’endroit des grands, à cause du bien public -qui en sort. Et y avoit beaucoup de raisons que ce mariage se fist, -lesquelles je laisse à deduire aux plus hauts discoureurs, sans que je -les allegue. Mais, entre autres, l’une estoit pour recognoistre par ce -mariage les obligations grandes que le Roy avoit reçeues de l’Empereur -à son retour et depart de Pologne; car il ne faut point douter que, -si l’Empereur eust voulu luy donner le moindre obstacle du monde, il -n’eust jamais peu partir ny passer ny se conduire seurement en France. -Les Polonnois le vouloient retenir s’il ne fust party sans leur dire -adieu; car les Allemans le guettoient de toutes parts pour l’attrapper -(comme fut ce brave roy Richard d’Angleterre, retournant de la Terre -Saincte, ainsi que nous lisons en nos chroniques), et l’eussent tout de -mesme arresté prisonnier et faict payer rançon, ou possible pis; car -ils luy en vouloient fort, à cause de la feste de la Sainct Barthelemy, -au moins les princes protestans.’—_Brantôme_, v. 298-299. - -[9] Henry of Navarre is generally spoken of in these letters as the -Duke of Vendôme, or at most, the titular King of Navarre. The greater -part of the kingdom had been seized by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1515, -and has ever since been held by the Kings of Spain. Henry’s power was -derived from his position as a great French noble, the first Prince of -the blood after the King’s brother, and from his vast possessions in -France, and not from the fragment of Navarre from which he derived his -title. Subjoined is a short sketch of his family:— - - - Charles de Bourbon, Duc de Vendôme, - descended from the sixth son of Louis IX. - │ (Saint Louis) - │ - ┌───────────────────────────────────────────┬──────────────────┐ - - Anthony, = Jeanne d’Albret, Louis de Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal - Duc de Vendôme │ Queen of Navarre Prince de Condé, de Bourbon, - │ killed at Jarnac, set up as King by - │ 1569 the League after - ┌─────────────────┐ │ Henry III.’s death - │ under the title of - Henry, Catherine = Henri, Duc de Bar, │ Charles X.of - Duc de Vendôme, eldest son │ - afterwards Henry of the Duke │ - IV. of Lorraine. │ - │ - ┌───────────────┬─────────────────────────┬────────────────┐ - - Henri, born 1552, François, Prince de Charles, Cardinal Several other - Prince de Condé. Conti, born 1558. de Bourbon, children. - born 1562. - -[10] Montmorency, the eldest son of the famous Constable Anne de -Montmorency, and himself Duc de Montmorency and Marshal of France. -He was born in 1530, and fought at St. Quentin, and at the taking of -Calais. He and Cossé were suspected of being implicated in the rising -of Shrove-Tuesday, 1574, concerted between Alençon and the Huguenots, -and were imprisoned in the Bastille. His wife was a natural daughter -of Henry II. by Diane de Poitiers, who had been legitimated. He died -without issue in 1579. His four brothers were, Damville, Monsieur de -Montbéron, killed at the battle of Dreux in 1562, Monsieur de Méru, and -Monsieur de Thoré. See note page 11, and also note page 16. - -Cossé took part in Guise’s famous defence of Metz in 1552, was -appointed _surintendant des finances_ in 1563, and Marshal in 1567. -He fought at St. Denis and Moncontour, but was defeated by Coligny at -Arny-le-Duc in 1570. He died in 1582, aged 70. According to Brantôme -(ii. 434), he remarked on his imprisonment: ‘Je ne sçay pas ce que M. -de Montmorency peut avoir faict, mais quant à moy, je sçay bien que je -n’ay rien faict pour estre prisonnier avec luy, sinon pour luy tenir -compagnie quand on le fera mourir, et moy avec luy; que l’on me fera de -mesmes que l’on faict bien souvent à de pauvres diables, que l’on pend -pour tenir compagnie seulement à leurs compagnons, encor qu’ilz n’ayent -rien meffaict.’ - -[11] ‘Le peuple de la ville, n’agueres partisan de cette famille, les -reçeut avec injures et contribua 800 harquebusiers de garde tant que -leur prison dura.’—_Aubigné_, _Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. vi. - -[12] By _Nove_ Busbecq probably means the town which d’Aubigné -(_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) calls Nonnai, now Annonay, 24 -French miles from Lyons. D’Aubigné says the distance is nine leagues, -which roughly corresponds with Busbecq’s twelve miles. See note, vol. -i. page 80. Annonay was a town in the Vivarais, one of the districts -which were the strongholds of the Protestant cause, and was itself a -Protestant town. For an account of the sieges it underwent, and of the -civil war in the Vivarais, see Poncer, _Mémoires sur Annonay_. On this -occasion the town was summoned on October 22nd, and blockaded till -December 8th, so the news in the text was premature. Dr. Dale, the -English representative at the French Court, mentions the raising of the -siege of ‘Noue,’ in a letter dated December 23rd.—_Calendar of State -Papers, Foreign Series_, 1572-74, p. 583. - -[13] Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier, born in 1513, was descended -from a branch of the Bourbon-Vendôme family, and on his mother’s side -was nephew to the Constable de Bourbon. He served as a volunteer at -St. Quentin, where he was made prisoner. He was a bitter enemy to -the Huguenots. ‘Quand il prenait les heretiques par composition,’ -says Brantôme (iii. 364), ‘il ne la leur tenait nullement, disant -qu’à un heretique, on n’estoit nullement obligé de garder sa foy.’ He -distinguished himself at Jarnac and Moncontour. He took a prominent -part in the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. From 1574 to 1576 he -commanded in Poitou and Saintonge, and died in 1582. By his first wife, -Jacqueline de Longwy, who was a Protestant, he had a son and four -daughters, one of whom, Charlotte, married the Prince of Orange. See -Letter XIX. and note. His son—who, till he succeeded to the title of -Montpensier, on his father’s death, was known as the Prince Dauphin -d’Auvergne—is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters to Rodolph. -Fontenay is a town, nearly due west of Poitiers, and about fifty-five -English miles from it. - -[14] Guy du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac, was born at Toulouse, in -1529. He became member of the Parliament there, and was one of the -French ambassadors at the Council of Trent in 1562. In 1565, at -the recommendation of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, he was appointed -Avocat-Général to the Parliament of Paris. He accompanied Henry to -Poland as Chancellor, and was in great danger during the precipitate -flight of the King. After his return to Paris he sold his office of -Advocate. He was again despatched to Poland, to persuade the Diet to -allow Henry to retain the crown, but his mission proved unsuccessful. -He was afterwards Chancellor of the Queen of Navarre, with whom he -was supposed to be in love. He went with Alençon to Flanders, as his -Chancellor, and died in 1584. He was celebrated for his eloquence. - -[15] The Comte de Damville was second son of the Constable, and brother -to the Duc de Montmorency (see page 8). He was born in 1534, and was -made Governor of Languedoc in 1563, which he held for nearly fifty -years, almost as an independent sovereign. He was the leader of the -moderate Roman Catholic party, known as the Politiques, and after the -death of Henry III. adhered to the cause of Henry IV., who on December -8th, 1593, created him Constable. He succeeded to the Dukedom of -Montmorency on his brother’s death in 1579. He died in 1614. - -[16] The Castle of Lusignan was the original seat of the famous family -of Lusignan, which gave kings to Jerusalem and Cyprus. In the keep of -the château was a fountain, said to be haunted by the fairy Melusine, -the ancestress and tutelary genius of the family. According to the -legend, the founder of the family first met her by a forest spring. -Before she became his wife she exacted a promise from him that he would -not attempt to see her on the Saturday in every week, or to find out -where she had gone. For a time all went on well, but unfortunately the -husband was at last persuaded to peep into the room to which Melusine -had retired. To his horror he discovered that on every Saturday half -her body was transformed into a serpent. Finding the secret was no -longer hers, she thrice flew round the château, and then vanished. -She was believed to appear at times on the keep of the château, and -whenever she was seen it was said to presage a death, either in the -Lusignan family or in the Royal family of France. - -Lusignan is situated about fourteen English miles south-west of -Poitiers. De l’Estoile, i. 49, gives some details of the siege and -capitulation. “Le mardy, 25^e janvier, la ville et chasteau de Lusignan -furent rendus par les Huguenos à M. de Montpensier, chef de l’armée du -Roy en Poictou, soubs condition de vies et bagues sauves, et d’estre -conduits seurement à la Rochelle: de quoi furent baillés ostages pour -seureté de ladite capitulation, encores que la foy de M. de Montpensier -ne peust ni ne deust estre suspecte aux Huguenos, lesquels furent -assiégés trois mois et vingt et un jours, durant lesquels furent -tirés de sept à huict mil coups de canon.” If Brantôme does not belie -Montpensier (see note 2, page 9), the besieged had good reason for the -precautions they took. - -[17] Published September 10th at Lyons. - -[18] The Seigneur de Rambouillet was sent by the Queen Mother, and the -Seigneur d’Estrées by Alençon, to Henry on June 4th, to congratulate -him on his accession.—_De l’Estoile_, i. 5. ‘Rambouillet, that was -aforetime captain in one of the guards, and his three brothers, has -left the Court, because the King has given away an office, that one -of the Rambouillets looked for.’—_Calendar of State Papers, Foreign -Series_, 1572-74, p. 560. - -[19] These towns had been retained by the French when the rest of the -possessions of the Duke of Savoy were restored to him, partly after the -treaty of Cateau Cambrésis, in 1559, and partly by Charles IX. in 1562. -With the exception of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, they were the last -remains of the French conquests beyond the Alps. The Duchess of Savoy -was Margaret, daughter of Francis I., and therefore aunt to Henry III. -She was born in 1523, married in 1559, at the conclusion of peace, to -Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and died September 14th, 1574. The -indignant protest of the Duc de Nevers against the surrender of these -towns may be found in the compilation known as his _Mémoires_, vol. i. -page i. - -[20] Frederic III. was Elector Palatine from 1559 to 1576. He was the -first important German prince who embraced Calvinism, and was the head -of that sect in Germany. His Court was the asylum of the French and -Flemish exiles. When Henry III. passed through Germany on his way to -Poland, he visited Heidelberg at the Palatine’s invitation. He found -the gates of the town guarded, the streets lined with soldiers, match -in hand, and no one to receive him at the Castle except armed men. -Halfway up the stairs he was met by the Rhinegrave, attended by two -of the survivors of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The Rhinegrave -asked him on the Elector’s behalf to excuse his coming down, on -account of indisposition. Henry found him at the entrance of the room -supported by a gentleman, in the attitude of a man who finds it a -great effort to stand upright. ‘On n’y pouvoit entrer sans jetter la -veüe sur un grand Tableau de la mort de l’Admiral, et des principaux -Seigneurs tués à Paris. Voyant que le Roi portoit sa veüe de ce costé, -il poussa un grand souspir, et dit tout haut, “Ceux qui les ont fait -mourir sont bien malheureux, croyez qu’ils estoient gens de bien et -grands Capitaines.” Le Roy respondit doucement, “Qu’ils estoient -capables de bien faire s’ils eussent voulu.” Ce Prince sentoit un -grand contentement en son ame de pouvoir faire esclatter l’excez de sa -passion en la presence du Roy, il en fit voir les effets en diverses -façons, lui donna à souper, et le servit de poisson, mais il n’eut pour -Gentilhomme que ceux qu’on luy dit avoir eschappé le jour de Saint -Barthelemy, qu’il appelloit “La boucherie et le massacre de Paris.”’ -The next day the Count took more than thirty turns with the King up -and down the great hall of the Castle, with a firm step and in perfect -health, so as to show that his indisposition of the previous evening -had been entirely feigned.—Matthieu, _Histoire de France_, i. p. 363. -The Palatine’s second son, John Casimir, born in 1543, is a prominent -figure in the religious wars of the time. He was one of the military -adventurers who hoped in the general confusion to win themselves a -throne by their sword. He conducted several expeditions to the aid of -the French Protestants, and was one of the many princes suggested as -a husband for Queen Elizabeth. At her instigation he was given the -command of the German army which entered the Netherlands in 1578. For -an estimate of his character see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_. -Part V. ch. v. He died in 1592. - -[21] The two sons of the Constable were his two youngest sons, de Méru -and de Thoré. While the Marshal and Damville, their elder brothers, -remained Catholics, they became Protestants. The reason of their flight -to Germany was that they had been implicated in the rising of Shrove -Tuesday, 1574, and the conspiracy to seize Charles IX. at St. Germain. -‘Les cousins [du Prince de Condé] de Thoré et de Méru se rendent à -Geneve, où le Seingneur de Thoré se déclare et fait profession de -la Religion et là est arresté et retenu, et son frère de Méru mis -hors ladite ville, pour ne vouloir faire semblable profession.’—_De -l’Estoile_, i. 22. - -[22] François de Foix de Candale, Bishop of Aire, in Gascony, third son -of Gaston de Foix, Comte de Candale, Captal de Buch, &c. His father’s -sister Anne married Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, by whom -she had two children—Louis, King of Hungary, killed at Mohacz in 1526, -and Anne, who married the Emperor Ferdinand, and was the mother of -the Emperor Maximilian. The Bishop was one of the most learned men of -his time, especially in mathematics and natural philosophy. Besides -the works mentioned in the text, he translated Euclid into Latin. He -invented various mathematical instruments, and founded a chair of -mathematics in the College of Aquitaine at Bordeaux. He died in 1594, -aged eighty-four according to Thuanus, but eighty-one according to his -monument. D’Aubigné, in his _Mémoires_ under the year 1580, relates the -following anecdote of him and Henry IV. ‘Le roi de Navarre, passant un -jour à Cadillac, pria le grand François de Candale, de lui faire voir -son excellent cabinet, ce qu’il vouloit bien faire, à condition qu’il -n’y entreroit pas d’ignares. “Non, mon oncle,” dit mon maître, “je n’y -mènerai personne qui ne soit plus capable de le voir et d’en connoître -le prix que moi.” La compagnie s’amusa d’abord à faire lever le poids -d’un canon par une petite machine qu’un enfant de six ans tenoit entre -ses mains. Comme elle étoit fort attentive à cette operation, je me mis -à considérer un marbre noir de sept pieds en quarré, qui servoit de -table au bon Seigneur de Candale; et ayant apperçu un crayon, j’écrivis -dessus pendant qu’on raisonnait sur la petite machine, ce distique -latin:— - - Non isthæc, princeps, regem tractare doceto, - Sed docta regni pondera ferre manu. - -Cela fait, je recouvris le marbre et rejoignis la compagnie, qui étant -arrivée à ce marbre, M. de Candale dit à mon maître, “Voici ma table;” -et ayant ôté la couverture et vu ce distique, il s’écria, “Ah! il y a -ici un homme.” “Comment,” reprit le roi de Navarre, “croyez-vous que -les autres soient des bêtes? Je vous prie, mon oncle, de deviner à -la mine qui vous jugez capable d’avoir fait ce coup.” Ce qui fournit -matière à d’assez plaisans propos.’ - -[23] He was killed February, 1573, in an attack on the château of -Soumiere, in Languedoc.—Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, iii. 282. - -[24] The Egyptian deity Thoth, was identified with the Greek Hermes, -and was considered the real author of everything produced or discovered -by the human mind. Being thus the source of all human knowledge and -thought, he was termed τρὶς μέγιστος, or Thrice Greatest. A -variety of works are preserved, of which he is the reputed author. -The most probable opinion as to their real origin is that they were -forgeries of Neo-Platonists in the third or fourth century of our -era. The most important of them is the Ποιμάνδρης, the book -translated by the Bishop. It is written in the form of a dialogue, and -treats of nature, the creation of the world, the nature and attributes -of the deity, the human soul, &c. - -[25] In the Vivarais. It cut off Lyons from communicating with -Marseilles by water. See _Mezeray_, iii. 360. - -[26] It is impossible within the compass of a note to give more than -the briefest outline of the principal events in the life of this famous -Breton chief. He was born in 1531, and became a Protestant in 1558. -In 1561 he was one of the French nobles who escorted Marie Stuart to -Scotland. Brantôme was another of the suite. In 1570 he was wounded by -a musket-shot at the siege of Fontenay; gangrene set in, and it was -found necessary to amputate his left arm; Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of -Navarre, held the shattered limb during the operation. This arm was -replaced by one of iron, whence he obtained the famous sobriquet, by -which he is best known, _Bras de fer_. In 1573 Charles IX. sent him -to La Rochelle in the hope he would be able to effect some compromise -with the citizens, and he was for some time regarded with suspicion -by both sides; but he appears to have always acted an honest and -straightforward part in a very delicate position. When he found a -reconciliation was impossible, he placed his sword once more at the -service of the French Protestants. He fought for the Protestant cause -not only in France but also in the Netherlands, was Count Louis of -Nassau’s right-hand man at the surprise and subsequent siege of Mons -in 1572, and at one time, in 1579, occupied Bousbecque and the places -in the neighbourhood, Menin, Comines, Wervicq, &c. He was mortally -wounded at the siege of Lamballe, in Brittany, and died on August -4, 1591. Thuanus (v. p. 180) calls him ‘a truly great man, who for -bravery, prudence, and military knowledge deserved to be compared with -the greatest generals of the time, and for the purity of his life, his -moderation, and his justice to be preferred to most of them.’ For a -further account of him see Letters to Rodolph, IX. and LIV., note. - -[27] This report was correct. See _Mezeray_, iii. 360, where an -interesting account is given of the siege. - -[28] The second Edict, of October 23. The purport of it was, that no -person should be troubled on religious grounds. - -[29] The Comte de Fiesco was _chevalier d’honneur_ to the Queen. The -Fieschi were Counts of Lavagna, and one of the four principal families -of Genoa. The conspiracy of the Fieschi in 1547 is one of the most -famous incidents of Genoese history. The object of the conspirators was -to overthrow the power of Andrew Doria, and to detach Genoa from the -Imperialists, and bring the republic into close connection with France. -The conspiracy miscarried, owing to its leader, Count John Louis -Fiesco, falling from the planks by which he was boarding a galley, and -being drowned. Owing to the darkness of the night the accident was -not discovered till it was too late to assist him. His brothers were -executed except Scipio, the youngest, who escaped to France, and is the -person mentioned in the text. In 1568 he was Ambassador to the Court -of Maximilian. He was afterwards _chevalier d’honneur_ to Louise de -Vaudemont, the Queen of Henry III., and one of the original knights of -the Order of the Holy Ghost.—Lippomano, _Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, ii. -413. He married Alphonsina Strozzi, who is the Countess mentioned by -Busbecq. She was originally _dame d’honneur_ to Catherine de Medicis. - -[30] The Sorbonne was ‘a society or corporation of Doctors of Divinity -settled in the University of Paris, and famous all over Europe. It -was founded by the French King St. Lewis, and Ralph de Sorbonne, -his confessor, a Canon of the Church of Paris, who gave it its name -from the village of Sorbonne, near Lyons, which was the place of his -nativity.’—_World of Words._ - -Their determination, dated July 2, 1530, is given by Holinshed, -_Chronicles_, iii. 924. It is to the effect that ‘the foresaid marriage -with the brother’s wife, departing without children, be so forbidden -both by the law of God and of nature, that the Pope hath no power -to dispense with such mariages, whether they be contract or to be -contract.’ It was read to the House of Commons with the decisions of -the other Universities, March 30, 1531. - -[31] Leonhard or Lamoral von Thurn and Taxis succeeded his father -in 1554 as Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, and in 1595 was -appointed Postmaster-General of the Holy Roman Empire. He died in -1612, aged upwards of 90. He was brother of J. B. Taxis or Tassis, the -well-known Spanish Ambassador. See Letters to Rodolph, XLIII., and note. - -[32] Sebastian, grandson of Charles V., became King of Portugal in -1557, when he was only three years old. At the time Busbecq wrote he -was a gallant young man of twenty, dreaming of great exploits as a -Crusader. Four years later he attempted to put his ideas into practice, -and invaded Africa with a large force. His army was annihilated in -the battle of Alcazar (August 4th, 1578), and the brave young King -perished on the field. His romantic end produced a deep impression -on his subjects. ‘It may be mentioned,’ says the _Times_ (December -1825), ‘as a singular species of infatuation, that many Portuguese -residing in Brazil, as well as in Portugal, still believe in the coming -of Sebastian, the romantic king, who was killed about the year 1578, -in a pitched battle with the Emperor Muley Moluc. Some of these old -visionaries will go out wrapped in their large cloaks, on a windy -night, to watch the movements of the heavens, and frequently, if an -exhalation is seen flitting in the air, resembling a falling star, they -will cry out, “There he comes!”’ For a curious story of a hoax played -on one of these fanatics, see Hone’s _Everyday Book_, vol. ii. page 88. - -[33] In this and some other letters, passages referring to arrangements -connected with the dower have been curtailed or altogether omitted. It -is sufficient to state that Elizabeth’s dower had been fixed at 60,000 -francs per annum, and that Busbecq’s object was to see that it was -properly secured. - -[34] Pierre de Gondi, see note, page 39. - -[35] John Evelyn made the same expedition by water from Lyons to -Avignon, some seventy years later. A full account of his voyage is -given in his _Diary_ (p. 69, Chandos edition). Like Busbecq he stopped -at Valence. ‘We then came to Valence, a capital Citty carrying the -title of a Dutchey, but the Bishop is now sole lord temporal of it and -the country about it. The towne having an University famous for the -study of the civil law, is much frequented; but the Churches are none -of the fairest, having been greatly defaced in the time of the warrs.’ - -[36] Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was one of the most successful -diplomatists of his day; he had been ambassador at Constantinople -in 1537, on which occasion he received the pot of balsam, which he -afterwards lost in Ireland (see vol. i. p. 387). Henry III. owed his -Polish Crown to his exertions and diplomatic skill. He was father of -that bold and unscrupulous adventurer, Balagny. - -His career is thus sketched by a contemporary:— - -‘Il avoit esté de sa premiere profession jacobin, et la feue royne -de Navarre Margueritte, qui aymoit les gens sçavans et spirituels, -le cognoissant tel, le deffrocqua et le mena avec elle à la Court, -le fit cognoistre, le poussa, luy ayda, le fit employer en plusieurs -ambassades; car je pense qu’il n’y a guieres pays en l’Europe où il -n’ayt esté ambassadeur et en negotiation, ou grande ou petite, jusques -en Constantinople, qui fut son premier advancement, et à Venize, en -Polongne, Angleterre, Escosse et autres lieux. On le tenoit Lutherien -au commencement, et puis Calviniste, contre sa profession episcopalle; -mais il s’y comporta modestement par bonne mine et beau semblant; la -reyne de Navarre le deffrocqua pour l’amour de cela.’—_Brantôme_, iii. -52. - -[37] Monsieur de Vulcob, French Ambassador at the Court of Maximilian. -See Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, iii. 596, -note. - -[38] Jean de Morvilliers was born at Blois in 1506. He was ambassador -at Venice from 1546 to 1550, and was rewarded for his services by -receiving the Bishopric of Orleans in 1552. After he became bishop, -the Chapter of his cathedral, by a statute passed in November 1552, -ordered him to shave off his beard. He refused to comply, and the -quarrel raged fiercely for four years, till finally in 1556 it was -appeased by a letter from the King to the Chapter, in which he declared -that he required to send Morvilliers to various countries in which a -beard was necessary, and therefore ordered the Chapter to receive him -beard and all. He did not, however, take possession of his cathedral -till 1559. Francis II. appointed him a Privy Councillor, and in 1561 -he took part in the Conference of Poissy, and in the following year -attended the Council of Trent, as one of the French representatives. He -was afterwards ambassador to the Duke of Savoy, and in 1564 was one of -the negotiators of the Treaty of Troyes, between Charles IX. and Queen -Elizabeth. In the same year he gave up his Bishopric in favour of his -nephew. On the disgrace of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, in 1568, he became -Keeper of the Seals, but in 1571 had to resign them to Birague. In de -Thou’s opinion (iii. 209), he was honest and prudent, but cautious -to the verge of timidity, and therefore always pursued a policy of -expediency. He was the head of the party who were in favour of peace -but thought no religious reform was required, and who therefore, in -order to remain on good terms with the extreme Catholic party headed -by the Guises, did not hesitate to evade or violate the pledges given -to the Protestants. See _Thuanus_, iii. 35. De Thou’s estimate of -his character is borne out by a State-paper preserved by d’Aubigné -(_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. i. ch. ii.), written by Morvilliers at the -request of Charles IX. in 1572, in opposition to Coligny’s project of -war with Spain. - -[39] Elizabeth’s marriage portion had never been paid, and Busbecq -was afraid that this fact might be adduced as a reason for not paying -her dower now she was a widow; and also, in case of the failure of -Maximilian’s issue male, a claim might be set up on behalf of her -daughter, that Elizabeth’s renunciation of her rights of succession -was invalid for the same reason. That Busbecq’s fears were not -ill-founded is shown by the fact that Louis XIV. argued that his wife’s -renunciation of her rights to the Crown of Spain was invalid, as her -marriage portion had never been paid. - -[40] The Comte de Retz was the son of a Florentine banker at Lyons, -named Gondi, Seigneur du Péron. His wife entered the service of -Catherine de Medici, and took charge of her children in their infancy. -She endeared herself to the Queen, who being Regent during the minority -of Charles IX. advanced her children to the highest posts: the Comte -de Retz became first Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and a -Marshal of France; he acquired enormous wealth. His brother, Pierre de -Gondi, was made Bishop of Paris, and afterwards Cardinal; he had other -preferments worth 30,000 or 40,000 livres per annum, and property worth -200,000 crowns; while a third brother was Master of the Wardrobe to the -King. - -[41] The following is an extract from a diary kept by a French official -during this same year 1575:—‘Le mardi 6^e juillet, fust pendu à Paris, -et puis mis en quatre quartiers, un capitaine nommé la Vergerie, -condamné à mort par Birague, chancelier, et quelques maistres des -requestes nommés par la Roine-mère, qui lui firent son procès bien -court dedans l’Hostel de ladite Ville de Paris. Toute sa charge estoit -que, s’estant trouvé en quelque compagnie, où on parloit de la querelle -des escoliers et des Italiens, il avoit dit qu’il faloit se ranger -du costé des escoliers et saccager et couper la gorge à tous ces.... -Italiens, et à tous ceux qui les portoient et soustenoient, comme -estans cause de la ruine de la France: sans avoir autre chose fait ni -attenté contre iceux.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 69. - -[42] Maximilian put on record his protest against the Massacre of -Saint Bartholomew in a letter to Lazarus Schwendi:—‘Quod attinet -ad præclarum illud facinus quod Galli in Amiralio ejusque sociis -tyrannicè perpetrarunt, equidem id minimè probare possum, magnoque -cum dolore intellexi Generum meum sibi persuaderi passum tam fœdam -lanienam. Quanquam scio magis alios imperare quàm ipsum. Attamen hoc -ad excusationem facti non sufficit, neque hoc satis est palliando -sceleri.’