path: root/53630-0.txt

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 53630 ***

  OGIER GHISELIN

  DE BUSBECQ

  VOL. II.

(_The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved_)

[Illustration: CROSS OF BOUSBECQUE.

THIRTEENTH CENTURY.]




  THE

  LIFE AND LETTERS

  OF

  OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ

  SEIGNEUR OF BOUSBECQUE

  KNIGHT, IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR

  BY

  CHARLES THORNTON FORSTER, M.A.

  _Late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge: Vicar of Hinxton_

  AND

  F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIELL, M.A.

  _Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge: Barrister-at-Law_

  Πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω

  _IN TWO VOLUMES_

  VOL. II.


  LONDON
  C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE
  1881




CONTENTS

OF

THE SECOND VOLUME.


                                                 PAGE

  LETTERS FROM FRANCE TO MAXIMILIAN—I.-XXXVII.      3

         ”      ”     ”     RODOLPH—I.-LVIII.     141

  APPENDIX                                        265

  INDEX                                           311




  LETTERS FROM FRANCE.




  BOOK I.

  LETTERS TO MAXIMILIAN.


In illustrating Busbecq’s letters from France reference is frequently
made to contemporary writers, and it may be useful to the reader to
have some idea of their different characters, and positions, and of the
historical value of their statements.

  (1). J. A. de Thou, the historian, son of Christopher de
  Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris. Jurist and
  statesman. Busbecq’s intimate friend and warm admirer.
  Quoted as _Thuanus_. Edition, Geneva, 1620, &c.

  (2). Pierre de l’Estoile. Audiencier de la Chancellerie
  de Paris. A quiet man, who took no part in politics.
  He kept a diary which is generally known as _Journal
  de Henri III._ and _Henri IV._, but is really _his own
  private diary_ during the reigns of those monarchs.
  Quoted as _De l’Estoile_. Edition, Paris, 1875, &c.

  (3). Pierre de Bourdeille, Abbé and Seigneur of Brantôme.
  Soldier and courtier. Gentleman of the Chamber to Charles
  IX. and Henri III. His ideas are those of the French
  Court of that period, and consequently his standard of
  morality is very low. He was a friend of Alençon, du
  Guast, Bussy, de Viteaux, La Noue, &c., and a great
  admirer of Marguerite, to whom he dedicated several
  of his works. Having been disabled by a fall from his
  horse, he devoted his last years to writing memoirs of
  the celebrated men and women he had known, a treatise on
  duelling, &c. Quoted as _Brantôme_. Edition, Paris, 1822.

  (4). Marguerite de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre,
  sister of Charles IX., Henri III., and Alençon, wrote an
  autobiography which she addressed to Brantôme. Quoted as
  _Mémoires de Marguerite_. Edition, Paris, 1842.

  (5). Theodore Agrippa d’Aubigné. Friend and adherent of
  Henry of Navarre. He wrote a _Histoire universelle_ and
  _Mémoires_. Quoted as _Aubigné, Histoire_. Edition S.
  Jean d’Angely, 1616, &c. The _Mémoires_ are quoted from
  the Panthéon Littéraire. Paris, 1836.

  (6). Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers. Soldier and statesman.
  The compilation known as his Memoirs is quoted as
  _Mémoires de Nevers_. Edition, Paris, 1665.

  (7). Venetian ambassadors:—John Michel, sent in 1575 to
  congratulate Henri III. on his coronation and marriage.
  Jerome Lippomano, ambassador in 1577-1579. Their reports
  are contained in _Collection de Documents inédits
  sur l’Histoire de France, Première Série, Relations
  des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_. Quoted as _Ambassadeurs
  Vénitiens_.

  (8). Guillaume and Michel Le Riche. Avocats du Roi at
  Saint-Maixent in Poitou. Their Journal is quoted as _Le
  Riche_. Edition, Saint-Maixent, 1846.

  (9). Famianus Strada. A Jesuit priest who wrote the
  history of the wars in the Netherlands. Motley has drawn
  largely from his work. Quoted as _Strada_. Edition, Rome,
  1648.




LETTER I.


Yesterday, August 21, I arrived at Speyer. I stayed a day at Salzburg
and another at Augsburg, on account of my health. For at my third stage
from Vienna an attack of hæmorrhage came on, unaccompanied, however,
by pain, or any great derangement of the system. The physicians I
consulted at Salzburg and Augsburg told me that, if I neglected it, the
consequences might be serious, and ordered me to rest for some days.
For my own part, till now I saw no reason for interrupting my journey
for any length of time, but, as I observe that this trouble, whatever
it may be, is aggravated by heat and motion, I intend to stay here over
to-morrow, for fear of more haste perhaps proving to be worse speed. In
order to save time, I have abandoned my project of passing through the
Netherlands, and intend to go directly to Metz by easy stages, as my
health will not admit of rapid travelling. As to the King of France, I
can learn nothing here; no one knows where he is, but he is said to be
going straight to Rheims, which lies, I imagine, on my road, and I hope
to get there before him.

When I passed through Munich, the Duchess, the sister of your
Majesty,[1] who had lately returned from a visit, sent to me, and made
particular inquiries about the health of your Majesty, of the Empress,
and your children. She also gave me messages for the Queen of France,
and sent letters to Augsburg next day for me to take to her.

I was speaking to someone to-day who had come but lately from the
Prince of Orange, and he said that negotiations[2] for peace had been
opened with him through St. Aldegonde, who was a prisoner in the hands
of the Royalists. He represented the Prince as strongly inclined for
peace, but said that the cities, which had called him in, were no less
strongly opposed to it, and would rather suffer the worst extremity
than trust themselves to the Spaniards, or send Orange away. The same
person told me that Leyden was starving, and must soon surrender.[3]
The Prince, he said, was not to blame for it, but the inhabitants, who,
having been repeatedly warned to lay in stores in time, had obstinately
neglected to do so. He also informed me that the Spanish fleet, if it
was really coming, was to sail round Scotland, and that Orange had set
up false beacons and lights on the coast to draw it among the shoals
and sandbanks.

Perhaps the information I have sent your Majesty is not of much
importance, still I feel sure that it will at least do no harm, and
that with your accustomed graciousness you will not take my sending it
amiss. I pray God to preserve your Majesty, and remain, &c.

  Speyer,[4] August 22, 1574.[5]




LETTER II.


On September 2 I arrived at Meaux, fourteen[6] miles from Paris. My
journey was delayed by want of post-horses, for, as the King had just
gone to Lyons, they had almost all been transferred to that road from
their proper stations, and so for two days and nights I sailed down the
Marne, but, as it winds very much before its confluence with the Seine,
near Paris, I had to change my mode of travelling, and return to land.
As no horses or carriages were to be had, I sent people to Paris to
get some, and also to look for lodgings against our arrival. When the
Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, knew of this, she sent two of her own
carriages, which brought me and my suite to Paris on the 4th.

On that day the Queen[7] wished me to rest, and did not send for me
till the next day. I found her in excellent health, but her face was
melancholy, and still showed traces of her recent loss. As I was going
through the points mentioned in my instructions, she spoke gratefully
of your Majesty’s thinking of her and sending to console and visit
her in her bereavement. She was not surprised, she added, at the deep
regret expressed by your Majesty, for, indeed, her late Consort had
always felt the warmest affection for you, and had always been most
anxious to meet your wishes. She then made very minute inquiries
about your Majesty’s health. But, when I said that she must wait
patiently till your Majesty should be able to decide, according to the
turn events might take, whether she was to leave or stay, she gently
replied, that all she asked was to be allowed to do that which was most
useful and pleasing to her father. Our conversation then ended, and I
received permission to retire.

The next day the Queen again ordered me to be summoned, and during
the interview I contrived to introduce the question of her marriage
to the new King (Henry III.) by alluding to the reports now current;
many people set her down as his future bride, I remarked, and if the
union were to take place, it would, in my opinion, harmonise with your
Majesty’s views and policy. Her reply was such as to make it perfectly
plain the suggestion was by no means to her liking; and yet I could see
that she did not intend to be obstinate; she will, I am sure, place
herself in her father’s hands, and further his interests and wishes by
every means in her power.[8]

I also touched on the Constantinople matter, as your Majesty directed.
She promised to bear it in mind when the Queen Mother returned. I will
then make it my business to remind her of it.

I went to her a third time to ask that, as your Majesty’s principal
reason for sending me here was that I might look after her interests,
she would kindly give orders to the _maréchaux de logis_ to provide me
with proper quarters in the neighbourhood, and she at once complied
with my request.

As to other matters, there is no news of any importance. The King is
expected to arrive at Lyons today, where the Queen Mother, Alençon,
and Vendôme[9] have been for some time awaiting him. Disturbances are
still going on in Poitou and the neighbouring provinces. The King, they
say, is preparing to exert his influence, and, if need be, to put them
down with a strong hand. He has hired 5,000 Swiss, besides reiters from
Germany, and some thousands of Italian musketeers.

With regard to our business, not much, I see, can be done here while
the King is away, and so, if I was not afraid I might transgress the
rules of etiquette, I should like to run home for a few days. But I
cannot make up my mind, as I hardly know what people here might think;
otherwise I see no objection, as I had your Majesty’s permission.

Montmorency and Cossé[10] are still confined in the Bastille, and both
are so strictly guarded by the people,[11] that passers-by cannot so
much as bow to them without danger.

Yesterday there arrived here Master John Koch, whose misfortune has
been a great grief to me. Today I took the letters he brought to the
Queen, and she immediately answered them.

  Paris, September 10, 1574.




LETTER III.


A few days ago I sent such news as I had by way of Brussels; I now
write, more because I have a convenient opportunity of forwarding a
letter, than because I have anything particular to tell.

The King arrived at Lyons on the 6th. His army is besieging the town
of Nove,[12] twelve miles from Lyons, which they think will not be
hard to take, as it is commanded on every side by the adjoining hills.
Still, they are not quite confident, as they know how obstinate the
King’s opponents have hitherto been in defending the places they
have occupied. Montpensier[13] is besieging the town of Fontenay; a
capitulation, they say, was agreed on, but his men refused to accept
it, preferring to risk their lives in storming the place, rather than
forego their plunder, so the result is still uncertain. Great is the
strength of despair, and however things may turn out, their spoils, I
warrant, will be blood-stained.

They say that the King, before he reached Lyons, asked his Council’s
advice, as to whether he should send back the Italian troops he had
brought with him as a body guard, and that Pibrac,[14] whom your
Majesty saw at Vienna, was for dismissing them. This gave offence to
the Queen Mother, and on his arrival at Lyons she ordered him to return
to Paris, and resume his duties as Advocate of the Kingdom. The Queen
Mother, people think, is in favour of war, because she hopes thereby
to retain her power.

Damville,[15] they say, received an unfavourable answer from the King,
and consequently remained at Turin; he has now, I hear, been summoned
by the King; a suspicious circumstance, as many think. It will be two
months, it is supposed, before the King gets away from his affairs
at Lyons, and in the meantime business here makes little progress. I
expect the King and the Queen Mother will give your Majesty an account
of what is passing in France. At any rate I feel justified in saying
that everybody is anxiously looking for a marriage between the King and
your Majesty’s daughter—it is the general topic of conversation.

The Comte de Bailen, after being kept for a long time in Gascony by the
dangers of the road, has at last started for Lyons.

  Paris, September 17, 1574.




LETTER IV.


I have despatched two letters to your Majesty since I arrived here, one
I sent by way of Brussels, the other, dated the 17th, was given to a
servant of the Duke of Bavaria, who was travelling this way from Spain.
Now I have a convenient opportunity of sending despatches by the hands
of Master John Koch.

The King has determined to continue the war rather than suffer two
religions in his kingdom, or allow the rebels to remain in possession
of the towns they have seized; while they declare that they will
hold them to the death, having no hope of safety left save in their
walls and their despair. Thus the King is again getting entangled in
difficulties, from which he will not easily free himself, and which he
might perhaps have avoided.

Fontenay, the town about which I wrote lately, fell at the third
assault. There was great slaughter both of besiegers and besieged.
People think Lusignan will be attacked next. It is a fortress of
considerable strength, five miles from Poitiers, and being built on
a rock is not easily accessible.[16] The siege of Lusignan will give
Montpensier’s army occupation for some time, and though less important
places like these may be easily recovered by the King, at any rate the
reduction of Montauban, Nismes, Rochelle, and other towns, which still
hold out, will prove a more difficult task. But who can say what may
happen in the meanwhile? Time brings about many a surprise, and the
result may turn out far other than what it is expected to be. The King
thinks differently; under his mother’s influence, as it is supposed,
he is entering on the war with a light heart. Within the last few days
an Edict[17] was published, by which all who had fled the country are
invited to return home within six months, under promise of an amnesty;
if they do not avail themselves of this act of indemnity within that
time, they are to be considered outlaws and public enemies. This
proclamation, it is feared, will be the signal for those who distrust
the King’s word to take the field—it is the trumpet calling them to
battle. To people’s astonishment some noble families, as, for instance,
those of Rambouillet and d’Estrées,[18] have been ordered to leave the
Court and retire to their homes.

At his parting from the Duke of Savoy, the King is said to have
made him a present of two towns which are still held by his
garrisons—namely, Savigliano and Pignerolo, if I remember the names
rightly. This arrangement, however, has been interfered with by
the Duke’s wife having died, unfortunately for him, before it was
completed, an event which may possibly make the King change his
intentions.[19]

I am far from satisfied with the state of the business which is the
principal object of my mission—namely, the settlement of the Queen’s
dower. The King’s return, I suspect, is further off than people think,
and meanwhile nothing can be done here. The Queen is thus left in a
state of uncertainty; she knows not what is to happen, or what her
position is to be, and therefore she naturally feels by no means
comfortable. Some people think the King will go down to Avignon, to
be nearer the seat of the war which is imminent; and, if so, it is
supposed he will not be in Paris for full six months from this. If
this be true, though sufficient provision has been made for her in the
meantime, still perhaps it is hardly creditable that a lady, who is now
practically your Majesty’s ward, should be left dependent on another’s
beck and call, and sit quietly waiting till it pleases him to ask her
to become once more a wife. Such a position is, in my humble opinion,
a highly improper one; nor do I believe that in any other case the
relatives of a widowed queen ever waited so long before taking steps to
protect her interests. I trust your Majesty will consider what is to be
done. Shall I go to the King—which will involve some expense—or shall
I write to him, or shall I wait here for his return, whenever that may
be?

If I may give my opinion, I think the King is likely to have more
trouble than he expects. For, taking even the most favourable
supposition, and assuming that he reduces a great part of the rebels
to submission, I consider that he cannot possibly complete his task
during the present winter, and that many of them will hold out still.
What then will be the King’s position? His forces will be no longer
what they were at the beginning of the campaign; war, privation, and
winter will have thinned their ranks. On the other hand, we must be
prepared to see the exiled nobles now in Germany come to the succour of
their friends with such troops as they can raise. All France will then
be in a blaze once more; the issue of the contest it is impossible to
foretell, for who can say how many secret allies the rebels can reckon
on? Those who are thoroughly estranged from the King are not a few.

This forecast of future probabilities is derived in great measure
from a conversation I had, when I was passing through Kaiserslautern,
with an intimate friend of the Palatine and Casimir.[20] The exiles I
speak of have been prevented from invading the country chiefly by two
motives: in the first place, they had some hopes that the King would
be more indulgent to their party, and wished to give him a trial;
secondly, among their chiefs are two sons of the Constable,[21] and
they saw that if they stirred it would be the signal for the execution
of their imprisoned brother, Montmorency; the Queen Mother has openly
threatened and declared as much. Perhaps, too, they are influenced
by the consideration that it would be very bad policy to choose the
moment when the King’s forces are at their best for attacking him,
instead of biding their time.

To turn to another subject. A few days ago a gentleman, who is one of
the King’s councillors, came to see me, and gave me a book to send to
your Majesty, to whom it is dedicated by the author. It is the work of
François de Foix, Bishop of Aire, and Privy Councillor to the King. He
is an old man of the highest rank, and is a great scholar. He is also a
near relative of your Majesty, for his father, he states in his letter,
was brother of your Majesty’s grandmother on the mother’s side.[22] His
elder brother, the Comte de Candale, is dead. He left a son, who was
killed by a musket-shot in the head,[23] while fighting under Damville,
who was then engaged in some service for the King. He left only two
daughters, the eldest of whom succeeded to the family property, and is
being brought up in the house of her maternal grandmother, the widow
of the Constable, their father having married one of the Constable’s
daughters. To return to the Bishop. He is a man of the greatest
learning, especially in mathematics, and is regarded by the professors
of that science here as one of their most distinguished men. He has
translated Hermes Trismegistus[24]—a writer of such antiquity that
some people make him out to be a contemporary of Moses himself—from
Greek into Latin, and this is the work that is now on its way to your
Majesty. He has also translated him into French, and has dedicated the
translation to the Queen Mother. He has written, besides, five books of
commentaries on the same author in French, which those who have seen
it assert to be a noble work; and this has been published under the
patronage of the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter. I humbly hope your
Majesty, when answering my letter, will condescend to acknowledge the
arrival of the book, and gratify the good old man by thanking him for
the compliment. I will take care to show the passage to his friends,
who brought me the book.

As to the Queen’s condition, I have nothing to write which your Majesty
will not hear from her own letters. One matter, I think, I should not
omit to mention. Everything here is exceedingly dear, especially the
necessaries of life, such as bread, wine, fire-wood, and lodgings.
With these high prices, I do not see how I am to keep within the salary
allowed by your Majesty. However, I will do the best I can for this
half year, and after that I trust your Majesty will kindly see that I
am properly provided for.

To conclude. As I perceive there is no immediate prospect of the King’s
arrival, and I can leave Paris for some days without any inconvenience
to the Queen, I have determined, with her approval, to avail myself of
your Majesty’s kind permission, and to make the journey home, which
I have so long intended, to arrange my private affairs. I think of
remaining in the Netherlands till your Majesty’s gracious reply to this
letter arrives at Brussels, which I consider your Majesty will find to
be the most convenient route for sending an answer. I have nothing more
to add except my earnest prayer that God may long preserve your Majesty
to us and to Christendom.

  Paris, September 28, 1574.


Montmorency is still detained in the same prison; Cossé, on account of
his illness, is allowed a more convenient lodging, but is guarded there
with the utmost strictness.

I am not sure if it is worth adding a postscript to say that, if your
Majesty should think fit to send me to the King, any despatches to the
Duke of Savoy could be conveyed at the same time without any additional
trouble or expense, for Turin is not very far from Lyons, and is nearer
still to Avignon—if I mistake not.




LETTER V.


I have but lately sent all the news I had by the hands of Master John
Koch. Since then nothing has happened worth notice, except that letters
from Lyons have reached Paris, saying that the question of the Queen’s
dower has been discussed at Court, and that the Duchy of Berry has been
assigned to her on account thereof. The annual income, however, of
this Duchy, derived from real estate, does not come up to the amount
of her dower; whence the rest is to be provided we do not know, but
it certainly ought to be charged on lands in the neighbourhood. The
Queen herself has not heard a word on the subject, though the King
has written several times to her, and the Queen Mother still more
frequently. The report I mention about the dower prevents my starting
for the Netherlands, as I had intended, for I am afraid of perhaps
being wanted here.

As to the King’s return, nothing is yet known for certain: some think
it is not near, and that he intends going further away; others regard
his movements as a trick to induce the gentlemen of the Court to start
for the camp, under the notion that the King will shortly follow. I can
make no positive assertion either way; I have not been long in France
and am at a distance from the scene of action; hitherto I have been
unable to do more than chronicle rumours and people’s opinions. Your
Majesty must excuse it, therefore, if I am occasionally wrong in my
facts or mistaken in my predictions.

One part of the Royal army is besieging Poussin,[25] a castle fortified
by the Huguenots, on the bank of the Rhone, a little below Vienne,
I believe, and not many miles from Lyons. The rest of it is with
Montpensier, besieging Lusignan, which is garrisoned, they say, by
about 600 soldiers and 200 gentlemen. La Noue,[26] the head of the
rebels, is said to be at Rochelle with such a following, that they
think he will be master of the town. As to Damville, some people have a
story that, when he found the King intended to arrest him and put him
to death, he crossed by sea from Savoy to Montpellier, a city in his
government, and that he has induced it with some of the neighbouring
towns to revolt. Of this, however, there is nothing known for certain,
and I suspect it is somebody’s invention.

  Paris, October, 1574.




LETTER VI.