—Maximilian to Laz. Schwendi. Leyden, 1603. 2nd edition. - -[43] Jean St. Chaumont, being at Nismes with a picked body of soldiers, -determined to make an attempt on Aigues-Mortes. Guided by some -Protestants who had been driven out of the town, he contrived one night -to blow open the gates; his troops rushed in and took possession of -the place. The garrison fled to the tower of Constance, which two days -later was compelled to surrender. See _Thuanus_, iii. 83. - -[44] Stephen Bathory, Voivode of Transylvania. He and Maximilian -were eventually both elected in 1576, and civil war was imminent in -consequence; but the death of Maximilian a few months later left -Bathory in undisputed possession of the Crown. - -[45] See page 13, and note, page 14. - -[46] In order to show her contempt for the besieging army, one of the -women of Livron brought her distaff to the breach, and sat herself down -to spin. See _Thuanus_, iii. 83. - -[47] Charles, son of Claude Duke of Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon, -born 1524. Archbishop of Rheims 1538. Cardinal 1547. There is little -doubt as to the cause of his death being that which is given by -Busbecq, though some declared that he was murdered by means of a -poisoned torch, and others that he was presented with a poisoned purse. -For some time before he had been complaining of severe pain in the -head. See _Thuanus_, iii. 47, 48. - -‘Le dimanche 26^e décembre à cinq heures du matin, Charles, cardinal -de Lorraine, aagé de cinquante ans, mourust en Avignon d’une fiebvre, -symptomée d’un extrême mal de teste provenu du serein d’Avignon, qui -est fort dangereux, qui lui avoit offensé le cerveau à la procession -des Battus, où il s’estoit trouvé, en grande dévotion, avec le crucefix -à la main, les pieds à moictié nuds et la teste peu couverte, qui -est le poison qu’on a depuis voulu faire accroire qu’on lui avoit -donné.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 40. The character the zealous Protestant -d’Aubigné gives of the Cardinal (_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. xi.) -is as follows: ‘esprit sans borne, tres chiche et craintif de sa vie, -prodigue de celle d’autrui, pour le seul but qu’il a eu en vivant, -assavoir d’eslever sa race à une desmesurée grandeur.’ - -[48] Catherine de Medici was supposed to be endowed with second-sight. -Her daughter gives several instances in her memoirs. - -‘Mesme la nuict devant la miserable course en lice, elle songea comme -elle voyoit le feu Roy mon pere blessé à l’œil, comme il fust.... -Elle n’a aussy jamais perdu aucun de ses enfans qu’elle n’aye veu une -fort grande flamme, à laquelle soudain elle s’escrioit: “Dieu garde -mes enfans!” et incontinent apres, elle entendoit la triste nouvelle -qui, par ce feu, lui avoit esté augurée.... Elle s’escrie, continuant -ses resveries, comme si elle eust veu donner la bataille de Jarnac: -“Voyez-vous comme ils fuient! Mon fils a la victoire. Hé, mon Dieu! -relevez mon fils! il est par terre! Voyez, voyez, dans cette haye, le -Prince de Condé mort!”’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 42-43. The story -of the Cardinal’s ghost is given more fully in De l’Estoile’s diary: -‘Puis aiant demandé à boire, comme on lui eust baillé son verre, elle -commença tellement à trembler, qu’il lui cuida tumber des mains, et -s’escria: “Jésus! voila M. le cardinal de Lorraine que je voy!”’—_De -l’Estoile_, i. 41. - -[49] Pomponne de Bellièvre, jurist and diplomatist. Born at Lyons -in 1529, he was twice Charles IX.’s ambassador to Switzerland, and -accompanied Henry III. to Poland. In 1586 he was sent to England to -ask for the release of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1599 Henry made him -Chancellor, a post which he held till 1604. He died in 1607. - -[50] The following extract from a letter, dated November 3, 1574, and -written by the King to his representative at Constantinople, proves the -truth of this statement:—‘Toutesfois je veux vous advertir et luy aussy -(the bishop of Acqs, the late Ambassador), s’il est encores par delà, -que tout fraîchement j’ay receu et de bon lieu que l’empereur se plaint -fort de luy et des offices qu’il a faicts par delà contre ses affaires. -Je sçay bien qu’il n’a eu considération qu’à mon service; toutesfois je -seray bien aise que durant votre légation vous vous comportiez envers -ses ministres le plus amiablement que vous pourrez et leur presterez -toute faveur en ce que touchera le particulier d’iceluy S^r empereur où -vous verrez que mon service ne sera point engagé, afin qu’il cognoisse -que je me ressens du bon recueil et faveur qu’il me fist dernièrement -passant par ses terres, et ay en recommandation la légation qui est en -nostre royaume.’—Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, -iii. 578. - -[51] Maximilian gave this advice to Henry III. when he stopped at -Vienna on his way back to France. ‘Cæsarem prudentissimum juxta et -optimum principem hoc Regi consilium dedisse memorant, ut pacem primis -regni auspiciis et in Galliæ ingressu suis daret.’—_Thuanus_, iii. 8. - -[52] Her name was Catherine. She eventually married in 1599 Henry, Duke -of Bar, son of Charles, Duke of Lorraine, and died in 1604. - -[53] This was no kindness to Louise de Vaudemont. Brantôme praises -her for her loyalty to her husband: ‘Aussi que dès le beau premier -commencement de leur mariage, voire dix jours après, il ne luy donna -pas grande occasion de contentement, car il luy osta ses filles de -chambre et damoiselles qui avoient tousjours esté avec elle et nourries -d’elle estant fille, qu’elle regretta fort.’—_Brantôme_, v. 334. - -[54] Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine. See page 45, and note. - -[55] Queen Leonora, sister of Charles V. and widow of Francis I., one -of the Princesses to whom Busbecq’s grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin II., -had been _premier écuyer trenchant_. See vol. i. page 26, note 1. - -[56] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part IV. chap. iii. - -[57] Louis d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Archbishop of Auch, was son -of Hercules II., Duke of Ferrara, and Renée, daughter of Louis XII. of -France. He was born in 1538, made Cardinal in 1561, and died at Rome in -1586. He deserved, says de Thou, to be called the treasure of the poor, -the glory of the Sacred College, and the ornament of the Court of Rome. - -[58] Miss Freer, in her history of Henry III., has charged Busbecq’s -Queen with heartlessness. ‘Under these circumstances Elizabeth gladly -accepted her father’s invitation to return to Vienna. With all -her virtue and simplicity Elizabeth appears not to have possessed -much tenderness of character; else, herself feeling so keenly the -disadvantages of a residence at Paris, she could not have abandoned her -infant daughter to the care of Catherine de Medici; nor even, as far -as it can be discovered, made any attempt to convey her to be educated -far from the levity of the Court.’—Vol. ii. p. 39. Miss Freer evidently -did not know of Busbecq’s letters to Maximilian; she frequently quotes -the letters to Rodolph, but does not appear to be aware that they were -written by the man whom she describes as ‘Auger de Ghislin, Seigneur de -Boësbecq, a German noble resident in France.’ - -[59] ‘Le 22^e mars les députés de M. le prince de Condé, mareschal -Damville et autres associés, tant de l’une que de l’autre religion, -selon la permission qu’ils avoient eue du Roy d’envoier vers lui tels -personnages qu’ils aviseroient pour l’avancement et conclusion d’une -paix générale et asseurée à tout son roiaume, aians, par un commun -advis, articulé leurs conditions et icelles dressées en forme de -requeste, partirent de Basle le dit 22^e mars pour venir trouver Sa -Majesté à Paris, où ils arrivèrent le mardi 5^e avril.’—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 54. For a full account of these negotiations see _Mémoires de -Nevers_, i. 308. - -[60] The Queen had so much difficulty in procuring funds that she was -obliged to postpone her visit to August. Her child, Princess Marie -Elizabeth (god-daughter of Queen Elizabeth of England), was at this -time three years old. Amboise, near Blois, was considered particularly -healthy, and on that account appointed as the nursery for the royal -children. Evelyn speaks of it as a very agreeable village, built of -stone and roofed with blue slate; he gives a full description of the -castle which was the residence of the young Princess. _Diary_, p. 63. - -[61] Don Rodolph Khuen von Belasii, Baron of Neu-Lembach, descended -from an ancient Tyrolese family. He was also Privy Councillor to the -Emperor. - -[62] See note, p. 63. - -[63] Roger de Saint-Lary de Bellegarde attached himself to the Comte -de Retz, was introduced by him to Catherine de Medici, and rose as -rapidly as his patron. Henry III. on his return from Poland created -him a Marshal, and gave him the command of his forces in Dauphiny. His -position was, however, undermined by du Guast, and he was despatched to -Poland. Regarding this mission as merely a pretext for his banishment, -he went no further than Piedmont, entered the Duke of Savoy’s service, -and with his assistance took possession of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, -the last of the French conquests beyond the Alps, driving out Birague, -the Governor. Afterwards the Duke of Savoy, accompanied by the Marshal, -had an interview, near Lyons, with the Queen Mother. The sequel may be -told in Brantôme’s words. ‘Elle luy fit tout plein de remonstrances. -Luy, ores planant, ores connivant, et ores conillant et amusant la -Royne de belles paroles, se trouva atteint de maladie par belle poison, -de laquelle il mourut.’—_Brantôme_, iv. 103. - -[64] About a mile from Montbéliard Pibrac was captured by Brysach and -a band of brigands, who assumed the character of Huguenot refugees. -The Ambassador was compelled to leave his carriage, and follow his -captors into the forest. Meanwhile a hue and cry was raised, and the -people turned out to hunt the banditti. Pibrac was now in great danger, -as the brigands threatened to kill him if one of their party should -be hurt. From noon to midnight he was compelled to accompany Brysach -and his band through the recesses of the forest. Fortunately he was -able to turn his talents as a diplomatist to good account, and at last -persuaded his companions to set him free. See _Thuanus_, iii. 98. -Compare the account of Busbecq’s capture, vol. i. p. 71. - -The country of Montbéliard, or Mümpelgard, lay between Franche Comté -and Alsace, and belonged to a branch of the House of Würtemberg. It -remained in their hands till near the end of the last century. In 1792 -the French took possession of it, but it did not become French _de -jure_ till 1801, when, with the other German _enclaves_ in Alsace, it -was ceded by the treaty of Luneville. - -[65] So in March 1538 Holbein was despatched to Brussels to take a -portrait of Christina, the widowed Duchess of Milan, and daughter of -Elizabeth of Denmark, sister of Charles V. (see vol. i. page 26, note -2), for whose hand Henry VIII. had been negotiating. She is reported to -have declined his offer, saying, ‘if she had had two heads one should -have been at the service of the King of England, but as she had only -one, she preferred to keep it on her own shoulders.’ Holbein’s portrait -now belongs to the Duke of Norfolk, and was exhibited at the Winter -Exhibition of the Royal Academy in 1880. The lady afterwards married -Francis Duke of Lorraine, and became the mother of Charles Duke of -Lorraine and Dorothea, the wife of Duke Eric of Brunswick. Hence came -the connection between the Houses of Austria and Lorraine, alluded to -on page 59, Maximilian II. being Christina’s first cousin. - -Similarly Holbein, in the following year, was again sent abroad to take -a portrait of Anne of Cleves.—_Froude,_ ch. xvii. - -[66] ‘Le dimanche 19^e juing arrivèrent à Paris M. le duc de Lorraine -et M. de Vaudemont, père de la Roine, pour achever le mariage du -Marquis de Nomenie, fils aisné dudit seingneur de Vaudemont aveq -la damoiselle de Martigues. En congratulation et resjouissance des -venues de ces princes, se firent à la Cour plusieurs jeux, tournois et -festins magnifiques, en l’un desquels la Roine-Mère mangea tant qu’elle -cuida crever, et fust malade au double de son desvoiement. On disoit -que c’estoit d’avoir trop mangé de culs d’artichaux et de crestes et -rongnons de coq, dont elle estoit fort friande.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 64. - -[67] The Ilsings or Ilsungs were an ancient Swabian family, several of -whom had been burgomasters of Augsburg. The person mentioned in the -text was probably George Ilsing von Lichtenberg, Privy Councillor to -Charles V., Ferdinand, Maximilian, and Rodolph, and Statthalter in the -Duchy of Würtemberg. - -[68] The Princess Charlotte de Bourbon was compelled to take the vows -before she had arrived at the legal age. She became Abbess of Joüarrs; -but ran away in 1572, and took refuge with the Elector Palatine. The -Prince of Orange saw her at Heidelburg and fell in love with her. St. -Aldegonde conducted her to Brill, where the Prince met her. They were -married June 12. - -[69] ‘Mareschal d’Amville vint à estre empoisonné de telle façon, que, -s’il ne fut esté secouru prestement et par bons remedes, il estoit -mort; et de faict les nouvelles en vindrent au Roy qu’il estoit mort -de ceste poison. J’estois lors en sa chambre quand ces nouvelles luy -furent apportées ... il ne s’en esmeut autrement, et ne monstra le -visage plus joyeux ny fasché, sinon qu’il envoya le courrier à la -Reyne; et ne laissasmes à causer avec luy. Ce gouvernement de Languedoc -fut aussi tost donné à M. de Nevers.... Vindrent apres nouvelles -que ledit sieur mareschal n’estoit point mort et tendoit peu à peu -à guerison, laquelle tarda beaucoup à luy venir. Plusieurs disoient -que s’il fust mort de ceste poison, que M. de Montmorancy fust esté -sententié ... mais on craignoit que ledict mareschal, voyant son frere -mort, qu’il eust joué à la desesperade, craignant qu’il ne luy en -arrivast autant s’il estoit pris, et avoit un tres grand moyen de faire -mal avec l’alliance des Huguenots, voire du roy d’Espagne, qu’il eust -pris.’—_Brantôme_, ii. 436-7. - -Montmorency’s relations had good reasons for their apprehensions. It -was intended to strangle him, and, to cover the murder, Miron, chief -physician to the King, was sent to see him, and told to give out -that he had apoplectic symptoms. Gilles de Souvré, chief chamberlain -to Henry, was selected as his executioner, and to his reluctance to -undertake the office the prisoner owed his life. See _Thuanus_, iii. -105. - -Montmorency was conscious of his danger. ‘Tell the Queen,’ said he, -‘that I am well aware of her intentions towards me; there is no need to -make so much fuss. She has only to send the Chancellor’s apothecary: I -will take whatever he gives me.’ See _De l’Estoile_, i. 63. - -[70] The date shows that this letter ought to follow Letter XXI., but -we have retained the order of the Latin Edition. - -[71] The following quotation from Marguerite de Valois’ autobiography -shows that Busbecq was right:—‘Nous nous en retournasmes à Paris -trouver le Roy, qui nous receust avec beaucoup de contentement d’avoir -la paix; mais toutesfois aggreant peu les advantageuses conditions -des huguenots, se deliberant bien, soudain qu’il auroit mon frere à -la cour, de trouver une invention pour rentrer en la guerre contre -lesdits huguenots, pour ne les laisser jouir de ce qu’à regret et -par force on leur avoit accordé seulement pour en retirer mon frere -(Alençon).’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 79. - -[72] ‘J’ay ouy dire à de grands capitaines que si le Piedmont au moins -nous fust demeuré ... il eust servy d’escolle tousjours et d’amusement -aux gens de guerre françois, et s’y fussent tous arrestez, et ainsy -ne se fussent adonnez ny affriandez aux guerres civiles; estant le -naturel du François de vacquer tousjours aux œuvres de Mars et d’hayr -l’oysiveté, le repos et la paix.’—_Brantôme_, v. 234. - -[73] John Listhius, a Hungarian noble, married the sister of Nicolas -Olahus, Archbishop of Gran and Primate of Hungary, by whom he had two -sons; after her death he took orders, and became Bishop of Wessprim -in 1568, and Bishop of Raab in 1572. He died in 1578. He was Privy -Councillor to Ferdinand and Maximilian. - -[74] Lazarus von Schwendi, Seigneur of Hohen-Landsperg in Upper -Alsace, was a very remarkable man. He was a friend of Count Egmont, -by whose side he fought at the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines. -At Maximilian’s request Philip II. allowed him to take command of his -forces in Hungary. He retook Tokay from the Turks in 1565. (Katona, -_Historia Regum Hungariæ_, xxiv. 45; see also _Sketch of Hungarian -History_.) He was also distinguished as a scholar; he wrote a book, _De -Bello contra Turcas gerendo_, and two other treatises. But what marks -his position more than anything else is the fact that two of the most -important manifestos of that age were addressed to him. (1) Orange’s -protest against the administration of Granville. See Motley, _Rise of -the Dutch Republic_, Part II. chap. iv.:—‘This letter, together with -one in a similar strain from Egmont, was transmitted by the valiant -and highly intellectual soldier to whom they were addressed, to the -King of Spain with an entreaty that he would take warning from the -bitter truths which they contained.’ (2) Maximilian’s protest against -the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew (see note 1, page 42). Schwendi -eventually retired to his estates in Alsace, and died at Kirchofen in -1583, aged sixty-two. - -[75] De Blot obtained the appointment (see Foppens, _Bibliotheca -Belgica_, i. 491). - -[76] The Emperor Frederic III., the great-grandfather of Charles V. and -Ferdinand, married Eleonora, daughter of Edward, King of Portugal, in -1452. - -[77] See page 68. - -[78] Montbrun cut to pieces the Swiss troops of de Gordes, who -commanded for the King in Dauphiny. After a less decisive engagement -the day before, he overtook them on June 13 at the passage of the Drome -near Die. Eight hundred Swiss were killed together with their Colonel, -and eighteen standards were taken, while the victors only lost six men. -See _Thuanus_, iii. 93. - -[79] These Palatines were great Polish magnates. - -[80] Charles du Puy Montbrun, a member of one of the oldest families in -Dauphiny, was born about 1530. One of his sisters became a Protestant, -and took refuge in Geneva. He pursued her thither, declaring that he -would either bring her back a Catholic or kill her; but instead of -reclaiming her, he fell under the influence of Beza and became himself -a convert. In 1560 he raised a small partisan force, with which he -carried on a guerilla war in Dauphiny and the Vivarais. His young wife -accompanied him on these expeditions, as the camp was her safest abode. -He took an active part in the civil wars, and fought bravely at Jarnac -and Moncontour. - -The affair mentioned in the text was a mere skirmish. Montbrun was -engaged in hot pursuit of the King’s troops, whom he had defeated a -few days before (see page 78), when a daring attempt was made by a -party of the royal cavalry to seize the bridge of Gervane, and cut -off his retreat. Though he had only a small force in hand, he charged -the enemy, but finding himself outnumbered was compelled to retreat. -His horse fell in trying to leap a ditch, and he was taken prisoner. -Busbecq’s account shows that the affair was represented in Paris as -a decisive victory. Compare Thuanus, iii. 94, who also states that -Montbrun was the first to raise the Huguenot standard after Saint -Bartholomew. D’Aubigné (_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) says he -will give him no eulogy except the title La Noue conferred upon him—to -wit, the Valiant Montbrun. - -[81] The King, however, was at the entertainment. ‘A ces nopces se -trouvèrent le duc de Lorraine et MM. de Guise, avec la pluspart des -princes et seingneurs, qui lors estoient à la Cour, et y dansa le Roy -tout du long du jour, en grande allégresse.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 82. - -[82] Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers, third son of Frederick II., Duke -of Mantua, was born in 1539, and was brought up in France with Henry -II.’s children. He had a horse killed under him at St. Quentin, was -taken prisoner, and was ransomed for 60,000 crowns. In 1565 he married -Henriette de Clèves, the sister of the two last Ducs de Nevers, and of -Catherine de Clèves, wife of the Duke of Guise, and was created Duc -de Nevers. In 1567 he became Governor of the French possessions in -Piedmont, and protested strongly against their cession by Henry III. -(_Mémoires_, i. 1). He was deeply implicated in the Massacre of Saint -Bartholomew. A partisan of the Guises at the beginning of the League, -he afterwards went over to Henry III. At the death of the latter, he at -first assumed an attitude of neutrality between the League and Henry -IV., but soon espoused the royal cause. He died in 1595. - -[83] See note 2, page 53. - -[84] See note, p. 36. - -[85] The Fregosi were one of the four great plebeian families of Genoa, -and gave many Doges to the Republic. Mario de Birague was sent as -ambassador to Genoa in the summer of 1574, and John Galeazzo Fregoso -commanded the two galleys of the said ambassador. Both were received -with great joy at Genoa, though Fregoso was a banished citizen. -Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, iii. 609. For a -full account of the disturbances at Genoa see _Thuanus_, iii. 113-128. - -[86] Beauvoir, or Beauvois, de la Nocle was one of the Huguenot chiefs -(among whom were Montgomery and the Vidame de Chartres), who were in -the Faubourg St. Germain during the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, and -succeeded in making their escape. He and d’Arènes were the principal -spokesmen of the Deputies at Paris. He was one of the French gentlemen -who accompanied the army of Casimir which invaded France in 1587 under -Dohna. In 1591 Henry IV. sent him as his ambassador to England. - -[87] Buren, in Gelderland, was taken by the Spanish General Hierges, at -the end of June 1575. For details of the siege see _Thuanus_, iii. 73; -_Strada_, i. 393. The date of the final rupture of the negotiations was -July 13, 1575.—Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part IV. ch. iii. - -[88] For a sketch of Mondragon’s life and character see Motley, _United -Netherlands_, iii. 342-3. The expedition which Busbecq mentions as -contemplated was carried out on September 27. See Motley, _Rise of the -Dutch Republic_, Part IV. ch. iii. - -[89] ‘At the same time in the assembly of the Confederate States, -the question of asking the protection of some powerful neighbouring -Sovereign was long and hotly debated, as some were inclined to the -Empire, and the Princes and States of the Empire, others to the King of -France, and others again to the Queen of England. The side, however, -prevailed which was in favour of an English alliance.’—_Thuanus_, iii. -79. For a full account see _Meteren_, 153-155. - -[90] See page 128, and note. - -[91] Duke Eric of Brunswick succeeded his father the Duke of -Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, in the principalities of Gottingen and -Calenberg. Brought up as a Lutheran, he afterwards became a Roman -Catholic. He fought on the Spanish side at St. Quentin, and was -subsequently employed in the Netherlands and Portugal. He does not seem -to have taken his rejection much to heart, as in the following December -he married Dorothea, daughter of Christina, Duchess of Lorraine (see -note, page 63), and sister of Charles, the reigning Duke. Busbecq’s -Queen honoured the marriage of her rejected suitor with her presence -(see page 129). He died at Pavia in 1584. In the opinion of Thuanus -(iii. 703), he was ‘terribilis suis, neque tamen re ulla memorabili -gesta admodum clarus.’ His widow afterwards married the Marquis de -Varembon, the lover of Mademoiselle de Tournon, whose pathetic story is -told by her royal mistress. See _Mémoires de Marguerite_, 110-114. - -[92] Bourg-la-Reine, near Sceaux.—_De l’Estoile_, i. 85. - -[93] Marie Elizabeth (or Isabel) was born October 27, 1572, a few weeks -after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew; Queen Elizabeth of England -was her godmother. An interesting account of her is given by Brantôme, -whose aunt, Madame de Crissé, was her governess. According to him she -had a great idea of her own importance: ‘Une fois, elle estant malade, -le Roy son oncle (Henry III.) demeura trois jours sans l’aller voir; -au troisiesme il y alla. Lors qu’elle le sentit à la porte elle fit -semblant de dormir, et se tourna de l’autre costé; et, encore que le -Roy l’appellast par trois fois, elle fit de la sourde, jusques à ce que -madame de Crissé, ma tante et sa gouvernante, la fit tourner vers le -Roy, envers lequel elle fit de la froide, et ne luy dict pas deux mots: -et s’en estant departi d’avec elle, sa gouvernante se corrouçant contre -elle, luy demanda pourquoy elle avoit faict ce trait et cette mine. -Elle respondit: “Hé quoi! ma mere, comment me fust-il esté possible de -faire cas de luy, et luy faire bonne chere, que, despuis trois jours -que je suis malade, il ne m’a pas veue une fois, non pas seulement -envoyé visiter, moy qui suis sa niepce, et fille de son aisné, et qui -ne luy fais point de déshonneur.”’—_Brantôme_, v. 245. - -She died before she completed her sixth year. The following touching -notice was written at the time of her death:—‘Ce jour (April 2, 1578), -mourust en l’Hostel d’Anjou, à Paris, Madame Marie Ysabel de France, -fille unique et légitime du feu Roy Charles IX^e, aagée de cinq à six -ans, qui fust pleurée et regrettée à cause de son gentil esprit et de -sa bonté et douceur, qu’elle retenoit de madame Ysabel d’Austriche, -fille de l’Empereur Maximilian d’Austriche, sa mère’.—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 239. - -[94] According to Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, iii. 380, and Amyraut, -_Life of La Noue_, 166, his real name was Dianovitz, and he was a -Bohemian by birth (Bohesme, Boësme, Besme). He is, however, generally -called simply Besme. Brantôme, who knew him well, tells us he was a -page of the Cardinal de Guise, and married an illegitimate daughter -of the Cardinal de Lorraine, a former maid of honour to Elizabeth of -France, Queen of Philip II., who gave her a marriage portion. Two years -afterwards he was sent to Spain, by Guise, under the pretext of buying -horses, but in reality, it was said, to renew the secret alliance which -had existed between Philip and the late Cardinal de Lorraine. According -to Brantôme, he went ‘tant pour querir son mariage que pour braver -et se monstrer en piaffe devant le Roy et les Espagnols, et dire que -c’estoit luy qui avoit faict le coup de M. l’Admiral.’ On his return he -was taken prisoner between Barbezieux and Chasteauneuf, and brought to -the Castle of Bouteville. Being recognised, he offered a large sum for -his ransom, and to get Montbrun exchanged against himself. The Guises, -too, made great efforts to obtain his release. However, when news came -of Montbrun’s execution, the inhabitants of Rochelle, ‘qui le vouloient -acheter pour en faire faire justice exemplaire’ (_De l’Estoile_, i. -83), offered 1,000 crowns for him to Bertoville, the Governor of -Bouteville. The latter, for fear of reprisals against the Huguenot -prisoners, did not wish to put him to death openly, and, on the other -hand, had no intention of letting him go unpunished for the murder -of Coligny. He therefore had recourse to the following stratagem. He -caused one of his soldiers to enter into communication with Besme, -and to agree for a bribe to let him escape. The soldier then reported -Besme’s plans to the Governor, who posted an ambush where the fugitive -was to pass. He fell into their hands and was killed on the spot. For -an account of his murder of Coligny, see _Brantôme_, iii. 280. - -[95] The English Ambassador—or more properly Minister—at that time was -Dr. Valentine Dale. - -[96] Compare his sister Marguerite’s account. ‘Le soir venu, peu avant -le soupper du Roy, mon frere changeant de manteau, et le mettant -autour du nez, sort seulement suivy d’un des siens, qui n’estoit pas -recongneu, et s’en va à pied jusques à la porte de Saint-Honnoré, où -il trouve Simié (Jean de Seymer, master of Alençon’s Wardrobe) avec -le carrosse d’une dame, qu’il avoit emprunté pour cet effect, dans -lequel il se mit, et va jusques à quelques maisons à un quart de lieue -de Paris, où il trouva des chevaux qui l’attendoient, sur lesquels -montant, à quelques lieues de là il trouva deux ou trois cens chevaulx -de ses serviteurs qui l’attendoient au rendez-vous qu’il leur avoit -donné. L’on ne s’apperçoit point de son partement que sur les neuf -heures du soir. Le Roy et la Royne ma mere me demanderent pourquoy il -n’avoit point souppé avec eux, et s’il estoit malade. Je leur dis que -je ne l’avois point veu depuis l’apres-disnée. Ils envoyerent en sa -chambre voir ce qu’il faisoit; ou leur vinst dire qu’il n’y estoit pas. -Ils disent qu’on le cherche par toutes les chambres des dames, où il -avoit accoustumé d’aller. On cherche par le chasteau, on cherche par -la ville; on ne le trouve point. A cette heure l’allarme s’eschauffe; -le Roy se met en colere, se courrouce, menace, envoye querir tous les -princes et seigneurs de la cour, leur commande de monter à cheval, -et le luy ramener vif ou mort. . . . . Plusieurs de ces princes et -seigneurs refusent cette commission, remonstrans au Roy de quelle -importance elle estoit. . . . Quelques aultres accepterent, et se -preparerent pour monter à cheval. Ils ne peurent faire telle diligence -qu’ils peussent partir plustost que sur le poinct du jour, qui fut -cause qu’ils ne trouverent point mon frere, et furent contraincts -de revenir pour n’estre pas en esquipage de guerre.’