I lately despatched a letter to your Majesty by a running footman, whom
I sent to Brussels to bring back the answer I am expecting from your
Majesty. Since then nothing new has occurred except that the Queen was
threatened with an attack. The symptoms were sickness, accompanied by
general inflammation and irritation of the skin, while at night she
suffered from thirst. Physicians were called in, and they declared it
to be a case of bile in the blood; they said that there was danger of
fever if remedies were not promptly employed. Accordingly, they treated
her with purgatives and bleeding; since then there has been a change
for the better, and the physicians now have great hopes that the attack
has been taken in time, and this is also my view. The Queen herself is
in good spirits, and considers herself as well as before the illness.
Still I should not like to leave your Majesty in ignorance of what has
happened.

A few days ago the Comte de Bailen arrived from Lyons to offer the
Queen the condolences of the King of Spain; he had already expressed
his master’s regret to the King and Queen Mother at Lyons. He was kept
a long time at Bordeaux by the dangers of the road, and he incurred
serious risks on his way round by Lyons, as parties were watching
at various places on his route with intent to waylay him. He is now
hesitating as to what road he shall choose for his return, and seems
to think the safety of his route a more important consideration than
its length. He has, moreover, a wish to visit the Netherlands and other
countries.

To-day I was informed that Pibrac is coming here from Lyons; from him
I shall be able to learn how matters stand there. He is also bringing,
they say, the King’s instructions to me with reference to the dower.
Your Majesty shall be duly informed of whatever I hear.

Poussin, which was being besieged, has fallen into the King’s hands;
the defenders, according to some accounts, sallied out by night and
escaped from the town.[27] Damville’s conduct excites suspicion; two
Vicomtes are said to have come to him at Montpellier to concert plans
for war. One of them, I think, is the Vicomte de Montbrun; the other’s
name I have not heard. Damville is also believed to have tried to take
Avignon by surprise; people think that he will raise the standard of
a fresh insurrection, and thus exasperate the King, who is at present
inclined towards justice and mercy, as your Majesty will see from
the Edict[28] I enclose. There seems, therefore, to be no prospect
that France will see any termination of the woes with which she is
afflicted. One civil war begets another, until there is no end.

About the King’s coming there are vague reports, which change every
day. I cannot be sure of anything till I have an interview with
Pibrac, and, as soon as I have seen him, I will lose no time in making
my report to your Majesty.

  Paris, October 31, 1574.




LETTER VII.


In my last letter to your Majesty I gave an account of the Queen’s
health; and how her physicians hoped to keep off a fever by timely
remedies. Unhappily, a few days later, though the Queen had felt no
inconvenience in the mean time, there was a return of the complaint,
and it was found necessary to repeat the medicines and to bleed her
again. The blood that was taken was very corrupt, so much so that
her physicians became anxious, feeling sure that her illness would
be serious, and possibly dangerous. They called in some of the first
physicians in Paris, and held a consultation. The attack, however,
never became dangerous, and on the fifth day there was a decided
improvement, and on the seventh, which was Sunday, the fever had quite
subsided. Her physicians are not yet altogether free from anxiety,
as there is still some derangement of the system, which they are
endeavouring to remove; the Queen, however, now the fever has left her,
is not in the least nervous about herself. Thanks to God’s mercy, she
is in a fair way towards recovery.

There is another matter, as to which it is essential to have explicit
instructions from your Majesty. From the beginning of next January
the Queen, they say, will have her dower assigned to her, and instead
of living as hitherto at the expense of the State, she will have to
maintain herself on her own resources and out of the revenues of her
dower. Consequently there are several points that present themselves
for your Majesty’s consideration. In the first place, your Majesty
will have to indicate the source from which the Queen is to get money
for her maintenance till her own revenues begin to come in; secondly,
your Majesty will have to decide whether she is to remain here for the
winter, so as to have milder weather for her journey, or to return
immediately. If the last course is preferred, your Majesty will have
to settle all the questions relating to her route, the expense to be
incurred, the suite that is to attend her, the road she is to take, and
her ultimate destination. If, on the other hand, there is not time to
make all these arrangements, and it should be therefore decided that
she shall stay some months longer in France, still a decision must be
come to as to whether she is to remain in Paris, or retire to the place
assigned her as dower. For there can be no question that she will live
at much less expense in her own house, if I may call it so, than here
in Paris, where everything is excessively dear. There is a château in
the Duchy of Berry which would just suit her, called Remorantin; the
Queen Mother herself is said to have sometimes thought of retiring
thither. Apart from any questions of economy, a residence in the
country would be more in keeping with her position as a widow. Assuming
this to be settled, your Majesty’s opinion will be required as to all
the arrangements of her new establishment, and the gentlemen and ladies
who are to constitute her household. Nothing can be determined till I
receive your Majesty’s instructions.

I mentioned in my former letter that the Duchy of Berry is to be
assigned to the Queen, and I have now written that after the first
of January she is to live at her own charges. Both these statements
are founded only upon current report and require confirmation, for
neither the Queen, nor the Comte de Fiesco,[29] nor I have received
any official notice on the subject. However, the fact is in itself so
probable and the rumour has become so general, that neither the Comte
nor myself have any doubt of its truth. I heard from one of Pibrac’s
relatives in Lyons that he would shortly be here to discuss the whole
question with me on behalf of the King. However, he has not arrived
yet, though he is expected every day. I shall lose no time in informing
your Majesty of the result of our interview. In the meantime I have
thought it better to send this letter without waiting for his arrival.

The report, which was at first very general, of the King’s intending to
marry your daughter, is now universally discredited. Some people, whose
opinion is worth having, ascribe the cause to the Sorbonne or College
of Divines in Paris. When King Henry VIII. of England began to question
the validity of his marriage with his deceased brother’s widow, and
wanted to have it declared null, these divines were consulted as to the
lawfulness of the marriage. At the instigation of King Francis I., who
wished to gratify the King of England, knowing that the dissolution of
the marriage would dissolve the alliance between the Emperor Charles
and Henry, they pronounced the marriage unlawful and incestuous, in
opposition to all the other divines and jurists before whom the case
had been laid.[30] This decision being so contrary to the general
opinion, King Francis thought it sufficient to forward it to England,
and wished it to be suppressed as far as possible in France. But the
King of England, being anxious to support his case, had the decision
printed, and published far and wide. This precedent is supposed to be a
great stumbling-block to the King, and to make him have scruples of the
lawfulness of a marriage with his brother’s widow, as he would thereby
seem to question the authority of his ancestor’s decision.

This is one version of the story; whether it be the true one, or
simply an excuse, I cannot tell for certain. I fully expect that when
I have had a talk with Pibrac I shall be able to make out more of this
matter, or at any rate to form a tolerably good guess; for even if he
says nothing I shall be able from his very silence to draw my own
conclusions as to the King’s wishes and intentions.

It is considered certain that the King will go down to Avignon. His
object, I imagine, is to be nearer the scene of action, where his
presence is required. Meanwhile the siege of Lusignan continues. As to
other matters, I cannot venture to make any positive assertion. The
Comte de Bailen will, I understand, leave this to-morrow on his way
back to Spain. He intends going to Nantes, a seaport in Brittany, and
thence taking ship for Bilbao or St. Sebastian. He has chosen this as
being by far the shortest route as well as the safest.

I most humbly entreat your Majesty for an early answer to this letter,
for, until we have your instructions, we cannot bring this business to
a conclusion with credit to your Majesty. I would suggest sending the
answer to Leonhard de Taxis[31] at Brussels, who has promised to use
all speed in forwarding your Majesty’s letters to Paris.

  Paris, November 9, 1574.


I told your Majesty that we were expecting Pibrac in Paris. Well, he
has arrived, and as we were old friends, having made each other’s
acquaintance when the King of France was staying at Vienna, I went
and called on him. He returned my visit. I took the first opportunity
which offered itself in the course of our conversation of introducing
the Queen’s business, and expressed my surprise at the delay in the
assignment of the dower. He replied that affairs of this kind could
not be arranged in a hurry, and that matters would be set right if I
went to the King myself.




LETTER VIII.


I have little to add to what I told your Majesty in my last two letters
of the Queen’s health. She is still confined to her bed by the orders
of her physicians, but she looks well, and is in excellent spirits.
There is no need for me to say more, as she is writing to your Majesty
herself.

Pibrac arrived three days ago. I lost no time in calling upon him, to
ascertain whether he had any instructions with regard to the Queen’s
dower. He avoided the subject, and talked of Poland, and a message the
King had received from a Diet held at Warsaw, begging him to return
forthwith. He told me that the Turkish Ambassador had been present
at the meeting of the Diet, and informed the Poles that the Sultan
would make it a _casus belli_ if they elected a Muscovite or one of
your Majesty’s sons to the vacant throne: they must appoint one of
their own countrymen, two of whom he specified as proper candidates.
It was supposed, however, that it was at the instigation of these two
gentlemen that the embassy had been sent. Pibrac then observed that
there was one of your Majesty’s subjects who was looking out for the
throne.

I remarked that an absent king was not likely to keep his crown long.
He agreed, and was of opinion that the Poles would soon be engaged in
fighting with each other.

The conversation flagged, and as he made no allusion to the subject in
which I was interested, I introduced it myself. I told him that there
was a rumour that the Queen’s dower had been assigned. He informed me
that the report was correct, and represented the settlement which had
been made as most advantageous to the Queen. He said that he understood
your Majesty intended arranging a marriage for the Queen with the King
of Portugal. I replied that I knew nothing of the matter beyond the
fact that the King of Portugal had been most anxious to obtain her hand
before her marriage. At present, I added, he was too much engaged with
his expedition against Fez.[32]

It appears from my conversation with Pibrac that the Queen will
not receive her dower till January, and I am anxious to know what
arrangement your Majesty proposes for providing her with funds in the
meantime.[33]

  November 13, 1574.




LETTER IX.


On Saturday last I despatched a letter to your Majesty by a gentleman
who paid a visit to the Queen on behalf of the King and Queen Mother,
as he told me that on his return to Lyons the Seneschal of that city
would be sent to your Majesty. The Queen also wrote a letter, which I
enclosed. I wrote in such a hurry that I am afraid my letter is hardly
as clear as it should be; I trust your Majesty will, with your usual
kindness, pardon its shortcomings.

The purport of my letter was that the Queen was convalescent, and
that her dower was to commence on the 1st of January. She will then
begin life afresh, and her residence and the arrangements of her
establishment will depend upon your Majesty’s pleasure. I humbly trust
that your Majesty will make such provision as the case requires.

I understand that in similar cases the widows of French Kings have
been sent home with a French retinue at the charge of the royal
treasury; but I see that the Queen’s officials are anxious as to the
source from which funds are to be provided until her revenues shall
begin to accrue, for her debts are already large, and will be still
greater by January 1. At that date she will not owe less than 50,000
francs. The King ought to pay the money, but I am afraid he will not
do so punctually, and in that case her creditors are likely to become
troublesome. I am also anxious as to her income, for I fear that,
whatever reductions are made in her household, she will have difficulty
in meeting her expenses if she remains in France.

As to other matters, there is not much for me to say, except that
the King’s affairs are far from prosperous. The besieged garrison of
Lusignan has made a successful sally, and Montpensier has lost so many
men that he is compelled to raise the siege. Some companies also of the
Comte de Retz’s forces, with a detachment of cavalry, have likewise,
they say, been cut to pieces by Damville’s troops. Damville is believed
to be full of confidence, and busy in making preparations for defence.
He holds a commission as Condé’s lieutenant. There are fears that Condé
himself will take the field, and that troops will be raised in Germany.
In confirmation of this, we hear that the people of Rochelle have sold
a large quantity of salt to German traders, whose ships are lying in
their harbour, and that the proceeds are to be placed to the credit of
Condé in Germany, for the purpose of hiring soldiers. If this be true,
it is very serious news for France.

As to the King’s views with regard to marriage, I cannot speak with
any certainty. Some think that he has set his heart on Monsieur de
Vaudemont’s daughter, who is a very handsome girl. Besides, the King is
devoted to the House and party of Lorraine, and most anxious for its
advancement.

However, if he marries her he will cause tongues to wag, and give
offence to those who from interest or jealousy are opposed to the
party of Lorraine. Amongst these must be numbered Vendôme, Condé,
and possibly Alençon himself, who will suspect—not without reason
perhaps—that this marriage is only the thin end of the wedge.

  Paris, November 16, 1574.




LETTER X.


I received your Majesty’s two letters dated October 31, and also my
instructions, on November 23. I was at Paris when they arrived, having
abandoned my visit to the Netherlands for reasons with which your
Majesty is already acquainted.

I informed the Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and at the same time
delivered the letter. I took the opportunity of ascertaining her views
as to the desirability of my visiting the King in accordance with
your Majesty’s instructions. She thought it advisable, on the grounds
mentioned by your Majesty. I asked her to think the matter over, and
when I had an interview with her the next day she was still of the same
opinion.

Also I asked her whether the King (Charles IX.) had made a will before
he died? She replied in the negative, telling me that he had only given
verbal instructions on certain points; she was quite sure he had made
no will. I believe the Queen is right, for so far I have not heard from
anyone of his leaving a will. I will, however, make further inquiries.

A few days after I had written my last letter to your Majesty, the
Bishop of Paris,[34] who is the Queen’s Chancellor, paid me a visit,
and we were shortly afterwards joined by the Comte de Fiesco and
Monsieur de France, the Queen’s first steward. We discussed the
question of the dower; the last two gentlemen expressed their doubts
as to the possibility of getting the pension of 20,000 francs usually
granted to Queens Dowager charged on a good security, quoting the case
of the Queen of Scots, whose pension was settled in such a way as to
be absolutely worthless.

It would be of the greatest advantage to the Queen, your Majesty’s
daughter, if she could have the command of 10,000 or 12,000 thalers
to meet her expenses until the revenues of her dower shall begin to
accrue. I think we could manage without money in hard cash, if a credit
could be opened at Lyons or Antwerp, so that we might be able to draw
on our agents. My duty to your Majesty and the Queen, my mistress,
renders it incumbent on me to make this suggestion, but I shall gladly
acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be.

Your Majesty mentions ‘credentials.’ I have not received them, and
I think they would be of some service to me; for if anyone should
challenge my right to act as the Queen’s representative, I have no
authority to produce except my letter of instructions, and I should not
care to have its entire contents made public.

  Paris, November 30, 1574.




LETTER XI.


I set out on the journey which I had undertaken at the desire of your
Majesty, and arrived at Lyons December 12. There I waited a couple of
days for the purpose of making inquiries as to the remainder of my
route, and obtaining what was needful for the road.

I felt it my duty to have an interview with the Spanish Ambassador
and ascertain from him how matters were going on. His Excellency had
been ordered to remain at Lyons with the other ambassadors, and there
await the King’s arrival; but he had a still more imperative reason for
remaining—to wit, the gout!

He advised me most kindly with regard to my journey, telling me much
of the dangers to be encountered, both on the river route and that
by land, and recommending me strongly not to go to Avignon. I think
he would have persuaded me, had I not sent for some boatmen who had
lately made the voyage; from them I ascertained that matters were not
nearly so bad as the Ambassador had represented; there was a risk,
but no certainty, of our being attacked. Accordingly, not wishing to
waste my time at Lyons, where no intelligence was to be obtained of the
movements of the King—nor, indeed, any news at all—and thus displease
both your Majesty and the Queen, I determined at all hazards to
continue my journey.

Accordingly I embarked at Lyons on the 15th, and reached Avignon on
the 17th.[35] By God’s mercy, I encountered no difficulty or danger on
the way, and found the road far safer and pleasanter than I had been
led to expect. Not that it was altogether safe, for at Valence Bishop
Montluc,[36] (the chief negotiator in the Polish business), when he
came on board to pay his respects, advised me to take with me six
musketeers, as people had been stopped in the neighbourhood, and some
had been killed. I followed his advice.

I had an audience of the King on the 19th of the same month, and was
received most kindly. On my delivering your Majesty’s message and
letter, together with that of the Empress, he answered in very handsome
terms, that for your Majesty’s sake he would do all that lay in his
power for the Queen, and spoke at great length of the attentions
and kind services he had received at your hands. The Queen Mother
(Catherine de Medici), to whose presence I was admitted a few days
later, held similar language; she had been suffering from constant
sickness, which prevented her giving me an earlier interview. I
ascertained later that the King had sent letters to the Queen at Paris
touching the dower, and that, contrary to the usual custom, they had
been registered by the Parliament of Paris before being presented to
the Queen. I called on his Majesty and made some objections to his
proposal. The King said he must refer the matter to his council, and
also wait for an answer from the Queen’s advisers. He spoke of your
Majesty’s kindness at great length, and specially of the assurances
he had lately received, through Vulcob,[37] that he would have your
Majesty’s support if he cared to keep his kingdom of Poland.

In the course of our conversation I discovered that the King would do
whatever the Queen Mother wished, so I determined to approach her again
and ask for her services on behalf of the Queen. She professed the
utmost willingness and said, she would do her best for the Queen, who
had been an excellent daughter to her.

A few days later, de Morvilliers,[38] the Bishop of Orleans, and the
Bishop of Limoges called on me and we had a long discussion with regard
to the dower. I must not forget to mention that, when the King told me
that your Majesty had offered to assist him in keeping his kingdom of
Poland, I was much surprised, but made no reply, as I thought it might
possibly be a trap. I wonder also that nothing has been said as to the
non-payment of the marriage portion[39]; I am afraid they are keeping
this argument in reserve.

I must not forget to inform your Majesty that, in the course of my
interview with the Queen Mother, she told me she felt assured of the
kindly feeling which your Majesty entertained for her, because your
Majesty had continually advised her against war, whereas those who
wished her ill had given the opposite counsel. She had followed your
Majesty’s advice, she said, for a long time, and thereby exposed
herself to severe criticism from not a few.

  Lyons, January 24, 1575.




LETTER XII.


To-day the King set out from Lyons on his way to Rheims, where he is to
be crowned—as he told me himself—on the 13th.

I will not weary your Majesty with a full description of the state of
France, but content myself with a sketch.

Ever since the commencement of the civil wars which are distracting the
country, there has been a terrible change for the worse. So complete is
the alteration, that those who knew France before would not recognise
her again. Everywhere are to be seen shattered buildings, fallen
churches, and towns in ruins; while the traveller gazes horror-stricken
on spots which have but lately been the scenes of murderous deeds and
inhuman cruelties. The fields are left untilled: the farmer’s stock
and tools have been carried off by the soldier as his booty, he is
plundered alike by Frenchman and by foreigner. Commerce is crippled;
the towns lately thronged with merchants and customers are now mourning
their desolation in the midst of closed shops and silent manufactories.
Meanwhile, the inhabitants, ground down by ceaseless exactions, are
crying out at the immense sums which are being squandered for nought,
or applied to purposes for which they were never intended. They demand
a reckoning in tones which breathe a spirit of rebellion. Men of
experience, members of the oldest families in France, are in many cases
regarded with suspicion, and either not allowed to come to Court, or
left to vegetate at home. Besides the two parties into which Frenchmen
are divided by their religious differences, there are also feuds and
quarrels which affect every grade of society.

In the first place, the feeling against the Italians who are in the
French service is very strong; the high promotion they have received
and the important duties with which they have been intrusted, arouse
the jealousy of men who consider them ignorant of French business, and
hold that they have neither merit, services, nor birth to justify their
appointment. Birague, as Chancellor, holds one of the highest offices
in the kingdom; Comte de Retz[40] is a Maréchal; Strozzi is in command
of the infantry of France; Guadagni is Seneschal of Lyons; and in the
same way other Italians occupy most important posts, while Frenchmen
murmur.

Again, Italians farm nearly all the taxes, and exact their dues
so rigidly as to drive the natives, who are unaccustomed to such
extortion, to the very verge of rebellion; there will be another Saint
Bartholomew[41] if they do not take care, and they will be the victims.

The feuds which separate the leading families of France are more
bitter than those described in ancient tragedy; this is the state of
feeling which exists between the Houses of Guise, Vendôme and Bourbon,
not to mention that of Montmorency, which, through its alliances and
connections, has a considerable party of its own.

The Bourbons are the strongest; the Guises have most influence at
Court, but this is an advantage which they may lose any day by the
death of the King, and then their fall is inevitable.

By his nearest relations the King is feared rather than loved, for,
knowing the designs they entertained before the death of his brother
(Charles IX.), they have no confidence in his mercy and forgiveness,
though he professes to have pardoned them, and think that his vengeance
is only deferred for a time. On the other hand, the King must see
clearly from the flight of Condé what the feelings of his own family
are towards him.

The district in which the rebellion on religious grounds has struck its
deepest roots begins at Rochelle and reaches to the Rhone, comprising
the whole of Guienne and Languedoc: it includes Saintonge, Poitou,
the Limousin, Perigord, Gascony, the country round Narbonne, &c., &c.
Nor is this all; across the Rhone, in Dauphiny itself, Montbrun has
seized places, as, for instance, Livron, which is now besieged by the
Royalists.

In making the statement that the rebels are powerful in Languedoc and
Guienne, I must not be understood to say that the principal cities of
those provinces do not obey the King; my meaning is that the insurgents
occupy posts of vantage throughout the country, which enable them to
render both life and property insecure; there is no peace or quiet for
those who are loyal to the King. To drive them from their fortresses
would be a most difficult task, for they have formidable positions
and strong fortifications, garrisoned by veteran soldiers, who have
made up their minds to die rather than trust the King’s word. Such,
undoubtedly, is their determination, for though peace, which is the
only cure for these ills, has lately been freely mentioned, and certain
men were at Avignon from Condé and his party, still, up to the present
moment, no arrangement has been concluded. True, the King is ready
to pledge his word that, if his towns are restored to him, no one
shall be troubled on account of his religion; but the memory of Saint
Bartholomew[42] is a fatal obstacle: they will place no confidence in
his promise, and believe that it is only a stratagem to destroy the
survivors of that night.

Such acts of treachery, it would seem, never answer in the long run,
whatever the advantage at the time may be!

Some people have a notion that the idea of peace is not seriously
entertained, but is simply a manœuvre to break up the confederacy by
making overtures to some of its members.

Ambassadors, it is true, have been sent lately to Rochelle, but in the
meantime both parties are busy fighting: the King is pressing on the
sieges of Livron and Lusignan, while the rebels are using every means
in their power to harass and perplex him. After the King’s departure
from Avignon, they took possession of Aigues-Mortes,[43] where they
found a store of cannon, which will be of great service to them. One
fort, however, still remains in the hands of the Royalists, and the Duc
de Uzes, who commands for the King, does not despair of retaking the
town under cover of its fire.

It is not that I should regard the situation as hopeless, if there
were a prospect of matters taking a turn for the better, but, bad as
is the present state of things, it is nothing compared to what we may
expect any day to see.

Having given my ideas as to the state of the country, I will now
give my opinion of the King. Of his character your Majesty has had
opportunities of judging; he is naturally well disposed, and in the
hands of good advisers and councillors of sound judgment might turn out
a pattern sovereign. But his companions are wild young men, the tone of
French society is licentious, and he listens to selfish intriguers who
are seeking their own advantage; under such circumstances, who can say
that he will not go astray? Both he and his brother (Alençon) are of a
weakly constitution and not likely to be long-lived.

The ambassadors who came from Poland have been ordered to remain at
Lyons, and there await the King’s arrival; it is supposed that his
Majesty will not care much for the despatches which they bring, as they
are couched in rough, not to say threatening, language. It seems that
the King has thoughts of keeping Poland, for, though he is still a
bachelor, he has announced his intention of bestowing it on one of his
future children, and with this view is negotiating for an alliance with
the King of Sweden’s daughter; for my own part, however, I am inclined
to suspect that this is a mere feint. First among the aspirants to the
Crown of Poland stands the Duke of Ferrara, but in France the idea
is that the Transylvanian[44] is the candidate most popular with the
Poles. The King is dissatisfied with the Duke of Savoy’s conduct with
regard to Damville, and it is supposed that, if what is past could be
recalled, he would not be so liberal with his towns.[45]

It seems that the siege of Livron will be a long business; for,
though the wall has been battered with cannon, and there is as wide a
breach as the besiegers could desire for them to mount to the attack,
two assaults have already been repulsed with heavy loss. There are
several reasons to account for these failures: in the first place, the
attacking column has to climb up hill through the rubbish and _débris_,
which crumble away under their feet; secondly, fresh intrenchments have
been made within the circuit of the walls, and the besieged are so
confident of holding the town that they may almost be said to laugh at
the efforts of their enemies.[46] I saw this with my own eyes when I
passed Livron on my way back from Avignon. Thirdly, when they come to
close quarters, not only do they meet with a most stubborn resistance
from the men, but many of them are also wounded by the women, who rain
stones upon them from the roofs and ramparts. I saw six ensigns on the
walls of the town, whence it is assumed that there are 400 soldiers
in the garrison; they have muskets, but no cannon. His son-in-law,
who was in command of the town, having been killed by a cannon-ball,
Montbrun, the night before I arrived, sent four more gentlemen into the
place with a party of soldiers; it is said that they passed through the
outposts of the German horse commanded by Count Nogarola.

Your Majesty no doubt received intelligence long ago of the death
of the Cardinal of Lorraine.[47] He died of fever, after an illness
of eighteen days. The attack was brought on, people think, by his
walking in a procession of Flagellants, at night. The Queen Mother has
been poorly from the same cause, and her daughter (Marguerite), wife
of Vendôme (Henry of Navarre), had a troublesome cold, which lasted
several days.

There are four societies of Flagellants at Avignon; the Cardinal
enrolled himself in one of them, and advised the King to do the same;
his Majesty’s example was followed by the whole of the nobility. On one
occasion, when they were walking in procession with these societies
at night, which is the usual time for such ceremonies, there was a
very cold wind, and this is supposed to have been the cause of the
Cardinal’s illness and death, for two or three days afterwards he fell
sick.

He was a great man, and took a prominent part in the government of the
country. In him we have lost a profound scholar, an eloquent speaker,
an experienced statesman. He was ever anxious to advance the interests
of his party and his family, and I am by no means sure that the State
did not sometimes suffer in consequence. The King visited him during
his illness, and would have gone to him oftener if he had not been
afraid of infection. He has felt his death deeply. When the body was
being removed from Avignon, on its way to Rheims, the King and four
Cardinals accompanied it to the gates of the city. They were attended
by all the nobles of the Court, with the King’s brother and the King of
Navarre (as they style him here) at their head. These last, I imagine,
were by no means sorry to do this honour, not to the Cardinal, but to
his corpse! He died at night, and the Queen Mother was so upset by his
death that the next day she fancied she saw him bidding her farewell,
and could hear him saying ‘Adieu, madame; adieu, madame.’ She tried to
point him out to those who were with her.[48]

Whilst I was writing, news came that Lusignan had surrendered to
Montpensier. The garrison are to be allowed to retire to Bouteville
and Pons with their arms and property. I hear also that the siege of
Livron has been raised; the attacking force is broken up; the men
being quartered in the neighbouring villages, from which they are to
watch the town and see that no provisions are brought in. They will
have a hard task, methinks, to keep up so strict a blockade, as not to
be sometimes given the slip.

  Lyons, January 24, 1575.




LETTER XIII.


[The whole of this letter is occupied with business connected with the
dower. It is dated Paris, February 9, 1575.]




LETTER XIV.


I received your Majesty’s letter of December 31 on February 5, in which
your Majesty graciously acquaints me with the information touching the
dower given by the Seneschal of Lyons. On this head I wrote at such
length in my former letter that there is no need for me to recur to the
subject again. Your Majesty next informs me that the Seneschal of Lyons
said that the Queen would be treated in the same manner as during her
husband’s lifetime, a statement which, I think, must be considered one
of mere politeness—in short, a French compliment!

With regard to your Majesty’s questions as to the manner in which the
Queen will return, I understand that the King will see that she is
escorted to Vienna, or whatever her destination may be, by gentlemen
of high rank and a distinguished retinue, following in this respect
the precedent of the Queen of Scots, whom his predecessor (Charles IX.)
sent to Scotland at his own charges. The only expense that will fall
on your Majesty will be the presents that must be made to those who
accompany her, and the cost of their journey when they return.

Before leaving, I asked what your Majesty’s wishes were with regard to
the cipher I was to use. I was desired to draw up a code on my way,
and forward it to your Majesty. I drew up a code at Speyer, and put it
in a letter, of which I now enclose a copy. If the letter arrived, I
presume that the cipher arrived too; in the other case, they will both
have been lost together. I send another code, which seems to me less
difficult. I am surprised that your Majesty has not received the letter
I wrote at the end of November, before setting out for Avignon. Some
of your Majesty’s despatches to me are also missing—viz. those dated
December 11 and 16.

As to the state of France, matters are at a deadlock. They would
fain be at peace, for war means ruin, and the very sinews of war are
failing; but still they insist on the restoration of the King’s towns
as a matter in which his honour is concerned. On the other hand, the
insurgents do not care for any peace which does not furnish guarantees
for their safety. As to confidence, which is the very bond of human
society, they have lost it altogether, and will trust nought save walls
and fortifications.

Such a difference of views it is not easy to reconcile. I think that
anyone who offered to act as mediator would be welcomed by the King, as
he would then be able to patch up a peace by pledging some one else’s
word. His own is absolutely worthless. But who would care to pledge
himself, when there are a hundred ways in which his guarantee may be
set at nought?

Some, however, wish that a league could be made against the Turk, and
Condé sent to Hungary, with large forces both of foot and horse, by way
of pumping out the water from which, according to their idea, France is
foundering.

But it is an idle scheme, for the object of the rebels in making war
is to protect their altars and firesides, their children and their
wives; and I fail to understand by what argument they can be induced to
abandon all they hold dear, and allow themselves to be sent to Hungary.
This also is the opinion expressed to me lately by Bellièvre,[49] who
was the late King’s ambassador in Poland. Your Majesty saw him when
the King came to Vienna. He is a man who carries great weight. He
assured me in the most solemn manner that the King, at his suggestion,
had written during his stay at Mantua, and again from France, to his
ambassador at Constantinople, ordering him to support your Majesty’s
interests, and that if he had done otherwise he had distinctly
disobeyed the orders of his master.[50]

The advice that your Majesty gave the King[51]—viz. that he should
avoid war—is frequently mentioned both by the Catholics and their
enemies. They say the King is sorry he did not adopt it, and preferred
to enter his kingdom with the gates of Janus wide open, instead of
closing them. Accordingly, Pibrac, who was the only man for taking your
Majesty’s advice, and stood alone as the advocate of peace, though
at first evil spoken of, is now praised by all. The whole blame with
regard to the war is laid on the Cardinal and the Queen Mother, the
first of whom allowed his animosity to carry him too far, while the
other was afraid that, if peace were declared, she would be reduced to
the level of a subject and find her reign at an end.

I have now only to inform your Majesty of that of which your Majesty
must be already aware—viz. that my funds are completely exhausted by
my long and expensive journey to Avignon, and that I have been obliged
to incur some debts. I therefore humbly petition for the payment of my
half-year’s salary to Jerome de Cocq, who will arrange for its being
remitted to me here, in case your Majesty shall consider it advisable
to retain my services for the Queen.

  Paris, February 9, 1575.


I trust your Majesty will not take it amiss that I have been
occasionally addressed as ambassador in France; for, in spite of my
protestations, I cannot prevent their sometimes giving me this title.
It matters the less because it is quite clear that I am not your
Majesty’s ambassador.

The Queen has just sent for me, to say that there is a general report,
which she hears on all sides, that the King is on the point of marrying
the daughter of Vaudemont of Lorraine, and that the ceremony will be
celebrated next Monday, at Rheims. She does not know how she ought
to treat her with regard to precedence, when she comes to Paris. I
trust your Majesty will deign to advise us on this matter. Possibly
your Majesty may think it advisable for the Queen to leave Paris and
go somewhere else—for instance, to her daughter at Amboise, or to any
other place your Majesty may prefer.

I think I told your Majesty of this love-affair of the King’s—in my
letter dated November 16, if I remember rightly. It is quite certain
that this engagement, which was a secret to all but a very few, and
might almost deserve the epithet of _clandestine_, will cause a
bitter feeling throughout France. Vendôme’s sister,[52] who is now
of marriageable years, is intended for Alençon, so that he will ally
himself with the Bourbons, while the King will be connected with the
Guises. As to the policy of these marriages I am doubtful and fear that
they will only add to the miseries of France.

I now implore your Majesty to send back the bearer of this letter as
soon as possible with full instructions on all points.

The future Queen is, if I am not mistaken, the daughter of a sister of
Count Egmont.

The Queen has sent for me again, and shown me a letter from the Queen
Mother, informing her of the approaching marriage of her son the
King, and telling her that the wedding is to take place next Tuesday;
she requests her to send nearly all her attendants to wait on the new
Queen.[53] Accordingly, many of her people have left, in order to
oblige the King; a few have refused to change their mistress at such
short notice. Among these last are the Comte de Fiesco and his wife. I
should be glad if your Majesty would notice their loyal conduct in your
next letter.

I trust your Majesty will seriously consider what ought to be done; we
must have a clear and distinct answer.

Whither is the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, to go? It is impossible
for her to remain in France without seriously compromising her
position, for here all will attach themselves to the new Queen, and, as
usual, worship the rising sun! It is a common saying that if one loses
one’s position in life, life is not worth the having. I will not say
more, as I rely on your Majesty’s discretion, and affection for your
most loving and obedient daughter.

In the first place, we must have either cash or credit, and for that
reason I am going to the Netherlands. As soon as the messenger shall
have returned to Brussels, I shall be in a position to draw the money
from whatever house your Majesty may please to appoint, and return with
it to the Queen.

By this means I trust we shall be able to get away from Paris before
the King returns, or at any rate leave soon after his arrival, and thus
save our eyes and ears from a great deal of vexation; for when changes
of this kind take place there is much that is unpleasant.

  The same day.


As to the dower question, of which I wrote from Lyons, the Queen’s
advisers at Paris think that it will be impossible to obtain a
settlement on Crown lands for the whole of the 60,000 francs per
annum due to the Queen. They say this was not done for the Queen of
Scots, though France was then much more prosperous, and her uncle, the
Cardinal,[54] was absolute master of the realm.

  Paris, February 9, 1575.




LETTER XV.


I have now been four days in Brussels waiting for your Majesty’s
orders; I am sure your Majesty will see how important it is that I
should have them as soon as possible. When I get them I shall return to
the Queen with all speed.

Her position I explained clearly in my last letter. I have heard some
remarks which make me uneasy; people warn me that the French are most
liberal in their promises, but very niggardly in their performances,
and think the Queen will have great difficulty in obtaining her
revenues, and not receive more than half the nominal amount. They quote
the case of Queen Leonora.[55]

I must say I am anxious, but I trust things will not prove quite so
bad.

With the end of this month the quarter will expire during which the
King is to defray the Queen’s expenses, and she will then be left to
her own resources. I fail to see how funds are to be provided, unless
your Majesty will supply them. For, even assuming that we should
demean ourselves so far as to go begging to the King, we should expose
ourselves to be taunted with holding out on the question of the dower
as an excuse for dipping our fingers into the King’s purse. The only
available remedy is for your Majesty to place 8,000 or 9,000 crowns
to our account, and this I trust will be done. As to the rest, I find
that some people here talk of the Queen for the governorship of the
Netherlands. I should prefer seeing the appointment offered to one
of your Majesty’s sons; still, on the supposition that there should
be an obstacle in the way of such an arrangement—as is by no means
impossible—or in case of the Archduke’s receiving a more tempting offer
elsewhere, people have much to say as to the advantage which the public
would reap from the Queen’s acceptance of the post.

Within the last few days, negotiations for peace have been opened
at Breda,[56] where both parties are represented by delegates. God
grant they be successful, as many hope and everyone wishes; wise men,
however, shake their heads, for it is certain that the religious
difficulty will prove a most serious obstacle on account of the great
number of Hollanders and Zealanders who have publicly renounced the
Catholic religion. I fail to see how they can be induced to sell their
property and go into exile, especially as they are for the most part
sailors and fishermen, and the loss of their trade would mean to
them absolute starvation. The King, on the other hand, is determined
to allow none but Catholics to remain in his dominions. Most people
despair of a solution.

After writing my last letter I had some conversation with a gentleman
as to the Queen’s return; he told me that he knew for certain that the
Cardinal of Este[57] had long ago applied for the honour of escorting
the Queen to her destination. The Cardinal holds a great deal of rich
preferment: they say his income amounts to 100,000 crowns.

There is now, therefore, no doubt on this score: the King will take
care that the Queen is sent to your Majesty with every mark of honour.

  Brussels, March 7, 1575.




LETTER XVI.


I returned to Paris March 21, where I found the Queen in excellent
health, and delighted at the prospect of a speedy return to her august
parents.

I delivered your Majesty’s letter to the King, and laid before him your
Majesty’s request that the Queen might have what was due to her under
the marriage settlements. He, as usual, gave me a kind answer, and said
he would take the opinion of his council. The Queen Mother has also
kindly offered her services on our behalf. Still, we want deeds and not
words!

It is quite clear that very little, if any, addition will be made to
the 32,000 francs already secured on Crown lands. The property, even in
the most prosperous days, never produced 60,000 francs.

You ask whether your Majesty’s granddaughter will be permitted to
accompany her mother to Austria. I am not sanguine, as I know of no
precedent of the kind in the history of France. The end of it will be
that, when they have exhausted their other pleas as to the length of
the journey, the delicacy of the child, and her tender years, they will
fall back on the argument that it is contrary to all the precedents of
France, and I hardly see how we can meet it. If, however, your Majesty
should decide on making a further attempt, I would recommend letters
being sent to the King and Queen Mother, and I myself will leave no
stone unturned to forward the arrangement; but I should advise your
Majesty simply to ask to see the child, and, if this is granted, the
situation will be reversed, and her return to France will depend on
your Majesty’s pleasure.[58]

As to affairs in this country, they were so bad that I thought it
impossible for them to grow worse; nevertheless they _are_ rapidly
growing worse. Damville, with his friends, is carrying war through
Languedoc and Guienne, and gentlemen are daily flocking to his
standard.

Words cannot describe how unpopular the King and Queen have become
throughout France. So gloomy is the prospect, that careful, respectable
men, I see, are thinking of leaving the country and emigrating to some
distant land. Nevertheless, peace negotiations are still going on, for
delegates from the rebel party are in Paris, and more are expected.
They demand, I hear, first, liberty of conscience; and, secondly,
the convening of the States General with a view to reforming public
abuses.[59] This last demand is supposed to be aimed at the Queen
Mother and certain Italians of rank who occupy high offices. But,
though everything is in a bad way, the financial situation is worst of
all. It fairly passes belief. The King borrows what he can here and
there from those who have, or are thought to have, money; but even then
he cannot get enough. It was determined to send a large sum of money
with the ambassadors who are going to Poland—200,000 crowns, people
say—but I do not believe such a sum can be raised; they will have to be
content with much less.

The new Queen has been troubled with constant sickness for several
days, and some fancy she is with child. She is no favourite with the
Queen Mother, who takes little pains to conceal her prejudice.

The Queen, your daughter, has made up her mind to visit Amboise[60]
after Easter, for the purpose of taking farewell of her child. She is
afraid to let her travel, on account of her delicacy. She will be away
for a month or thereabouts.

I hope your Majesty will condescend to grant the request which I have
already preferred, and order my half-year’s salary to be paid to Don
Rodolph Khuen,[61] Master of Horse to your Majesty, in order that I may
pay off my creditors, and have something in hand.

  Paris, April 1, 1575.




LETTER XVII.


Finding that Count Nogarola was on the point of returning to Vienna,
I felt I must send a letter to your Majesty, although the Queen’s
business is still on hand, and I am expecting every day to have it
settled. I shall reserve my account of this matter, and send it by
Peter the courier. Peter arrived here on the 15th of last month,
and gave me a letter from your Majesty. On learning your Majesty’s
instructions, I demanded an audience of the King, but he was so much
engaged in the negotiations for peace that he was unable to see me,
and referred me to the Queen Mother and the young Queen. By the King’s
orders, I went first to the Queen Mother. On my laying before her your
Majesty’s request, and delivering your letter, she, as usual, spoke
of the great regard she entertained towards your Majesty, mentioning
the deep obligation under which she had been laid by your Majesty’s
attentions to her son the King. She inquired after your Majesty’s
health, asked where your Majesty was, and whether you would shortly pay
a visit to Frankfort. I made suitable answers, and then began to ask
for her support in the Queen’s business.

Whilst we were thus engaged, the young Queen (Louise de Vaudemont)
entered the room, and I took the opportunity of offering her your
Majesty’s congratulations (on her marriage). She sent her most humble
thanks to your Majesty, and made offer of her services to the Queen
with many expressions of regard.