—_Mémoires de -Marguerite_, p. 64. - -[97] See note, p. 117. - -[98] Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baron de Clervant, born at Metz, 1505. -He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France. - -[99] See note 3, p. 124. - -[100] Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in -her own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d’Aremberg who -died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of -escorting Elizabeth, when she came to France as a bride. She visited -Marguerite de Valois when she went to Spa in 1577. ‘Plusieurs seigneurs -et dames d’Allemaigne y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres -madame la comtesse d’Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu l’honneur de -conduire la royne Elizabeth à ses nopces à Mezieres, lors qu’elle vint -espouser le roy Charles mon frere, et ma sœur aisnée au roy d’Espaigne -son mary), femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de l’imperatrice, -de l’empereur, et de tous les princes chrestiens.’—_Mémoires de -Marguerite_, p. 109. - -[101] Du Guast was one of Henry III.’s favourites, and possessed -unbounded influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither -du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of Amiens -and Grenoble. The former ‘il vendit à une garse de la Cour la somme -de 30,000 francs: aiant vendu auparavant l’évesché de Grenoble 40,000 -francs au fils du feu seingneur d’Avanson.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 39. -The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan -from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and Châtelet at -Paris (_De l’Estoile_, i. 54). De l’Estoile, i. 92, gives an account -of his murder. ‘Il fust tué dans sa maison à Paris, rue Saint-Honoré, -et avec lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains -hommes armés et masqués, qui l’assassinèrent à coups d’espées et de -dagues, sans estre congneus ne retenus. Il dit, mourant, que c’estoit -le baron de Viteaux, qui estoit à Monsieur, qui l’avoit tué: toutefois -cela ne fust point avéré, encores que la présumption en fust grande, -et que ce coup avoit esté fait soubs bon adveu et par commandement; -d’autant que ce mignon superbe et audacieux, enflé de la faveur de son -maistre, avoit bravé Monsieur jusques à estre passé un jour devant -lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le saluer ni faire semblant de le -congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois qu’il ne recongnoissoit -que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit commandé de tuer son propre -frère, qu’il le feroit.’ De l’Estoile makes the reflection that, as -he had shed much innocent blood at the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, -so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he himself -was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as he used -to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months before the -murder, Brantôme, who was an intimate friend of both parties, had -made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to -the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for the murder of -Millaud. (See page 189 and notes.) He thus concludes his account of -the murder: ‘Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux après avoir fait son coup, -sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun -bruit, qu’on n’en soupçonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par -conjectures, tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres -bien prouver; mesmes à moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me l’a voulu -confesser.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious -duellist; his death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast -was hated by Alençon, and his sister Marguerite. The former’s income -depended on the favourite’s pleasure, ‘mon frere n’ayant eu jusques -alors son appennage, et s’entretenant seulement de certaines pensions -mal assignées, qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast’ -(_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into -scrapes, and was the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d’Amboise. All -the evidence points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her -instigation. Not only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (_Histoire de -France_, iii. 391) give graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at -the monastery of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary, -and tell how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder, -but her friend Brantôme, while he praises her for not oftener availing -herself of this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she -never retaliated on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187): -‘Il est vray que lors qu’on l’eut tué, et qu’on luy vint annoncer, -elle estant malade’ (she had a bad cold, _Mémoires_, p. 66), ‘elle -dict seulement “Je suis bien marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour -de joye solemniser sa mort.”’ In her _Mémoires_ (p. 79), she alludes -to du Guast’s death only incidentally, but at the same time leaves on -record unmistakeable evidence of her feelings towards him. ‘Le Guast -lors estoit mort, ayant esté tué par un jugement de Dieu, pendant -qu’il suoit une diette, comme aussy c’estoit un corps gasté de toutes -sortes de villanies, qui fust donné à la pourriture qui des longtemps -le possedoit, et son ame aux dæmons, à qui il avoit faict hommage par -magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.’ - -[102] See note 2, p. 64. - -[103] The word in the text is Casteldunum (Châteaudun), but this must -be a misprint or mistake, as Châteaudun is on the other side of the -Loire, and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat -of Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix Alençon at La Guerche, -which is close to Châtelherault, on October 1. Châtelherault is -therefore probably the place intended. See _Le Riche_, p. 238. - -[104] The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he -acquired at the battle of Château Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and -1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked Thoré, whose troops did not number -more than 2,500; even of these some had been tampered with and went -over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound -which gave him the soubriquet of ‘le Balafré’ much to his credit as a -soldier. The struggle had been decided, and he was engaged in hunting -down one of the fugitives in a thicket of brambles, when the man turned -and shot him in the face. See _Thuanus_, iii. 105-6. - -‘Le mardi 11^e octobre, le seingneur de Fervacques arriva á Paris, et -apporta nouvelles au Roy de deux mille, que Reistres, que François, -conduits par M. de Thoré, desfaits par le duc de Guise, près Fismes, -en passant la rivière de Marne au-dessus de Dormans. Dont le Roy -fait chanter le _Te Deum_ solennel. Ceste desfaite estoit avenue le -jour de devant 10^e octobre, entre Dameri et Dormans, dont le bruit -fust plus grand que l’effait; car il n’y mourust point cinquante -hommes de part et d’autre, et après que deux ou trois cornettes de -Reistres, prattiquées par argent, eurent fait semblant de se rendre à -la merci du duc de Guise, le seingneur de Thoré passa sain et sauf à -Nogent-sur-Seine avec mil ou douze cens chevaux, et s’alla rendre à -M. le Duc (d’Alençon) à Vatan. Le duc de Guise, en ceste rencontre, -par un simple soldat à pied qu’il attaqua, fut grièvement blessé d’une -harquebuzade, qui lui emporta une grande partie de la joue et de -l’aureille gauche.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 91. - -[105] Giovanni Michel, the Venetian Ambassador, paid his respects to -Busbecq’s Queen, and has left an interesting notice of her appearance -in her white widow’s dress. ‘I was most cordially received by the -Queen, the wife of the late King, and daughter of the Emperor. She knew -me at once, and appeared delighted to see me. She looked very well in -her widow’s dress.’—_Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, ii. 220. - -[106] John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92. -The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later -times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent château. - -[107] ‘Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to -hunt the wild boar.’—_World of Words._ - -[108] Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a -German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562 -he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side. -He afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at -Moncontour. He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes -to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied Henry -III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who persuaded -Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the negotiations -for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on several -occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for raising -German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to Paris with -Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain with the King -for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries. - -The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the course of -his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some dealings -with Maximilian’s _protégé_. - -[109] This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary -of a contemporary will show: ‘Le lundi 5^e décembre, la Roine veufve, -madame Ysabel d’Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s’en retourner à -Vienne, chés son père et sa mère: et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de -Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et l’évesque de Paris, pour l’accompagner: -qui la rendirent entre les mains des députés par l’Empereur son père, -pour la recevoir à Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aimée et honorée -par les François tant qu’elle demeura en France, nommément par le -peuple de Paris, lequel, plorant et gémissant à son départ, disoit -qu’elle emportoit avec elle le bonheur de la France.’—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 95. - -Miss Freer (_Henry III._, vol. ii. p. 40), says ‘the Queen quitted -Paris during the first week of August, 1575.’ She was led into this -error by the description given by Godefroy (_Le Cérémonial François_, -i. 927) of Elizabeth’s entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has -confounded her journey to Amboise (see p. 96), with her return to -Germany. - -[110] I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in -Swabia and Alsace. - -[111] This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VIII. because she had -only one head! See note p. 63. - -[112] The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted -with the character of his mistress, require some little additions in -order to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and -interesting lady. She was born June 5, 1554, and was consequently a -baby of a few months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was -married to Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but -sixteen. In her new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all -who knew her. Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth -of her daughter, came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that -awful night she was quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were -passing around her. Next morning she heard the news, ‘Hélas, dit-elle -soudain, le Roy mon mary, le sçait-il?—Ouy, madame, repondit-on: c’est -luy mesme qui le fait faire.—O mon Dieu! s’escria-t-elle, qu’est cecy? -et quels conseillers sont ceux-là qui luy ont donné tel advis? Mon -Dieu, je te supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner; car, si -tu n’en as pitié, j’ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas -pardonnée.’—_Brantôme_, v. 297. - -During her husband’s last illness it was noticed that when she came to -see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the position -from which she could best gaze at the loved features; she did not -speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her -handkerchief to her face, and wiped away the silent tears; even the -hardened courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed. -After her husband’s death it was observed by one of the women of her -bedchamber that she constantly took the little silver candlestick, -which served as a night-light, inside the curtains of her bed, and as -soon as she thought her attendants were asleep, she knelt up to read -and pray. It is interesting to find that during her widowhood she -became a diligent reader of the Bible. After her return to Vienna she -founded the Nunnery of Santa Clara, where she resided till the time of -her death, which took place January 22, 1592, in the 38th year of her -age. See vol. i. p. 70. - -One story yet remains to be told. She had known Marguerite de Valois -in the pride of her beauty; towards the end of her days she heard -of her as an outcast from her family, poor and desolate. If her own -relations deserted her, her sister-in-law was not forgetful of the -poor fallen woman. She not only sent her kind messages, but most -generously bestowed on her one half of her French revenues. It seems -strange that so warm and loving a nature should ever have been accused -of heartlessness (see note, p. 56). In spite of the silence and -reserve which marked her character she was, beyond all doubt, a most -affectionate daughter, a thoughtful mother, and a devoted wife. - -[113] Cosmo Gienger, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the -Turks. He was at this time _vice-dominus_ of Austria. He died in 1592, -aged 77. - -[114] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part V. ch. v. - -[115] For the outrages committed by Alençon’s troops in French -territory see _De l’Estoile_, ii. 13-14. - -[116] Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal -mistress to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. 67) may perhaps -partly account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had -been engaged in watching the Queen’s interests in France, and no doubt -also in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the -suggester. The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and -judges in the towns and districts from which her revenues were derived. -Such posts were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict -directions that no such traffic should be allowed with regard to the -appointments of which she had the patronage. See _Thuanus_, iii. 87. - -[117] Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For -this letter see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. ch. v. -See also p. 66. - -[118] A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish -cavalry, see _Strada_, and also Motley, _United Netherlands_, ii. -47-51, and iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned. - -[119] In 1578 Sebastian, the boy King of Portugal (see p. 30, note), -was killed in battle against the Moors on the field of Alcazar. -By his death the crown devolved on his uncle Henry, the Cardinal, -who, though nearly seventy years old, at first thought of marrying; -this project was stopped by Philip of Spain; he then appointed a -council of regency to arrange the succession. The two most prominent -candidates were Philip of Spain, who had the best right by blood, but -who was most unpopular in Portugal, and Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, -the illegitimate son of Luis, Duke of Beja, brother of the reigning -King. Don Antonio received the support of the representatives of the -people, but, on the death of Henry in 1580, he was quickly driven -out of Portugal by Alva, and took refuge alternately in France and -England, where he received countenance and support from Henry III. and -Elizabeth. The French expedition to the Azores is frequently mentioned -in Busbecq’s letters. The importance of these islands consisted in -their affording a station for ships coming home either from America or -India. We learn from a contemporary historian (_Histoire de Portugal_, -1610), that Catherine de Medici had agreed with Antonio to accept -Brazil in settlement of her claims on the Portuguese throne (see note, -page 161), hence the interest which she took in this expedition, at -the head of which she placed her gallant cousin Philip Strozzi, with -de Brissac, son of the Maréchal de Brissac, as his lieutenant. They -were attacked off St. Michael’s by a greatly superior force of Spanish -ships under Santa Cruz; de Brissac cut his way through and escaped, -Don Antonio contrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don Antonio’s -Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. The latter, -being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died two days -later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was treated -with great barbarity; at any rate he was thrown overboard by the -orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of his -captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in -epigrams, of which the following is a specimen. - - ‘Qui a l’or et l’argent du ciel pour couverture - Et du grand Océan le saphir pour tombeau, - Embaumé d’un renom et los illustre et beau, - Marrannes, n’a besoin de vostre sepulture.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 79. - -An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ‘tumbeaux cizelez de la -plume,’ and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could -object. - -[120] The Andalusian fleet under Martinez de Recalde, one of the chiefs -of the Spanish Armada. - -[121] It is interesting to find Raleigh criticising Strozzi’s tactics -in fighting at close quarters with the huge galleons of Spain. It would -appear that the engagement supplied a warning to the captains who five -years later baffled the Armada. See _Historie of the World_, p. 791. - -[122] Prince Dauphin of Auvergne, son of Louis de Bourbon, Duc de -Montpensier and Dauphin d’Auvergne. He distinguished himself at Jarnac, -Moncontour, and Ivry. Died in 1592. - -[123] The brother of Admiral Coligny. His son succeeded to the County -of Laval in right of his mother, Claude de Rieux. - -[124] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vi. -According to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us -that Norris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the -States’ troops had fled. _History of England_, chap. lxvi. - -[125] The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a -charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Darnley. His ruin was -brought about by Comte d’Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of -Lennox. See Froude, _History of England_, chap. lxiii. - -[126] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vi. - -[127] See note 2, page 9. - -[128] The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind -of de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father -Christopher de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected -when the ruffian was brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned -to death by the Parliament of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises, -who had need of his services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more -correctly perhaps, a suspension of his sentence, for his pardon was not -registered by the Parliament of Rouen, though granted by the King. His -mission, according to Motley, was to poison Alençon and Orange, but -according to Salceda’s own confession he was to join Alençon with some -troops, gain his confidence, and get himself appointed to the command -of Dunkirk or some other strong place, which he was to betray to the -Guises. These last were then to rise and compel the King to place them -at the head of his army which they intended to lead against Alençon and -Orange. On being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating -the Guises and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou, -President of the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was -tried, was convinced that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda’s -statements, and was most anxious that his life should be spared with -a view to bringing others to justice, but too many great people were -interested in stopping the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was -therefore executed. It is probable that the story of an attempt to -poison Alençon and Orange was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which -he was executed. The fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral -Egmont, cousin of the French Queen, and son of the famous general, -was concerned in Salceda’s plot, seems to point to the accuracy of de -Thou’s version. It is evident that Busbecq thought there was something -more in the matter than appeared on the surface. Compare _Thuanus_, -iii. 565-566, and especially the account in his life. _De vita suâ_, -27-31. Miss Freer gives a very full and interesting account of -Salceda’s conspiracy; see _Henry III._ vol. ii. pp. 304-319. - -[129] The following note was made by one who was in all probability -an eye-witness: ‘Quand Tanchou, lieutenant de robbe courte, présent -à l’exécution avec ses archers, vinst dire au Roy que sur le bas -eschaffaut, sur lequel estoit son corps quand il fust tiré, il s’estoit -fait deslier les deux mains pour signer sa dernière confession, qui -estoit qu’il n’estoit rien de toutes les charges qu’il avoit mises sus -aux plus grands de ce roiaume, le Roy s’escria: “O le meschant homme! -voire le plus meschant dont j’aye onques ouï parler!” Ce disoit le -Roy, pource qu’à la dernière question qui luy avoit esté baillée (où -le Roy avoit assisté caché derrière une tapisserie), il lui avoit ouï -jurer et affermer, au milieu des tortures, que tout ce qu’il avoit dit -contre eux estoit vrai (comme beaucoup l’ont creu et le croient encores -aujourdhui, veu les tragœdies qui se sont jouées en France par les -accusés.)’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 75. - -[130] See note 2, p. 152. - -[131] See note 3, p. 124. - -[132] La Noue. The famous _Bras de fer_. See note 2, p. 21. For an -interesting account of his captivity, see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part VI. chap. iv. Parma was offered Count Egmont and de -Selles (see Letter XLV.), in exchange for La Noue; his answer was -that he would not give a lion for two sheep. Philip expressed his -willingness to restore his illustrious captive to liberty if he would -consent to have his eyes put out. Busbecq must have felt some little -grudge against this gallant soldier, for three years before, 1579, -he had stormed Comines and established himself in the castle of the -Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by his troops. See Dalle, -_Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 247. - -[133] The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages: -‘L’onziesme jour d’avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy -avec la Roine son espouse partirent de Paris à pied et allèrent à -Chartres, et de Chartres à Cleri, faire leurs prières et offrandes à la -Belle Dame révérée solemneilement ès églises desdits lieux, à ce que, -par son intercession, il pleust à Dieu leur donner la masle lignée que -tant ils désiroient. D’où ils furent de retour à Paris, le 24^e dudit -mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes des pieds bien ampoullés -d’avoir fait tant de chemin à pied.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 121. - -[134] See Letter XXVII. and note. - -[135] I.e., a son and heir. - -[136] St. Luc had been one of the ‘mignons’ of Henry III. An amusing -story is told of his fall from favour. The King had procured him a -bride in the daughter of Maréchal de Brissac; when they were married -she objected to her husband’s taking part in the dissipations of the -Court. St. Luc, anxious to remain in the Court circle, and at the same -time desirous of gratifying his wife, determined to frighten Henry into -reforming his ways. Accordingly he had a secret passage cut through -the panels of the King’s bedchamber, and one night presented himself -dressed up in the character of an angel. With a piece of brass piping -he imitated the scene of Belshazzar’s feast, and threatened the King -with a most horrible fate if he did not reform his ways. The King was -completely taken in and thoroughly frightened. For sometime afterwards, -whenever it thundered, the King imagined it to be the sign of his -approaching doom, and took refuge under the beds, and in the cellars -of the palace. Unfortunately for St. Luc he could not keep the joke to -himself; at last the King heard of it, his fears were relieved, and his -favourite was dismissed. - -[137] ‘Il arriva de mesme à M. de Sainct-Luc à Anvers, dans la chambre -de M. d’Alençon, luy estant en son cabinet; mais le prince d’Orange en -vit le jeu en sortant, qui fut contre le sieur de Gauville, où il y eut -quelques coups, dont le prince d’Orange s’en estonna, et dit que telles -choses ne furent jamais veues ny faites en la chambre, ny salle, ny -logis de l’Empereur son maistre; autrement il eust mal basté pour les -délinquants.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 136. - -‘Il arriva de mesmes à M. de Sainct-Luc, brave et vaillant seigneur -certes. Ayant esté deffié et appellé par M. de Gauville, dont j’ay -parlé cy-devant, estans tous deux à Anvers au service de Monsieur, -ainsi qu’il alloit resolu au combat, et qu’il vouloit sortir hors la -ville, fut arresté par La Vergne, capitaine de la garde françoise de -Monsieur.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 182. - -[138] Busbecq too received a gold chain from the King, which he -afterwards lost. See p. 132. - -[139] See p. 158. The phrase ‘coining money’ is a joke. - -[140] Catherine de Medici’s claim was through her mother, a lady of -the House of Auvergne and Boulogne; in order to establish it she had -to go back more than 300 years to the first marriage of Alphonso III. -to the widow of a Count of Boulogne. Catherine alleged there were -children of this marriage from one of whom she was descended. Some -have thought that her only object was to show that she came of royal -and ancient descent; this may have been the motive in part, but there -can be no doubt that she hoped to exchange her visionary claim for -some substantial advantage; thus, as has been already stated, she was -willing to sell her pretensions to Don Antonio for Brazil. (See note p. -146). She was eager also to get an offer from Philip in satisfaction -of her claims. ‘Je ne diray jamais ce que je demande, au contraire, -attendrai ses offres qu’il fault qui soient raisonnables, puis qu’il -est saisy et occupateur de ce que je pretendz m’appartenir.’—_Lettre de -la Reine Mère à Longlée_, January 16, 1585, quoted by Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 104. Henry threatened to retaliate by accepting the -sovereignty of the Netherlands, if Philip did not compromise the -matter. Catherine de Medici’s pretensions to the Crown of Portugal -were an important factor in the politics of the time. See _Histoire de -Portugal_, 1610, and Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 101-105. - -[141] ‘The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called _Campine_, -and comprises the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-west of -Limburg.’ Mac Culloch, _Geographical Dictionary_. - -[142] One of the steps in Alençon’s scheme for the seizure of Antwerp -not noticed by Motley. - -[143] These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, -Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love with Agnes Mansfeld. He -married her and became a Protestant, but tried notwithstanding to keep -his see and electorate. See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part -VI. ch. vi., and _United Netherlands_, i. 31, 32, and elsewhere. For a -full account, see _Thuanus_, iii. 582-8. - -[144] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. ch. vi. - -[145] Busbecq hesitates to accept what is now known to have been -Alençon’s version of the affair. - -[146] It seems probable that Busbecq’s diplomacy was directed towards -securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the -Austrian house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters I. -and X.