After this the Queens gave me leave to go, and two days later I had
an interview with the King. When I had laid before him your Majesty’s
message, he replied that he on his part would always be glad to be
informed of your Majesty’s views. He had married, he said, in order to
promote the interests of his subjects and gratify their wishes. One
of his inducements, he added, for allying himself with the House of
Lorraine was its connection with your Majesty.[62] For the rest, he
placed his services heartily at your Majesty’s disposal, and concluded
by asking me to let him know when I intended sending back the courier,
as he wished him to take his answer to your Majesty’s letter. When
I mentioned the Queen’s business, he begged me to have patience a
little longer, till the negotiations which were now going on should be
concluded. He would then place the matter in the hands of his Council,
and would himself do everything in his power for the Queen.

The peace negotiations which the King alluded to have occupied his
attention for some time past, and I hardly yet know what the result
will be.

Everyone is anxious for peace, specially the King, but the terms
offered by the insurgents are very hard, as your Majesty will see from
the paper I enclose.

The extravagant nature of their demands will, in my opinion, make it
difficult for the King to grant them. The delegates will shortly be
sent back to their friends with the King’s answer, and are to return
with their reply on St. John’s Day (June 24). Meanwhile there seems
to be a good prospect of peace; everyone is anxious for it, and so
everyone assumes that it is certain.

Well, I am afraid it will be easier to _make_ peace than to _keep_ it,
and also I am apprehensive that peace for the French means trouble for
their neighbours, for nothing would so calm the atmosphere in another
quarter (the Netherlands) as a tremendous storm in France.

Frenchmen cannot keep quiet, and many years of war have made them more
restless than ever; consequently it is a matter of the first importance
to France that her adventurous spirits should find a field of action
elsewhere instead of fastening on her own vitals.

Peace has been concluded between the King and the Queen of England, on
the same terms as before.

The Ambassador who returned from England brings back a story of a joke
the English Queen (Elizabeth) made at his first audience.

She at once asked whether the King was married. He replied in the
affirmative, and began telling her who the new Queen was. Her Majesty
broke in—‘Yes, exactly; that was the first clause in the Cardinal’s
will. Dear me, what an unlucky woman I am! What is to be my fate? I
had counted on marrying the Cardinal, and now I have only one hope
left—perhaps the Pope will consent to take me as his wife!’

About the 17th of last month the King’s ambassadors, Bellegarde[63] and
Pibrac, set out from Paris; the former was to go by way of Venice, and
your friend through Germany and Bohemia—at least he told me so.

There are, I believe, financial reasons for Bellegarde’s _détour_, as
they have promised to send 200,000 crowns to Poland, and it would be
easier to draw blood from a stone than to make up such a sum just now
in France. They are said to be sending to the Pope at Rome, the Duke
of Savoy at Turin, and also to the Venetians, to raise funds; they
are supposed to be thinking of selling the marquisate of Saluzzo for
400,000 crowns, or at any rate, pawning it; but I suspect they will get
more in the way of promises than in the way of cash, and will carry
into Poland plenty of _golden_ words, but very few _golden_ coins. I
think also that the Ambassadors are intentionally lingering on the
road, in order that the Diet may be opened before they come. They will
thus be able to gain some idea of how matters are likely to go; and, if
they find that their case is hopeless, they will not have the disgrace
of being defeated through their own shortcomings, or lack of funds.
Again, if the prospect seems hopeful, and the Diet waits for them, they
will be able to employ the interval in sending agents before them to
prepare the way, and despatching letters full of fine promises, which,
with such aid as the lapse of time will afford, may be expected so
to soothe people’s minds as to render the avoiding of the threatened
Diet and election (of a new King for Poland) a matter of no great
difficulty. I give this as my own explanation.

As I was penning these lines, news came that Pibrac had been waylaid
in the territory of Montbéliard,[64] which belongs to the Duke of
Würtemberg, by some French exiles. They killed two of his party, and
took prisoner the Ambassador himself. The governor of Montbéliard came
to the rescue, the neighbourhood was roused, and Pibrac thus regained
his liberty; but he was in great danger, and lost his plate and his
money—some 7,000 or 8,000 crowns in all. The King was greatly disturbed
at the news, but when he heard that Pibrac had escaped to Montbéliard,
he gave him supplies of money and a fresh equipment, telling him to go
to Soleure, in Switzerland, and there obtain what was needful. This
shows that the King has by no means given up his hopes of Poland.

If I mistake not, I have before this mentioned to your Majesty that
agents had been sent to Sweden to procure a picture of the King of
Sweden’s daughter.[65] The picture has now come. Strange to say, it
greatly resembles the new Queen in height, complexion, and features;
the resemblance is increased by her having been taken in a French dress.

I must not forget to add that a number of ambassadors have come from
Switzerland to take part in the negotiations for peace as mediators.

It is supposed that Vaudemont, the King’s father-in-law, will also
offer his services as peacemaker. He is expected here in the course
of a few days with the Duke of Lorraine. The reason of his coming,
however, is not connected with the negotiations for peace, but with
a wedding, the Marquis of Nomeny, Vaudemont’s son, being about to
marry the wealthy daughter of Sebastian de Luxembourg, the Vicomte de
Martigues.[66]

May it please your Majesty, Ilsing[67] has just sent word that of the
8,000 crowns required for the Queen’s service he has not been able
to raise one farthing at Augsburg by pledging his own credit or that
of the Ballers, and that he has therefore written to your Majesty to
inquire whether there is any merchant about the Court who would, on
their security, place that amount to the Queen’s credit at Lyons. I am
expecting an answer from your Majesty on this matter.

The Queen is naturally and justifiably anxious to see her daughter
before leaving France. She has been ready to go to her since Easter,
but has been stopped by want of funds, and will be kept waiting still
longer unless they are provided, so that I am beginning to fear that
she will have to leave without seeing her child, to her great sorrow.
But this is not the only point to be considered, for the Queen may
have many other calls upon her purse, so that it is of the greatest
importance that she should be supplied with money, if she is to
maintain her position, live in comfort, and take advantage of such
openings as may occur. I hope it will not be long before I have more
certain tidings to give your Majesty with regard to the dower, and I
will then write at length by Peter the courier.

  Paris, May 15, 1575.


I heard to-day that some one said he would lend the Queen 10,000
crowns, to be recouped out of her revenues. If this be so, and the
money can be obtained at a reasonable interest, I think the Queen will
accept his offer, since our business may any day take such a turn as
to render the possession of money indispensable, if we are not to be
exposed to delay and loss. For instance, it is essential to have a
valuation made of the revenues of the places offered to the Queen, in
order to make sure that they are not passed off for more than they are
worth. Now, this valuation will cost not less than 300 or 400 crowns,
and so without this sum we cannot conclude the negotiations. Again,
I have had notice that the King refuses to provide for the Queen’s
expenses after the Feast of St. John (June 24), and wishes her to live
at her own charges from her own revenues, and I am afraid of their
pressing the matter in such a manner as to render refusal impossible.
For we must admit that the King, when surrounded with difficulties
himself, has done his utmost for the Queen. It is now more than ten
months since the salaries of the Queen’s household have been paid, and
her people have received only paper cheques, or drafts. How many of
these are ever likely to be paid, God only knows! The Queen’s servants
are so utterly destitute of money that they have often had to undergo a
hardship quite without precedent. On some days there were not funds in
the palace to provide the table of the nobles and courtiers, and those
who did not care to fast had to procure their own dinner.

Those who understand the arrangements of the Queen’s household declare
that it would be to the advantage of the Queen and her household for
her to live at her own charges, instead of being hampered with the
present arrangement. Bellegarde, the other royal ambassador, who was to
go through Italy, is said to have fallen sick.




LETTER XVIII.


[A business letter with reference to the dower, and therefore omitted.
It is dated June 1575.]




LETTER XIX.


[Another business letter. It is dated June 1575. To it is attached the
following postscript.]

News has lately come to Paris that Mademoiselle de Bourbon,[68]
daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, who ran away from the nunnery
of which she was abbess, and took refuge in Germany, has married the
Prince of Orange; the report finds credit everywhere.




LETTER XX.


I sent quite lately, by Peter the courier, such statements as seemed
necessary, and I think my despatches must have already reached your
Majesty.

I now write by order of the Queen.

To-day she summoned me into her presence and told me she was quite
certain from the present aspect of affairs, and specially from
the greater severity with which Montmorency was guarded, and the
circumstance that the King was levying troops, that there was every
prospect of war, and of all the confusion that must necessarily follow
in its train.

She instructed me to write to your Majesty, and urge this additional
reason for expediting her journey home. She says she has borne her
position patiently as long as she could, but she foresees that it will
soon become intolerable. I told the Queen that I would humbly obey
her orders, although I felt sure that your Majesty, after reading my
last despatches, would do all that was possible towards forwarding her
return, and that on this account my letter would be unnecessary.

Having informed your Majesty of my conversation with the Queen, I
consider I have executed her commands, and do not think any petition or
prayer necessary on my part, in order to induce your Majesty to accede
to the natural desire of your most loving daughter.

If we can trust the news we hear, war is already at our gates, and a
war which holds out no prospect of relief, but, on the contrary, will
aggravate the misfortunes and miseries of France; this is saying a
great deal, for the country is already in so bad a state that to make
it worse seemed a downright impossibility.

But if the report be true that Condé and the other exiles will bring
strong forces to the support of their friends, there are no bounds
to the mischief that will ensue; in that case the existence of the
present _régime_ will hang on a thread, and be in the utmost danger;
for then the contest will be, not as to whose opinion shall have weight
in council, or who shall stand first in honour and rank, or who shall
administer the affairs of the kingdom, but simply _who shall wear the
crown_.

If the King should gain the day, it is easy to see that he will stand
upon his rights, and punish the rebels as traitors; while, if the
other party should prove victorious, they will bring the King to trial
for his tyrannical conduct. He must expect no mercy or forgiveness;
he has often tried issues with them, and still oftener broken his
word, until at last none will believe it. It is to be feared also that
the flames of civil war are likely to spread over a wider area than
existing appearances would seem to indicate; for there are many who
smother their grievances at present, though they are disgusted with the
treatment they have themselves received and the miserable condition of
the country, and these, it is to be apprehended, will flock to Condé’s
standard. The voice of the country is undoubtedly on his side, as all
are dissatisfied with the manner in which the government is at present
conducted.

The case of Montmorency, to which I have alluded, stands thus. His
prospects (of regaining his liberty) appeared to be good, and he was
being treated with much more indulgence than before, when tidings
came of his brother, Damville[69]; then all of a sudden there was a
complete change, and the prison rules were made much stricter: by the
King’s orders all his servants were removed, and, though seriously ill,
he was not allowed to keep so much as his physician or his cook, new
servants being appointed by the King. This alteration in his treatment
has caused the greatest alarm to his mother and other relatives, for
they think that this is a first step towards taking him off by poison.

The King is so sure of Damville’s being dead that he has already given
away every one of his offices and commands. He is supposed to have died
of the plague fever on the last day of last month.

His friends refuse to regard him as dead and console themselves with a
vague hope that he is still alive.

I trust that no delay or difficulty will arise with regard to the
Queen’s journey; still, if it had not been finally settled otherwise,
I am not sure that the route by the Netherlands would not be the most
convenient. In any case, that road will always be open to her, should
the others be blocked. But your Majesty will decide what is best.

The Portuguese ambassador has arrived and called yesterday on the
Queen. The King was indisposed, but is now better.

  Paris, June 13, 1575.[70]




LETTER XXI.


The Duke of Lorraine and Vaudemont are, they say, expected here in the
course of two or three days.

The tedious and difficult negotiations about peace have kept Paris in
suspense for a long time. The following appears to be the result: the
deputies from the insurgents have not been able to carry all their
points, and the King, on his part, has not succeeded in inducing them
to accept his terms. They have therefore agreed upon a compromise,
the clauses of which are to be referred to Condé, Damville, and the
confederate towns: should they accept them, peace will be declared;
in the other case, war will be resumed. But it will be much easier to
declare war than to carry it on, as France is terribly reduced, and the
King himself is in the greatest straits for want of money.

The religious question, which in the Netherlands is the only obstacle
to peace, has not been considered here as a matter of paramount
importance, and the King has made no difficulty about granting liberty
of conscience; there were other points which were more difficult for
him to digest—to wit, that the rebels should have possession of two
cities in each province, in addition to those which they now hold, as
places of refuge in time of trouble. They demand also that members of
their party should be admitted into the Parliaments, and that the King
should pay the wages of the German reiters who have taken service with
them; and, again, that the States-General be convened. If this last
should be granted, the Queen Mother will be in great danger of losing
her authority. There are some other points, which your Majesty will
learn from the enclosed paper.

Never did France so hunger after peace; never was the country so
unanimous in desiring it. On other occasions it has been sometimes the
Order of the Clergy and sometimes the Order of the People, which has
been averse to a pacification; now all exclaim with one voice that war
means ruin. But the peace, I suspect, will not last long,[71] since it
has been obtained by compulsion, and granted by necessity.

Moreover, I have observed that the authority of the Crown has
marvellously declined; men have shaken off their respect for the King’s
name, and are like horses who have got rid of their traces and fairly
bolted. The revolutionary spirit is rampant; some people are extremely
unpopular; feuds among the chiefs run high—these feuds are of old
standing and cemented with the blood of slaughtered kinsmen; to settle
and arrange such differences would require much trouble, ample time,
and infinite tact. I see that some people in a high position think
that it would be to the advantage of France if certain illustrious
gentlemen were to quit the country, and all the nobles who wish for war
were to find a field abroad, thereby relieving their country of anxiety
and trouble. From all this we may safely conclude that quiet in France
(if quiet be possible!) means a great disturbance in the atmosphere
elsewhere. On this ground some—not without reason, perhaps—remember
with regret, how useful Milan[72] was as a training-school for the
education of young French soldiers, and also as a means of letting out,
without injury to the rest of the body, that bad blood of which France
has such store.

The nation desires Condé to be appointed to lead a force into the
Netherlands to the assistance of Orange, for it is thought that it will
be no small gain to France if he is sent beyond the borders. Condé is
himself possessed of considerable resources, and will be well supported
by his party, who wish to see him famous and great; they will the more
readily fall in with this plan because it will remove him from the
scene of danger and place him where he will be safe under the shadow of
that great Prince (Orange).

Meanwhile the Royalists will rejoice at this opportunity of delivering
France from a troublesome and restless crew, and congratulate
themselves that the quarrel is to be fought out in the Netherlands
instead of France.

I must explain that nothing is so hateful to your French gentleman as
quiet and repose. He would rather be rolling the stone of Sisyphus
than keep still; he is for ever hunting after an enterprise; he would
fain do something great; if that something be honourable, all the
better, but if there be difficulty on that score, he is not particular;
so long as it affords a field for the display of courage and skill,
and is thought dashing, the question whether it is right or wrong is
absolutely immaterial. These are the ideas which nature has planted in
him, and example confirmed, while long years of lawlessness and licence
have made their practice a habit.

Hugo de Blot, the Netherlander, is anxious to enter your Majesty’s
service; as no better post is to be had, he has applied for the
comparatively humble position of librarian. He has asked me to
recommend him.

I am fully aware how little weight my word can be expected to carry,
feeling as I do that I have need to be recommended myself instead of
recommending others; still I trust your Majesty will not be offended at
my mentioning the subject. I know De Blot to be both a good scholar and
an honest man; there are, however, two people who will be able to give
most positive testimony as to his character—Bishop Listhius[73] and
Lazarus Schwendi,[74] for they both selected him to take care of their
boys—he was their tutor for several years in Italy—and if they judged
him fit to take care of their _boys_ (liberos) I conclude he is quite
fit to take care of your Majesty’s _books_ (libros).

I do not wish to press the matter further. I have now given my
testimony on behalf of an excellent gentleman, and at the same time I
feel I have done my duty to your Majesty in introducing to your notice
a man who will fill the post admirably. Your Majesty will now come to
a decision as to the appointment, and of the wisdom of that decision,
whatever it may be, I entertain not the slightest doubt.[75]

The Spanish Ambassador told me that the Duke of Medina de Rio Sicco is
coming hither from his Sovereign to congratulate the King of France
on his marriage. An ambassador is also coming from Portugal on the
same errand: I believe he has been six months on the road, although he
arrived a few days ago at Nantes, a town in Brittany.

The King is suffering from influenza, but is not supposed to be in
any danger. There was a report quite lately that the Duke of Savoy
had taken Savona, but it is not believed to be true. As to Jorneton,
of whom your Majesty writes in the letter dated May 2, your Majesty’s
orders shall be obeyed.

Madame de Montmorency, formerly wife of the Constable of France, who
was then in such high estate, is now in great misery and affliction on
account of her sons; she has earnestly besought the Queen to procure
letters from your Majesty to the King of France, asking him to release
her son, the Maréchal de Montmorency, from his long imprisonment. The
Queen has given me instructions to write to your Majesty about this
business. I should have had some hesitation in complying with her
wishes, if any ground still existed for the dreadful suspicions which
were at first entertained with regard to his case; but facts have now
transpired which tend to show that these suspicions rested on little
or no foundation, and people are beginning to take a juster view;
indeed, the Queen Mother could not be kept from visiting Montmorency,
and chatted with him for some time. Under these circumstances, I feel
that I cannot do wrong in obeying the Queen’s orders, and that your
Majesty might write to the King on the subject of Montmorency’s release
in perfect confidence that such a suggestion will not be taken amiss
in any quarter. Undoubtedly this great and honoured lady (Madame de
Montmorency) has shown the utmost kindness and attention to the Queen
during the whole of her residence in France; she has never failed to
support her in every way, and on her assistance, advice, and loyalty
the Queen has been always able to reckon; such services may well claim
your Majesty’s kind consideration, and this is a good opportunity of
manifesting your gratitude.

By adopting the course which I venture to suggest, your Majesty will
not only gratify the Queen, but will also lay the whole House of
Montmorency—which now, indeed, is brought low, but must one day rise
again—under an obligation so great that it can never be forgotten.

  Paris, June 7, 1575.




LETTER XXII.


Not long ago I called upon the King of Portugal’s Ambassador, and a few
days later he returned my call. I had a conversation with him which is
perhaps of no great importance, but it is as well that your Majesty
should hear of it.

He spoke of the Queen in the highest terms, and then let fall some
words of regret at the bereavement she had undergone. Her husband, he
remarked, had died in the flower of life, and she was very young to be
a widow. On my replying that it was God’s will, and we must accept His
decrees without murmuring, the Ambassador interrupted me with a remark
that the Queen would have great difficulty in finding a second husband
of such rank as would justify her in marrying him, seeing that her
first husband had been a very great and powerful King.

Hereon I remarked that it was by no means an unusual thing for the
queens of great kings, on the death of their husbands, to marry
potentates of inferior rank, and sometimes to take even dukes as their
husbands. I was able to quote, as an instance, Mary, the sister of
Henry VIII., King of England, who on the death of her first husband,
Louis XII., King of France, was, at her brother’s desire, married in
England to the Duke of Suffolk. ‘Still,’ said the Ambassador, ‘if I am
any judge of looks, she is too proud to marry anyone lower in rank than
her first husband.’ Thereon I replied, that I had good reason to know
that any idea of a second marriage was most distasteful to the Queen,
who cherished in her heart the memory of the husband she had lost,
but never could forget. Still, I observed, she was a lady of great
judgment and discretion, one who would, I was sure, always be willing
to take her parents’ advice and submit to their wishes. The Ambassador
expressed his appreciation of such discretion, and we proceeded to
discuss other topics, coming back at last to the old subject, and
talking of the connection between the Houses of Austria and Portugal,
which dates from the time of the Emperor Frederic.[76] He concluded
his remarks by saying that he hoped to see the old alliance renewed by
another marriage between the two Houses.

By the way, I must not forget to say that just before this he had been
expressing his regret at the Queen’s leaving France, and going so far
away.

Whatever may be the meaning of his observations, I see no reason for
hiding them from your Majesty.

As to the other matters, Damville,[77] who was lately reported as dead,
appears to have come to life again; the prayers of his friends have had
more weight than those of his enemies; but, after all, it is a very
common thing in France for people to accept idle rumours as established
facts, without suspending their judgment or giving themselves time to
ascertain the truth. It is quite certain that he was very ill, and some
declare that his symptoms indicated poison. Montmorency is now more
gently dealt with, and receives the same treatment as he did before the
rigour of his confinement was increased.

The delegates of the insurgents are expected here in the course of a
few days, with the answer of their party as to peace or war. Endless
people have endless reasons to give for expecting that the answer
will be favourable. For my own part, I should be sorry to express an
opinion one way or the other; indeed, so many changes take place, and
so many rumours are about, that I should not like to pledge myself
for anything I had not seen with my own eyes. Meanwhile war is going
on, but it does not seem to promise any decisive result calculated to
affect the issue of the struggle. Insignificant towns and places are
daily lost or recaptured, and the most important news we have had this
long while is of a severe defeat the Swiss received the other day in
Dauphiny,[78] some companies being completely annihilated.

The Queen is quite well, but cannot help fretting at the delay. She
longs to return home; she is also yearning to see her daughter; her
wish, however, cannot be gratified, as she has not funds for the
journey; indeed, she is so poor that meals are no longer served at any
table save that at which the Queen herself sits. Rations of bread and
wine are issued to the rest of her people, and with this they have to
content themselves as best they may.

  Paris, July 7, 1575.


If the King of Portugal wishes for the marriage, and your Majesty is
disposed to consent, advantage might be taken of the opportunity now
afforded of sending the Queen straight from Paris to Portugal without
much expense.

I see our friends in France have not yet given up all hope with regard
to their claims on Poland, for they are said to be sending thither
200,000 crowns, which they have borrowed from the Duke of Savoy. He
has received the marquisate of Saluzzo as security for his advances.
Pibrac, too, it is supposed, will be able to do some good by visiting
the Palatines[79] one by one, and making an appeal to them in the
King’s name.




LETTER XXIII.


It is not long since I gave your Majesty an account of my conversation
with the Portuguese Ambassador, to be taken for whatever it might be
worth. I have nothing of much importance to add, except that, a few
days after the letter was despatched, the Queen was threatened with
an illness. Fever was apprehended, and there were some premonitory
symptoms, but they passed off without developing into anything serious.
Her physicians attributed the illness to grief and trouble of mind. She
is much distressed at the long postponement of her visit to Amboise,
on which she had set her heart, and also, I imagine, at her detention
in France, from which she has long been panting to fly. I hope to find
on the arrival of the next courier, that your Majesty has made such
arrangements as will relieve the Queen’s anxiety.

As for other news, the condition of things here is unchanged, except
that Montbrun is said to have been taken prisoner. After cutting to
pieces some companies of Swiss, as I mentioned in a former letter, he
shortly afterwards found himself in the presence of a concentration
of Royal troops. Charging them with more courage than discretion, he
advanced too far, could not cut his way back, and, after receiving
several wounds, was taken prisoner. This event caused great joy here,
as of all the men in arms against the King none was considered more
determined than Montbrun. When all the rest of the party were stunned
by the slaughter of the King’s enemies on Saint Bartholomew’s day, he
came forward as the most valiant champion of the cause; his was the
first sword that was unsheathed, and his the example that roused others
to action. Some think he will be brought to Paris. If so, his doom, I
fear, is sealed; he is too brave to be forgiven; well for him if his
wounds prove mortal, so that he may die a soldier’s death. But he is
not altogether unavenged, for the Royalists were severely handled in
the skirmish in which he was taken prisoner.[80]

On Tuesday the marriage of the Marquis de Nomeny was celebrated, in
the presence of Vaudemont, his father, and the Duke of Lorraine, his
kinsman. There were amusements of various kinds, and a magnificent
entertainment. None of the Princes were at the banquet, not even
Alençon, the King’s brother, who came only to the ball, and his sister
did not go even to that.[81] I must not forget to mention that, when
the Guises wished to have the honour of serving the King, the sons of
the late Prince de Condé quietly slipped in, and anticipated them. It
is not the first prize they have taken from them. It is strange that
Frenchmen cannot find a more honourable field for rivalry.

People would fain believe that there are good hopes of the peace
negotiations succeeding. The King, however, they say, after Montbrun
was taken prisoner, ordered 1,000 fresh cavalry to be raised. Why he
has done so, I cannot say, but I am quite certain of one thing, that,
if peace is made, it will not be because he wishes for it, but because
he cannot help himself.

  Paris, July 16, 1575.




LETTER XXIV.


A gentleman lately returned from Poland has assured the King (and, for
the matter of that, people here are not scrupulous as to what they
assert) that he had induced the Poles to agree to accept a Viceroy
during the King’s absence. Pibrac’s letters, however, told a different
story; he says there are two policies by which the crown of Poland may
be kept: if the King will go there himself, there is a certainty of
success; and if he will send 200,000 crowns, there is a chance of it.
The last plan will probably be tried.

The Portuguese Ambassador has taken a house, and is expected to remain
here for some time. One of his suite has been sent to the King of
Portugal, and is likely to return shortly with an answer. Some people
fancy that his mission concerns your Majesty’s daughter.

It is now nearly six weeks since the courier left, and our friends here
keep asking when he will return, as they want to finish the business
and relieve themselves of the burden of maintaining the Queen. There
is a notion that it will be to her advantage if her affairs are placed
under the protection of a Prince or some prominent man; the Duc de
Nevers[82] is mentioned for the office, which he would readily, I
fancy, volunteer to take. But a serious drawback to such an arrangement
is that it would probably excite the Queen Mother’s jealousy; she would
not like the notion of the Queen being placed under the guardianship
of anyone but herself. I think, therefore, that any application to the
Duke should be made privately; a secret understanding would be best,
but as to its remaining secret, I am doubtful. The Comte de Retz, one
of the Marshals of France, has been most kind in labouring to promote
the Queen’s interests; he has called on me at my lodgings about her
business.

As regards myself, your Majesty will be graciously pleased to come to
some decision. For my own part, I think the best course your Majesty
can adopt will be to consider me a useless old soldier who has earned
his discharge, and to treat me accordingly. Still, I am inclined to
think it would not be amiss for some one to remain here for a time. For
the people who managed the property of former Queens tell me that many
things happened after their departure which required the presence of
a good man of business on the spot; while Queen Leonora[83] was three
years out of France before the final settlement of her affairs, which
was impeded by various obstacles, could be satisfactorily effected. I
trust, of course, we shall profit by the experience of other Queens,
and so take measures to meet many difficulties beforehand. Still, when
you have a shifty and tricky nation to deal with, it is impossible to
foresee every contingency, and emergencies may often occur requiring
the intervention of a faithful servant. The Queen will have worthy
gentlemen in France, namely, her Chancellor, her Councillors, her
Secretaries, her Procureurs, and her Advocates, all of whom are zealous
for her interests, and to their discretion much, I think, may be safely
trusted.

At my request on a former occasion, your Majesty sent me credentials,
which were dated, I believe, in February; I have not presented them
yet, because I thought it would be for the Queen’s interest if I said I
had no power to settle anything finally, for under these circumstances
they would be more careful as to what they offered, as they could
easily understand it would be useless to expect your Majesty to accept
anything that was not fair. I should now be glad to have a fresh copy
of those credentials, as they may prove necessary.

I wrote from Lyons asking your Majesty to send some watches as
presents for friends who have ere now done us good service, and whose
assistance we may need again. I feel I should be wanting in my duty to
your Majesty, if I did not renew my request. One might as well try to
make bricks without straw as to conduct affairs of this kind without
presents.

We had some hopes of obtaining 10,000 crowns in Paris, but were
disappointed; there is nothing coming in from our friends here, so we
are often at a loss for want of funds. I therefore implore your Majesty
to give this matter your serious consideration, for we have no hope of
bringing back any sum worth mentioning—indeed, I doubt if we shall have
enough for the journey.

I spoke to the King and the Queen Mother, and they assured me that they
would see the Queen was escorted to the German frontier in the most
honourable manner. Your Majesty, in return, will be graciously pleased
to inform us at the earliest moment to what place you wish the Queen
to be escorted by her French suite, where I trust such preparations
will be made as will show the French escort that your Majesty is not
indifferent to that which concerns the Queen’s honour. It will be well,
too, that the noble ladies and maidens attending her from motives
of duty or affection should feel that they have been well treated,
for they are sure on their return to talk about their reception. The
Queen has been long intending to go to Amboise; she is naturally
anxious to see her daughter before leaving France, but her wish is
still unaccomplished, owing to her want of funds. When this difficulty
is removed she will start on her journey. I think she will be away
twenty-four or twenty-five days.

On the 23rd of last month a courier arrived with despatches from your
Majesty, from which I learnt your Majesty’s views as to the course
to be pursued with regard to the two proposals made by the King. By
the Queen’s desire the matter was considered by her Council. Her
wisest advisers thought we ought to accept that proposal which offered
the best security, and at the same time tended most to her honour,
following herein the principle adopted by steady fathers of families,
who make it a rule to prefer _good security_ to _high interest_. For,
after all, the proposal we have rejected would inevitably have left a
large portion of the Queen’s income subject to various contingencies
and dependent on another’s pleasure. True, it would have been illegal
to wrong the Queen, but, in the present state of France, people think
more of what they _must_ do than of what they _ought_ to do. The Bishop
of Paris, indeed, continued of the same opinion, but his opposition
appeared to proceed more from prejudice than reason.

When this was settled, I went to the King and Queen, and having saluted
them in the name of your Majesty, whose letter I presented, I said
that your Majesty had hoped that the marriage contracts would have
been adhered to and fully carried out, but that, as you understood
from Monsieur de Vulcob,[84] who was at your Court, as well as from my
despatches, in what trouble and difficulty France was involved, you
did not wish to press the point, and had frankly accepted the King’s
proposals, in the hope that he would perform his promises in a liberal
spirit, so as to compensate the Queen in some measure for the rights
she had abandoned. I said, further, that it was by your Majesty’s
advice that the Queen had chosen the proposal which offered the larger
settlement on Crown lands, as being the nearest to the tenor of the
marriage contract. Both replied in the most gracious terms. Among other
remarks the King made in speaking of his goodwill to your Majesty, he
declared that he knew your Majesty’s fatherly affection for him from
your having, when he was at Vienna, given him such excellent advice,
telling him to prefer mercy to severity, and to choose peace rather
than war. With these views, he said, he quite coincided, but remarked
that Kings were not always allowed to have their own way. As to the
Queen’s departure, he said, he owed so much to your Majesty, and France
so much to the Queen, that it was alike his duty and his pleasure to
do everything he could for her. If needful, he would provide for her
escort, not merely as far as Nancy, but whithersoever your Majesty
might wish. As, however, your Majesty had chosen Nancy, he would take
care that she should be escorted thither in the most honourable manner
at the date appointed.

As for Montmorency, the King replied that he had offered to stand his
trial and prove his innocence; that he might be able to do so was
his earnest hope and wish. But if, unhappily, Montmorency should be
found guilty, he would be compelled to act solely with a view to the
interests of his realm, and he thought your Majesty in his position
would do the same. Otherwise, he would most gladly do whatever he could
to oblige your Majesty.

I concluded by asking that arbitrators might be appointed, according
to precedent, to make a valuation of the Crown lands in the provinces
which he was assigning to the Queen. He agreed to do so, but asked
me, as he was ignorant of such business, either to put my request in
writing or to see the Chancellor and Councillors about it. And so I
left the King.

I was much gratified during my interview with the Chancellor at the
warm terms in which he spoke of your Majesty’s kindness to him when he
went to Vienna, and the great affection he professed for the Queen.
However, he appeared much surprised at our decision with regard to
the two proposals. De Morvilliers also expressed astonishment, which
has made me feel rather suspicious of the whole business, as I think
there is something in the proposal we have accepted by which we shall
lose and the King gain; for hitherto I have found them anything but
generous, refusing to make the smallest concession to the Queen, or the
smallest sacrifice on behalf of the King.

As to the state of the kingdom, there is but little difference since
I wrote last. The King has just now assembled a body, which I can
only describe as a shadow of the States-General. He nominated six
persons from each province and city, choosing those on whose support
he thought he could best reckon, the clergy, the _noblesse_, and the
people being each represented by two members. He laid before these mock
States-General the miseries of the country, and the emptiness of the
treasury, and then proceeded to ask for a subsidy. After the Orders of
the clergy and the _noblesse_ had given fairly satisfactory answers,
the representatives of the popular Order said ‘that they would inform
their friends of the King’s request, and would bring back whatever
answer the community at large might decide to give. They could not do
more, as they had not been summoned to deliberate, but simply to learn
the wishes of the King.’ As the latter was much dissatisfied with such
a reply, they were at last induced to agree that every man should pay
to the King the price of one day’s food, and it is supposed that in so
great a country as France this will produce a very considerable sum.
They made this promise, however, only conditionally, and subject to its
ratification by their fellows. All who spoke endeavoured to impress
upon the King that, if he did not conclude peace, ruin was inevitable.

As regards the prospect of peace, matters are so complicated and
uncertain that it is difficult to judge. There are strong reasons for
desiring it: the country is in a most miserable state, the war is most
unpopular, money is scarce, revolution is raising her head; but again
there are difficulties in the way: the terms offered are hard, there
are old grudges on either side, the King’s word commands no confidence,
the party in power has lost its authority, and royalty its prestige.
Which way the scale will turn it is not easy to tell. Meanwhile there
is no break in the war; they are fighting more fiercely than ever. The
King has lately ordered his troops to burn all the crops in Languedoc
within their reach, causing thereby as much loss to the loyalists as
to his enemies. There is also a report that the King has raised new
levies of cavalry, and that Condé is coming with an army. Some of his
party tried a few days ago to surprise certain towns, among which
were Poitiers, Compiègne, Amiens, and Besançon. From these attempts
it is thought in Paris that peace is probable. As it was agreed that
each party should retain what they actually held at the termination
of the war, this condition is supposed to be the motive for these
attempts. Further, however much inclined for peace the King and Condé
may be, still people think that neither will treat except sword in
hand. As to the credit to be attached to these reports, I am by no
means certain, but I think I can answer for one thing, that, if they
make peace between themselves, they will attack their neighbours, in
order to give an outlet to all those uneasy spirits who if left at
home would be a danger to the State. Genoa seems convenient for this
purpose, and perhaps the Netherlands also; at any rate, one hears
already of speeches made by certain Princes, who say that, if the King
gives permission, they will go to the assistance of Genoa with 1,500
gentlemen. The journeys of the Fregosi[85] and the Biragues to and from
Italy, and the unusually frequent conferences between the Papal Legate
and the King, make many people suspect that something is brewing. Of
the rebel delegates who were expected with an answer about peace, some
have come back already, and the others are said to be on the road, and
are expected shortly—among them Beauvois de la Nocle,[86] who is sent
back by Condé. If this be so, the issue of the negotiations will ere
long be known for certain.

As for the affairs of the Netherlands, I do not doubt your Majesty
is fully informed of everything. They do not, therefore, properly
come within my province; still there will be no harm in sending the
following particulars. After the taking of Buren[87] the persons
appointed by the two parties separated without effecting anything or
even concluding an armistice. The Royalists hope to finish the war by
force of arms, and are therefore prosecuting it vigorously by land;
they are also fitting out a fleet once more. Their chances of speedy
success will be considerably increased by their obtaining a supply of
small galleys, which are independent of winds and tides. By means of
such boats Mondragon[88] has ferried his troops over to some islands,
and intends to occupy others as opportunities occur, his design being
thus to cut off Zealand from Holland, and prevent them from helping
each other. However successful the Royalists may be, it will be a long
business, and who can tell what may happen in the interval to create
fresh difficulties for them? Of this much there is no doubt: Orange
has openly declared that, if he finds himself beaten, he will, as a
last resource, enter into negotiations with England or France or some
other power, and place a foreign Sovereign in possession.[89] In spite
of this clear declaration of his intentions, there are people who are
so confident in the present state of affairs that they take no thought
for the future. Three days ago, they say, a gentleman came to Paris
from the Governor of the Netherlands to ask the Duke of Lorraine’s
permission for the passage through his territories of some thousands of
Spaniards and Italians, whom the King of Spain, it appears, is sending
to the Netherlands. If this be so, there are misfortunes yet in store
for that unhappy country.

The King, whose natural melancholy is increased by the troubles of
the times, in order to divert his thoughts has instituted a club, the
members of which take turns to invite him and the whole Court. At these
entertainments there is much merry-making and dancing. The people
grumble at these festivities; they think it wrong for the King to give
himself up to revels, when the distress of the country is so great and
so wide-spread, as if the miseries of France concerned him not, or
there was nothing more he could do to alleviate them.

The day after your Majesty’s letter was presented to the King,
Vaudemont paid a long visit to Montmorency; on leaving, he said that he
had little doubt of his innocence, and would not hesitate, if bail were
wanted, to be his surety. He afterwards repeated to several gentlemen
his conversation with Montmorency. The latter had professed to him his
entire innocence. There is no need to trouble your Majesty with an
account of what passed.

There is a report current that the municipality of Paris was ready, out
of love to the Queen, to defray the yearly expenses of herself and her
household, if she would remain here. The proposal, they say, was not
actually made, because they were afraid that, if the Queen refused, the
King on hearing of it would lay claim to the money and employ it for
his own private purposes. Whether this story is founded on fact or not,
there is no doubt that people are constantly saying that it will be a
bad day for France when the Queen goes away.[90]

The King’s desire to retain the Crown of Poland will probably be a
powerful motive for making peace, as his advisers consider his chances
are hopeless if civil war continues in France. The Poles, they say,
will never believe that anything is to be got out of people who
have their hands so full at home; but if peace is made, they may be
convinced that the money will be forthcoming, and that the King will
some day return to Poland.

Your Frenchman will gratify his own desires regardless of the ruin and
destruction he causes to others; all with whom the French have been
concerned have been brought to ruin, or at any rate to the brink of it,
and this, I fear, will be the fate of Poland and Genoa.

  Paris, July, 1575.




LETTER XXV.


No provision has as yet been made for the money required for the
Queen’s service, in spite of my reiterated requests; not only were the
former letters of no avail, but the orders of your Majesty’s Chamber,
which were lately sent to Augsburg, have proved equally inefficacious.
Accordingly, we have been fooled not twice, as the proverb says, but
three or four times. Meanwhile the Queen requires ready money for many
purposes, and we can think of no plan for defraying our necessary
expenses without money, or for procuring it without damaging our
character; consequently we are in great difficulties. I send your
Majesty a list of ladies to whom special presents ought to be made
at the Queen’s departure; they must be given, or she will be thought
to have behaved unhandsomely. The list is long, and the expense will
consequently be considerable. Again, as the Queen is not likely, when
she leaves the country, to have a farthing remaining out of her French
allowances, funds will be required for the expenses of her journey from
Nancy to Ratisbon, which must be paid in ready money. It is hardly
necessary for me to point out how closely the matter concerns the
honour both of your Majesty and the Queen. As to the watches, about
which I have received no answer, I again most humbly entreat your
Majesty to send them. If we are left without the means of acknowledging
the kindnesses we have received, your Majesty will hereafter find
people disobliging when their assistance is needed. Matters occur every
day in which the help of faithful friends is indispensable, and there
can be no doubt that these little presents are of great use in securing
such services. I feel so certain that I am right, that I venture once
more to entreat your Majesty to send me three or four watches of the
most elegant workmanship.

As regards your Majesty’s desire that I should remain in Paris, it is
my duty to obey, though I feel myself almost too old for the work. I
wish, however, to acquaint your Majesty with the fact that my expenses,
including those of the five journeys I have made in the course of the
last twelvemonth or so, will far exceed my ordinary salary. I received
from Monsieur de Morvilliers 500 crowns on condition that they should
be repaid to Monsieur de Vulcob at Vienna. I most humbly beseech your
Majesty to give the necessary orders accordingly, and to charge the
money to the account of my yearly salary.

The Queen, it appears, has still chances left her, and your Majesty
will probably have plenty of aspirants to her hand, from whom you
may choose a new son-in-law! Duke Eric of Brunswick[91] has sent a
gentleman hither with credentials, Doctor Joachim Gotzen, to offer the
Queen a share in his bed and board. He likewise offers his portion
of the Duchy of Brunswick, such as it is, and 100,000 crowns which
he has in France, and undertakes that, if he dies without children,
his dominions and the rest of his property shall go to the House of
Austria. As the Doctor hinted and suggested instead of using plain
language, the Queen could only make a guess at what he meant. When he
pressed for an answer, she referred him to me. Accordingly he repeated
his story to me, and asked me to get the Queen to give him an answer in
person. I told him that her husband’s death had been a great shock, and
that any suggestion of a second marriage, whoever the person might be,
was most distasteful to her. An answer from herself was therefore out
of the question. I added, that the Duke could write, if he pleased, to
your Majesty, whose ward she had again become by her husband’s death,
and that he would get an answer from you. I treated him throughout
the conversation with all possible courtesy, and contrived to satisfy
him with this reply, which he took back to his master. He only asked
me that the matter might not go further; I promised it should remain
a secret, and I also undertook at his request, should I ever fall in
with the Duke, to bear witness to the care and loyalty with which he
had discharged his commission. The letter was written from Aachen, and
bore the following address, in the Duke’s own handwriting, as I think,
‘De V. R. Mag^d muy fiel y leal servidor hasta à la muerte, qui sus
reales manos besa mas de cien mil vezes, El Duque Erico de Brunswicque
y Lunenburg.’