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in -1594. - -[147] Jean Bodin was Alençon’s chancellor, and acted as his adviser -during the Prince’s stay in England and the Netherlands. After -Alençon’s death he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in -favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced -the citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a -treatise _On the Republic_ in six books, and other works. - -[148] Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots; the latter, before -her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France. -See Froude, _History of England_, chap. lxix. - -[149] See Letter XLIX, note. - -[150] See note, p. 82. - -[151] See _De l’Estoile_, ii. 29. - -[152] We see from this notice of Busbecq’s that Alençon intended making -Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by Motley, -but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. See -_Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xx. - -[153] Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip -William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.’s orders. She -eventually married Count Hohenlo. - -[154] This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation, -because it was first instituted at that festival. The members of the -fraternity used on certain occasions to go in procession from church to -church, walking two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours, -the knights of the King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and -the rest white. They were distinguished from similar associations, -which were numerous at that time, by having their faces covered with -a mask, and a large whip hanging from their girdles. The cross was -generally carried by the Cardinal de Guise, who had as his acolytes the -Chancellor and the Keeper of the Seals (i.e. Birague and Cheverny.) - -[155] Maurice Poncet. The King and his courtiers had gone in procession -on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French -proverb as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth. -He was rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of -St. Peter at Melun. See _Thuanus_, iii. 627. - -[156] ‘Le 29^e mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques à six -vingts, que pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient -contrefait la procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs -devant leurs visages, avec des trous à l’endroit des yeux.’—_De -l’Estoile_., ii. 112. - -[157] See Letter XXIX. - -[158] Edmund Auger, the King’s confessor. He was not favourably -disposed towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his -superiors. See _Thuanus_, iii. 626. De l’Estoile, who detested him, -declares that he was originally a juggler, ‘basteleur.’ - -[159] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 342. - -[160] See _Strada_, ii. 261-2. - -[161] For his real object, see _Thuanus_, iii. 630-631. He tried to -obtain the Pope’s approval of a scheme for attacking Montmorency, -Governor of Languedoc, and met with a refusal and rebuke. See Letter -XXXII. - -[162] See _Strada_, ii. 264. - -[163] Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs -of the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of -Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter XLI. - -[164] See Letter XXI., note. - -[165] De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page 116. The duel -is described by Brantôme at great length; he had an account of it from -Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young -Millaud, de Viteaux’s antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut -tree in order to get a good view of the contest. Brantôme was a great -admirer of de Viteaux. ‘Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de -France, qu’on nommoit tel, à bien venger ses querelles par grandes et -determinées resolutions. Il n’estoit pas seulement estimé en France, -mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre; et -desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir; car je l’ay -veu, tant sa renommée volloit. Il estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort -grand de courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu’il ne tuoit pas bien ses -gens que par advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands -capitaines, et mesmes d’italiens, qui sont estez d’autresfois les -premiers vengeurs du monde, _in ogni modo_, disoient-ils, qui ont tenu -ceste maxime, qu’une supercherie ne se devoit payer que par semblable -monnoye, et n’y alloit point là de deshonneur.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 89. - -[166] ‘Le mercredi 15^e febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur -le soir du Louvre, fut chargé, en la rue Saint-Germain, près le fort -l’Evesque, par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien montés et armés à -l’avantage. Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main à l’espée, et, -vaillamment se défendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf.... On eust -cette opinion que ceste charge avoit esté faicte par le jeune Millaud, -désirant venger la mort de son père.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 105. - -[167] Brantôme gives a long list of de Viteaux’s achievements. He -adds—‘S’il eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je sçay -bien, qui, je croy, ne regrettérent guieres sa mort ... et possible -s’il eust eschappé de ce combat, il fust tumbé en une embuscade qu’on -luy avoit préparée, comme j’ay sceu despuis: car il commençoit à estre -plus craint qu’aymé de quelques très-grands et très-grandes: si que -ce trait du meurtre de M. du Guast fut estimé de grande résolution et -asseurance.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 86-95. - -[168] In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne, -was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the -widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. ‘Cette Amazone, -l’une des merveilles de son siécle pour la beauté, mais encore plus -pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toûjours auprés d’elle soixante -jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon équipage, qui s’efforçant tous à l’envy de -meriter l’honneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe -l’échantillon de cette verité autrefois énoncée par un Ancien, Qu’une -armée composée d’Amans seroit invincible.’—_Mezeray_, iii. 375. - -The Latin is _Montenellus_, and we have identified him with _Montal_ -on the authority of de Foy; his case, however, hardly furnishes a -parallel to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel -(or Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the -son of a man he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been -like Besme (see p. 99) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered -the governor of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was -readmitted to his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With -this object he deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received -by Moüy, governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and -his purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral, -Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. Mezeray -draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least the -redeeming quality of courage. See _Mezeray_, iii. 224 and 555. - -[169] Bussy d’Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for -instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of -embroidery, and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked -on it was X; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it -was Y. The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on -either side; at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which -Saint-Phal withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange -another meeting, but was prevented by the King. - -His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Bussy’s -boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her -husband, the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a -lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting -him to visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band -of assassins as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him, -not even Alençon, to whom he had attached himself.—_Ambassadeurs -Vénetiens_, ii. 453. - -Bussy’s sister Renée afterwards married Balagny (see Letter XXIX.) -on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never -fulfilled. She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, _United -Netherlands_, iii. 350, 351. - -[170] For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters XXII. XXIX. The -King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his -messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or not, -she was capable of such acts. See note, p. 116. - -[171] ‘La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.’—_De l’Estoile_, -ii. 130. - -[172] Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father -of Marguerite’s son. - -[173] One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz -to the Azores (see Letter VI.) was to provide for the safety of the -fleet which was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa -and the other Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched -a messenger, Jerome Lima, to Philip by an overland route, viâ Ormuz, -Bagdad, Aleppo, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans. -Matters appear to have been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly -after the defeat of Strozzi the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa -Cruz, after throwing a garrison into St. Michael, escorted the convoy -to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus left master of the other islands, but, -as has already been seen, he quickly decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva -in command. The following year the French sent their second expedition, -consisting of 600 men under de Chattes, Knight of Malta; on reaching -Terceira this gallant officer strongly urged the Portuguese commander -to concentrate his troops in some strong place, as he saw no hope of -preventing the Spaniards, who were shortly expected, from disembarking. -Silva refused to take his advice; Santa Cruz succeeded in landing, -and after a sharp engagement the French, who were deserted by their -Portuguese allies, were driven into the interior. - -De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united -forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better -terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the -Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for -them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender -and betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral -forwarded to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at -Malta. De Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms -offered by Santa Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of -their keeping their side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was -quickly hunted down, tortured, and executed. The French who had been -taken prisoners before the surrender of the main body were sent to the -galleys. See _Thuanus_, iii. 637-642. - -[174] The father of Casimir. See note, page 15. - -[175] ‘Le 10^e septembre, vindrent à Paris, en forme de procession, -huict ou neuf cens, qu’hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles, -vestus de toile blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs -espaules, portans chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarrés de bandes de -toile, ou tous couvers de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains -les uns des cierges et chandelles de cire ardens, les autres des croix -de bois, et marchoient deux à deux, chantans en la forme des pénitens -ou pélerins allans en pélerinage. Ils estoient habitans des villages -de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d’Ussy, en Brie, près la Ferté Gaucher. -Et estoient conduis par les deux gentilshommes des deux villages -susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les suivoient à cheval, et leurs -damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans ung coche. Le peuple -de Paris accourut à grande foule pour les voir venans faire leurs -prières et offrandes en la grande église de Paris, esmeu de pitié et -commisération, leur voiant faire tels pénitenciaux et dévocieux voyages -pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. Ils disoient avoir -esté meus à faire ces pénitences et pélerinages pour quelque feux -apparans en l’air et autres signes, comme prodiges veus au ciel et en -la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d’où estoient venus -les premiers tels pélerins et pénitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou 12 -mille, à Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.’—_De -l’Estoile_, ii. 134. - -[176] Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends; see the end -of the 2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. 191). He will not have them -slighted! De Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground -that it has no historic interest. His real reason is evidently his -inability to reconcile its statements with his own notes on Letter -XII., in which he explains Busbecq’s appeal for a settlement as to -the Greek manuscripts, by supposing that they had been stopped at the -Venetian custom-house. For an account of these books see vol. i. p. 417. - -[177] Their names are given, _Thuanus_, iii. 633. The King selected -three Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished -layman. - -[178] Twenty-six of Busbecq’s miles (see vol. i. p. 82 note) are -equivalent to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of -Château Thierry from Paris. - -[179] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, P. VI. ch. vi. - -[180] To those who know the history of the times, it will not be -surprising that Alençon did not care to come to court. Henry III. -allowed and encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the -most insolent manner, mimicking him to his face, and pointing at -him. The following is the description of their behaviour at St. -Luc’s wedding:—‘Le duc d’Anjou (Alençon) ne voulut point assister à -la cérémonie; cependant, par complaisance pour la reine-mère, il se -présenta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu de s’en repentir.... Chacun -le montroit au doigt; on le regardoit en ricanant: on se parloit de lui -à l’oreille, assez haut cependant pour qu’il entendît que sa taille, -son air, sa démarche étoient la matière des plaisanteries.’—_Anquetil_, -viii. 77. - -[181] The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation -with regard to Alençon, entering his room at night, searching his -bed for papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother -with clasped hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a -billet-doux!—See _Mémoires de Marguerite_, 136-7. - -[182] See Letter XXII. - -[183] Busbecq’s opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny’s subsequent -career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince.—See -_United Netherlands_, i. 8, 100; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227. -Balagny was the son of Busbecq’s friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop of -Valence (see p. 35, note 2), who considered himself married to his -mother. ‘Je croy qu’il ne prit point l’ordre de Prestrise, mais il se -donna la licence d’avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny; -car ayant fort pratiqué les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit -dans ce mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n’estoit pas une qualité -necessaire aux Ecclesiastiques.’—_Mezeray_, iii. 450. - -[184] As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and Brantôme. - -[185] ‘Le dimanche 13^e de novembre, le Prévost de l’Hostel et -ses archers prirent prisonnières 50 ou 60, que damoiselles, que -bourgeoises, contrevenant en habits et bagues à l’édit de la -réformation des habits, sept ou huit mois auparavant publié, et les -constituèrent prisonnières au fort l’Evesque et autres prisons fermées, -où elles couchèrent, quelque remonstrance et offre de les cautionner et -paier les amandes encourues que peussent faire les parens et amis: qui -fut une rigœur extraordinaire et excessive, veu que par l’édit il n’y -gissoit qu’une amande pécuniaire. Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit -commandement et consentement du Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes -qu’on en vouloit faire.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 139. - -[186] Cardinal de Birague’s unpopularity with the Court may be partly -accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor -of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the -Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which -his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers. -Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say; -but to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said, -looking round on the royal favourites, ‘Really the causes of the King’s -poverty and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.’ -He repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See -_Thuanus_, iii. 626. Compare also pp. 177, 178. - -The following is the opinion of his fellow officials:—‘Ce chancelier -estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires -d’Estat, fort peu en la justice; de sçavoir, n’en avoit point à -revendre, mais seulement pour sa provision, encores bien petitement. -Au reste, libéral, voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des -volontés du Roy, aiant dit souvent qu’il n’estoit pas Chancelier de -France, mais Chancelier du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a -sceu encores mieux prattiquer que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour -un homme qui avoit longtemps servi les Roys de France, n’estant -aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses amis et serviteurs que pour -soi-mesmes. Il disoit, peu auparavant son décès, qu’il mouroit cardinal -sans tiltre, prebstre sans bénéfice, et chancelier sans seaux.’—_De -l’Estoile_, ii. 140. - -[187] Philippe Hurault, Comte de Cheverny. - -[188] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI., chap. -vi. It is interesting to compare the dates as given by Motley with -Busbecq’s letter. The latter throws a fresh light on the character -of the ‘roaring demagogue’ Imbize. It appears from _Thuanus_ (iii. -646) that Imbize, to gain the favour of the people, immediately on -becoming Senator, threw into prison certain citizens, whom he accused -of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having betrayed the Pays de Waes -to them. The trick succeeded; Imbize won the confidence of the people, -and, having attained his object, yielded to Champagny’s entreaties and -released the prisoners. - -[189] The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of -1577:—‘Il faisoit jouxtes, tournois, ballets et force masquarades, où -il se trouvoit ordinairement habillé en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et -descouvroit sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets -de toile, deux à fraize et un renversé, ainsi que lors les portoient -les dames de sa Cour.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 180. - -[190] When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, ‘there was a flight -of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.’—_Froude_, -chap. lxv. - -[191] The Earl of Northumberland—a mistake of Busbecq’s. - -[192] See _Froude_, chap. lxv. - -[193] _Thuanus_, iii. 679. - -[194] See p. 11, and note, p. 185. - -[195] Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with -Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring -after Alençon’s sudden arrest and liberation in 1578: ‘Laquelle estant -finie de cette façon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit -baillé à mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu’elle prenoit -plaisir d’ouyr quelquesfois causer, pour estre d’humeur libre, et qui -disoit de bonne grace ce qu’il vouloit, tenant un peu de l’humeur d’un -philosophe cynique, se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: “Et -bien, monsieur de Seure, que dictes vous de tout cecy?” “C’est trop -peu,” dict-il, “pour faire à bon escient, et trop pour se jouer.” Et -se tournant vers moy, sans qu’elle le peust entendre, me dit: “Je -ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte de ce jeu; nostre homme -(voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit bien, s’il en demeuroit -là!”’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 148. - -[196] ‘Le 6^e jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau -du Louvre, entra en grande colère contre le chevalier de Seure, -grand-prieur de Champaigne, jusques à lui donner des coups de poing -et de pied, pource que (comme il est haut à la main et furieux en -sa colère) il avoit dit à Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier -intendant des finances, qu’il estoit un larron et assassin du peuple de -France, d’ailleurs par trop affligé, l’aiant chargé de huit millions -d’escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, qu’il disoit monter -à ladite somme, combien qu’elles ne montassent qu’à cinq millions, -et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple de trois -millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire: -“Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est;” et lui aiant respondu le Roy -qu’il ne s’en souvenoit point, fust d’abondant si temeraire que de -répliquer hautement et superbement: “Si vous voulez mettre la main -sur la conscience, Sire, vous savez ce qui en est.” Ce que le Roy (ne -prenant pas d’ailleurs plaisir a ouïr de tels propos) print pour une -forme de démenti, et par une promte colère mist la main sur ledit -chevalier, l’excédant, ainsi que dit est.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 149. -Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners mentioned pp. 198, 201. -See _Thuanus_, iii. 633. - -[197] Pierre de Gondi. See note, p. 40. - -[198] See _Froude_, chap. lxvi. - -[199] _Strada_, ii. 281. - -[200] See Letter XXXII. - -[201] ‘Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-mère s’en alla à Monsseaux -et de là à Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Duc son fils, grièvement -malade. Elle en revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les -plus précieux meubles de son dit fils, abandonné des médecins et de -tout humain secours.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 154. - -[202] The secret is told us by a contemporary:—‘Le 16^e jour de may, -le duc Desparnon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy, -pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres -et créance de la part de Sa Majesté, par lesquelles elle l’ammonestoit, -enhortoit et prioit, pource que la vie du duc Dalençon, son frère, -estoit déplorée et n’en attendoit-on de jour à autre que nouvelles de -sa mort, de venir à la Cour près d’elle et d’aller à la Messe, parce -qu’il le vouloit faire recongnoistre son vrai héritier et successeur de -sa couronne, lui donner grade et dignité près de sa personne, tels que -méritoient les qualités de beau-frère et légitime successeur de ladite -couronne de France, et recevoir de lui tous les honneurs, avantages -et bons traitemens que telles qualités et la bonne amitié qu’il lui -portoit pouvoient requerir.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 153. - -[203] This is evidently Busbecq’s verdict, which he cautiously assigns -to others. Compare Motley’s sketch of Alençon, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part V. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of Alençon -as follows:—‘Un cœur double, un esprit malin, et tourné comme son corps -mal bâti.’ - -[204] Navarre’s title to the succession was recognised in his marriage -contract with Marguerite.—See _Thuanus_, iv. 3. - -[205] _I.e._ Monsieur. ‘A nul appartient d’estre appellé en France -simplement _Monsieur_, que le premier prince du sang ampres le -Roy.’—_Brantôme_, iii. 83. - -[206] Compare _Thuanus_, iii. 680. - -[207] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vii. - -[208] See _Strada_, ii. 306, 307. Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 156. - -[209] ‘Le 25^e juillet, le Roy, après avoir fait quelque séjour à -Vincennes, pour y establir ses Hiéronimites, retourna à Fontainebleau, -et de là prist le chemin de Lyon; où estant arrivé, osta le -gouvernement de la ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au -seingneur du Bouchage, frère du duc de Joieuse.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -164. - -[210] Des Pruneaux. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 58 seq. - -[211] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 31, where this passage is -quoted as Busbecq’s own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his -usual caution, he puts it in the mouth of others. - -[212] A full account of Parma’s operations at Dendermonde is to be -found _Strada_, ii. 308-11. Busbecq’s brother-in-law, Jacques de -Yedeghem, had been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde -(Tenremonde) during 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those -troublous times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the -Netherlands.—Dalle, _Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 50. - -[213] See Letter XXIX. - -[214] See Letter XVIII., and note 3, p. 224. - -[215] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 113, and note p. 7. - -[216] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 21-23. _Strada_, ii. 317. - -[217] ‘Le 19^e octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau, -partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la -Roine se trouvèrent frappées de peste; dont l’une, nommée Monmorin, -en mourut. Et se trouvant Ruscellaï à Fontainebleau, au disner du -Roy, et s’estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy -et les Roines en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy -“que Sa Majesté ne devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que -la Cour estoit une plus forte peste, sur laquelle l’autre ne pouvoit -mordre.”’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 172. - -[218] Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip’s most able -diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545 -was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Netherlands -by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a riding -post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Maximilian. To -his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for the first -regular system of posting in modern times—even down to 1866 the Princes -of Thurn and Taxis managed the posts of Würtemberg, Nassau, Hesse, the -Hanse towns, and some other German principalities. This is the point -of James I.’s complaint that ‘Spain sent him a postilion-ambassador.’ -Motley seems to explain the remark by stating that Tassis was chief -courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great ambassador would -be employed in such an office. See also note, p. 28. - -[219] The Kings of England claimed the same power. ‘The days on which -this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy -Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish -churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines -in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of -the royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth -chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, “They -shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover,” had been -pronounced, there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up -to the King. His Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung -round the patient’s neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold -coin.’—Macaulay, _History of England_, chap. xiv. - -[220] Senlis.—_Thuanus_, iii. 714. - -[221] The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the -cases of Montmorency and Damville. See pp. 68, 69, 77. - -[222] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap, iv., -and Letter IX, note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde, -Seneschal to the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard -of Archers. He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria -and the States-General to negotiate peace.—Tassis, _Mémoires_. - -[223] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 95, note. - -[224] Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular -French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen -Mary, always uses it. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 98, and -_Froude_, chap. lxvii. - -[225] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 67. - -[226] His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre, -and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his -Queen (Marguerite).—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 181. - -[227] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 139. - -[228] See Ranke, _History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap -xxi. - -[229] See Ranke, _History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. -xxi. - -[230] ‘Ligue sainte, dy-je, pourpensée et inventée par défunct Charles, -Cardinal de Lorraine, voiant la lignée de Valois proche de son période, -et l’occasion se présenter, sous ce beau masque et saint prétexte de -religion, d’exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les -plus proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite -Religion Prétendue Réformée, et par ce moien empiéter la couronne -de France, qu’ils disoient avoir esté ravie à Lotaire, dernier -Roy de France de la race de Charlemagne, et à ses enfants, leurs -prédécesseurs, par Hugues Capet, qui n’y pouvoit prétendre aucun droit -que par la violente et injuste usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il -s’en estoit emparé.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 184. - -[231] This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 111. - -[232] William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan -from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. ‘Le Roy, adverti de -tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et -mesmes par le duc de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande levée -de gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le duc de Guise, pendant qu’il -s’amusoit à baller et masquer, fist responce qu’il ne le croioit ni ne -craingnoit.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 185. - -[233] See Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxi. - -[234] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 117. - -[235] They asked that the Estates should meet once every three -years.—Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxi. - -[236] Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was -written. Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported -to have approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of -their religion (see Sismondi, xx. 150), yet refused to issue any Bull -in their favour. ‘Ce Pape n’avoit jamais adhéré à la levée des armes de -la Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d’Est, -que la Ligue n’auroit ni Bulle, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques à -ce qu’il vid plus clair en leurs brouilleries.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -190. The statement in the text must therefore be a _canard_ started by -the Leaguers. - -[237] Compare vol. i. 219, 220. For the war between Turkey and Persia, -see Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap, xii, and Von Hammer, -bks. xxxviii. and xl. Peace was concluded in 1590, Persia ceding -Tabriz, Shirwan, and Georgia. - -[238] Philippe Emmanuel, Marquis de Nomeny, son of Nicolas Comte de -Vaudemont and Duc de Mercœur, married Marie, daughter and heiress of -Sebastian de Luxembourg, Vicomte de Martigues and Duc de Penthièvre. -(See page 80.) He succeeded his father as Duc de Mercœur in 1577, and -was appointed Governor of Brittany in 1582. During the civil wars after -Henry III.’s death, he aspired to make himself independent. With this -view he negotiated with Philip II., and introduced Spanish troops into -Brittany. He maintained his position till 1598, when he was obliged -to surrender to Henry IV. He then entered the service of the Emperor -Rodolph, and fought in Hungary against the Turks. He died at Nuremberg -on his way home in 1602. His only daughter and heiress was married to -Cæsar, Duc de Vendôme, Henry IV.’s son by Gabrielle d’Estrées. In a -caricature described by de l’Estoile (ii. 230) representing the chiefs -of the League, the motto given to the Duc de Mercœur is ‘Symbolum -ingratitudinis.’ - -[239] See Letter XXXVII. - -[240] For Lansac’s piracies, see _De l’Estoile_, ii. 361. - -[241] Charles de Cossé-Brissac, nephew of Maréchal Cossé (p. 8). He -acted as Strozzi’s lieutenant (see note p 146). Froude in his account -of the French expedition to the Azores calls him ‘the Huguenot de -Brissac,’ whereas he was one of the chiefs of the League. For his -attempted seizure of Angers, see _Mezeray_, iii. 769, 770. He was -appointed Governor of Paris by Mayenne at the request of the Spanish -Ambassadors in 1594. _Mezeray_, iii. 1101-2. - -[242] See note 1, p. 260. - -[243] See Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxii. - -[244] The Marquis of Richebourg and the Seigneur de Billy, a -distinguished Portuguese officer, were both killed. See Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 191-196. - -[245] See _Thuanus_, iv. 10. - -[246] See _Froude_, chap. lxvii. - -[247] The grant was made by the deputies of the Clergy assembled at -the Abbey of Saint-Germain des Prés, on October 2, and on the 16th, -a second Edict against the Huguenots was published ordering them to -conform or leave the kingdom within fifteen days.—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -213. - -[248] See _Thuanus_, iv. 50 seq. - -[249] The Seigneur de Tavannes, appointed Governor by the League. See -_De l’Estoile_, ii. 216. - -[250] Dated August 28, 1585. Published in Paris towards the end of -September.—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 210. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, -i. 132. - -[251] Brother of the Prince de Condé. After his uncle’s death he -assumed the title of Cardinal de Bourbon, see note, page 7. - -[252] M. Savary de Lancosme, nephew of M. de Villequier, one of the -King’s favourites. - -[253] ‘Paris est divisé comme en trois villes par la riviere de Seine -qui passe au milieu.... L’autre partie, qui est à gauche de ladicte -riviere, est nommée l’Université.’—Palma Cayet, _Histoire de la Ligue_, -i. 251. The four faubourgs were those of St. Germain, St. Jacques, St. -Marceau, and St. Victor. - -The famous La Noue on this occasion attempted to enter Paris by wading -along the side of the Seine immediately under the Tour de Nesle, so as -to land on the Quai des Augustins. Unfortunately, he rashly led the -way himself, and keeping too close to the foot of the tower, where the -water happened to be deepest, suddenly got out of his depth, and was -nearly drowned. The enterprise consequently proved a failure. - -[254] The Cardinal de Bourbon, Henry IV.’s uncle, the Prince de -Joinville, son and successor to Henry, Duke of Guise, and the Duc -d’Elbœuf had been arrested by Henry III.’s orders, on December 23, -1588, the day of Guise’s assassination. Others, who had been arrested -at the same time, had been executed, had escaped, or had been released, -but these three still remained in close custody. The Cardinal was -confined at Fontenay, and the two Dukes at Tours. - -[255] Between this letter and the last intervenes a period of nearly -four years. See vol. i. p. 69. From the purchase-deed of the Seigneury -of Bousbecque and Parma’s _Sauve-garde_ (see Appendix), we know that -Busbecq continued to reside in France as the agent of Elizabeth. This -letter was written three months after the assassination of Henry III. -After that event Navarre had been obliged to retreat to Normandy -pursued by the Duke of Mayenne. The latter, however, after his attack -on Henry at Arques had failed, retired to Amiens and left the way open -for his enemy to make a dash on Paris. - -[256] The governor was de Maillé-Brezé, Seigneur de Benehart; and the -monk was a cordelier named Robert Chessé or Jessé. Thuanus (v. 32) -gives an account of their execution. The monk died like a brave man, -the governor like a coward. - -[257] Philippe de Lenoncourt, Bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne, and -afterwards of Auxerre, Cardinal of San Onofrio. It is a disputed point -whether he ever actually became Archbishop of Rheims. See _Gallia -Christiana_, ix. 156. - -[258] Henry, eldest son and successor of Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He -sometimes bears the title of Duke of Bar. He married in 1599 Catherine, -Henry IV.’s sister (see note, page 51). After her death he married -Margaret de Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. He died in 1624. -He had taken part in Mayenne’s autumn campaign against Henry, and was -now on his way home from Amiens, where he had been detained some time -by illness. - -[259] ‘Mayenne exposa la nécessité d’établir un conseil général de -l’union, dont l’autorité seroit reconnue par toute la France. Des -désignations pour ce conseil suprême étoient déjà faites par le -conseil particulier de la ville. Il en donna le rôle; on y trouvoit -trois évêques, de Meaux, de Senlis et d’Agen, six curés de Paris, sept -gentilshommes, vingt deux bourgeois de Paris; ce qui, avec lui-même -pour président et un secrétaire, formoit quarante membres.’—_Sismondi_, -xx. 472. - -[260] He was Cardinal Caietano, brother of the Duke of Sermoneta. He -arrived in Paris on January 5. - -[261] The people of Dijon eleven years before had been desirous of -having a separate bishopric, but were prevented by the opposition -of the Bishop and Chapter of Langres, in which diocese Dijon was -situated.—_Gallia Christiana_, iv. 637. - -[262] These reports were not unfounded. Sultan Amurath had in fact -written to Navarre promising protection against Spain, and offering to -send a fleet of 200 sail to Aigues-Mortes.—_Collection des Documents -Inédits sur l’Histoire de France, Lettres Missives de Henri IV._, iii. -364. Part of the letter is quoted by Motley, _United Netherlands_, iii. -48. - -[263] The citadel of Rouen was actually betrayed to the Royalists on -February 19, but was recovered by Aumale four days afterwards. - -[264] The siege began on January 9, and was raised in the middle of -February. _Aubigné, Histoire_, vol. iii. bk. iii. ch. iv; _Thuanus_, v. -41-3. - -[265] This letter is not dated, but from the mention of the Legate’s -arrival and the siege of Meulan, it appears to have been written -towards the end of the first half of January 1590. Busbecq was -probably then at Mantes, the place from which the next letter was -written. Mantes is about twenty-five English miles from Evreux, which -corresponds roughly with ten of Busbecq’s miles. See vol. i. page 82, -note. - -[266] Pierre d’Espinac was born in 1540, and became Archbishop of Lyons -in 1574. He was Speaker, or Prolocutor, of the States-General held at -Blois in 1576. Catherine de Medici, when the Leaguers first took up -arms, sent him to negotiate with them (see p. 246.) However, he went -over to that party, and was thenceforth one of the strongest partisans -of the League. According to his own account, he was forced to take this -step by the insults he received from Epernon, the King’s favourite; his -enemies, on the other hand, asserted that his motive was the hope of -gaining a Cardinal’s hat. After the assassination of Guise, at Blois, -in December 1588, the Archbishop was one of those arrested, and he -shared the prison of the Cardinal, the brother of the murdered duke. -Each expected to meet the same fate, and each confessed to the other, -and received absolution at his hands. The Cardinal was put to death -the following day without trial, but the Archbishop’s life was spared. -On his trial he refused to answer when interrogated by the judges, on -the ground that, as Archbishop and Primate, he was subject only to the -jurisdiction of the Pope, or of delegates appointed by him. He was then -imprisoned at Amboise. On his release he again joined the League, and -was Mayenne’s strongest partisan. He died in 1599, refusing to the last -to acknowledge Henry IV.—_Thuanus_, v. 855. - -[267] Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, 49 kilometres, or about 31 English miles, -from Paris. Busbecq’s ‘French miles’ must therefore be leagues. The -château had been purchased by Schomberg from the Guises in 1578, and he -derived from it his title of Comte de Nanteuil. - -[268] The appointment of these commissioners, and the seizure of -Mayenne’s letters, are mentioned by Busbecq, and, as far as we have -been able to discover, by Busbecq alone. These facts are not noticed by -Sismondi. As has been already remarked (vol. i. page 64, note), these -letters have apparently entirely escaped the notice of historians. - -[269] Little more than two years intervened between the date of this -letter and the writer’s death. See vol. i. pp. 70, 71. - -[270] See for example vol. i. p. 162, pp. 239-241, and p. 351. - -[271] See vol. i. p. 94. - -[272] See vol. i. pp. 94, 167, 407. - -[273] Ferdinand and Louis had married each other’s sisters. Mary, the -wife of the latter, was afterwards Regent of the Netherlands for her -brother Charles V. See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part I. -chap. i. - -[274] See vol. i. p. 410. - -[275] See vol. i. p. 409. - -[276] See vol. i. p. 166. - -[277] See vol. i. pp. 78, 79. - -[278] See vol. i. p. 301. - -[279] See vol. i. pp. 79, 176. - -[280] See vol. i. p. 80. - -[281] See vol. i. p. 236. - -[282] See vol. i. pp. 111-118. - -[283] See vol. i. p. 80. - -[284] See vol. i. p. 81. - -[285] See vol. i. p. 190. - -[286] See vol. i. p. 85. - -[287] See vol. i. pp. 237-239. - -[288] See p. 282. - -[289] See vol. i. p. 236. - -[290] See vol. i. p. 348, note. - -[291] See vol. i. p. 297. - -[292] See vol. i. p. 386. - -[293] This summary of the treaty is taken from a Latin version of the -Turkish original made by John Spiegel, Ferdinand’s first interpreter, -which is usually printed with Busbecq’s letters. - -[294] See note 2, p. 73. - -[295] Nonsuch Park, at Cheam, was a favourite residence of Queen -Elizabeth. - -[296] See pp. 271-2. - -[297] The original of this patent of Knighthood is preserved in the -Imperial Archives at Vienna. - -[298] The blank supplies the place of a foul epithet. - - - - -_INDEX TO THE LETTERS._ - - - _Aa_, John Van der, member of Ferdinand’s privy council, presents - Busbecq to Ferdinand, i. 78 - - _Abbot_ of Turkish Monastery—his alleged miracles, i. 363-365 - - _Achmet_ Pasha, appointed Grand Vizier, i. 118; - his character, 119; - Busbecq and his colleagues visit, 152; - strangled, 176; - details of his execution, 189-190; - many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275 - - _Aconite_ or Napellus, used by Turkish pilgrim, i. 362 - - _Acorus calamus_, plant sent by Busbecq to Mattioli, i. 415 - - _Adrianople_, town of, i. 107; - Solyman’s winter residence, 198; - Busbecq summoned thither, 199; - earthquake there, 200 - - _Affenstein_, commander of German reiters, killed, ii. 104 - - _Aga_ of the Janissaries, mentioned, i. 232, 285 - - _Agiamoglans_, name of a class among the Christian tribute children, - i. 306, and _note_ - - _Aigues-Mortes_, seaport in Languedoc, surprised by the Huguenots, - ii. 42, and _note_; - Italian nobles captured by the Huguenots taken thither, 155 - - _Akschehr_, town in Asia Minor taken by Bajazet, i. 273 - - _Albacar_, Spanish physician sent by Busbecq to Lemnos, i. 416 - - _Albanians_, a Georgian tribe, i. 246 - - _Albanians or Epirotes_, ii. 143, and _note_ - - _Aldegonde_, St., a prisoner in the hands of the Royalists, ii. 4; - said to be sent by the States as envoy to Alençon, 198; - made burgomaster of Antwerp, 210 - - _Alençon_, Francis, Duke of, afterwards Duke of Anjou, waiting at Lyons - for his brother, ii. 7; - his constitution delicate, 43; - at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - at the ball given on the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 81; - his restless spirit, 95; - supposed to have dealings with the Huguenots, 96; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, _ib._; - his flight and his motives, 100-104, and _note_; - expected to return to Blois, 105; - demands that the negotiations be held at Blois instead of Poitiers, - 114; - supposed to have instigated du Guast’s murder, 116; - interferes in his quarrel with Thoré, 118; - takes possession of Châtelherault, 120; - demands Bourges and other towns, _ib._; - will probably come to terms, 131; - his expedition to the Netherlands, 141; - intends ravaging Hainault, 143; - sends to Italy to hire horse, _ib._; - a champion of the Catholics, 144; - reinforcements for him, 147; - witnesses the battle at Ghent, 148; - disposition of his troops, 149; - expects to visit England 156; - prevails on citizens of Antwerp to admit 300 French noblemen, 162; - his attempt to seize Antwerp, 166; - retreats to the monastery of St. Bernard, 167; - and thence to Dendermonde, 168; - his probable course of action, _ib._; - blackness of his conduct, 170; - excuses made for it, _ib._; - complete breach with citizens of Antwerp, 173; - his ill-regulated mind, 174; - proposed compromise with him, 174-175; - chooses Dunkirk as his residence, 179; - reported to be concerned in fresh disturbances, 180; - ill at Dunkirk, 181; - presents Fervaques with an abbacy, _ib._; - sends Pibrac to Antwerp, _ib._; - writes to stop his mother from coming, 182; - meets her at La Fère, 185; - has lost everything in Netherlands but Cambrai, 186; - returns to France, _ib._; - said to be going to marry the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, - 194; - said to have handed over Cambrai to his brother, 195; - his probable plans, _ib._; - appointed by the king his Lieutenant with limited powers, 196; - at Cambrai in great want of money, 198; - envoys to him from the States, _ib._; - likely to come to Paris, 199; - goes to Château Thierry, 201; - intends to winter at Angers, 202; - goes to Laon, _ib._; - will not come to court, 203; - his rumoured negotiations with Spain for sale of Cambrai, 204; - changes his plans, will winter at Château Thierry, 206; - his humiliating position, _ib._; - suspected attempt to murder, 209; - about to receive an embassy from the Netherlands, 210; - urges his claim to be made Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, 212; - visits his mother, 213; - by her advice approaches the king submissively, _ib._; - advised to secure the favour of Joyeuse and Epernon, _ib._; - returns to Château Thierry, 214; - his serious illness, 216; - reported to be in a decline, 217; - given over, 218; - confined to his bed, 219; - importance of his death for France, _ib._; - his death, 221; - his character, _ib._; - preparations for his funeral, _ib._; - said to have bequeathed Cambrai to his mother, 222; - his funeral, 223 - - _Ali_ Pasha, second vizier, and afterwards Grand Vizier, his origin - and character, i. 157, 342; - banquet given by him to Persian ambassador, 157; - his foolish speech, 234; - becomes Grand Vizier, 334; - grants Busbecq’s request to leave his house, _ib._; - sends a cavasse to him, 342; - contrasted with Roostem, 343-345; - his interviews with Busbecq, 345; - his policy, 346; - his accident, _ib._; - conversation with Busbecq about the invasion of Moldavia, 349-351; - helps to procure the release of Busbecq’s servants, 368; - sends him sweetmeats, 375; - informs him of Bajazet’s death, 385; - his presents to him on his departure, 388; - what he wished in return, 391 - - _Ali_ Pasha, the eunuch, appointed to the command in Hungary, i. 236; - visited by Busbecq and his colleagues, 237; - description of him, _ib._; - his operations in Hungary, _ib._; - his rashness checked by a Sanjak-bey, 238; - his discomfiture and death, 239; - his speech on the loss of Gran, 240 - - _Alost_, taken by Alençon, ii. 143 - - _Alva_, the Duke of, his death, ii. 162 - - _Amasia_, capital of Cappadocia, description of, i. 150-151; - Bajazet ordered thither, 267 - - _Amber_, great quantities of it exported to Turkey and Persia, i. 257 - - _Amiens_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Amurath I._, Sultan, his death, i. 153, and _note_ - - _Ancyranum Monumentum_, account of the, i. 142-143, and _note_ - - _Angers_, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120; - Alençon going to winter there, 202 - - _Angers_, citadel of, held by de Brissac, ii. 245; - surprised by Huguenots, 248; - its destruction ordered, 249 - - _Angoulême_, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120 - - _Angora_, town of, description of the, i. 142; - Bajazet occupies and raises forced loan from merchants of, 275 - - _Angora_ goats, i. 137, and _note_; - manufacture of mohair from their hair, 143 - - _Annonay_, town in the Vivarais, siege of, ii. 9, and _note_ - - _Ant_, Indian, as large as a dog, sent as a present by the Shah to - Solyman, i. 375, and _note_ - - _Antonio_, Don, pretender to the crown of Portugal, his Constable - killed, ii. 146; - returns to France, 161; - goes to Dieppe, _ib._; - engaged in equipping a fleet, 178; - expenses of his household at Ruel, 183; - his new fleet reaches the Azores, 188; - said to be intended as the commander of the French forces in the - Netherlands, 235 - - _Antwerp_, the French Fury at, ii. 164-168; - tumult against Orange there, 176; - strictly blockaded, 231; - hard pressed, 236; - equipment of fleet to relieve, 240; - cutting the dykes near, _ib._; - the bridge destroyed, 247; - gunpowder sent to Paris from, 254 - - _Antwerp_, inhabitants of, their kind treatment of the prisoners, - ii. 169; - their statement, 171; - demand ransom, 173; - complete breach between them and Alençon, _ib._; - demand the execution of Fervaques, 175; - their confidence in Orange diminished, 185, 186; - ready to suffer the worst rather than submit, 217; - resolved to hold out, 229 - - _Archery_, Turkish skill in, i. 253 - - _Aremberg_, the Countess of, ii. 113, _note_; - writes to announce her arrival at Nancy, 114; - notice sent to her of date of the Queen’s departure, 126; - delayed in reaching Nancy by a mistake, 130 - - _Arslan Bey_, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg, his feud with Veli Bey, - i. 244 - - _Arundel_, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, - ii. 212; - will probably be pardoned, _ib._; - again arrested, 247 - - _Athenæus_, his statement as to the _pinna_ and _pinna guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Aubigny_, Comte d’, and Duke of Lennox, reported to be besieged in - Scotland, ii. 148, and _note_ - - _Auger_, Edmund, the king’s confessor, rebuked by Catherine de Medici, - ii. 182 - - _Aumale_, the Duke of, accompanies the Queen to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96; - a leader of the League, 241; - seizes places in Normandy, 245 - - _Aumont_, Maréchal d’, with Navarre, ii. 262 - - _Auxonne_, town in Burgundy, its inhabitants charge their governor with - treason and pull down the fortifications, ii. 248-249 - - _Axylos_, woodless tract in Asia Minor, i. 215 - - - _Babocsa_, a Hungarian fortress, i. 237 - - _Baden_, the Margrave of, meets the Queen, ii. 134 - - _Bailen_, the Comte de, Spanish ambassador, starts for Lyons, ii. 11; - arrives at Paris, 22; - leaves Paris, 28 - - _Baily_, title of the Venetian ambassador, i. 226, _note_; - his interposition, 226; - unable to help the imprisoned pilgrims, 352; - his surprise at the release of Busbecq’s servants without a bribe, - 368 - - _Bairam_, the feast of, parents allowed to see their married daughters - at, i. 229, and _note_; - description of its celebration by the Turkish army, 302-304 - - _Bajazet I._, Sultan, indignities he and his wife received from - Tamerlane, i. 112 - - _Bajazet II._, Sultan, defeats his son Selim, i. 108 - - _Bajazet_, son of Solyman, his mother’s favourite, i. 179; - implicated in the rising of Mustapha, the Pretender, 180, 185; - his interview with his father, 187-189; - his story continued, 264-281; - conspires against his brother, 265; - removed from Kutaiah to Amasia, 267; - complains of his new government, _ib._; - accuses his brother, 268-269; - prepares for war, 270; - sends back Pertau Pasha, 271; - his message to Solyman, 272; - takes town of Akschehr, 273; - occupies Angora, and raises a forced loan from the merchants, 275; - his appearance and character, 275-276; - marches on Koniah, 277; - his speech to his army, 277-278; - his gallant conduct, 278; - defeated at Koniah, retreats to Amasia, 279; - reputation acquired by him, 280; - sounds his father’s disposition, 298; - warned by his friends to beware of him, 301; - one of his spies executed, _ib._; - starts on his flight to Persia, 302; - his rapidity, 304; - his stratagems to deceive the Pashas of Siwas and Erzeroum, - 304-305; - offers double pay to soldiers joining him, 306; - crosses the Araxes and enters Persia, 306-307; - his speech to the Shah’s envoys, 307; - his reception by the Shah, 308; - his message to his father, 309; - atrocious speech of one of his officers, _ib._; - is seized and thrown into prison, 311; - conjectures as to his probable fate, 311-312; - the end of his story, 375, 378-381; - his execution, 381; - his four sons share his fate, _ib._; - execution of his infant son at Broussa, 382 - - _Balagny_, Governor of Cambrai, ii. 205, and _note_; - his tyrannical conduct there, 227 - - _Baldi_, Philip, an Italian sent to Busbecq by the Emperor, i. 259; - mentioned again, 263 - - _Baldwin_, Count of Flanders and Latin Emperor of Romania—taken and - killed by the Bulgarians, i. 105, and _note_; - mentioned, 130, _note_ - - _Balsam_, given by Ali Pasha to Busbecq, i. 388; - its value, 389, and _note_; - doubts thrown on its genuineness, 416 - - _Balsam-tree_, not now to be found in Asia Minor, i. 142 - - _Basilicus_, John, Greek adventurer—his story, i. 347, _note_; - invades Moldavia, 347 - - _Baths_, intrigues carried on in them by Turkish women, i. 231 - - _Bavaria_, the Duke of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, - and _note_; - his health, ii. 134; - his handsome reception of the Queen, _ib._; - thinks the Danube her best route, _ib._; - presses her to remain, _ib._ - - _Bavaria_, the Duchess of, sends messages and letters to the Queen, - ii. 3 - - _Bavaria_, Ferdinand, Duke of, meets the Queen, ii. 134 - - _Bavaria_, William, Duke of, with his wife meets the Queen at Nancy, - ii. 129; - consulted as to her route, 133, 137; - his kindness to her, 135; - goes to Vienna, 137 - - _Belgrade_, town of, described, i. 93; - sieges and capture of, by the Turks, 94; - fertility of the neighbourhood, 165 - - _Bellegarde_, Roger de Saint-Lary de, Marshal, sent as ambassador to - Poland, ii. 61, and _note_; - said to have fallen sick, 66 - - _Bellièvre_, Pomponne de, Ambassador of Charles IX. in Poland, ii. 49, - and _note_; - likely to be sent to the Netherlands, 169; - sent to Alençon, 172; - stays behind to arrange matters, 174; - returns from Antwerp, 181; - sent to King of Navarre, 203 - - _Belon_ (_Bellonus_), Pierre, French traveller and physician, his - mistake about the hyena, i. 140; - referred to for figure of the _pinna_, 339 - - _Bergen_, town in Brabant, taken by the Hollanders under their - protection, ii. 217 - - _Bernard_, Monastery of St., outpost established there by garrison - of Lier, ii. 148; - Alençon passes the night there after the French Fury, 167 - - _Berry_, Duchy of, the Queen’s dower partly charged on it, ii. 109 - - _Besançon_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Besme_, murderer of Coligny, taken prisoner by the Huguenots, - ii. 99, and _note_ - - _Beyler-bey of Greece_, the, sent to Selim’s assistance, i. 271; - sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378 - - _Billy_, Seigneur de, killed at the Antwerp bridge, ii. 247 - - _Birague_, Cardinal de, Chancellor of France, ii. 39; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 87; - contributes to forced loan, 98; - his death and character, 208, and _note_ - - _Biron_, Marshal, the probable commander in the Netherlands, ii. 147; - takes the command there, 149-150; - asks for more cavalry, _ib._; - halts on the Somme, 154; - joins Alençon, 156; - his army, 157; - going to the Campine, 162; - said to be the author of the attempt on Antwerp, 165; - clears himself of all blame, 175; - his letter pressing Alençon to abandon the scheme discovered, 181; - retakes some small forts, 182; - defeated at Steenbergen, and wounded, 184; - at Antwerp pressing for money, 186; - returns to France, 195; - his attack on Cateau Cambrésis repulsed, 202; - with Navarre, 262 - - _Black Sea_, Busbecq’s visit to it, i. 129, 131; - Polybius wrong in supposing it was silting up, 132 - - _Blaye_, town near Bordeaux, garrisoned by the younger de Lansac, - ii. 245 - - _Blois_, Busbecq obliged to go thither, ii. 141; - king there, 229; - Busbecq goes thither to condole with him in the Queen’s name - on Alençon’s death, 230 - - _Blot_, Hugo de, recommended by Busbecq to Maximilian as librarian, - ii. 73-74, and _note_ - - _Bodin_, Jean, paper relating to French Fury attributed to him, - ii. 171, and _note_ - - _Bokhara_, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Bonnivet_, de, defends Endhoven, ii. 182 - - _Bosphorus_, description of the Thracian, i. 129, 131; - for distinction between it and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, - see 111, _note_ - - _Bouchain_, taken by Alençon, ii. 144 - - _Bouillon_, Godfrey de, first King of Jerusalem, mentioned, i. 250 - - _Bouillon_, the Duc de, warns the King of the Guises’ preparations, - ii. 241, and _note_ - - _Bourbon_, Charles, Cardinal de, claims to be successor to the throne, - ii. 228; - reported to intend to give up his orders and to marry the Duchesse - de Montpensier, _ib._; - joins the Guises, 239; - nominally their chief leader, 241; - claims the succession to the throne, 242; - changes his cardinal’s robes for a soldier’s dress, 243; - with the Duke of Guise, 246; - a prisoner, 253, and _note_; - Parliament issues decrees in his name as Charles X., 256; - the Legate summons the people of Langres to acknowledge him as - their king, 257 - - _Bourbon_, House of, its position, ii. 40; - will be heirs presumptive to the crown on Alençon’s death, 218 - - _Bourges_, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120; - likely to surrender to Navarre, 255 - - _Brabant_, people of, pronounce _sevene_ differently from the Flemings, - i. 358; - arrival of ambassadors from them, ii. 214; - all except Antwerp and Bergen likely to submit, 217 - - _Breda_, peace negotiations opened there, ii. 54 - - _Brissac_, de, a Leaguer, seizes the citadel of Angers, ii. 245, - and _note_ - - _Broussa_, execution of Bajazet’s infant son there, i. 382 - - _Bruges_, obliged to call in garrison of Menin for its protection, - ii. 194; - said to have submitted, 219; - receives a Spanish garrison, 222 - - _Brussels_, to be Alençon’s residence, ii. 175; - declined by him, 179; - threatened by Parma, 182; - inclined to go over to him, 183; - thinking of surrendering, 229; - surrenders, 236 - - _Buda_, city of, description of the, i. 89; - hot springs there, 90 - - _Buda_, the Pasha of, Busbecq’s interviews with, i. 169, 396; - see also _Touighoun_ Pasha - - _Bulgarians_, their bread, i. 103; - dress of their women, _ib._; - their origin, history, and language, 105, and _note_ - - _Buren_, town in Gelderland, taken, ii. 90, and _note_ - - _Burgundian_ secretary, letter from him to Busbecq, i. 233 - - _Busbecq_, Ogier Ghiselin de, at marriage of Philip and Mary, i. 77; - summoned to Vienna, _ib._; - bids his family farewell, _ib._; - sees Don Pedro at Brussels, _ib._; - travels to Vienna, _ib._; - interview with Ferdinand, 78; - visits Malvezzi, _ib._; - returns to Vienna, 82; - prepares for journey and starts, _ib._; - reaches Komorn, _ib._; - Gran, 83; - Buda, 85; - makes acquaintance with the Janissaries, 86-87; - his interview with the Pasha, 91; - embarks for Belgrade, 92; - collects coins, 93, 94, 139, 141; - journeys through Servia, 95; - disgusted with Turkish inns, 98; - lodges in a stable, 99; - how he got wine, 100; - reaches Sophia, 102; - Philippopolis, 106; - Adrianople, 107; - Constantinople, 111; - visits the ex-vizier Roostem, _ib._; - sees the sights of Constantinople, 122, _et seq._; - has a dead giraffe dug up for examination, 128; - visits the Bosphorus and Black Sea, 129, 131; - starts for Amasia, 133; - passes through Nicomedia, 134; - Nicæa, 135; - Angora, 139; - enjoys sherbet and preserved grapes, 147; - reaches Amasia, 150; - visits Achmet Pasha and the other viziers, 152; - his first audience of Solyman, 152-153; - his second, 158; - leaves Amasia, 159; - ill of fever, 161; - reaches Constantinople, _ib._; - leaves, 162; - finds _scordium_, 164; - has another fever, 166; - in danger from brigands, 167-8; - visits Pasha of Buda, 169; - compensates a Turk for his nose, 171; - recovers from his fever, _ib._; - reaches Vienna, _ib._; - effects on him of his hardships, _ib._; - sent back to Constantinople, 175; - arrives there, 176; - unfavourably received by the Pashas, 176-178; - left alone at Constantinople, 193; - his politic conduct, 194-197; - summoned to Adrianople, 199; - alarmed by an earthquake, 200; - returns to Constantinople, 201; - hires a house, _ib._; - sent back to his former lodging, _ib._; - his menagerie, 204; - shoots kites, 212; - his partridges, _ib._; - his horses, 214; - his camels, 218; - complains of his letters being intercepted, 234; - Roostem tries to convert him, 235; - his interview with Ali Pasha, the eunuch, 237; - his amusements and occupations, 252; - practises the Turkish bow _ib._; - his visitors, 257; - his retort on Roostem, 264; - sees the Sultan leave Constantinople, 281-287; - his retorts on his cavasse, 287; - summoned to the Turkish camp, _ib._; - his sojourn and observations there, 287-297; - presents Ferdinand’s gifts to the Sultan, 297; - witnesses the celebration of the Bairam, 302-304; - his policy influenced by Bajazet’s fortunes, 313; - apologises for his long letter, 314; - overwhelmed by the news of the Spanish defeat, 316; - rescues the standard of the Neapolitan galleys, 322; - becomes surety for Don Juan de Cardona, 325; - his charity to the Spanish prisoners, 326-330; - fears he will lose the money advanced to them, 329; - good effects of his example, 330; - the plague in his house, _ib._; - allowed to import wine for his private use, 332; - his request to leave his house on account of the plague refused - by Roostem, 333; - granted by Ali, 334; - visits Quacquelben on his death-bed, 335-336; - erects a monument to him, 337; - goes to Prinkipo, _ib._; - his fishing there, _ib._; - his walk with the friar, 340; - his acquaintance with the Metropolitan Metrophanes, 341-342; - Pashas afraid he may escape, 342; - returns to Constantinople, _ib._; - interview with Roostem, 343; - Ferdinand’s bounty to him, 344; - his inquiries for Ali, 347; - alarmed by the invasion of Moldavia, 349; - interview with Ali on the subject, 349-351; - sends home the released pilgrims, 353; - accused by Lavigne as a Spanish spy, 354; - his interview with Goths from the Crimea, 355-359; - with Turkish pilgrims, 359-364; - feats of a mountebank he saw at Venice, 365; - his confinement relaxed, _ib._; - refuses to appease the Cadi by a bribe, 368; - writes to encourage de Sandé, 372; - asks Ferdinand to intercede for the Spanish prisoners, 373; - argues with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384; - fears the effect of Bajazet’s death on his negotiations, 385; - hears of his death from Ali, _ib._; - makes inquiries of his friends, _ib._; - his precautions in concluding peace, 387; - his presents from Ali, 388-389; - starts for home, 390; - a good walker, 391; - recovers his appetite, _ib._; - his application to Ibrahim, 395; - reaches Buda, 396; - visits the Pasha, _ib._; - reaches Gran and Vienna, 397; - informs Ferdinand of his arrival, _ib._; - is graciously received by him, 398; - longs for home, 399; - prefers retirement to a court, 399-400; - his high opinion of Hannibal, 408; - books, plants, animals, &c., - brought back by him, 414-417; - sent a physician to Lemnos, 416; - his journey to Paris, ii. 3; - stays at Speyer from illness, _ib._; - his second visit to Spain, 4, _note_; - reaches Paris, 5; - his interviews with Queen Elizabeth, 5-7; - dissatisfied with the dower business, 14; - asks for instructions, _ib._; - his forecast of the future, 15; - his conversation at Kaiserslautern, _ib._; - complains of Paris prices, 19; - intends going to the Netherlands, _ib._; - his interview with Pibrac, 29; - his conversation about the dower with the Bishop of Paris - and others, 33; - asks for credentials, 34; - goes to Lyons and sees the Spanish ambassador, _ib._; - sails to Avignon, 35; - visited by Bishop Montluc at Valence, 36; - his interviews with the King and Queen-Mother, 36, 37; - with the Bishops of Orleans and Limoges, 37; - sees the siege of Livron, 44; - draws up ciphers, 48; - asks for his salary, 50, 58, 93, 112; - hopes Maximilian will pardon his being addressed as ambassador, 50; - asks for instructions and a speedy answer, 51, 52; - intends going to Brussels, 52; - at Brussels, 53; - returns to Paris and delivers Maximilian’s letter to the King, 55; - his audiences of the Queen-Mother, the Queen and the King, 59; - recommends Hugo de Blot as librarian, 73; - asks Maximilian in the Queen’s name to intercede for Montmorency, - 75; - his interview with the Portuguese ambassador, 76; - suggests, if the Queen marries the King of Portugal, the economy - of sending her direct from Paris, 78; - suggests his recall, 83; - asks for new credentials, 84; - also for watches as presents, 84, 93; - which are refused, 115; - his audience of the King, 85; - his interviews with Birague and de Morvilliers, 87; - requested by Maximilian to remain in Paris, 93; - his answer to the Duke of Brunswick’s envoy, 94; - hopes the Queen will not be long in Paris, 97; - his audiences of the King, 106, 107; - is to accompany the Queen as her chief chamberlain, 128; - complains of the non-payment of de Vulcob’s advances, 132; - writes to Governor of Upper Austria, 136; - obliged to go to Blois on the Queen’s business, 141; - his audience of the King, _ib._; - asks for settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, 163, 188, - 200; - his account of the French Fury at Antwerp, 164-168; - asks for St. Hilaire’s discharge, 188; - goes to Blois to condole with the King in the Queen’s name on - Alençon’s death, 230; - fears his despatches will be stopped, 247; - some actually missing, 250; - seldom has opportunity of sending a letter, _ib._; - fears the town where he will be attacked, 255; - calls the Emperor’s attention to the Queen’s position, 256; - his description of Navarre and Parma and their respective armies, - 261-264 - - _Busbecq’s house_ at Constantinople, description of, i. 201-203 - - _Busbecq’s servants_, their first taste of Turkish luxury, i. 84; - wine as good as feather-beds to them, 100; - their practical joke, 124; - quarrel between them and some Janissaries, 295-296; - quarrel of two of them with the Cadi of Pera, 365-368; - scuffle of one with a Janissary, 393 - - _Bussy d’Amboise_, notorious duellist, his end, ii. 191, and _note_ - - - _Cadi_ of Pera, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, and its - consequences, i. 365-368 - - _Caen_, seaport in Normandy, held by the Marquis of Elbœuf, ii. 245 - - _Cæsar._ See _Julius Cæsar_ - - _Calloo_, fort of, near Antwerp, held by Parma, ii. 226 - - _Calvi_, of Genoa, and _Capello_, of Milan, sent out of France on - suspicion of sending money to Parma, ii. 151 - - _Cambrai_, its restoration demanded by the States, ii. 173; - besieged by Parma, 183; - hard pressed, 186; - said to be handed over to the King of France, 195; - Alençon there, 198; - its unsafe state, 202; - reported disturbances there, 203; - origin of reports, 204; - Alençon thinks of selling it to Philip, _ib._; - held by Balagny, 206 and 205, _note_; - King about to take it under his protection, 214; - said to be bequeathed by Alençon to his mother, 222; - a thorn in the side of Artois and Hainault, _ib._; - said to be made to swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, 225; - its restoration to Spain one of the terms demanded by the League, - 246 - - _Camelopard_, dead, dug up and described by Busbecq, i. 128 - - _Camels_, description of, i. 218; - numbers of them in the Sultan’s baggage-train, 219 - - _Campine_, district in the Netherlands, Biron going to the, ii. 162 - - _Cape Sheep_, i. 138, and _note_ - - _Capello._ See _Calvi_ - - _Caravanserai_, description of a, i. 97 - - _Carestran_, the meeting-place between Bajazet and his father, i. 187 - - _Cardona_, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, manages to get left at Chios, - i. 323; - is ransomed by his brother-in-law, with Busbecq’s help, 325 - - _Casimir_, John, son of the Elector Palatine, sketch of him, ii. 15, - _note_; - king undertakes to pay him 500,000 francs, 127; - his covenant for mutual defence with Condé, _ib._; - sends one of his officers to Elizabeth, 130; - will not hear of a truce, 131; - sends to Queen of England about the Cologne business, 184; - application to him suggested in congress of Middelburg, 202 - - _Castella_, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, his gallant conduct, i. 320 - - _Cat_, the, preferred by Turks to the dog, i. 225; - Mahomet’s, _ib._ - - _Cateau Cambrésis_, treaty of, Turks indignant at, i. 369 - - _Cateau Cambrésis_, town of, taken by Parma, ii. 157; - annoyance caused by its garrison, 162; - Biron’s attempt on it repulsed by Parma, 202 - - _Cathay_, or China, account of, given by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 359-362 - - _Catherine de Medici_, Queen of France, waits for her son at Lyons, - ii. 7; - offended at Pibrac’s advice, 10; - supposed to favour war in order to keep her power, 11, 50; - threatens execution of Montmorency, if his brothers invade France, - 16; - grants Busbecq an audience, 36; - her power over the King, 37; - given good advice by Maximilian, 38; - her illness from walking in a procession at night, 45; - fancies she sees the Cardinal’s ghost, 46, and _note_; - offers the Queen her services, 55; - her unpopularity, 57; - her regard for Maximilian, 59; - tries to keep Alençon quiet, 95; - follows him, 102; - interview between them, 103; - regrets she cannot bid Elizabeth farewell, 122; - concludes a six months’ truce with Alençon, 126; - intends visiting certain towns to persuade them to admit him, 127; - invested with the government in the King’s absence, 145, 183; - grants Don Antonio an audience, 161; - her claims on Portugal, _ib._ and _note_; - her exclamation on hearing of the French Fury, 167; - intends visiting Alençon, 180; - indignant at his folly, 181; - disgusted at the King’s neglect of his duties, 182; - rebukes his confessor, _ib._; - Alençon puts off her visit, _ib._; - goes to Boulogne to see him, 184; - meets him at La Fère, 185; - incensed with her daughter for her conduct, 193; - returns to La Fère, 194; - goes to Alençon at Château Thierry, 202; - and then to Laon, _ib._; - returns to Paris, 203; - again goes to Alençon, 209; - visited by him, 213; - her advice to him, _ib._; - visits him, 217; - said to be sick with grief, 218; - her grief for Alençon genuine, 221; - importuned by Netherland ambassadors, 224; - strongly supports their appeal to the King, 225; - resolved to keep Cambrai, 228; - goes to the Loire, _ib._; - her hatred of Spain, 235; - her answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237; - with the Duke of Guise, 246 - - _Cavasses_, nature of their office, i. 85, 201; - Busbecq’s cavasse induces the Pashas to confine him in his old - quarters, 201; - their general behaviour to Busbecq, 258; - rudeness of one, and Busbecq’s retaliation, 259-260; - one tries to prevent Busbecq seeing the Sultan’s departure, 281; - Busbecq retorts on him, 287; - Busbecq’s argument with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384. - - _Champagny_, M. de, brother of Cardinal Granvelle, in danger at Ghent - on account of alleged conspiracy ii. 209 - - _Chanvallon_, M. de, former favourite of Alençon, and lover of the - Queen of Navarre, flies to Germany, ii. 193; - his manners and appearance, _ib._ - - _Charité_, La, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120 - - _Charlemagne_, the Emperor, dispersed the Saxons, i. 359; - House of Guise said to be descended from him, ii. 238 - - _Charles V._, the Emperor, his truce with the Turks, i. 78; - Turkish recollection of his victories, 318; - standard with his arms rescued by Busbecq, 322-323; - etiquette at his court, ii. 159-160 - - _Charles IX._, King of France, questions as to his leaving a will, - ii. 33; - had appointed his brother Henry his Lieutenant, 104 - - _Charlotte de Bourbon_, daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, - her marriage with the Prince of Orange, ii. 66, and _note_; - her death, 142 - - _Chartres_, attempt on town of, ii. 98; - Nevers’ head-quarters, 102; - said to have gone over to Navarre, 255 - - _Chattes_, M. de, a Knight of Malta, commanding Don Antonio’s fleet, - ii. 188 - - _Chederle_, fabulous hero identified by the Turks with St. George, - legend of, i. 148-150 - - _Chios_, tame partridges from, i. 212; - how reared, 213; - its Genoese inhabitants, and its form of government, 323, - and _note_; - Spanish officers left there, _ib._ - - _Cicero_, his statements as to the _pinna_ and _pinna-guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Ciphers_, Pashas puzzled by supposed, i. 233; - Busbecq draws some up, ii. 48 - - _Claudius_, the Emperor, the story of his murder alluded to, i. 172 - - _Clervant_, M. de, Huguenot leader, taken prisoner, ii. 104, and _note_ - - _Cocq_, Jerome de, Busbecq asks his salary to be paid to, ii. 50 - - _Codignac_, M. de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, his quarrel - with his successor, i. 370 - - _Coins_, ancient, found by Busbecq, i. 94, 139, 141 - - _Colchians._ See _Mingrelians_ - - _Cologne_, disturbances at, ii. 162, and _note_; - King hopes to profit by them, 185 - - _Compiègne_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Condé_, Prince de, expected to take the field, ii. 32; - messenger from him at Avignon, 41; - some wish him sent to Hungary against the Turk, 49; - likely to invade France, 68; - terms of peace to be referred to him, 70; - suggestion that he should go to assist Orange, 72; - said to be coming with an army, 88; - Mezières appointed as his residence, 127; - his covenant for mutual defence with Casimir, _ib._; - will not hear of a truce, 131; - spoken of for the command in the Netherlands, 233; - marriage reported between him and Navarre’s sister, _ib._; - report of a bull declaring him disqualified to succeed to the - throne, 243, 249; - marches on Angers, but fails in his enterprise, 248 - - _Constantinople_, description of, and its antiquities, &c., i. 122-127; - the Sultan’s sons not allowed to enter, 187; - entry of Turkish fleet into, 321 - - _Cossé_, Maréchal de, imprisoned in the Bastile, ii. 8; - sketch of him, _ib._, _note_; - his illness, 19; - will probably go with Montmorency to Alençon, 105 - - _Crane_, story of a Balearic, i. 207 - - _Cratevas_, a Greek herbalist, fragments of, in Busbecq’s MS. of - Dioscorides, i. 417, and _note_ - - - _Dadian_, King of the Mingrelians, his appearance and character, - i. 245; - his capture and escape, 246-247; - his presents to Solyman, 251-252 - - _Dalmatian_ horseman, his objection to fire-arms, i. 241-242 - - _Damville_, Comte de, afterwards Duc de Montmorency, sketch of him, - ii. 11, _note_; - summoned by the King, _ib._; - said to have caused Montpellier to revolt, 22; - to have made an attempt on Avignon, 23; - prepares to defend himself, 32; - carries war through Languedoc and Guienne, 56; - report of his death, 68, and _note_; - terms of peace to be referred to him, 70; - comes to life again, 77; - King wishes to deprive him of his government, 187; - intended campaign against him, 214; - pronounced contumacious by the Parliament, _ib._; - campaign given up, 218; - said to be appointed Constable of France by Navarre, 255. - - _Dantzic_, amber merchant of, at Constantinople, i. 257 - - _Dauphin_, the Prince. See _Montpensier_ - - _Delegates_ from the rebels expected in Paris, and their demands, - ii. 57, 60; - sent back with the King’s answer, 60 - - _Dendermonde_, Alençon withdraws thither, ii. 168; - attacked by Parma, 226 - - _Denmark_, King of, application to the, suggested in Congress of - Middelburg, ii. 202; - his eldest daughter married to King James of Scotland, 258 - - _Derby_, Earl of, comes to Paris as the bearer of the Order of the - Garter from Queen Elizabeth to the King, ii. 234; - his magnificent reception, 237; - his departure, _ib._ - - _Diest_, town belonging to Prince of Orange, blockaded by Parma, - ii. 157; - surrenders to him, 162; - recovered by him, 183 - - _Dietrichstein_, Adam von, Austrian Baron, i. 325, _note_; - ransoms his brother-in-law, _ib._ - - _Dijon_, the Pope’s legate summons people of Langres to, ii. 257; - transfers their bishopric to, _ib._ - - _Dioscorides_, famous MS. of, found by Busbecq at Constantinople, - i. 417, and _note_ - - _Divan_, custom of entertaining ambassadors on leaving in the, - i. 159, 387; - meaning of the word, 197; - Busbecq and his colleagues summoned thither, _ib._; - scene there, 232-234; - de Sandé brought before, 325; - debate there as to whether Busbecq should be allowed to bring wine - into Constantinople, 332 - - _Divorce_, Turkish laws about, i. 230 - - _Dixmude_, hard pressed, ii. 194 - - _Djerbé_, account of the Spanish defeat at, i. 317, _note_, and 317-321 - - _Dodona_, the oak of, alluded to, i. 272 - - _Dorothea_, sister of the Duke of Lorraine, her marriage, ii. 124, 129 - - _Dower_, the Queen’s, Duchy of Berry said to be assigned as, ii. 20; - further reports about it, 26; - Pibrac’s statement about it, 30; - impossible to get the whole charged on Crown Lands, 53, 56; - two proposals as to settlement thereof, 85; - valuation made of property assigned for it, 108; - final arrangement about it, 109 - - _Duck_, species of, whose cry was like a post horn, i. 139 - - _Duel_, a, in France, ii. 188-191 - - _Duelling_, Turkish opinion about, i. 244 - - - _Earthquake_, at Adrianople, i. 200; - at Constantinople, _ib._ - - _Egmont_, Count, Louise de Vaudemont his niece, ii. 51; - his brother compromised by Salceda’s evidence, 154 - - _Egypt_, eggs artificially hatched in, i. 214; - disaffected to the Turks, 273 - - _Elbœuf_, Marquis of, cousin of the Duke of Guise, one of the leaders - of the League, ii. 241; - seizes Caen, 245 - - _Elephant_, that danced and played ball, i. 128 - - _Elizabeth_, Queen of England, peace renewed between her and France, - ii. 60; - anecdote of her, 61; - said to have sent Alençon money, 143; - conspiracy against her, 212; - sends the Garter to the King, 235; - reported attempt on her life, 240; - offers the King 6,000 horse, 246; - fresh conspiracy against her, 247; - openly takes Holland and Zealand under her protection, 251 - - _Elizabeth_, daughter of Maximilian, widow of Charles IX., sends her - carriages for Busbecq, ii. 5; - her proposed marriage to Henry III., 6; - the general topic of conversation, 11; - her uncomfortable position in Paris, 14; - difficulties about her dower, _ib._; - her illness apprehended, 22; - her recovery, 24; - questions as to her future arrangements, 25; - report of her marriage to Henry III. discredited, 27; - her health, 29; - marriage with King of Portugal talked of, 30, 77; - arrangements as to her establishment and return, 31, 32; - wishes Busbecq to go to the King, 33; - her escort home, 47; - consults Busbecq as to her conduct to the new Queen, 51; - shows him the Queen-Mother’s letter, _ib._; - suggested for the governorship of the Netherlands, 54; - how her current expenses are to be provided, _ib._; - intends going to Amboise after Easter, 58; - anxious to see her daughter, but prevented by want of funds, 64; - no money to pay her servants, 65; - her position intolerable, 67; - longs to return and also to see her daughter, 78; - her poverty, _ib._; - her illness caused by anxiety, 79; - arrangements about her journey, 84, 115, 119, 123; - the municipality of Paris inclined to defray her expenses, 91; - requires money, 92; - receives proposal from Duke Eric of Brunswick, 94; - starts for Amboise, 96; - arrives there, 97; - the date of her departure, 109; - questions about her route, 110-111; - her anxiety to leave, 113; - sends Orleans wine to her father, 124; - starts from Paris, 128; - arrives at Nancy, 129; - present at the Duke of Brunswick’s wedding, _ib._; - sends courier to Madame d’Aremberg, 130; - arrives at Bâle, Augsburg, and Munich, 133, 134; - whether her route is to be by land or water, 133; - her health, 135; anxious to reach her father, 136; - her life and character, _ib._ _note_; - business relating to her, 141; - her rights disregarded, 172; - curtailment of her income from the troubles in France probable, - 256 - - _Elizabeth_, daughter of the preceding, probably will not be allowed - to leave France, ii. 56; - is delicate, 58; - description of her, 97, and _note_ - - _Elkass_ Mirza, assisted by Solyman against his brother, Shah Tahmasp, - i. 301 - - _Endhoven_, town in Brabant, capitulates, ii. 182 - - _English_ ambassador suspected of intriguing with Alençon, ii. 99-100.; - See also _Derby_, Earl of - - _Epernon_, Duke of, favourite of the King, applies for governorship - of Brittany, ii. 172; - King wishes the Duke of Lorraine to give him his daughter, 176; - description of him, 177; - King wishes to make him governor of Metz, 184; - Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213; - escorts Alençon on his departure, 214; - sent to the King of Navarre, 220; - honourably received by him, 223; - ill of scrofula, 230; - his reported marriage to Navarre’s sister, 242; - finds out where his hat is, 246; - sent to his command at Metz, 251 - - _Eric_, Duke of Brunswick, proposes for Elizabeth, ii. 94, and _note_; - reported preparations for his marriage to Dorothea, the Duke of - Lorraine’s sister, 124; - his wedding, 129 - - _Ernest_, the Archduke, suspected of being concerned in the affair - of Antwerp, ii. 168; - Philip II.’s daughter said to be betrothed to him, _ib._ - - _Erzeroum_, the Pasha of, how deceived by Bajazet, i. 304-305; - afterwards put to death by Selim, 305 - - _Espinoy_, Prince of, accompanies the Netherland ambassadors to France, - ii. 234 - - _Essek_, town of, famous battle there, i. 166 - - _Este_, the Cardinal of, applies for the honour of escorting the Queen, - ii. 55, and _note_; - accompanies her to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - appointed to escort her, 126; - returns to Paris on account of plot to waylay him, 130 - - _Estrées_, d’, family of, banished from Court, ii. 13 - - _Etampes_, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 252 - - _Eunuchs_ of Solyman’s bed-chamber, the chief of the, procures Pialé - Pasha’s pardon, i. 324; - de Sandé recalled at his wish, 326. - See also _Hassan_ Aga - - _Evreux_, town of, threatened by Navarre, ii, 258 - - - _Fast_, the Turkish, how kept, i. 290-291 - - _Ferdinand_, King of Hungary and Bohemia, King of the Romans - and afterwards Emperor, summons Busbecq to Vienna, i. 77; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 78; - sends Malvezzi to the Porte, _ib._; - recovers Transylvania, 79; - sends Zay and Wranczy to the Porte, 80; - engaged at the Imperial Diet, 172; - sends Busbecq back to Constantinople, 175; - his bounty to Busbecq, 344; - at Frankfort, 397; - receives Busbecq graciously, 398; - panegyric on him, 401-414; - his Fabian tactics, 409; - his difficulties, 411 - - _Ferdinand_, the Archduke, sees Busbecq at Vienna, i. 171-172; - commands at the relief of Szigeth, 237; - honour he thereby acquired, 239; - declines to give Ibrahim an audience except _incognito_, 398 - - _Ferrara_, the Duke of, a candidate for the Polish crown, ii. 43 - - _Ferrier_, M. de, formerly Ambassador at Venice, sent by the King to - the King of Navarre, ii. 182 - - _Fervaques_, officer of Alençon, said to be the suggester of the French - Fury, ii. 169; - a prisoner, _ib._; - his execution demanded by the Antwerp citizens, 175; - presented by Alençon with an abbacy, 181; - attempt to assassinate him, 209 - - _Fiesco_, the Comte de, account of him, ii. 26, and _note_; - mentioned 33; - refuses to leave the Queen’s service, 52 - - _Fire-arms_, objection of the Turks to, i. 242-243 - - _Flagellants_, guilds of, ii. 45; - new guild of, instituted by the King, 179; - punishment of footmen who mocked, 180 - - _Flushing_, town of, bought by Orange, ii. 183 - - _Foix_, François de, Comte de Candale and Bishop of Aire, dedicates a - translation of Hermes Trismegistus to Maximilian, ii. 17, and _note_ - - _Fontenay_, town in Poitou, besieged, ii. 10; - taken, 12 - - _Forez_, county of Le, the Queen’s dower partly charged on, ii. 109 - - _France_, M. de, the Queen’s first steward, ii. 33 - - _France_, state of, ii. 38-42, 48-50, 67-68, 70-73, 77, 87-89; - no money but French or Spanish allowed in, 151; - dreadful weather in, 163; - on the brink of war, 241 - - _Francis I._, influences the Sorbonne to decide in Henry VIII.’s favour, - ii. 27 - - _Franciscan friar_, story of a, i. 340 - - _Frederic III._, Emperor, his alliance with the House of Portugal, - ii. 77, and _note_ - - _Frederic III._, Elector Palatine, his reception of Henry III., - ii. 15 _note_ - - _Fregosi_, a great Genoese family, ii. 89, and _note_ - - _French gentlemen_, their characters, ii. 72, 92 - - _Fünfkirchen_, Bishop of, defeated by Ali Pasha, i. 236 - - - _Gannat_, town in the Bourbonnais, added to the Queen’s dower, ii. 109 - - _Gaston_, Don. See _Medina-Celi_, Duke of. - - _Genoa_, a safety-valve for restless Frenchmen, ii. 89 - - _George, St._, identified by the Turks with their hero, Chederle, - i. 148; - how painted by the Greeks, 150; - greatly venerated by the Mingrelians, 251 - - _Georgians_, their prudent answer when asked to attack the Shah, i. 377 - - _Germain, St., en Laye_, King at, ii. 211; - reforms of assembly at, _ib._; - King returns thither, 230 - - _German_ reiters, report that 2,000 are coming to join Damville, - ii. 96; - defeated by Guise, 104; - more reported to be coming, 110, 113, 119; - said to have crossed the Rhine, 127; - scouring the country, 129; - seen from the ramparts of Nancy, 131; - 1,500 hired by Alençon, near Cambrai, 143; - Navarre said to be hiring, 212; - rumours of some being brought to France, 239; - much dreaded in France, 249 - - _Ghent_, battle