If matters go on as they have begun, the Palace will be as full of
dissension as the rest of France. Every day the discords between the
Princes increase, even between those who ought to be most closely
united by the ties of blood and kindred. Alençon cannot keep quiet: he
is on the watch for an opportunity to upset the Government, and will
probably end by attempting some notable _coup d’état_. Some suspect
him of even aspiring to the throne. It is all the Queen Mother can do
to keep him from throwing off his allegiance. Not that she wishes to
humiliate him, for she is very fond of him, and anxious to advance his
interests in every way. Possibly in this she has an eye to her own
advantage, in order to gain Alençon’s protection against his brother’s
power, in case her influence over the King should ever diminish. There
is also no love lost between Alençon and the Duke of Guise. The former
is supposed to have some secret understanding with the Huguenots,
and people think that he was privy to the attempts recently made on a
number of towns, in which some of his friends lost their lives. His
confidant in all his designs is his sister, who is on bad terms with
the King and the new Queen. For the matter of that, she does not stand
well with her husband, the Duc de Vendôme; there are strange stories
about her.

  Paris, July, 1575.




LETTER XXVI.


On the 18th of this month the Queen started for Amboise. On her
departure from Paris the King accompanied her to the gates of the city,
and his brother, Vendôme, and Guise somewhat further, while the Duke
of Lorraine with the Cardinal of Este, the Duc de Mayenne, the Duc
d’Aumale, and the Marquis de Nomeny escorted her to the village[92]
where she dined. As I was sitting at table there with the Duke of
Lorraine and the Cardinal of Este, each of them spoke much of their
affection for your Majesty and the great honour that had been done
them in being chosen, the one to escort the Queen on her journey, and
the other to receive her as his guest. The Duke of Lorraine told me
that in three or four days he was returning home to make the necessary
preparations for the Queen’s arrival; he is also afraid of disturbances
arising in his absence, there being a very general report in Paris that
2,000 German reiters are coming, who are to make their way in light
marching order through Burgundy and Switzerland to join Damville, and
that more will shortly follow, as 8,000 have been hired. This is the
topic of general conversation, and the military preparations which the
King has been making show that he regards the news as well-founded.

On the 24th of the same month we arrived at Amboise, where I saw your
Majesty’s grand-daughter. The child is not yet quite three years old,
is by no means bad looking, though more like her father than her
mother, and is of a very merry disposition.[93]

The Queen intends to start for Nancy as soon as possible after her
return to Paris, which she hopes will be about September 8. If it lay
with me to decide, I should prefer her not remaining more than eight or
ten days in Paris. Unfortunately this is not the case, so I can only
do all in my power to hasten her departure.

  Amboise, August 25, 1575.




LETTER XXVII.


As regards the affairs of this kingdom, I have not much to tell. The
report that the German reiters are coming has made the Royalists rush
to arms; hopes of peace, however, are not altogether abandoned. They
seem to think they will make peace on more favourable terms if they
are ready for war. The King, passing over his brother, who, according
to precedent, was entitled to that office, has appointed Guise his
Lieutenant and Commander-in-chief. He is now raising troops in the
district of Langres. It is supposed, however, that they are neither
very numerous nor trustworthy, and that there are many among them who
would rather be vanquished than victorious. Although the war is only
just beginning, money is already lacking to carry it on, and the King
has had recourse to a forced loan from the Princes of his Court and the
leading men of the kingdom. The Chancellor contributed 4,000 francs;
Lansac, de Morvilliers, and several others, 3,000 a-piece; while the
Constable—that is, the Duchess Dowager of Montmorency—was assessed at
6,000 francs, which are equivalent to 2,000 crowns. The sums so raised
are said to amount to 100,000 crowns. Such are the straits to which
France is reduced.

Attempts, they say, have been made by the rebels on several
towns—Tours, Chartres, and many others—in which free use was made of
Alençon’s name. Though matters have gone so far, commissioners from
the rebels for the conclusion of peace are still expected in Paris.
Besme, the German—who was the actual murderer of Admiral Coligny—on
his way back from Spain, fell into the hands of the enemy, and is in
great danger, but Guise leaves no stone unturned in order to liberate
him.[94] Montbrun’s wounds were such that recovery was impossible,
but, anxious that he should not die, save by the hands of the
executioner, they caused him to be beheaded at Grenoble. As the English
Ambassador[95] was suspected of having secret dealings with Alençon
and others, the King has requested all the Ambassadors to quit their
houses in the faubourgs and come into the city, where it will be easier
to protect them; this, at least, is the reason assigned. The new Queen
has had an attack of jaundice, but has been steadily improving for the
last few days. As for other news, desperate atrocities are every day
committed in Paris; murder and lust run riot together. Even into the
King’s own ante-chamber they carry their brawls and quarrels, and come
to blows when they are all but in his presence. No notice is taken
of these outrages, and apparently they are not regarded as offences
against the King.

I had got to this point in my letter a few days after the courier’s
arrival in Paris, and hoped to send him back without delay, when news
of great importance reached me, of which your Majesty must be informed.
Alençon, the King’s brother, who is eager to upset the Government,
and has long been on bad terms with his brother, has fled from Paris.
Having arranged his plans some time before, he pretended on the evening
of September 15 to be going to certain ladies, whom he had made a habit
of visiting in order to throw the King off his guard. He drove there
in a carriage with only two companions, one of whom he sent back to
the Palace to see what the King and Queen Mother were doing; with the
other he went into the house. But he was no sooner inside than he went
out by a back door, got into another carriage, which was waiting for
him, and drove off to a trysting-place not far away, where horses and
companions were waiting for him.[96] Others joined them on the road, so
that before he reached Dreux, where he arrived in twenty-four hours,
travelling without intermission, he had, it is believed, an escort of
almost 200 men. Dreux is a county forming part of his appanage, not far
from Normandy. He was admitted by the inhabitants, not so much from any
affection towards him, as because they were taken by surprise, and not
prepared to resist so strong a party.

Meanwhile, the gentleman whom he had sent back to the King returned
to the house, and finding him gone brought the news to the King. The
latter at first hoped he would return. But when time passed, and he
did not appear, suspicion became certainty, and they knew that he had
fled. Parties were despatched to bring him back, but all in vain; he
had got some hours’ start of his pursuers and had lost no time on the
road. Moreover, some of the King’s people had a hint that it might
be dangerous to pursue the chase too far, for they found on the road
the dead body of one of the Royal Guards, whose duty it was to patrol
that district. The man had challenged Alençon, and asked who he was,
and where he was going. His comrade—for there were two of them—would
have shared his fate, but he had the presence of mind, when his horse
was killed by a shot, to lie still and pretend to be dead. After this
warning the pursuers gave up the chase. It would have been madness
for them to continue it, as they knew he was strongly escorted, while
they were mere stragglers hurrying along without any attempt at
organisation, as naturally is the case in a sudden and extemporised
pursuit. Alençon’s flight—or departure, as some may call it—has
produced a deep impression on the King and the Queen Mother, as they
foresee what a serious addition it will make to the other calamities of
France.

The next day the King ordered Nevers to follow his brother with
some regiments of cavalry to prevent the towns from revolting, and
to protect them against assault. He has fixed his head-quarters at
Chartres, probably in order to cut off Alençon from the Loire, and to
prevent his penetrating into the country on the other side of that
river, where he must retreat if he wishes to join his partisans. A few
days afterwards the Queen Mother followed, in the hope of recalling
him to his senses before he was utterly perverted by intercourse with
rebels; but she was not allowed to see him. Indeed, her coming had the
contrary effect, for Alençon, suspecting foul play, and thinking he
had evidence of something of the kind, set out for the Loire with his
followers by a circuitous route, in order to cross while it was still
fordable by reason of the drought of last summer, and thus ensure his
safety and facilitate his junction with the King’s opponents. Behind
him came the Queen and Nevers—his mother and his foe. The latter would
have attacked him whenever an opportunity presented itself, as was
the case at his passage of the Loire, but was forbidden by the Queen.
She was anxious to avoid an engagement as long as possible, for any
bloodshed might make war inevitable. At last, after crossing the river,
he granted an audience to his mother. She spoke, they say, with great
ability, representing to him the disastrous condition of the country,
and reminding him that the course he was taking would greatly aggravate
existing evils; ‘he, who was the heir presumptive to the crown, ought
to be the last man,’ she told him, ‘to split the kingdom in two.’
The result of the interview was that an armistice for a few days was
arranged, to give time for the delegates of the different parties to
assemble, and for peace negotiations to be opened.

Meanwhile, it was decided that Montmorency should be released from
prison, on giving his parole not to leave Paris without the King’s
permission. Alençon is also said to have demanded that certain very
influential persons should be removed from Court. Among them the
Chancellor is included, and some other councillors of the King, who,
Alençon thinks, are hostile to himself and his party.

But his chief motive for running away, it is supposed, was a desire
to escape from the degrading surveillance under which he was kept;
he remembered that when his brother occupied the same position, he
possessed unbounded influence and had the revenues of some of the
richest provinces to support his rank, while _he_, on the other hand,
was granted but trifling allowances, exercised no influence, and could
scarcely call himself his own master.[97] Charles IX. had appointed
the present King his Lieutenant, and had entrusted him with the entire
management of the war and with the government of the country; while
_he_ had been passed over in favour of Guise. It was not likely that
a young Prince, eager for adventure and thirsting for war and glory,
would patiently submit to such treatment. Hence he was induced to take
this serious step, the consequences of which God only knows. There is
an impression that the King had been warned by letters from several
people of Alençon’s intentions, and had resolved to place him under
closer surveillance, but the Prince escaped the day before the one on
which he was to have been arrested.

On the 10th of this month news arrived here of the defeat of the German
reiters by Guise. As they were marching into Berry to join Alençon,
Guise came upon them at the passage of the Marne and routed the part
that had crossed, their commander, Affenstein, being killed, and
Monsieur de Clervant[98] taken prisoner. Those who had not yet crossed
were terrified by the disaster, and began to treat for a surrender.
The King was consulted, and decided that their surrender should be
accepted, on condition of their not serving against him for a year.
They were left in possession of their horses, swords, and cuirasses,
and the rest of their accoutrements, having to give up only their
standards and fire-arms, and an escort was appointed to conduct them
over the frontier. Thoré, the son of the Constable, and many Frenchmen
besides, to the number of 200, who were with the Germans, crossed the
river in the middle of the night, and so escaped safe and sound. The
Germans accuse them of deserting them, while they retort on the Germans
that, though the safety of the army depended on its speed, they could
not be induced to leave their baggage behind to lighten them on their
march, and declare that the disaster, in which they lost not only their
baggage but everything else, was due to their wilfulness. They say
that Guise during his pursuit of the Germans often had the chance of
plundering this baggage-train, but that he was deterred by the advice
of an experienced general, who said that it would delay their march,
and finally compel them to fight at a disadvantage. Be that as it may,
the disgrace of these troops is in my opinion greater than their actual
loss. Our friends in Paris are much elated at their victory. The fate
of the Frenchmen who escaped by their speed is uncertain, for there
are plenty to pursue them. Guise, however, himself did not come out of
the encounter scot free; he received a serious wound in the jaw from
a musket ball, and was at first considered to be in great danger; the
King, who loves him very dearly, gave him up for lost, and was much
distressed. Now, however, he is expected to recover.

The day before the news of this battle arrived, the King set
Montmorency free, and restored him to his former influential position.
Accordingly, he is made acquainted with the chief secrets of State,
as he used to be, and now, in the absence of Alençon and the rest of
the Princes of the Blood, takes precedence next to the King. There
is a notion that he, accompanied by Cossé, will shortly join the
Queen Mother to act as a mediator. Alençon, people think, will return
to-morrow to his mother at Blois to re-open negotiations. To me the
whole story sounds suspicious, and, granted that he does go back there,
I think they will hardly come to terms. But supposing they do, it is
to my mind quite certain that war will presently follow, either in the
Netherlands or in Italy with Alençon as the nominal or, perhaps, the
real commander.

To-day news has arrived here that Thoré and his followers after routing
those who barred their passage, have reached the Loire. He has, they
say, about 400 horse, among whom are many Germans. Whether he will be
able to cross is uncertain, as a strong force has been collected in
hopes of crushing him. Two thousand of Alençon’s cavalry with some
infantry are reported to be awaiting his arrival on the other side of
the Loire.

  Paris, October 14, 1575.




LETTER XXVIII.


On September 12, the day the Queen returned to Paris from Amboise,
the courier arrived and delivered to me your Majesty’s letter and
instructions. On the following day I asked an audience of the King,
but was put off till the next day. After complimenting the King and
the Queen Mother in your Majesty’s name, I laid your request before
them—namely, that the date appointed for the Queen’s departure should
be adhered to. The King answered he would do what he could to meet
your Majesty’s views. I replied that it was of great consequence that
I should have a definite answer to send to your Majesty, as otherwise
the ladies and gentlemen, who were to meet the Queen at Nancy by your
Majesty’s orders, might find themselves in an awkward position. He
agreed that the request was reasonable, and promised to lay the matter
before the Council, and give me a definite answer on the morrow. So
passed away that day and the next, which was the 15th of the month,
the day on the evening of which Alençon fled. I received almost the
same answer from the Queen Mother, except that she added some further
details about the expenses of the journey, saying that the whole sum
could not be paid down in specie, but that an appropriation would be
made for pressing expenses, while for those that need not be paid
on the spot good warrants would be given. The arrangement was not
an unreasonable one, and the Queen’s business appeared at that time
to be in a fair way, but then came Alençon’s flight, which caused a
hitch. For some days the King could not attend to me; at last, on the
19th, in consequence of my pressing applications for such an answer
as would relieve your Majesty from uncertainty, I was granted an
audience. The King at the beginning of our conversation requested me
to inform your Majesty of his unhappy misfortune,—these were the very
words he used—saying, he felt confident from the relationship that
existed between your Majesty and himself, and from the kindness he
had experienced at your hands, that you would sympathise with him. He
remembered that your Majesty had on former occasions advised Alençon
to keep clear of revolutionary designs. His conduct was the more
unjustifiable, he said, as he was not conscious of having done anything
on his part to give him a reason for forming these projects or running
away. It was by the evil counsels of bad people that he had been
seduced from his allegiance, though on his side he had behaved towards
him like an affectionate brother. This unexpected event prevented his
sending back the Queen at the time arranged, and I must see myself
the difficulties that surrounded him. What the King said was only too
true, and accordingly I answered that I would comply with his request
and write as he wished to your Majesty, saying, ‘I felt no doubt that
your Majesty, with whom he was connected by so many ties, would give
him the warmest sympathy in his troubles, and would gladly afford him
any assistance in your power.’ I then used such language as I thought
was likely to comfort him. As to the Queen’s departure, I told him that
your Majesty was most anxious to have her back, and that your plans did
not admit of her prolonged absence, and asked him, if it was impossible
for her to leave at once, at any rate to fix the earliest possible
date. He said he would consider my request, and promised to send me an
answer on the following day together with his letter to your Majesty.
At my interview with the Queen Mother almost the same language was
used on both sides, except that I added that I thought, if the Queen’s
departure were put off much longer, your Majesty would be obliged to
consider how to bring her home at your own expense, for you felt that a
longer separation was unbearable.

From that time to this I have never ceased pressing the King every day
and demanding an answer, but my efforts have been of no avail. The
truth is, the King has given his ministers instructions to find the
funds necessary for the Queen’s journey, but this is a very difficult
matter, and, until he is sure of the money, he cannot positively fix
the date at which she is to leave. In the mean time due attention has
been paid to all the interests of the Queen. A valuation has been made
of the Crown lands, and also of the other property. A contract has been
drawn up, and a demand has been made that the deficiency in value of
the Crown lands assigned should be made good. For the Duchy of Berry
with the County of Le Forez, the upper and lower parts of La Marche,
and Remorantin did not come to much above 26,000 francs, so that nearly
6,000 were wanting to make up the sum the King had promised. To find
them was no easy task, in consequence of the small amount of Crown
lands available, and the difficulty was increased by the irregular and
unbusinesslike conduct of certain officials of the King, who tried to
make out that the said places had been undervalued, and wanted us, in
consequence of their own fault, to be content with 26,000 instead of
32,000 francs. At last, after some trouble, it was arranged that two
places should be added, to be taken from the Duchy of Bourbon—namely,
the towns of Murat and Gannat—and so a total of 32,000 francs in Crown
lands was made up, and the remaining sums were secured as in the
schedule annexed. All possible care and discretion have been used in
making these arrangements.

As regards the Queen’s departure, I should not like to promise myself
an answer from the King for many days. The grant of 32,000 crowns is
all very well, but there is enormous trouble in getting them paid down
in hard cash: 20,000 of them, for which a warrant on Rouen has been
given, will begin to come in on November 15, and this sum, I hope, may
be relied on. This leaves 12,000 to be provided; it might have taken
us a long time to procure this sum, and we might have been obliged in
consequence to postpone the Queen’s departure, but fortunately your
Majesty’s bounty has made us independent so far; a large sum has been
remitted by the Nuremburg merchants, and even if we have no answer from
the King, I feel confident that the Queen will be able to set out
about November 25 or 26. For I think it better to risk our money than
to lose our time, lest, in the changes of this mortal life, something
should occur to make us regret deeply the loss of the opportunity;
though I feel no doubt that the 12,000 crowns decreed by the King can
be secured for the Queen even after she has gone. When the day of her
departure draws near, the Queen will send a courier of her own to
bring your Majesty news of the final arrangements. In order to relieve
your Majesty’s anxiety, it has been decided not to detain the present
courier any longer; the Queen would have sent him back some days ago
if she had not been waiting for the King’s letter to your Majesty; he
keeps promising to send it every day, but it does not come.

One point with reference to the Queen’s journey remains for
consideration, and that is a serious one. More German reiters are said
to be on the point of entering France, and there is danger of the seat
of war being transferred to Champagne and the country through which
her Majesty is to travel; so that it is doubtful whether the road to
Nancy will be safe, or, indeed, if it will be open at all. Of course
no one will do any harm to the Queen, but it would be impossible to
answer for the safety of her French suite, and it would not perhaps be
consistent with the King’s dignity to beg his enemies to grant them a
sort of passage on sufferance, and to place at their mercy Frenchmen
of the highest position, and ladies of exalted rank, especially as
nothing is safe from the lawlessness and insolence of the times. As
to these matters, the King can settle nothing at present, as he does
not know what may be the state of things six weeks hence; but I see
that all the prudent and sensible men of my acquaintance entertain
serious doubts as to the safety of this route. If it should happen to
be closed, I doubt if there is a more convenient way than that through
the Netherlands, by Cambrai, Valenciennes, Mons, Namur, and thence
either to Coblentz or Trier. Here, again, we are met by a difficulty,
for perhaps the Governor of the Low Countries may not care to have
such a number of French people travelling through these territories
at the present time. This may be obviated by the French suite being
sent back from Cambrai or Valenciennes, and by the servants whom your
Majesty will send, such as cooks, butlers, waiters, &c., being ready
to meet the Queen at either of those places. For she is to take none
of her domestic servants beyond Nancy, as your Majesty will have
graciously understood from the list of her retinue which was forwarded
some time ago. There ought to be some gentlemen at the head of each
department; but this whole scheme of going through the Netherlands is
full of difficulties, and is much more inconvenient than the other.
Still, if we are compelled to take it, we must manage as best we can.
I am willing to hope for the best, and that this _détour_ may not be
necessary; but if we are disappointed—and disappointments do come—I
should wish to be prepared for the worst, and to have some arrangement
to fall back upon, instead of having to waste time in making out a
new one from beginning to end. I think it prudent, therefore, to have
our plans ready in case of need; and in the meantime to sound the
Governor’s disposition by letter, so that if we cannot get through by
any other road, at any rate this way may be open to us; but the final
decision will, of course, rest with your Majesty.

As regards the money forwarded to the Queen from Nuremberg by your
Majesty’s order, I have hitherto received no letter from your Majesty;
but the agent of the merchants informed me that such and such an amount
was to be placed to the Queen’s credit, that the time of payment was
the end of October, and that he would meanwhile collect the money; but,
if there was any need for it sooner, he would pay down part of it. No
doubt we shall soon have despatches from your Majesty, and I shall
then understand the bearings of this business more clearly. I have
also received no answer as yet to my requests about the watches and my
own affairs. As regards the Kinsky question, I will do as your Majesty
orders, when Schomberg[99] returns from the campaign on which he is
now away with Monsieur de Guise; or, if he answers the letter I sent
him, I will inform your Majesty of his reply. I have received from de
Morvilliers, the Bishop of Orleans ... crown pistoles on account of my
yearly salary. I most humbly beg your Majesty graciously to order that
amount to be paid to Monsieur de Vulcob in the usual way.

  Paris, October 23, 1575.




LETTER XXIX.


I sent in my last letters by Peter the courier such news as I had.
Since then I received your Majesty’s letter from Prague, dated
September 4, which informed me that arrangements had been made with
a Nuremberg merchant for remitting the money to the Queen. The bills
of exchange will, I trust, shortly arrive. Without this money it is
impossible to guarantee the Queen’s return; for, though magnificent
promises are held out to us, they are not to be relied on in these
troublous times, when the country is so ground down with taxation. The
20,000 crowns are thought to be certain; but there will not be much
left out of them after paying the wages of the household and making
preparations for the journey; 12,000 more are promised, a sum which
would be abundantly sufficient if we could reckon on it, but I am
afraid the prospect of its being paid is somewhat remote, and to wait
for the money would be to subject the Queen to endless trouble and
vexation, and perhaps cause injury to her health. For her anxiety to
return to your Majesty, and to be quit of the troubles and hurly-burly
of France, is unspeakable. I hope, too, your Majesty will remember what
a dutiful and obedient daughter she has always been, and will therefore
comply with her very reasonable request, and, now that she has been
led to count on returning, not let her after all be disappointed. As
regards the route she is to take, I hope your Majesty will graciously
give the question your serious consideration. For here, indeed, there
are continual reports that more German reiters are coming, and, in
fact, are actually ready to march; if this be true, there is also fear
that the seat of war may be transferred to the countries through which
lies the road to Lorraine.

The Countess of Aremberg[100] has written from Nancy to inform the
Queen of her arrival there, and also to inquire what she wishes her
to do, and what hope there may be of her soon leaving. She tells her
that she has been away for some time, and is much wanted at home, but
will postpone everything if she can be of any use. The Queen replied
that there was not much hope of her leaving before November 25; she
might, therefore, revisit her home in the meantime, provided that
she presented herself at Nancy by that day to give the Queen the
advantage of her society and company on the journey, according to your
Majesty’s desire. To prevent her making any mistake about the day,
she would later on send a letter to inform her fully of the intended
arrangements. It will, I think, take the Countess six or, at the
utmost, seven days to travel from Nancy to her home.

As for other news, the state of affairs here is much the same as
it was; what little alteration there has been is for the worse, as
Alençon’s last move has made people less hopeful as to peace. Till
lately he appeared to approve of Blois as a safe place for holding
the negotiations, but he is now said to have changed his mind, and to
demand Poitiers, his reason being that none of the King’s opponents
will trust themselves at Blois, as it is too near Paris and they are
afraid of foul play. There is a notion that his real motive is not
peace, but to obtain possession of a strongly fortified town. Time
will show. Montmorency, to whom everybody’s thoughts are turned as the
best mediator between the opposing parties, set out a few days ago
for Alençon’s quarters. When he started from Paris he was escorted
by a multitude of gentlemen and courtiers. He is indeed a remarkable
instance of fortune’s changes, for only recently he was in great danger
and so hated and despised by everyone that his strong prison-walls
seemed scarcely able to protect him from the violence and insults of
the mob and his enemies. His brother, Thoré, with his troops, has got
safe to Alençon, after routing at various places those who tried to
oppose his march, and taking prisoners some who pursued him too eagerly.

As to your Majesty’s gracious answer about the watches, it is my duty
to be most humbly satisfied with whatever meets with your Majesty’s
approbation.

  Paris, October 23, 1575.


I must also humbly beseech your Majesty to give us betimes any
directions about the Queen’s departure and her journey, otherwise we
may be greatly inconvenienced by having to alter our plans at the
last moment. I shall endeavour to adhere to the arrangements already
mentioned, and intend to use my utmost efforts to have the Queen’s
preparations for the journey completed by November 25. Accordingly,
I mean about November 20 to send your Majesty tidings by a private
courier. He will hardly reach your Majesty before the 27th. Again, some
time will be required in order to apprise those who are to escort the
Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and to enable them to reach Nancy. I
must therefore ask the Queen to postpone her departure to December 1,
so as to arrive at Nancy about the 10th or 11th of the same month. I
send these details in the hope that your Majesty will be graciously
pleased to correct any mistake I may have made.




LETTER XXX.


On the night before November 1, Louis du Guast was murdered in his bed;
he was stabbed in several places. The gates of Paris were kept shut all
the next day, and search was made for the murderers, but they could not
be found. The King’s brother Alençon is supposed to have instigated
the murder, or at any rate to have been privy to it, as he hated du
Guast as much as the King loved him.[101] The cause of their respective
hatred and affection was but trifling; still, for that very reason it
ought, I think, to be mentioned. Some years ago Thoré, the Constable’s
son, had been playing tennis with du Guast, and had lost a considerable
sum to him; on du Guast’s pressing for payment Thoré kept putting him
off and making excuses. Du Guast finally lost his temper, took some
horses out of Thoré’s stable, sold them by auction and paid himself
out of the proceeds. When this came to Thoré’s knowledge, he was
exceedingly annoyed, and quarrelled with du Guast, and ere long they
came to blows. The King, who was then Duke of Anjou (for the late King
was still alive), being informed of this, and fearing that du Guast,
who was his servant, would get the worst of it, as Thoré was the more
powerful man of the two, turned out with his guards to defend his
_protégé_. At the same time word was brought to Alençon that Thoré was
in great danger, as Anjou had come to du Guast’s assistance. Thereupon
he immediately brought up his escort to defend his friend Thoré. A
disgraceful contest seemed inevitable, but the Swiss behaved with great
discretion, and at last they parted without bloodshed.

However, from that day forth the brothers have been at variance, and
the King has hated Thoré and the whole house of Montmorency. Du Guast,
on the other hand, has always had Alençon for his foe. Moreover, from
his reliance on the King’s favour he gave himself the habit of flouting
Alençon and speaking of him in disrespectful terms. His impertinence
has now cost him dear.

This du Guast had been appointed by the King commander of the ten
regiments of Frenchmen which he had established after the model of the
Prætorian guard. Among them were many picked privates, serjeants, and
captains, who seldom left du Guast’s side, and generally messed at his
house at the King’s expense. Such was the splendour and sumptuousness
of his table that if any of the Princes, such as the Duke of Guise, or
the titular King of Navarre, chose to drop in upon him unexpectedly,
they never had any reason to regret it. Du Guast was enabled to live in
this magnificent style by the King’s generosity, for it is certain that
since he returned from Poland he has paid him more than 50,000 crowns
for his expenses. He, on the other hand, thought it a point of honour
not to be outdone by the King in generosity, and out of this vast sum
laid by nothing for himself, as is sufficiently proved by his debts,
which amount to 30,000 crowns. The King has taken his murder much to
heart, and there is reason to fear it may serve as a torch and make the
war between the two brothers blaze up more furiously than ever.

  Paris, November, 1575.




LETTER XXXI.


On the 24th of last month, Laurence Scuter arrived, and delivered to
me your Majesty’s two letters, from one of which I learn that your
Majesty is anxious for definite information with regard to the Queen’s
departure, while in the other your Majesty graciously advises me of the
bill of exchange drawn on Nuremberg.

As to the Queen’s departure, it has till now depended so entirely
on other people’s pleasure, and the issue of events on which it was
impossible to reckon, that I could not write with any certainty, either
in the letter which I sent by Peter the courier, or in that which I
despatched a little later by Mola of Augsburg. But now everything
is settled, and your Majesty will find in the enclosed paper a full
account of the arrangements connected with the Queen’s return.

The only points on which I am still troubled are the weather and the
dangers of the road. Her Majesty will, I fear, find it a very bad time
of year for travelling, and I am also afraid that our best and shortest
route will be rendered impassable by the presence of the new levies of
German reiters. I trust I shall soon receive full instructions from
your Majesty.

The Queen has decided to send off the messenger without further delay,
for fear your Majesty should, as on a former occasion, be kept waiting
for her answer. She will therefore despatch a second messenger, as soon
as the date of her departure is absolutely certain, to bring word to
your Majesty and at the same time to give notice to Ilsing,[102] in
order that he may write to the ladies and gentlemen whom your Majesty
has commanded to wait on the Queen. By this arrangement I hope we shall
be able to save several days.

I will now give some account of affairs in France. A few days ago
Alençon, the King’s brother, took possession of Châtelherault,[103] a
town near Poitiers, with the free consent of the inhabitants. The Queen
Mother is endeavouring to arrange with him for a six months’ truce;
but he demands, as a guarantee of his personal safety, the possession
of four most important towns—Bourges the capital of Berry, Angers,
Angoulesme, and La Charité—and I hardly think the King will consent to
such hard terms, as they will be difficult places to retake, supposing
the negotiations for peace to prove a failure. It is evident the Queen
Mother will do her very utmost to prevent her sons from fighting, but
whether she will be able to stop them is more than I can say.

The Duke of Guise has come back from the wars.[104] He arrived at
Paris the day before yesterday; crowds went out to meet him, and
everyone congratulated him warmly on his success. His wound is not as
yet perfectly healed, but it is no longer considered dangerous.

Michel[105] has come to Paris as ambassador for the Republic of Venice.
Your Majesty must occasionally have seen him, as he was for many years
residing at Vienna. The King treats him with the highest distinction,
entertaining him splendidly, and causing him to be served as if he were
some Royal personage. For his expenses are assigned 800 francs per
diem. He has come to congratulate the King on his marriage. He called
on me lately, and spoke at great length of the profound respect and
regard which he entertained for your Majesty.

I hear that the Pope has offered the King 3000 Swiss to assist him in
the war, which is now imminent, against his brother and the Huguenots.

Pibrac’s relations tell me that they have been expecting to hear from
him for some time past, and, as he has not written, they think he
must be on the road home. In his former letters he had given them to
understand with tolerable plainness that he had little or no hope of
success, and had therefore resolved to take the very first opportunity
of quitting Poland.

He felt sure that, if he remained in the country, some affront would
be put on him, not by members of the opposite party, but by his own
friends. The latter were not well treated when their influence was used
to dissolve the Diet, Pibrac being unable to keep his promises to them
on account of the failure of those on whom he relied.

De Morvilliers has ordered 500 crowns to be paid to me; I humbly
beseech your Majesty to order that amount to be paid as usual to
Monsieur de Vulcob.

  Paris, November 9, 1575.




LETTER XXXII.


After sending several times to Rouen to demand the money for the
Queen’s expenses during her journey, it was only yesterday that news
arrived of the payment of the last instalment. With these tidings came
also an answer to the Queen from the Queen Mother, expressing her
regret at being prevented by business of the greatest importance from
going to Paris and bidding the Queen farewell in person before she
left. After reading these letters the Queen came to the conclusion
that she was now at liberty to arrange a day for starting on her
journey. December 4 was appointed, with the approval of the King, whom
I thought it advisable to consult; in giving his sanction he expressed
much sorrow at the Queen’s departure being so near, saying he wished
he could have kept her longer in Paris, as he had no doubt that her
presence had saved the realm of France from many a misfortune, and was
afraid that her departure would be the signal for fresh calamities.

The Queen thought that, as soon as it was definitely settled, she ought
to give your Majesty the earliest possible information as to the date
of her departure. Hitherto she has been afraid to write positively,
on account of the doubts and uncertainties with which we have been
surrounded, especially with regard to money, lest some difficulty
should arise which would prevent her from keeping her appointment with
those who are to meet her at Nancy. Now, however, there is nothing to
prevent her leaving on the day appointed, our funds being sufficient
for the expenses of the journey as far as Nancy. There is a prospect,
if we are willing to wait, of our raising more money, but for this we
shall have to give a charge on the Queen’s future income; to the King,
moreover, who is in great distress for money, this arrangement would
involve serious difficulties, while it would be no great benefit to the
Queen, as her departure must in that case certainly be postponed, and
it is by no means certain that she would after all obtain the money, so
that the funds provided by your Majesty have come in the nick of time
to relieve us of our difficulties.

Though matters are thus far arranged, I do not think that the Queen can
reach Nancy before December 18 or 19, and I am not at all sure that she
will not be kept there for several days, if the report be true that
preparations are being made for the marriage of the Duke of Lorraine’s
sister to the Duke of Brunswick, in which case the ceremony will
probably take place about that date.

I have instructed the bearer of this letter to give notice of the date
of the Queen’s departure to the Duke of Lorraine at Nancy, the Bishop
of Strasburg[106] at Saverne in Alsace, and Ilsing at Augsburg.

The Queen sent forward part of her furniture eight days ago, and also
four waggons of Orleans wine, which she thought would be beneficial
in the present state of your Majesty’s health, in order that, if she
should not reach the Danube herself before it was frozen, at any rate
her luggage might be able to go by water. With the baggage train were
sent some greyhounds, and also a couple of lime-hounds,[107] under the
charge of a young gentleman and two servants, who accompany them by the
orders of the King. This young gentleman is a skilful huntsman, and it
is hoped that your Majesty will be diverted at hearing him blow his
horn, and cheer on his dogs in the French fashion.

As to John Kinsky’s business, I applied to Schomberg.[108] He maintains
that he does not owe Kinsky a farthing; he admits that he was in his
debt at one time, but declares he paid the money over some time ago to
certain parties by Kinsky’s directions, and maintains that it is no
affair of his if the aforesaid parties have failed to make good the
sum which they received. In proof of his assertion he brings forward
the fact that the bond he gave to Kinsky has been returned. I asked
him whether he could produce a genuine letter from Kinsky directing
him to pay the money to the parties he had mentioned. He told me ‘he
did not remember: he generally tore up letters of this kind; but still
it was possible that he might have it—at any rate, he was quite sure
that Kinsky had given him distinct verbal directions to that effect.’
He next proceeded to abuse Kinsky for thus maligning him, and accused
him of trying to take away his character, threatening to make him pay
for it if he continued to libel him. I asked him to give me in writing
the statements he had made, that I might send them to your Majesty. He
agreed to do so, but has not kept his promise: I cannot say whether he
failed through want of time or want of will, for two days later the
King sent him out of Paris, and whither he went I cannot say.

The names of those who are to escort the Queen back I am unable to
ascertain, for nearly every day there is a change of circumstances, and
a corresponding change is made in the list. However, the appointment
of the Cardinal d’Este is certain. Those who are also named are the
Duke of Mayenne, the Bishop of Paris, Monsieur de Luxembourg, and some
others; but whether they will come with us or not, after all, is, to
my mind, by no means certain. As to the ladies whom I mentioned in
a former letter, no change has been made; but some think that the
Comtesse de Retz will be added to the number.

Pibrac returned from Poland three days ago, after making his way
through the Hanse towns and the Netherlands.

The Comtesse d’Aremberg has been given notice of the time when the
Queen is to start.

  Paris, November 9, 1575.


The Queen Mother has at last succeeded in concluding a truce for
six months on the terms of the King’s surrendering to his brother
(Alençon) certain cities as a guarantee for his safety, viz., Bourges,
Angoulesme, Mézières, Niort, La Charité, and Saumur. At the last two
towns there are bridges over the Loire, so that Alençon can march, when
it pleases him, either into Burgundy or into Brittany; Niort opens
communication for him with Rochelle, while Angoulesme connects him with
the insurgent forces, and is moreover strongly fortified, as also is
Bourges, the chief town of Berry. But he has not obtained possession of
more than two of these places, viz., Niort and Saumur, the other towns
are up in arms and will not consent to the transfer, from a fear that
the most frightful calamities are in store for them if Alençon should
become their master, especially in the event of the peace negotiations
proving a failure. Accordingly, they are preparing to do battle, and
are supposed to have entered into alliance with other towns, Orleans
to wit and Moulins.

The Queen Mother is said to be thinking of visiting them in the hope
that her presence will recall them to their obedience. Whether she will
succeed or not I cannot say.

Meanwhile the truce is publicly proclaimed in Paris; but, nevertheless,
on the other side, German reiters are said to have crossed the Rhine,
and to be marching into the interior, and this makes many people think
that no reliance can be placed on the truce. The King, indeed, has
also undertaken to pay Casimir and the soldiers under his command
500,000 francs to go off home without causing further trouble. Not
having sufficient funds for this purpose, he has sent jewels of great
value to the Duke of Lorraine, who is to retain them as a pledge, and
then become security to Casimir for the payment of the money. The
Duke, however, has the option of taking some neighbouring town in pawn
instead of the jewels. I am afraid it is easier to call in German horse
than to send them back; and, even if they leave France, there is fear
of their pouring into the Netherlands.

Mézières was appointed as the residence of the Prince of Condé, and
the King has also undertaken to pay 2,000 infantry who are to form
Alençon’s garrisons in the towns already mentioned. But the chief
difficulty that is likely to occur with regard to the truce is Condé’s
promise to pay certain sums to the German horse for crossing the Rhine;
such at least is the story, and the King, if he wishes for peace, will
have to make good the money. However that may be, they say that Condé
and Casimir have entered into a covenant to help each other in case
of war; and just as Casimir came to the aid of Condé, so hereafter,
should need require, Condé will lead his party to the assistance of
Casimir. If this report is correct, it is a matter deserving serious
consideration. In any case, the truce has been made after such a
fashion as to render it quite plain that the King consented to it not
of his own free will, but by compulsion.

What would it have availed him to nurse his wrath, and make plans
for some mighty undertaking, for the accomplishment of which his
resources are totally inadequate, when the only result would be to
make his weakness plain and risk his crown? Being utterly unprepared,
the only other course open to him was to submit to whatever terms his
adversaries thought fit to impose, and this latter alternative he chose.




LETTER XXXIII.


The Queen reached the town of Dormans six days after her departure from
Paris, and there she met the courier with your Majesty’s despatches;
from which I learnt your Majesty’s pleasure with regard to the
arrangements connected with the Queen’s journey, which I will do my
utmost to carry out. With reference to your Majesty’s desire that I
should attend the Queen to Vienna, and act on the journey as her chief
chamberlain, I beg to offer my most humble thanks for the honour thus
conferred.

The Queen left Paris on the 5th of this month, amid the tears and
regrets of the entire population.[109] Great sorrow was also shown
by the upper classes, who are deeply attached to her. On the 19th she
reached Nancy. Our journey was not unattended with danger, for parties
of German reiters were scouring the country; but our party was not
molested in any way. The Duke of Lorraine, with his Court, came as far
as the first milestone to meet her, and received her with every mark of
honour.

That same evening was celebrated the marriage of Eric, Duke of
Brunswick, to Dorothea, sister of Lorraine. The Queen was present at
the ceremony, but did not appear at the banquet and other festivities.
On the next day Count von Schwartzenberg came to the Queen with a small
party of Austrian noblemen.[110] Schwendi would have accompanied them
if he had not been confined to his house by sickness; however, he has
written, promising to meet us on the road if his health permits. On the
22nd, William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife, arrived. The Bishop of
Strasburg has not yet come, and from his letter which Schwendi sent me
I am inclined to think that he has been kept at home through fear of
the German reiters and Swiss infantry, whose road to Nancy lies through
his territory.

Having heard nothing of Madame d’Aremberg’s coming, on the day after
our arrival the Queen decided to send a courier to her; he found her
at home, waiting for the Queen’s summons. This misunderstanding was the
result of an unlucky accident. Madame d’Aremberg had written to the
Queen at Paris asking for information as to her plans and movements;
the Queen sent back the answer by Madame d’Aremberg’s own messenger,
who promised to deliver it to his mistress within three days. After
all, the Queen’s reply, informing Madame d’Aremberg of the date of her
departure from Paris, and telling her what she wanted her to do, was
lost, and never reached its destination. This accident caused some
delay in the arrival of Madame d’Aremberg, but the Queen’s courier
brought back a letter from her, informing her that she would be here
to-morrow; she will require one day’s rest, so I think the Queen
will fix on Friday, the 30th of this month, for her departure. The
Master of the Order of St. John has not come, and, as I understand, is
not expected. The whole country side is kept in a state of alarm by
wandering parties of horse and foot-soldiers. It was on this account
that the Cardinal d’Este had to leave us in the middle of our journey
and return to Paris; he received a letter from the King informing him
that he had discovered a plot to waylay him on the road. The Bishop of
Paris has had a similar scare, and early last night he set off home
post haste under the escort of a strong body of dragoons. Some others
who are not safe in the neighbourhood of the (German) troops will be
compelled to slip off as best they may. The rest, who have no special
cause for fear, and are furnished with passports from Casimir, will
leave Nancy openly.