before, ii. 148; - alleged conspiracy detected there, 209; - Parma’s envoys courteously received there, 217; - said to have come to terms with him, 219; - admits the troops of Orange, 222; - submits to Parma, 229 - - _Ghourebas_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, - and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Gienger_, Cosmo, governor of Upper Austria, ii. 138, and _note_ - - _Gilles_, or _Gyllius_, Peter, French traveller, referred to, i. 132, - and _note_ - - _Goatsucker_, cruel treatment of a, by a Venetian goldsmith, i. 226, - and _note_ - - _Goigny_, Seigneur de, officer of King of Spain, seen at Cambrai, - ii. 204 - - _Goldfinches_, tricks of trained, i. 228 - - _Goldsmith_, story of a Venetian goldsmith and a bird, i. 226 - - _Goths_ remaining in the Crimea, i. 355-359, and 355 _note_; - vocabulary of their language, 357-359 - - _Gotzen_, Dr. Joachim, sent by Duke Eric of Brunswick to propose for - the Queen, ii. 94 - - _Gran_, city of, description of, i. 83; - surprised by the Imperial troops, 239 - - _Grapes_, Turkish mode of preserving, i. 147-148 - - _Greeks_, their superstitions about unclean food, i. 124; - test Solyman’s prohibition of wine, 332-333 - - _Guadagni_, an Italian in the French service, seneschal of Lyons, - ii. 40; - sent to Maximilian, 31; - his statement to him, 47 - - _Guast_, Louis du, one of the King’s favourites, his murder, ii. 116. - and _note_; - his quarrel with Thoré, 117; - his splendid mode of life, 118; - debts left by him, 119 - - _Guise_, Henry, Duke of, le Balafré, hostile to Alençon, ii. 95; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - appointed the King’s Lieutenant, 98; - defeats the German reiters, 104; - wounded, 105; - his triumphal return to Paris, 121; - offers to go to Alençon’s rescue, 167; - one of the leaders of the League, 241; - declares he is simply a private gentleman fighting for the League, - 246; - takes Verdun, 247 - - _Guise_, the young Duke of, a prisoner, ii. 253, and _note_ - - _Guise_, House of, its position, ii. 40; - its hereditary feuds with House of Navarre, 176-177; - sets the League on foot, 238; - its claims to the throne, _ib._; - understanding with the Pope and the King of Spain, 239; - prepares for a campaign, 241; - its reasons for offence, 242 - - _Guises_, their party striving to make themselves masters of France, - ii. 224 - - _Güns_, town in Styria, taken by Solyman, i. 409 - - - _Halys_ (Kizil Irmak), the river, fishing in, i. 145 - - _Harrach_, Rodolph von, a minister of Ferdinand’s, i. 412 - - _Hassan_ Aga, chief of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber, sent as - ambassador to Persia, i. 380; - and again as Bajazet’s executioner, 381 - - _Havre de Grâce_, likely to surrender to Navarre, ii. 255 - - _Hawking_, Solyman’s taste for it, i. 198 - - _Hebrus_, or Maritza, the river, i. 106, 107 - - _Henry_, one of Busbecq’s servants, his quarrel with the Janissary - of Tolna, i. 392-396; - does not take de Sandé’s remonstrance in good part, 394 - - _Henry VIII._, King of England, decision of the Sorbonne on the - validity of his marriage, ii. 27, and _note_ - - _Henry III._, King of France, his obligations to Maximilian, ii, 6, - _note_; - expected at Lyons, 7; - hires Swiss and other troops, 8; - arrives at Lyons, 9; - resolves to continue the war, 12; - and begins it with a light heart, 13; - offers an amnesty, _ib._; - cedes certain towns to the Duke of Savoy, _ib._; - his reception by the Elector Palatine, 15, _note_; - his return to Paris uncertain, 20; - publishes a second edict, 23; - report of his marriage to his brother’s widow discredited and why, - 27; - likely to go to Avignon, 28; - said to have fallen in love with Louise de Vaudemont, 32; - gives Busbecq an audience, 36, 55, 59, 85, 106, 107; - under his mother’s influence, 37; - sets out for Rheims, 38; - his character, 43; - wishes to keep Poland for one of his children, _ib._; - at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - orders his ambassador at Constantinople to support Maximilian’s - interests, 49, and _note_; - about to marry Louise de Vaudemont, 51; - his unpopularity 57; - gives away all Damville’s offices, 69; - cannot digest the rebel demands, 70; - suffering from influenza, 74; - raises fresh cavalry, 81; - promises an escort for Elizabeth, 84, 86; - his goodwill to Maximilian, 86; - hopes Montmorency is innocent, _ib._; - convenes a mock States-General, 87; - orders the crops in Languedoc to be burnt, 88; - his amusements, 91; - wishes to keep Poland, 92; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - his military preparations, 97; - appoints Guise his lieutenant, 98; - orders the ambassadors to move into Paris, 100; - sends Nevers in pursuit of Alençon, 102; - his remarks on Alençon’s conduct, 107; - his interference in the quarrel between du Guast and Thoré, 118; - regrets the Queen’s departure, 123; - sends Maximilian a present of grey-hounds and lime-hounds, 124; - undertakes to pay Casimir and his troops 500,000 francs, 127; - pledges jewels to Duke of Lorraine, _ib._; - his unwilling consent to the truce, 128; - disclaims all responsibility for Alençon, 141; - goes to Lyons, 145; - his fondness for pilgrimages, 145, 156, and _note_; - goes to Bourbon-les-Bains, 149; - more favourable to Alençon’s enterprise, 150; - witnesses Salceda’s execution, 153; - his interview with him, 154; - his reply to the Spanish ambassador, 155; - makes a pilgrimage to Nôtre Dame de Liesse, 156; - commands the Bretons to build fifty galleys, _ib._; - orders money to be paid to Alençon, _ib._; - expected in Paris, 158; - sends commissioners through France, _ib._; - who returned without success, 172; - his financial expedients, 160; - his extravagance, 172, 178; - his conduct unfavourably criticised, 173; - moves troops to the frontier, _ib._; - presses the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter to Epernon, - 176; - his affection for Joyeuse and Epernon, 178; - institutes a new order of Flagellants, 179; - orders footmen who mimicked the Flagellants to be whipped, 180; - his devotion to religious observances, 182; - sends M. de Ferrier to the King of Navarre, _ib._; - going to Foullenbraye to drink the Spa waters, 183; - in bad health, _ib._; - urged by the Pope to accept and publish the decrees of the Council - of Trent, 184; - wishes to make Epernon governor of Metz, _ib._; - hopes to profit by the troubles at Cologne, 185; - will go to Lyons, _ib._; - sends a courier with an autograph letter to Joyeuse, 187; - hurries back to Paris, _ib._; - going to Lyons, _ib._; - his outbreak against his sister, 192; - writes to Navarre accusing her, 193; - sets out for Lyons to meet Joyeuse, 194; - his demands from the Pope through Joyeuse, 197; - refused, 198; - goes to Saint-Germain en Laye on account of the plague, 201; - his financial difficulties, _ib._; - not sorry for Alençon’s absence, 203; - regrets his outburst against his sister, _ib._; - said to have written to Alençon cautioning him, 205; - holding assemblies at Saint-Germain, 206; - attempts to enforce his sumptuary laws about dress, 207; - intends to reform, 210; - in retirement at Saint-Germain, 211; - returns to Paris, 213; - meets Alençon, _ib._; - going to take Cambrai under his protection, 214; - resolved to make Joyeuse’s father governor of Languedoc, _ib._; - his attack on the Prior of Champagne, 215-216, and _note_; - gives up his campaign against Damville, 218; - estranged from his wife, 219; - said to be thinking of a divorce, 220; - sends Epernon to Aquitaine, _ib._; - intends going to Lyons, _ib._; - wears black mourning for Alençon, 221; - goes to Lyons, 224; - asks Navarre to come to him, offering to make him - Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, _ib._; - returns from Lyons, 227; - building a church for himself and his penitents, _ib._; - his campaign against vice, _ib._; - goes to the Loire, 228; - is driven away from Blois by the plague and returns to - Saint-Germain, 230; - has a chance of trying his power of healing scrofula, 231; - undecided as to assisting the Netherlanders, 232; - grants their ambassadors a private audience, 234; - invested with the Garter, 235; - reluctant to take up the cause of the Netherlands, _ib._; - distressed at attempt to assassinate Navarre, 236; - his final answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237; - suspected of secretly approving of the Guises’ plans, 240; - neglects the Duke of Bouillon’s warning, 241; - difficulties of his position, 244; - sends deputies in vain, 246; - on condition of receiving 100,000 crowns a month from the clergy, - orders the Huguenots to leave France within fifteen days, - 247-248, and _note_; - recalls his army, 248; - sequestrates Navarre’s property, 249; - resolves not to let a Huguenot remain in France, 250; - sends some Huguenot women to England under his safe conduct, - _ib._; - given up to his devotions and living like a hermit, _ib._; - Parliament removed to Tours by him, 256 - - _Henry_, King of Navarre and Duke of Vendôme, afterwards King of - France, his position and family, ii. 7, _note_; - waits at Lyons for the King, 7; - attends the Cardinal of Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - receives his wife courteously, 203; - demands her punishment if guilty, otherwise that of her accusers, - 204; - said to have sent to Germany to hire reiters, 212; - given the duchy of Alençon, 222; - receives Epernon honourably, 223; - well qualified to lead an army to the Netherlands, 233; - likely to give his sister to Condé, _ib._; - attempt to assassinate him, 235-236, and _note_; - his accession dreaded by the Guises, 238; - on his guard, 240; - reported Bull declaring him disqualified for the throne, 243, - and _note_; - offers assistance to the King, 246; - Bull declaring him and Condé disqualified to succeed, 249, - and _note_; - his property sequestrated by the king, _ib._; - attacks the faubourgs of Paris, 251; - retreats after offering battle, 252; - retakes Etampes, _ib._; - his plans for the winter, 253; - takes Vendôme and Le Mans, 254; - his reported coronation, _ib._; - his declaration about religion, 255; - said to have made Montmorency Constable, _ib._; - convenes the States-General at Tours, 257; - attacks Evreux, 258; - summons Rouen, 259; - besieges Paris, _ib._; - Cardinal de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons sent to him, 260; - threatens to break off negotiations, 261; - places his cannon at St. Denis, _ib._; - contrasted as a general with Parma and comparison of their armies, - 262-264 - - _Hermes Trismegistus_, reputed work of, translated by François de Foix, - ii. 18, and _note_ - - _Heydons_, kind of banditti, i. 92; - Busbecq escapes an attack from them, 167; - their insolence inveighed against by Solyman, 390 - - _Hilaire, St._, French cadet in Rodolph’s service, his discharge - requested, ii. 188 - - _Horses_, Busbecq’s, i. 214; - account of Turkish, how they are reared, trained, &c., 215-217 - - _Humayoum_, Mogul Emperor of Delhi, i. 299, and _note_ - - _Hungarian_ nobles, certain, go over from the Voivode to Ferdinand, - i. 386 - - _Hungary_, its great fertility, i. 165; - events there, 236-242 - - _Hyena_, account of the, i. 140; - used for love-charms, _ib._; - story about it, 141 - - - _Ibrahim_ Pasha, a eunuch, governor of Constantinople, i. 111; - sent to Ghemlik to execute Mustapha’s son, 120-121; - his escape from the women of Ghemlik, 122 - - _Ibrahim_, the interpreter, a Polish renegade, his notion of a cipher, - i. 233; - disgraced by Lavigne’s and restored by Busbecq’s influence, 370; - his gratitude, _ib._; - encourages Busbecq to ask for de Sandé’s release, 372; - appointed to go to the Emperor with Busbecq, 387; - rates the Janissary of Tolna for his conduct, 395; - is to go to Frankfort, 398; - wishes to visit the Archduke Ferdinand, _ib._; - witnesses the coronation, has an audience of the Emperor, and is - sent home, 399 - - _Ilsing_, ii. 64, _note_; - notice of the Queen’s departure to be given to him, 120; - notice sent to him, 124 - - _Imaret_, Turkish word for hostel, i. 110 - - _Imbize_, accuses nobles at Ghent of conspiracy against the authorities - of the city, ii. 209, and _note_ - - _Imeritians_, a Georgian tribe, i. 246; - their feuds with the Mingrelians 246-247 - - _Isabella_, widow of John Zapolya, returns to Transylvania, i. 236 - - _Ismael_, son of Shah Tahmasp, a deadly enemy of the Turks, i. 300-301 - - _Italian merchants_ of Pisa, their charity to the Spanish prisoners, - i. 330 - - _Italian-Greek_, his reasons for refusing to help the prisoners, i. 330 - - _Italian renegadoes_, i. 294-296 - - _Italians_, strong feeling in France against Italians in the French - service, ii. 39-40 - - - _Jackals_, i. 135 - - _Jagodin_, Servian village, Busbecq sees a Servian funeral there, i. 95 - - _James_, King of Scotland, said to be a prisoner, ii. 148; - said to be about to attack England, and also to marry a Spanish - princess, _ib._; - marries daughter of the King of Denmark, 258 - - _Janissaries_, account of the i. 86-87, and _note_; - a few stationed in each town as police, 86, 392; - employed as firemen, 151; - suspected of incendiarism, _ib._; - how Busbecq put his escort of Janissaries in good humour, 199; - their tents, 222; - their equipment and mode of fighting, 223; - help Busbecq to get out, 282; - procession of, 285; - defend their conduct against Busbecq’s cavasse, 287; - frugal dinner of one, 289; - their punishments, 293; - quarrel of some with Busbecq’s servants, 295-296; - how they are regarded by the Sultan, 296; - entitled to the Sultan’s dinner on the day of Bairam, 304. - - _Janissary stationed at Tolna_, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, - i. 392-396 - - _Jehangir_, Solyman’s youngest son, his appearance, character, - and death, i. 178-179 - - _Jews_, Busbecq finds himself in a house full of, i. 282; - two sent by Janissary of Tolna to Busbecq, 395 - - _Jorneton_, mentioned, ii. 74 - - _Joyeuse_, account of the Duke of, a favourite of the King, - ii. 177-178; - his pilgrimage to Loreto, and visit to the Pope, 185; - given the governorship of Normandy, 188; - his instructions on going to Italy, 197; - Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213; - escorts Alençon in his departure, 214; - King wishes to make his father governor of Languedoc, _ib._; - his quarrel with the Duc de Mercœur, 219; - its origin, 220, 245; - marches to recover places seized by the Duc d’Aumale, 245 - - _Juliers_, Duke of, at the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, and _note_ - - _Julius Cæsar_, his opinion of his soldiers, i. 223; - his intention in mounting the tenth legion, 224; - his despatch of _Veni, vidi, vici_, 408 - - _Junius_, secretary to the late Elector Palatine, sent by the States - to Alençon, ii. 198, and _note_ - - _Juppenbier_ (spruce beer), a barrel of, presented to Busbecq, and its - effect on his guests, i. 257-258 - - - _Kanûns_, or Turkish Domesday Book, i. 142, and _note_ - - _Katzianer_, Austrian General, his defeat alluded to, i. 166 - - _Kevi_, Island in the Danube, i. 167 - - _Khodja_, story of a, at a Pasha’s table, i. 377-378 - - _Khuen_, Don Rodolph, Master of Horse to Maximilian, Busbecq asks his - salary to be paid to him, ii. 58, and _note_ - - _Kinsky_, John, his business with Schomberg, ii. 112, 125 - - _Kites_, the scavengers of Constantinople, i. 212; - Busbecq shoots, _ib._ - - _Kizilbash_, name given by Turks to the Shah, i. 219 - - _Koniah_, the ancient Iconium, Selim ordered to, i. 267; - its strategic importance, 273; - Selim posts himself there, 274; - battle of, 278-279 - - _Koran_, any Christian sitting on a, punished with death, i. 111; - copy of the, presented to the Sultan by the Persian Ambassador, - 157, 375 - - _Kurds_, their origin, i. 275, and _note_; - body of, hired by Bajazet, 274; - their sham fight, 275 - - - _Langres_, Guise raises troops near, ii. 98; - bishopric of, removed to Dijon, 257 - - _Languedoc_ and _Guienne_, the chief Huguenot region, ii. 41; - the crops in, ordered to be burnt, 88 - - _Lansac_, de, seizes Blaye, ii. 245, and _note_ - - _La Noue_, Huguenot leader, account of him, ii. 21, _note_; - at Rochelle, 21; - a prisoner, 155, and _note_; - attempts to surprise Paris, 252, _note_; - with Navarre before Paris, 262 - - _Laon_, Alençon goes there, ii. 202 - - _Lasso de Castilla_, Don Pedro, Ambassador of Ferdinand at the marriage - of Philip and Mary, urges Busbecq to hasten to Vienna, i. 77, and - _note_ - - _Laval_, the Comte de, son of d’Andelot, and nephew of Coligny, goes - to the Netherlands, ii. 147, and _note_; - Orange intends giving him his daughter, 179; - to be governor of Antwerp, _ib._ - - _Lavigne_, the French Ambassador, procures the release of the Venetian - prisoners, i. 353; - had formerly calumniated Busbecq, _ib._; - dreaded by Roostem on account of his bluntness, 354; - story of an interview between them, _ib._; - hates Ibrahim the interpreter, and procures his disgrace, 370; - his quarrel with de Codignac, _ib._ - - _Lazarus_, an Albanian chief, recaptured after escaping, and impaled, - i. 131-132 - - _Legate_, from the Pope (Cardinal Caietano), summons people of Langres - to Dijon, ii. 257; - lays them under an Interdict for refusing to acknowledge - the Cardinal de Bourbon, _ib._; - encourages the Parisians to hold out, 260 - - _Le Mans_, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 254, 255 - - _Lemnian Earth_, a medicine used by Quacquelben, i. 164; - how procured, 256, and _note_; - Busbecq sends a physician to Lemnos to make inquiries about it, - 416 - - _Lenoncourt_, Cardinal de, said to have crowned Navarre at Tours, - ii. 254, and _note_ - - _Leonora_, sister of Charles V., widow of Francis I., difficulties - about arranging the settlement of her dower, ii. 53, 83 - - _Leyden_, reports about the siege of, ii. 4 - - _Leyva_, Don Sancho de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Neapolitan - galleys, brought prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321; - imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - hates de Sandé, 373; - asks permission to return by Ragusa and Venice, 390 - - _Lier_, its garrison erect an outpost at the monastery of St. Bernard, - ii. 148 - - _Lillo_, fort near Antwerp, besieged, ii. 224 - - _Limoges_, de l’Aubespine, Bishop of, ii. 37 - - _Listhius_, John, Hungarian noble, Bishop of Wessprim, ii. 73, - and _note_ - - _Livron_, siege of, ii. 44; - turned into a blockade, 46 - - _Livy_, thought Alexander would have been defeated if he had attacked - Rome, i. 408 - - _Lorraine_, Charles, Cardinal de, his illness, death, and character, - ii. 45, and _note_; - his funeral, 46; - blamed as the cause of the war, 50; - formerly absolute master of France, 53 - - _Lorraine_, Cardinal de, brother of the Duke of Guise, one of the - chiefs of the League, ii. 241 - - _Lorraine_, Christina, Duchess Dowager of, her portrait taken for - Henry VIII., ii. 63, _note_; - sends a message to Maximilian, 132 - - _Lorraine_, Duke of, expected in Paris, ii. 63, 70; - at the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 80; - asked to allow the passage of Spanish troops through Lorraine, 91; - accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - his conversation with Busbecq at dinner, _ib._; - notice of the Queen’s departure sent to him, 124; - jewels sent by Henry III. to induce him to be security to Casimir, - 127; - comes to meet Elizabeth, 129; - expected in Paris, 158; - arrives, 163; - demands Navarre’s sister for his son, _ib._; - his horror at the notion of giving his daughter to Epernon, 176; - his subterfuges, _ib._ - - _Lorraine_, House of, King devoted to, ii. 32; - its connection with Maximilian, 59, and _note_ - - _Luc, St._, his outrageous behaviour in Alençon’s chamber, ii. 159, - and _note_; - his repartee to Orange, 160 - - _Lusignan_, castle of, account of the, ii. 12, _note_; - its siege expected, _ib._; - commenced, 21; - continues, 28; - raised, 32; - surrenders, 46 - - _Luxembourg_, M. de, mentioned as likely to escort Elizabeth, ii. 126 - - _Lynx_, story of an Assyrian, i. 206 - - _Lyons_, inhabitants of, demolish their citadel, ii. 249 - - _Lyons_, Pierre d’Espinac, Archbishop of, ii. 260, _note_; - sent as ambassador to the Guises, 246; - sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260 - - - - _Mahomet_, story of and his cat, i. 225; - why he forbade the use of wine, 292-294 - - _Mahomet II._, Sultan, builder of the castle of Europe on the - Bosphorus, i. 131 - - _Mahomet_, son of Solyman, who died young, i. 178 - - _Malvezzi_, John Maria, former ambassador to the Porte, Busbecq visits - him, i. 78; - his embassy and imprisonment, 79-80; - his death, 81 - - _Mamelukes_, their ancient dominion in Egypt, i. 273, and _note_ - - _Mancup_, town of Goths in the Crimea, i. 356 - - _MSS._, Greek, collected by Busbecq at Constantinople, i. 416-417 - - _Marasch_, the Pasha of, sent as ambassador to Persia, i. 380 - - _Marche, La_, the Queen’s Dower partly charged upon, ii. 109 - - _Marguerite_ de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, catches cold when - walking in procession of Flagellants, ii. 45; - Alençon’s confidante and on bad terms with Henry III. and her - husband, 96; - as yet childless, 176; - assailed by the King, 192; - leaves Paris for Vendôme, _ib._; - King said to intend to imprison her, 193; - declares she and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings - in the world, 194; - joins her husband, 203; - to live apart from him till her case has been investigated, _ib._; - expected to revenge the insult, 204; - said to be reconciled to her husband, 212; - refuses to see Epernon, 223 - - _Marseilles_, attempt to seize, ii. 245 - - _Martigues_, the Vicomte de, his daughter about to marry the Marquis - de Nomeny, ii. 64 - - _Mary_, sister of Henry VIII. and widow of Louis XII., her marriage - with the Duke of Suffolk, ii. 76 - - _Mary_, Queen of England, her marriage, i. 77 - - _Mary_, Queen of Scots, her pension so settled as to be worthless, - ii. 34; - expenses of her return home defrayed by Charles IX., 48; - her whole dower not secured on crown lands, 53; - remark of Marguerite de Valois about her, 194; - in danger for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth, 212 - - _Matarieh_, gardens of, near Cairo, the true balsam grown there, i. 416 - - _Mattioli_, Italian physician and botanist, specimens sent him - by Busbecq, i. 415, and _note_ - - _Maximilian_, King of Bohemia, afterwards King of Hungary and Emperor, - receives Busbecq graciously on his return to Vienna, i. 171; - his election as King of the Romans, 397; - his coronation, 399; - his advice to Henry III., ii. 50; - asked to intercede for Montmorency, 75; - his views as to the settlement of the Dower, 85; - wishes Busbecq to remain in Paris, 93 - - _Mayenne_, the Duke of, accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96; - likely to escort Elizabeth, 126; - a Leaguer, 241; - hurries to relieve Angers, 248; - his troops in contact with the enemy, 250; - enters Paris, 252; - has large forces embodied but no means to pay them, _ib._; - attacks the fort of Meulan, 258; - arrives at Meaux, 259; - his letters intercepted, 261; - an unlucky general, 262 - - _Medina Celi_, Duke of, commander of the expedition to Djerbé, retires - to citadel and escapes by night, i. 319; - his son Don Gaston a prisoner, 323; - his agents search for Don Gaston unsuccessfully, 324; - Don Gaston probably murdered by Pialé Pasha, _ib._ - - _Medina de Rio Sicco_, Duke of, coming from King of Spain to - congratulate Henry III. on his marriage, ii. 74 - - _Mehemet_ Sokolli Pasha, third of the Vizierial Pashas, afterwards - Grand Vizier, despatched by Solyman to Selim, i. 270; - returns and is sent to Asia, 271; - sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378 - - _Melun_, town of, said to have surrendered to Navarre, ii. 255 - - _Menagerie_, Busbecq’s, stories of animals in, i. 204-208 - - _Mendoza_, Don Bernardino de, implicated in conspiracy against Queen - Elizabeth, ii. 212; - ordered to leave England, 213; - arrives in Paris, 216; - appointed Spanish ambassador to France, 230; - induces the Parisians to hold out, 260 - - _Menin_, evacuated, and then plundered and sacked, ii. 194 - - _Meninx_, island of. See _Djerbé_ - - _Mercœur_, Duc de and Marquis de Nomeny, the king’s brother-in-law, - ii. 244, _note_; - his approaching marriage, 64; - his marriage, 80; - accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - governor of Brittany, 172; - report of his death, _ib._; - untrue, 173; - his quarrel with the Duke of Joyeuse, 219; - its cause, 220; - a Leaguer, 241; - his ingratitude, 244 - - _Méru_, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, _note_ - - _Metrophanes_, the Metropolitan, a friend of Busbecq’s, anxious for a - union between the Greek and Latin churches, i. 341-342 - - _Metz_, great Protestant disturbances at, ii. 251 - - _Meulan_, fort on the Seine, attacked by Mayenne, ii. 258, 259 - - _Mezières_, appointed as Condé’s residence, ii. 127 - - _Michel_, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador, visits Busbecq, ii. 121, - and _note_ - - _Middelburg_, Congress of Netherland States at, ii. 202 - - _Milan_, useful as a training school for French soldiers, ii. 72, - and _note_ - - _Minarets_, serve the purpose of our belfries, i. 291 - - _Mingrelians_, account of the, i. 245-252; - their monarch, 245; - their feuds with the Imeritians, 246 - - _Mirambeau_, brother of Lausac, sent to Alençon, ii. 171; - thinks there is little hope of an arrangement, 173 - - _Mohacz_, battle of, i. 167, 407, and _note_ - - _Mohair_ goat. See _Angora_ goat - - _Mola_, of Augsburg, a courier, ii. 119 - - _Mondragon_, Spanish officer, his projects, ii. 90, and _note_ - - _Montal_, notorious bravo, his end, ii. 190, and _note_ - - _Montbéliard_, Pibrac waylaid near, ii. 62, and _note_ - - _Montbrun_, Vicomte de, Huguenot chieftain, said to be with Damville, - ii. 23; - seizes towns in Dauphiny, 41; - throws reinforcements into Livron, 44; - defeats Swiss in Dauphiny, 78, and _note_; - wounded and taken prisoner, 79-80; - his character, 80, and _note_; - beheaded at Grenoble, 99 - - _Montluc_, Jean de, Bishop of Valence, i. 389, _note_; - ii. 35, and _note_ - - _Montmorency_, Duc de, Marshal of France, his imprisonment in the - Bastille, ii. 8; - account of him, _ib._ _note_; - his execution threatened, 16; - guarded more strictly, 67, 68, and _note_; - better treated, 77; - offers to stand his trial, 86; - considered innocent by Vaudemont, 91; - his release decided on, 103; - sets out to Alençon, 114; - a notable instance of the fickleness of fortune, 115 - - _Montmorency_, Madame de, asks Elizabeth to request Maximilian to - intercede for her son, ii. 75; - contributes to the forced loan, 98 - - _Montpellier_, said to have revolted at Damville’s instigation, ii. 22 - - _Montpensier_, Louis de Bourbon, Duc de, account of, ii. 9, _note_; - besieges Fontenay, 10; - and Lusignan, 21, 32; - his son the Prince Dauphin, 147; - his death, 152 - - _Montpensier_, Duc de, son of the preceding, intends going to the - Netherlands, ii. 147; - in spite of his father’s death, 152; - joins Alençon, 156 - - _Morvilliers_, Jean de, Bishop of Orleans, ii. 37, _note_; - his interview with Busbecq, 87; - arrangement by which Busbecq receives his salary through him, - 93, 112, 122; - contributes to the forced loan, 98 - - _Mufti_, Turkish chief priest, consulted by Solyman, i. 116, 272, 374 - - _Mustapha_, Solyman’s eldest son, his high character and popularity, - i. 113; - summoned to appear before his father, 115; - his execution, 117-118; - his only son shares his fate, 119-122; - many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275 - - _Mustapha_, the Pretender, his first appearance, i. 179; - his story, 181-182; - threatening aspect of his rising, 183; - deserted by his followers, 184; - taken prisoner and executed, 185 - - - _Nanteuil_, fortress of, appointed for the meeting of the Peace - Commissioners, ii. 260 - - _Napellus._ See _Aconite_ - - _Napoli di Romania_, its surrender by the Venetians, i. 261-263 - - _Navarre._ See _Henry IV._ - - _Netherland_ Ambassadors with Alençon, ii. 212; - try to gain the King’s support, 225; - their offers, _ib._; - come with fresh proposals to the King, 231; - granted a private audience, 234; - attend the investiture of the King with the Garter, 235; - return home, 237; - the King’s reply to them, _ib._ - - _Netherlands_, news from the, ii. 4, 90, 195; - dykes opened in the, 205 - - _Nevers_, Louis Gonzaga, Duc de, ii. 82, _note_; - suggestion of placing Elizabeth’s affairs under his protection, - 82; - sent in pursuit of Alençon, 102; - asks for governorship of Brittany, 172; - indignant at being refused, 173; - brings reinforcements to Navarre, 261 - - _Nicæa_ (Isnik), description of, i. 136 - - _Nicomedia_ (Ismid), ruins of, i. 134 - - _Nicopolis_, battle of, i. 407, and _note_ - - _Niort_, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126 - - _Nissa_ or _Nisch_, town of, i. 96 - - _Nocle_, Beauvois de la, deputy from Condé, ii. 89, and _note_ - - _Nogarola_, Count, Commander of German horse, ii. 44; - returns to Vienna, 58 - - _Nomeny_, Marquis de. See _Mercœur_, Duc de - - _Northumberland_, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen - Elizabeth, ii. 212, _note_ - - - _O_, Monsieur d’, holds the citadel of Caen for the League, ii. 245 - - _Olympus_, Mount, in Asia, view of, from Constantinople, i. 123, 202; - Busbecq travels along its slopes, 136; - furnishes Constantinople with snow, 291 - - _Orange_, William, Prince of, peace negotiations opened with him, - ii. 4; - his plan of misleading the Spanish fleet by false beacons, _ib._; - his marriage to Mademoiselle de Bourbon, 66; - suggestion that Condé should lead troops to his assistance, 72; - if beaten, will hand over the Netherlands to a foreign power, 90; - recovers from his wound, 142; - likely to secure Holland and Zealand for himself, 145; - rebukes St. Luc, 159; - prayed for during his illness by the reformed churches in France, - 162; - excused himself from going with Alençon to the camp, 169; - to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, 175; - mobbed in Antwerp, 176; - intends to marry Teligny’s widow, and to give his own daughter to - Laval, 179; - buys Flushing, 183; - his influence declining, 185, 196; - tries to arouse the men of Antwerp, 186; - crosses to Zealand, _ib._; - reinforces Ostend, 194; - in retirement at Flushing, 196; - likely to be soon made Count of Holland and Zealand, 205; - schemes to recover Zutphen, 208; - Hollanders said to have sworn allegiance to him, 210; - assassinated, 224 - - _Orchan_, son of Bajazet, a marriage suggested between him and the - Shah’s daughter, i. 308 - - _Orleans_, declares for the Guises, ii. 245 - - _Ostend_, resists Parma, ii. 194; - said to have come to terms with him, 219 - - _Othman_, founder of the Turkish royal family, i. 137 - - _Oudenarde_, besieged, ii. 143; - surrenders, 144 - - _Ouloufedgi_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, - and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - - _Palyna_, Paul, fails to keep his appointment with Busbecq, i. 82; - overtakes him at Buda, 86 - - _Paper_, Turkish reverence for, and the reason of it, i. 110 - - _Paris_, proposal in the municipality of Paris to defray Elizabeth’s - expenses, ii. 91; - regret of the inhabitants at her departure, 128, and _note_; - _émeute_ there in consequence of the King’s enforcing his - sumptuary law, 207; - the faubourgs taken by Navarre, 251-252; - besieged, 259-261; - dreadful famine in, 259 - - _Paris_, Pierre de Gondi, Bishop of, and Chancellor to Elizabeth, - ii. 33; - his views about the dower, 85; - likely to escort the Queen, 126; - starts home from Nancy with an escort, 130; - wounded in the council-chamber, 216; - sent as ambassador to Rome, 249; - sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260 - - _Parma_, Alexander Farnese, Prince of, besieges Oudenarde, ii. 143; - takes it, 144; - encamps at Arras, 149; - threatens to attack St. Quentin in case of a French invasion, 150; - sickness of his troops, 157; - retakes Cateau Cambrésis, and blockades Diest, _ib._; - takes Diest, 162; - prepares to besiege Alost and threatens Brussels, 182; - besieges Cambrai, 183; - sends the governor of Namur to the King, 184; - takes Dunkirk, 186; - checked at Ostend, 194; - relieves Cateau Cambrésis, 202; - master of nearly all the country but Ghent and Antwerp, 205; - receives overtures from Flanders, 217; - removes to Dendermonde, 226; - said to be dangerously ill, 256; - in retirement, 258; - comes to the relief of Paris, 260; - he and his army contrasted with Navarre and his army, 262-264; - his devices for encountering the French cavalry, 263 - - _Partridges_, from Chios, i. 212; - how reared, 213 - - _Pashas_, keep open house before Ramazan, i. 376 - - _Patriarch of Constantinople_, consulted in vain by the Pashas, i. 234 - - _Pax_, John, commander at Komorn, i. 83 - - _Pernantius_, of Lorraine, said to have reconciled the Queen of Navarre - to her husband, ii. 212 - - _Persia_, its barrenness, i. 219; - creates a diversion in favour of Christendom, 221-222; - account of the country and its monarchs, 298-301, and _note_ - - _Persians_, their religious differences with the Turks, i. 161-162, - and 236, _note_; - complain of the violation of their territory, 307 - - _Persian_ Ambassador, his arrival at Amasia, i. 156; - peace concluded with, 157; - and honours paid to him, _ib._; - his departure from Amasia, 160 - - _Persian_ Ambassadors bring presents to Solyman, i. 156-157, 375 - - _Pertau_ Pasha, fourth Vizierial Pasha, and married to the widow - of Mahomet, the Sultan’s son, i. 183; - despatched by Solyman against Mustapha the Pretender, 183-184; - despatched by Solyman to Bajazet, 270; - sent back by him, 271 - - _Pescara_, Marquis of, report of his brother’s capture by the - Huguenots, ii. 155 - - _Peter_, the courier, mentioned, ii. 58, 65, 67, 112, 119 - - _Philip II._, King of Spain, his marriage, i. 77; - Turkish reports of his power, 318; - said to have promised his daughter to the King of Scotland, - ii. 148; - supports the League, 239; - sends money to Paris, 254 - - _Philippopolis_, town of, i. 106 - - _Pialé_ Pasha, the admiral, sent in command of the Turkish fleet to - Djerbé, i. 318; - sends a galley to Constantinople to announce his victory, 319; - conceals Don Gaston in hopes of a large ransom, 324; - his consequent peril, _ib._; - is forgiven by Solyman, _ib._ - - _Pibrac_, Guy du Faur, Seigneur de, account of him, ii. 10, _note_; - offends the Queen-Mother by advising the King to dismiss his - Italian troops, 10; - reported to be coming from Lyons, 23; - arrives in Paris, 28; - his conversation with Busbecq, 29; - the advocate of peace, 50; - starts for Poland as ambassador, 61; - waylaid near Montbéliard, 62, and _note_; - is to visit the Polish Palatines, 79; - his opinion of Polish affairs, 81; - his return expected, 122; - his unpleasant position in Poland, _ib._; - returns, 126; - what he thinks the Poles have gained from France, 132; - will probably be sent to the Netherlands as Alençon’s chancellor, - 169; - sent to Antwerp by Alençon, 181 - - _Pignerolo_, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to - the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13 - - _Pigs_, Turkish prejudice against them turned to account by Busbecq’s - friend, i. 205 - - _Pilgrimages_, fashion of making, in France, ii. 199 - - _Pilgrims_ to Jerusalem, seized by the Syrians and imprisoned at - Constantinople, i. 352; - their release procured by the French ambassador, 353; - sent home by Busbecq, _ib._ - - _Pinnas_, a kind of mollusc, caught by Busbecq, i. 339; - account of them and their guards, 339-340 - - _Plague_, the, Busbecq’s suite attacked by, i. 163; - outbreak of, in Busbecq’s house, 330-335; - death-rate from, at Constantinople, 341; - appears in France, ii. 183; - spreading, 188; - raging in Paris, 199; - prevents the King entering Paris, 201; - carries off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bed-chamber, 230 - - _Plane-tree_, great, opposite Busbecq’s house, i. 227; - the cavasse when shut out ties his horse to it, 260 - - _Pliny_, his statements as to the _pinna_ and _pinna-guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Poitiers_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Poland_, account of affairs in, ii. 29; - French hope to keep, 78, 92; - affairs there, 81 - - _Pont-à-Musson_, Marquis of, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine, goes - to Flanders on his way home, ii. 255-256 - - _Pope_, the, offers the King 3,000 Swiss, ii. 122; - urges him to accept the Tridentine Decrees, 184; - visited by Joyeux, 185 - - _Portugal_, Sebastian, King of, account of him, ii. 30, _note_; - marriage between him and Elizabeth spoken of, ii. 30, 76-78 - - _Portuguese Ambassador_ arrives in Paris, ii. 70; - expected, 74; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 76-77; - suggests a marriage between Elizabeth and the King of Portugal, - _ib._; - takes a house in Paris, 82 - - _Poussin_, Huguenot fortress, besieged, ii. 21; - taken, 23 - - _Predestination_, Turkish notions about, i. 341, 382-383 - - _Prinkipo_, the largest of the Princes’ Islands in the sea of Marmora, - Busbecq allowed to retire thither, i. 334; - account of it, 337-340 - - _Puygalliard_, M. de, acting governor at Cambrai for the King of - France, ii. 195; - leaves the town, 205 - - - _Quacquelben_, native of Courtrai, Busbecq’s physician, attends the - Pasha of Buda, i. 86; - shares Busbecq’s taste for ancient coins, 94; - his treatment of intermittent fever, 161; - of the plague, 164; - is attacked by the plague, 335; - his opinion of the plague, _ib._; - Busbecq’s last visit to him, 335-336; - his death, 336; - his high character and abilities, _ib._; - examines aconite brought by Turkish pilgrim, 362 - - _Quesnoy_, Le, town in Hainault, failure of Alençon’s attempt on, - ii. 198 - - _Quentin, St._, town in Picardy, garrisoned against any attack by - Parma, ii. 150; - Marshal de Retz there, 227 - - - _Raab_, Busbecq’s escort attacked by soldiers from its garrison, i. 170 - - _Rakos_, plain near Pesth, the former meeting-place of the Hungarian - Diet, i. 168 - - _Rambouillet_, family of, ordered to leave the Court, ii. 13, - and _note_ - - _Ramée_, Pierre de la, his method, i. 99, _note_ - - _Rascians_, their language, i. 105; - extent of their country, 166; - their character, _ib._ - - _Remorantin_, a château, suggested by Busbecq as a residence for - Elizabeth, ii. 25; - assigned as part of her dower, 109 - - _Requesens_, Don Berenguer de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the - Sicilian galleys, brought a prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321; - imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - asks leave to return by Ragusa, 390; - his death, _ib._ - - _Retz_, Comte de, Marshal of France, ii. 39, _note_; - some of his troops cut to pieces by Damville, 32; - supports Elizabeth’s interests, 82; - attends the Queen-Mother to Boulogne, 184; - commands in Picardy, 223; - makes the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, - 225; - at St. Quentin negotiating with Balagny, 227; - still in Picardy, 228 - - _Retz_, Comtesse de, likely to be one of Elizabeth’s escort, ii. 126 - - _Rhodope_, Mount, i. 106 - - _Richardot_, Councillor, sent to King of Spain, on account of Parma’s - conduct, ii. 258 - - _Richebourg_, Marquis of, formerly resident at the Court of Maximilian, - ii. 234; - killed at the Antwerp bridge, 247 - - _Rimini_, the Bishop of, the Apostolic Nuncio, his death, ii. 198 - - _Rochefoucauld_, goes to the Netherlands, ii. 147 - - _Rodolph II._, Emperor, suspected of being concerned in the affair of - Antwerp, ii. 168; - said to be betrothed to Philip II.’s daughter, _ib._ - - _Roland_, mythic Carlovingian hero, the legend said to be known to the - Mingrelians, i. 250, and _note_ - - _Roostem_, Grand Vizier, Busbecq and his colleagues visit him, i. 111; - his origin, character, and abilities, 113-114, 343; - sent in command against the Shah, 115; - his dismissal from office, 118; - restored to office, 176, 190; - urges Busbecq to remain, 196; - complains of Hungarian raids, 199; - his opinion of Busbecq, 234; - tries to convert him, 235; - his orthodoxy suspected, _ib._; - his conversation with Busbecq, 235-236; - his exultation at his kinsman’s raid, and sorrow at his death, - 240-241; - raises a troop of dragoons from his household servants, 242; - failure of the experiment, 243; - his remarks on Busbecq’s obstinacy, 261; - his emblematic present, 263-264; - warns Busbecq not to quarrel with the Janissaries, 296; - excites Solyman’s wrath against Pialé, 324; - his conversation with de Sandé in the Divan, 325; - refuses to let Busbecq leave his house on account of the plague, - 333; - his death, 334; - contrasted with Ali, 343, 345; - story of him and Busbecq, 344; - dreaded interviews with Lavigne, 354; - scene at one, 355; - his conduct towards Busbecq’s servants when falsely accused, - 367-368 - - _Rouen_, threatened by Navarre, ii. 257, 259 - - _Roxolana_, Solyman’s wife, her real name Khourrem, account of her, - i. 111-112, and _note_; - her intrigues against Mustapha, 113; - and his only son, 119; - her affection for Bajazet, 179; - appeases his angry father, 185; - encourages him, 187; - how she induced Solyman to marry her, 229, and 112, _note_; - her death, 265 - - _Ryhove_, Flemish noble, accused by Imbize of conspiracy, ii. 209 - - - _Salceda_, implicated in a plot, ii. 148; - a prisoner, 149; - his terrible execution, 152-153, and _notes_; - his wickedness and audacity, 154; - his head sent to Antwerp and stuck on the highest pinnacle, - 154, 155 - - _Saluzzo_, the marquisate of, proposal to sell or pawn, ii. 61; - 200,000 crowns borrowed on security of it, 79 - - _Salviati_, his mission to procure de Sandé’s release, and its failure, - i. 371, 374, _note_ - - _Samarcand_, city of, visited by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Sandé_, Don Alvaro de, commander of the citadel at Djerbé, attempts - to escape and is captured, i. 320; - exhibited on Pialé’s galley, 321; - before the Divan, 325; - imprisoned in the fortress of Caradenis, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - his hatred of Leyva, 373; - his speech to the steward of the French representative, _ib._; - his journey home with Busbecq, 390-397; - his jokes, 391; - fears he will be sent back to Constantinople, 393; - chides Busbecq’s servant for his temper, 394; - his gratitude to Busbecq, 397 - - _Sanjak-bey_, derivation of the word, i. 84, and _note_; - Turkish army preserved by the advice of a Sanjak-bey, and his - subsequent treatment, 238-239; - story of a Sanjak-bey and a Khodja, 377-378 - - _Sanjak-bey of Gran_, Busbecq’s interviews with the, i. 84, 170 - - _Saumur_, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126 - - _Savigliano_, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to - the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13 - - _Savona_, reported capture of, by the Duke of Savoy, ii. 74 - - _Savoy_, Emanuel Philibert, Duke of, receives Savigliano, and Pignerolo - from Henry III., ii. 13 and 14, _note_; - death of his wife, 14; - said to have taken Savona, 74; - lends 200,000 crowns on security of Saluzzo, 79 - - _Savoy_, Charles Emmanuel, Duke of, son of the preceding, said to be - estranged from Spain, and likely to marry Navarre’s sister, ii. 148; - about to be betrothed to the Duke of Lorraine’s daughter, 163 - - _Saxon_ colonists in Transylvania, i. 359 - - _Saxony_, the Elector of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i 399, - and _note_ - - _Schomberg_, Gaspard de, Comte de Nanteuil, ii. 124, _note_; - his dealings with Kinsky, 112, 125; - going to Germany, 155; - his château of Nanteuil mentioned, 260, and _note_ - - _Schwartzenberg_, Count von, meets Elizabeth at Nancy, ii. 129; - consulted by Busbecq about her route, 133, 137 - - _Schwendi_, Lazarus von, an Alsatian seigneur, a scholar and a soldier, - ii. 73, and _note_; - prevented by illness from coming to Nancy, 129 - - _Scivarin_, Gothic town in the Crimea, i. 356 - - _Scordium_, or water germander, a remedy for the plague, i. 164, - and _note_ - - _Scotland_, news of disturbances in, ii. 148; - King of Scotland. See _James_, King of Scotland - - _Scutari_, town of, i. 133 - - _Scuter_, Lawrence, a courier, ii. 119 - - _Sebastian_, King of Portugal. See _Portugal_, Sebastian, King of - - _Selim I._, the father of Solyman, his defeat by his father at - Tchourlou, i. 108, and _note_; - picture of his defeat of the Persians at Tschaldiran, 129; - referred to, 299; - his conduct alluded to, 276-277, 279, 383 - - _Selim_, Solyman’s son, afterwards Sultan Selim II., destined by his - father as his successor, i. 179; - warns his father against Bajazet, 265; - removed to Koniah from Magnesia, 267; - marches on Ghemlik, 268; - occupies Koniah, 273; - his appearance and character, 275-276; - awaits his brother’s attack, 277; - puts the Pasha of Erzeroum to death, 305; - his succession advantageous to the Shah, 312; - procures Pialé Pasha’s pardon, 324 - - _Selimbria_, town of, i. 109 - - _Selles_, M. de, a prisoner in Zealand, ii. 233, and _note_ - - _Semendria_, formerly a fortress of the despots of Servia, i. 95 - - _Servians_, the, their funeral customs, i. 95; - their marriage customs, 96; - their language, 105; - extent of their country, 165 - - _Seure_, Michel de, Prior of Champagne, his quarrel with the King, - ii. 215-216, and _note_ - - _Sforzia Palavicini_, defeated by Ali Pasha at Fülek, i. 236 - - _Shad_, the common Danube, found also in the Halys, i. 145 - - _Sherbet_, mode of making, i. 147 - - _Silihdars_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 153, _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Siwas_, the Pasha of, deceived by Bajazet, i. 304 - - _Slavery_, its advantages discussed, i. 210-211, and _note_ - - _Slaves_, Christian, met by Busbecq, i. 162 - - _Slaves_, use made by the Turks of the numerous slaves captured by - them, i. 209-211 - - _Sluys_, town of, holds out against Parma, ii. 219 - - _Snakes_, in Busbecq’s house, i. 203-204 - - _Solyman_, Sultan, takes Belgrade, i. 94; - induced by Roxolana to marry her, 112; - goes to the army and summons Mustapha, 115; - consults the mufti, 116; - rebukes the mutes for their slackness, 117; - mohair his usual dress, 144; - Busbecq’s first and second interviews with him, 152, 158; - his appearance and character, 159-160; - avenges an insult, 162; - sends Pertau Pasha against the false Mustapha, 183; - his anger against Bajazet appeased by Roxolana, 185-186; - interview with Bajazet, 187-188; - goes to Adrianople, 198; - remonstrates with Bajazet, 266; - changes his sons’ governments, 267; - refuses to listen to Bajazet’s complaints, 270; - consults the mufti about him, 272; - his appearance, 285; - his opinion of the Janissaries, 296; - is presented by Busbecq with Ferdinand’s gifts, 297; - pretends to be inclined to pardon Bajazet, 298; - orders the execution of one of his spies, 301; - orders his army to return to Constantinople, 302; - orders Bajazet’s child to be brought up at Broussa, _ib._; - sends Pashas and Sanjak-beys in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - removes Pasha of Erzeroum from office, _ib._; - alarmed at Bajazet’s flight to Persia, _ib._; - wishes to pursue him, but is restrained by the Pashas, 306; - deeply hurt at the loss of Djerbé, 318; - sends an armament thither, _ib._; - sees the triumphal entry of his fleet, 321; - his demeanour, 322; - his increasing superstition, 331; - his prohibition of wine tested by some Greeks, 332-333; - his reply to Busbecq’s request to leave his house, 333; - releases pilgrims at Lavigne’s request, 353; - his letter to the King of France, 369; - tries to induce the Shah to surrender Bajazet, 378; - sends messages to the Georgians and Turkomans, 379; - persuades the Shah to permit Bajazet to be executed, 380-381; - orders Bajazet’s child to be executed at Broussa, 382; - his parting speech to Busbecq, 390; - a terrible enemy, 405-407; - his attacks on Hungary and Austria, 409; - his three wishes, 410 - - _Sophia_, town of, i. 102 - - _Sorbonne_, decision of the, about Henry VIII.’s marriage, ii. 27, - and _note_ - - _Spahis_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Spain_, the posts to, stopped, ii. 151; - threatens the liberties of Europe, 226 - - _Spaniards_, the, take Djerbé, i. 317-318; - their fleet defeated by the Turks, 318; - their sufferings during the siege, 320-321; - their sufferings in prison alleviated by Busbecq, 326-328 - - _Spanish_ ambassador, his remonstrances about Salceda’s head, ii. 155 - - _Spanish_ officer employed as gooseherd, i. 209 - - _Stag_, fierceness of a, i. 208 - - _Standing armies_, dangers of, i. 296-297 - - _States-General_, their meeting demanded, ii. 57; - mock States-General convened, 87; - summoned, 257 - - _Sterckenburg_, officer sent by Casimir to Elizabeth, ii. 130 - - _Strasburg_, the Bishop of, notice of Elizabeth’s departure sent to - him, ii. 124, and _note_; - prevented from coming to Nancy by fear of the German reiters, 129; - his return home, 133; - remains at Bâle, 135 - - _Strozzi_, Philippe, Marshal of France, ii. 39; - killed at the Azores, 146 - - _Sunnites_ and Schiis, the two great sects of Mohammedans, i. 161, - _note_ - - _Sweden_, marriage between the daughter of the King of, and Henry III. - spoken of, ii. 43; - her portrait, 63 - - _Swiss_ Ambassadors at Paris, ii. 63; - entertainments and presents to them, 158, 160 - - _Swiss_ troops defeated by Montbrun, ii. 78 - - _Symplegades_ or floating islands at the mouth of the Bosphorus, i. 132 - - _Szigeth_, fortress in Hungary, attacked by Ali Pasha, i. 236; - relieved by the Archduke Ferdinand, 237-238 - - - _Tahmasp_, Shah, at war with Solyman, i. 115; - his character and mode of life, 300; - sends envoys to Bajazet, 307; - invites him to visit him, 308; - his treachery towards him, _ib._; - and his motives, 309; - causes him to be arrested at his table and his followers to be - murdered, 311; - prefers that Selim should succeed to the throne, 312; - his treacherous conduct, 378; - consents to Bajazet’s execution, 381 - - _Tamerlane_, indignities inflicted by him on Bajazet and his wife, - i. 112; - his descendants, 379 - - _Tartar, a_, his hair his only head covering, i. 85 - - _Tartars_ in the Crimea, account of the, i. 356 - - _Tashkend_, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Tassis_ (_or Taxis_), _J. B._, Spanish ambassador in Paris, superseded - and sent to the Netherlands, ii. 230, and _note_ - - _Taxis_, Leonhard de, Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, ii. 28, - and _note_ - - _Tchekmedjé_, Buyuk and Kutchuk, bays near Constantinople, i. 109, - _note_ - - _Tchourlou_, town of, famous for the defeat of Selim, i. 108 - - _Thoré_, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, - _note_; - escapes from the defeat of Germans and reaches the Loire, 106; - joins Alençon, 115; - his quarrel with du Guast, 117 - - _Tolna_, a Hungarian town, its good wine and civil inhabitants, i. 93; - quarrel between the Janissary there and Busbecq’s servant, - 392-396 - - _Tortoises_, i. 134 - - _Touighoun_, Pasha of Buda, meaning of the name, i. 85; - his illness and reputation, 85, 86; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 91 - - _Tours_, attempt on, ii. 98; - reported coronation of Navarre there, 254; - Parliament removed thither by Henry III., 256; - the States-General convened there by Navarre, 257 - - _Trajan’s Bridge_, remains of, i. 95 - - _Trajan’s Gate_, or pass of Ichtiman, i. 106, and _note_ - - _Transylvania_, recovered by Ferdinand, i. 79, 80; - Hungarian nobles revolt from the Voivode of, 386; - the Voivode’s ambassadors try to hinder the conclusion of peace, - 387 - - _Transylvanian_, the most popular candidate for the Polish crown, - ii. 43, and _note_ - - _Trautson_, John von, Ferdinand’s minister, i. 412 - - _Tschaldiran_, battle of, alluded to, i. 299 - - _Tulips_, i. 107 - - _Turenne_, the Vicomte de, brings reinforcements to Navarre, ii. 261 - - _Turkish_ ambassador intervenes at the Polish Diet. ii. 29 - - — army at Amasia, described, i. 155-156 - - — beggars, i. 209 - - — camp, described, i. 288, 289 - - _Turkish_ cavalry, Busbecq’s first sight of, i. 83 - - — commissariat, i. 219-221, 289 - - — fanatics at Buda, i. 396 - - — fleet, reported arrival of a, ii. 257 - - — horseman, a, described, i. 283-284 - - — horses, their rearing, training, &c., i. 215-217 - - — hostels, described, i. 98 - - — inns. See _Caravanserai_ - - — military punishments, i. 293-294 - - — officer induced by Busbecq to give up the royal standard of the - Neapolitan galleys, i. 322 - - — old woman, her romantic story, 231-232 - - — pilgrim gives Busbecq an account of his journey to Cathay and of that - country, i. 359-362; - feats performed by another, 362-363 - - — soldiers contrasted with Christian, i. 221; - their clothing and its distribution, 222 - - — women, their treatment and mode of life, i. 228-229 - - _Turkoman_ chiefs invited to attack the Shah, i. 379 - - _Turks_, their notions about wine-drinking, i. 88; - about houses, 90; - consider the left-hand the place of honour, 92; - their methods of dividing time, 101; - attach no distinction to birth, i. 104, 154; - their fondness for flowers, 108; - and money, _ib._; - their reverence for paper and the reasons for it, 110; - their superstitions as to unclean food, 124, 134; - their favourite colours, 144; - their notions about omens, _ib._, 269; - surprised at the Germans’ fishing, 145; - their frugal fare, 146; - their notions of chronology, 149; - how promotion is regulated among them, 155; - their dress, _ib._; - their horror of pigs, 205; - slavery among them, 209-211; - their kindness to animals, 224; - prefer cats to dogs and why, 225; - ransom birds from bird-catchers, 227; - some think it wrong to keep birds in cages, _ib._; - their marriage laws, 229; - do not inquire closely into crimes, but punish them severely if - detected, 232; - think it their duty to make one offer to a Christian of conversion - to their religion, 235; - their religious differences with the Persians, _ib._; - their skill in archery and mode of shooting and practising, - 253-255; - their readiness to accept foreign inventions and to adopt various - Christian customs, 255-256; - their Parthian tactics, 257; - their treatment of ambassadors, 261; - believe that the souls of those killed in battle ascend to heaven, - 289; - their notions of the Carnival, 290; - their fast, _ib._; - dislike to eat or drink standing, 291; - their endurance under the bastinado, 294; - their reverent behaviour at their prayers, 303; - impression made on them by the Spanish successes, 318; - their exultation at their victory, 319; - their taunts of the prisoners, 322; - how they treat prisoners, 326; - their recklessness about infection, 341; - disturbed at Basilicus’ invasion of Moldavia, 349; - at dinners carry off things for their wives and children, 375; - their notions about predestination, 341, 382-383; - pray for Busbecq’s conversion, 384; - league against them suggested to divert the restless spirits of - France, ii. 49; - their victories over the Persians render them formidable, 243-244, - and _note_; - offer to assist Navarre, 257, and _note_ - - - _Uzes_, Duc de, commands for the King at Aigues-Mortes, ii. 42 - - - _Varna_, battle of, i. 407, and _note_ - - _Vaudemont_, Louise de, afterwards Queen of France, Henry III. in love - with her, ii. 32; - about to marry her, 51; - is a niece of Count Egmont, _ib._; - Elizabeth’s attendants ordered to enter her service, 52, - and _note_; - no favourite with the Queen-Mother, 57; - congratulated by Busbecq in Maximilian’s name, 59; - estranged from her husband, 219 - - _Vaudemont_, Nicolas, Comte de, the King’s father-in-law, a probable - peacemaker, ii. 63; - his arrival expected, 63, 70; - at his son’s marriage, 80; - visits Montmorency and thinks him innocent, 91 - - _Veli Bey_, Sanjak-bey of Hatwan, his feud with Arslan Bey, i. 244 - - _Veltwick_ or _Velduvic_, Gerard, ambassador of Charles V. to the - Porte, i. 79, and _note_; - his detention by the Turks referred to, 263 - - _Vendôme_, Cardinal de, brother of Condé, Navarre’s sequestrated - property placed in his hands, ii. 249 - - _Vendôme_, Duc de. See _Henry IV._ - - _Vendôme_, House of, its position, ii. 40 - - _Vendôme_, retaken by Navarre and the governor executed, ii. 254 - - _Vendôme’s_ sister Catherine, rumours of her intended marriage to - Alençon, ii. 51, and _note_; - to the Duke of Savoy, 148, 194; - to the Duke of Lorraine’s son, 163; - to Condé, 233; - to Duke of Epernon, 242; - her great prospects, 176 - - _Venetian_ Baily. See _Baily_ - - _Venetian_ goldsmith, adventure of a, i. 224 - - _Verdun_, town of, taken by Guise, ii. 247 - - _Vimioso_, the Count of, Don Antonio’s Constable, killed off the - Azores, ii. 146 - - _Viteaux_, the Baron de, a famous duellist, murders du Guast, ii. 116, - _note_; - account of his death, 189-191, and _notes_ - - _Vopiscus_, quoted, i. 214 - - _Vulcob_, M. de, French Ambassador at Vienna, ii. 36, and _note_, 85; - arrangement by which Busbecq received his salary through him, 112, - 122 - - - _Weasels_, stories of, i. 203 - - _Wranczy_ or _Verantius_, Antony, Bishop of Fünfkirchen, afterwards - of Erlau and finally Archbishop of Gran, sent as ambassador to the - Porte, i. 80; - Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111 - - _Wyss_, Albert de, comes with presents from Ferdinand to the Sultan, - i. 297 - - - _Ypres_, given up for lost, ii. 194; - still blockaded by Parma, 199 - - - _Zay_, Francis, commander of the Danube flotilla known as _Nassades_, - afterwards governor of Kaschau, sent as ambassador to the Porte, - i. 80; - Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111; - his fishing in the Halys, 145 - - _Zutphen_, town in Gelderland, taken by the Spaniards, ii. 208 - - LONDON: PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - AND PARLIAMENT STREET - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Letters of Ogier Ghiselin -de Busbecq, Volumes I and II, by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE, LETTERS--OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ *** - -***** This file should be named 53681-0.txt or 53681-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/6/8/53681/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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