Three days ago Casimir sent one of the chief officers of his
household, whose name, if I mistake not, is Diest von Sterckenburg, to
congratulate the Queen on her arrival, and tender his services; he was
also instructed to offer some explanations and apologies for the course
his master had taken, as your Majesty will learn at greater length
from the Queen’s own letter, for Casimir wished her to represent the
case herself, in the hope that your Majesty would be induced to take a
favourable view of his conduct.

As I write this letter, bands of reiters are to be seen from the
ramparts marching past Nancy in the direction of St. Nicolas, on their
way to the town of Luneville. The Queen will have to pass through
both these places, but the troops will have moved on before our party
starts, and the only inconvenience we shall suffer from their presence
will be the rise they will cause in the price of provisions; nor is
even this slight disadvantage without its compensation, for this
movement will leave the road open for Madame d’Aremberg, which she
could not hitherto have traversed without danger. As to the destination
of these armaments, and what is to be the upshot of it all, it is not
easy to say. The King indeed is treating for a truce, and Alençon does
not seem unwilling to come to terms, but Condé and Casimir, while quite
prepared to conclude a peace, will not hear of a truce; they say that,
if they throw away this opportunity, it will not be in their power to
reassemble their forces, so that they are in a very different position
from the King, who can raise a fresh army whenever he pleases, and
therefore finds his advantage in a truce. Casimir also demands a large
sum in addition to the 500,000 francs already offered him by the King
for the withdrawal of his army, in order to make up the arrears of pay
due to his troops for their services in former campaigns when fighting
for the insurgents. From this we may conclude that nothing is yet
settled.

Pibrac, whose return from Poland I mentioned before, is wont to say,
when talking privately, that the only advantage the Poles have gained
from their friendship with France is to catch the diseases which are
ruining the country—dissension and civil war.

As to other matters, the Queen is in excellent health, and is supported
under all the troubles and fatigue which such travelling involves,
by one hope alone, to wit, the prospect of shortly being with your
Majesties.

The elder Duchess of Lorraine[111] manifests the greatest pleasure at
the Queen’s arrival, and declares herself amply compensated by this
honour, both for the devotion she has ever felt for your Majesty, and
also for such services as it has lain in her power to render. She
wished me to give this message to your Majesty.

  Nancy, December 27, 1575.


_Note by Busbecq._—The letter is missing which I wrote in the village
of Markirch, informing his Majesty that our contract had been
registered by the Parliament of Paris. I also mentioned that ——, a
small town in Lorraine of considerable wealth, had been taken and
plundered by Condé’s soldiers; lastly I complained that the sums I
had obtained from Monsieur de Vulcob had not been repaid to him. This
letter was sent in a portmanteau together with a gold chain, which was
a present from the King, and as far as I know I have not kept a copy of
it.




LETTER XXXIV.


Yesterday the Queen arrived at Bâle, where we are now staying;
to-morrow she will leave it, and in four days we hope to reach
Schaffhausen. As to what is to be her next destination, and what
road she is to take to get there, those who have charge of these
arrangements have not, I see, quite decided, but the question will be
considered after we have reached Schaffhausen. I understand that we
are not to go through Villingen, and, whatever haste we make, I do
not imagine that we can get to Munich before the 27th or 28th of this
month. The Bishop of Strasburg will return home to-morrow. I judged
it well to write these particulars on the chance of my being able to
forward my letter to your Majesty, although I cannot be certain of
finding a bearer.

  Bâle, January 12, 1576.




LETTER XXXV.


The Queen arrived at Augsburg, January 27, and on the same day the
courier brought back letters from your Majesty, from which I learnt
your Majesty’s gracious pleasure with regard to the Queen’s movements,
to wit, that she should come to Vienna by the shortest and most
convenient route. I reported this to her Serene Highness, and she,
being eager to hasten on and join your Majesty at the earliest moment
possible, was in favour of a voyage down the Danube, as this is
supposed to be a good time for sailing. I then referred the matter to
William, Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and they judged
it advisable to keep the courier until they should have laid all the
considerations before the elder Duke of Bavaria, and ascertained his
views as to the relative advantages of the water route and that by
land. In order to prevent delay, Duke William sent his own courier
forward to Munich, that the whole question might be discussed and
settled before the arrival of the Queen. Her Highness arrived at Munich
January 29. Duke Ferdinand with the Margrave of Baden met her at a
considerable distance from the city; they were attended by a large
force of cavalry, handsomely equipped, so that the Queen entered Munich
in great state. The elder Duke’s health was such as to prevent his
going out of doors to receive the Queen; he takes all the expenses of
her Highness and her retinue on himself, and will not allow them to be
at charges for anything; such a liberal reception makes it incumbent
on the Queen not to stay too long. The elder Duke, on being consulted
as to the Queen’s route, was in favour of the river, and said he would
take boat himself if he wanted to go down to Vienna; his opinion
therefore coincided with the Queen’s. She was eager to leave on Friday,
February 3, after a visit of four days, but as the Duke pressed her to
stay six days she decided not to refuse his earnest request, and so
February 6 was appointed for her departure. It will take two days to
get to Wasserburg, and then seven more to reach Vienna, so that, unless
something unforeseen should occur, I trust the Queen will reach Vienna
on the afternoon of February 13. God grant that we may be prospered in
our voyage, as we have been on the road; hitherto, in spite of some
changes and chances on the way, we have had a good journey, considering
the time of the year.

The Queen herself has enjoyed excellent health throughout, save that
on the day she stopped at Bâle she was troubled with violent sickness;
this, however, served to relieve her stomach, and she has since been
perfectly well. William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife treated her
with the utmost kindness and consideration, so that she had no need of
anyone else. The Bishop of Strasburg remained at Bâle.

The noblemen who came to meet the Queen at Nancy attended her as far
as Ulm, where others took their place and have waited on her till now;
they will, however, stop here, or at any rate not follow her further
than Wasserburg.

Your Majesty being thus informed of the Queen’s route, will now decide
as to any further arrangements that may be necessary. Your Majesty, of
course, knows best, but still I venture to observe that, as the Queen
has settled to go by water, a large body of attendants is in no way
necessary.

  Munich, January 31, 1576.


The time for our voyage has been lengthened by two days, as your
Majesty will see from the enclosed route, so that, I think, the Queen
will not be at Vienna before February 15; I have also made out a list,
as best I could, of the Queen’s servants and attendants, which I
thought would be useful in arranging for their lodgings.




LETTER XXXVI.


On the 31st of last month I despatched a letter by Gilles, groom of
the Queen’s bedchamber, giving your Majesty such particulars as I
judged to be necessary; to-day I received your Majesty’s letter of
January 31, being the same date as that on which I wrote myself; this
letter requires no reply, beyond stating that as soon as I received
your Majesty’s orders I lost no time in writing to the Governor of
Upper Austria, informing him of the date of our departure, and giving
him the same route I sent to your Majesty, with a list of the places
at which we intended stopping, and the dates on which we were to
be expected. He will, therefore, now be in a position to make the
necessary arrangements. I have no fresh news to give of the Queen,
except that she is looking forward with great longing to the 6th of
this month, when she will commence the last stage of her long journey
and be hurrying onward to her father’s arms. I asked her if she had
any message for your Majesty. ‘Only my best and warmest love,’ was her
reply.[112]

  Munich, February, 1575.




LETTER XXXVII.


Your Majesty’s letter, dated February 4, reached me at the Monastery of
Ebersberg on the 7th, just as the Queen was about to enter her carriage
on her way to Wasserburg. I lost no time in communicating its contents
to the illustrious Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and
they promised to reconsider the whole question of the route when they
got to Wasserburg. Accordingly, when we arrived, they took counsel
with the captain of the boat, but could not prevail on him to alter
his opinion. ‘He would do what he could,’ he said, ‘to reach Vienna
earlier, but the days were so short, the water was so low, and the
mornings were so dark, that it was impossible to promise more.’
However, I am in great hopes that the Queen will be able to reach home
one or two days earlier than was arranged.

The reason I did not mention in my former letter that the Duke of
Bavaria and his wife were coming, was that I assumed that he would
obey your Majesty’s commands, as he has always professed to do. But
had it been otherwise, and had some alteration been made so as to
deviate from your Majesty’s instructions, I should have lost no time in
communicating the fact. Under present circumstances, no change having
been made, I did not consider it necessary to write on the subject;
moreover, I believed the Duke had enclosed a letter to your Majesty in
the packet which he gave me to forward to Vienna, containing, I did
not doubt, some reference to his coming; lastly, I thought it probable
that a _maréchal de logis_ would be sent on in front to inform your
Majesty of the number and composition of his household. After all I was
mistaken.

In accordance with your Majesty’s instructions I have written to
Gienger,[113] the Lord-Lieutenant, giving him such information as
I was able as to the dates of the Queen’s route, the number of her
attendants, &c., &c. I had had a letter from him, asking for this
information. So now, I think, everything has been settled.

  Wasserburg, February 8, 1576.




LETTERS FROM FRANCE.




BOOK II.

LETTERS TO RODOLPH.




LETTER I.


I had to undertake a second journey to Blois, on behalf of your
Imperial Majesty’s sister the Queen of France (Elizabeth), and this
has prevented my writing again as soon as usual, for I was hoping
from day to day that my business would be settled one way or the
other, and I should be free to depart. In this I was disappointed, and
being unable to leave unfinished this business, which is of material
importance to the Queen, I came at last to the conclusion that I must
contrive to despatch a letter from here; and this I am now doing.
When I was admitted to the King on the business to which I alluded,
I took the opportunity of delivering to him your Imperial Majesty’s
despatches; the few words with which I introduced the subject were to
the effect, that your Imperial Majesty had heard on good authority
that he was a party to his brother’s[114] (Alençon’s) expedition
into the Netherlands, and that your Imperial Majesty did not believe
the statement; but that, if it was true, such interference seriously
affected the interests of your Majesty and the Electors of the Empire
and could not be tolerated, as he would learn at greater length from
your Imperial Majesty’s own letter. To this the King answered that he
had no connection with his brother’s proceedings, as might be shown
from the fact that the mischief done in the Netherlands was small
in comparison to what it would have been if his brother had had his
support in his late campaign. His brother, he added, was not in the
habit of asking or taking his advice; besides, he was now causing more
noise than harm; nay, if there was any ground of complaint it affected
rather himself and his subjects, who had for months been harassed and
plundered by his brother’s soldiers,[115] while the farmers of the
Netherlands were left unscathed; he would see what your Majesty wrote,
and would send a reply.

I refrained from answering at greater length, and in sharper language,
out of regard to the Queen’s interest, which does not allow of my
lightly incurring the displeasure of the French court. The King’s reply
will reach your Majesty at the same time as this letter.

  March 25, 1582.[116]




LETTER II.


There is now no doubt of the Prince of Orange being alive and well;
but his wife[117] has died of an attack of pleurisy. The Prince was at
death’s door through the bursting of the maxillary vein; the loss of
blood was very great, and there seemed no possibility of stopping it,
so that his life was despaired of. For thirty-six hours he held the
wound together, but fresh relays of attendants were needed from time
to time to prop up his elbow with the hand, or otherwise he would have
been unequal to the exertion.

The Queen of England is said to have supplied Alençon with a large
sum of money, namely, 300,000 crowns. It is also said that a bill has
been laid before the States-General proposing, if they accept him as
their Sovereign, to grant him one-fifth of their property towards
the expenses of the war. If this be carried, it will produce a very
considerable sum, sufficient to feed the war for a long time. The
Prince of Parma is besieging Oudenarde and battering its walls with
cannon; but the garrison are said to have sent word to Alençon that he
need fear nothing on their account for the next two months. Meanwhile,
by the capture of Alost, which is now in Alençon’s hands, a serious
loss has been inflicted on the Prince of Parma, who derived many great
advantages from the possession of the town. In it some gallant soldiers
were slaughtered, who preferred a glorious death to the dishonour of
surrender.

Fifteen hundred German troopers, hired by Alençon, are reported to be
not far from Cambrai, with more to follow. They are joined by many
Frenchmen, apart from those who are already in the Netherlands, and
they are numerous. Apparently it is Alençon’s purpose to make the
Prince of Parma abandon the siege of Oudenarde by laying waste Hainault
or Artois.

I hear Alençon has also sent emissaries into Italy to hire horsemen as
big as the Albanians.[118]

  May 30, 1582.




LETTER III.


Sharp fighting is going on. The Prince of Parma, after an unsuccessful
assault on Oudenarde, kept up a roar of cannon throughout the following
night, and battered the walls without cessation, in order to prevent
the townsmen repairing the breaches. This is the last news we have
had, but people do not think the town will be easy to storm, now that
Alençon’s reinforcements are coming up; they are scarcely two miles
from Arras, and if they do no more than burn the ripe crops, it will be
a crushing blow to that town, and also to others whose harvests will be
destroyed.

  April 26, 1582.




LETTER IV.


News has come that Oudenarde, after having been thrice unsuccessfully
assaulted, has surrendered to the Prince of Parma on honourable terms.
On the other hand, they say that Bouchain, a small but strongly
fortified town in Hainault, near Cambrai, has fallen into Alençon’s
hands through the treachery of the commandant appointed by the Prince
of Parma.

Alençon proclaims himself a great champion of the Catholics, and in
many places has restored their churches to them. Hence some surmise
that his reign in those parts will not be a long one, as no dependence
can be placed in an alliance between parties of different religious
opinions; they think that the enemies of the Catholics wink at these
acts of his, on account of the destruction which now threatens,
but that, as soon as the danger shall have passed by, changes will
immediately follow. It will end, they say, in the Prince of Orange
carrying off the lion’s share of the spoil by securing to himself the
undisturbed possession of Holland and Zealand.

  June 12, 1582.




LETTER V.


The King has set out for Lyons. The reason of his journey is not
certainly known. His anxiety to be blessed with a son and heir, and
his devotion to shrines of high repute, render it probable that he
has gone to Lyons with the object of visiting on his way the shrine
of some saint famous for his miracles, and offering up his vows for
the birth of a son. He will be absent on this tour for more than two
months. The supreme power has in the meantime been vested in his mother
(Catherine de Medici); this will afford her a good opportunity of
favouring Alençon, and assisting him with the ample succours placed at
her disposal.

  July 4, 1582.




LETTER VI.


There is at last no doubt as to the disastrous defeat of the French
at the Azores,[119] letters having come from Spain confirming the
previous account, though differing slightly in some particulars.

Among other details, we learn that Strozzi, and the man they call
Don Antonio’s Constable, were taken prisoners, but were so severely
wounded that they died soon afterwards. The French declare that poison
was poured into their wounds to hasten their death. Forty nobles were
beheaded as pirates, because they were unable to show any commission
from the King authorising the expedition; for the same reason three
hundred common soldiers were hanged. We hear also that the victory
was won by the Lisbon fleet alone, the cooperating squadron[120]
not having come up in time to take part in the action. Report says
that they owe this great success to the size of their vessels and
the calibre of their guns.[121] The French, burning for revenge, are
so exasperated that I think it will be a long time before it will
be safe for a Spaniard to show himself in France; they will hurry
with redoubled zeal into the Netherlands—whether to avenge their
countrymen’s fall or share it, God only knows.

At any rate it is quite certain that large numbers of soldiers are
everywhere pouring into the Netherlands, and that Alençon will shortly
have a very large army. The chiefs are the Prince Dauphin,[122]
Rochefoucauld, and Laval, the son of d’Andelot.[123] What they lack is
an old and experienced leader, and people think that this deficiency
will be supplied at the right moment. Biron is no doubt the man they
mean. I mentioned in a former letter that Alençon had asked for him,
and been refused by the King. People think, that when affairs are ripe,
he will avail himself of the King’s absence to leave France secretly
and join Alençon, by order of the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici),
and moreover that his example will be followed by several regiments of
royal cavalry which are quartered on the Netherland frontier; just as
lately happened when Alençon was escorted to Cambrai.

The Prince of Parma having drawn up his whole army before the gates of
Ghent, there was some desultory fighting between light-armed troops on
either side, who skirmished in front of their respective armies, while
Alençon looked on from the walls. On both sides men were slain, and
the engagement ended without advantage[124] to either party. Alençon
retired with his people to Antwerp.

The garrison of Lier have commenced a kind of fortification at the
monastery of St. Bernard, which will be a thorn in the side of the
citizens of Antwerp if they succeed in finishing it. Probably Alençon
will employ all his strength to prevent its completion.

From Scotland also we have news of disturbances, that the Regent[125]
has been put to death, d’Aubigny is besieged, and the young King
himself deprived of his liberty, and that all this has been done in the
name of the Estates. This news is accompanied by sundry _canards_, viz.
that the King of Spain has promised his second daughter to the young
King on condition of his raising war against the Queen of England,
and that this has given such deep offence to the Duke of Savoy that
he is completely estranged from Philip, and altogether in the French
interest, intending to marry the sister of Henry of Navarre.

Your Imperial Majesty will see in the document I enclose evidence
touching some plot against Alençon and Orange. I can add nothing to
the contents of the document, except that the Salceda[126] who is
mentioned in it is a prisoner here. How it will end I cannot guess,
but I suspect he is kept till the King returns.

The King has left Lyons to join his wife at Bourbon-les-Bains.

  August 15, 1582.




LETTER VII.


The Prince of Parma has checked the progress of Alençon’s
reinforcements by encamping at Arras. They are obliged, therefore, to
make a _détour_ to Calais, so as to reach their destination by sea.
Alençon has divided the army which he already had in the Netherlands
into garrisons for different places. Thus he has quartered some
in Brussels, some in Mechlin, some in Vilvorde, and some also in
Gelderland and Friesland.

The Spanish Ambassador having sent one of his people with despatches
to the Prince of Parma, the man had but just left the first stage,
when he fell in with some horsemen, whose names I do not know, and
was compelled to surrender his papers. As the man was a Netherlander,
he was allowed to escape unharmed. The horsemen told him, with many a
threat, that if he had been a Spaniard he would not have got off so
easily, but would have paid with his life for the butchery of their
kinsmen in the Azores.

  September 12, 1582.




LETTER VIII.


The event has justified the conjecture of those who suspected that,
when the time was ripe, Marshal Biron would find his way to Alençon’s
camp. The King made him Governor of the French Netherlands, which they
call Picardy, to protect his interests in that quarter, and take such
precautions as occasion might require. He also issued instructions to
the authorities on that part of the coast to place themselves under
Biron’s orders.

Great things were expected of him when he set out, for he is considered
the most experienced general in France, having, during his long career,
passed through every grade and rank in the French army.

One of Alençon’s corps has joined him in Brabant, the other and
stronger corps is with Biron. To these must be added the whole of the
royal cavalry, which, as I mentioned in a former letter, has been
quartered on the frontiers under pretence of guarding them. He has,
nevertheless, asked for more horse, for, while he thinks himself quite
a match for the Prince of Parma in infantry, he considers himself
very inferior in cavalry. Accordingly, seven or eight squadrons of
horse are under orders to join him. Meanwhile, he has garrisoned
Peronne and St. Quentin so strongly as to render them safe against any
hostile attack. For the Prince of Parma has been threatening in plain
terms that, if the French invade any part of his territories, he will
immediately march against St. Quentin. This move of his, therefore, is
now forestalled. Famine is what the Prince of Parma has most to dread,
especially now that he has been cut off from the sea, and supplies are
not allowed to cross the French frontier.

There are many symptoms of the King’s becoming more favourable to
his brother’s enterprise. Without any notice beforehand, certain
commissioners were lately appointed to inspect the ledgers of business
men generally, and specially those of the Italians, in order to see
whether any moneys could be seized on their way to the Prince of Parma.
The investigation over, two men were ordered to quit France, Capello
of Milan, and Calvi of Genoa, who were both suspected, on very strong
evidence, of having helped the King of Spain by forwarding money to the
Netherlands. At one man’s house were seized 18,000 Italian gold pieces,
which had been deposited with him by a Spaniard. These were confiscated
to the crown, as there is an Edict here forbidding people to have money
of any coinage save that of France; the only exception being in favour
of Spanish money. The coinage of every other country must be brought to
the royal Bank, and changed at a heavy discount. The King melts down
the gold, and issues new coins bearing his own stamp. Thus, not only
have precautions been taken, by the issue of a stringent proclamation,
that Alençon’s opponents should get no supplies from France to relieve
their famished troops, but it is evident that measures are being set
on foot to prevent their henceforth having the means of purchasing
provisions. The roads are everywhere blocked to all who still
acknowledge the authority of the King of Spain, and so closely are they
watched that no one can pass through France without being plundered or
taken prisoner; nor can any remonstrance be made on this score, since
it is easy to pretend that they are the acts of common highwaymen.

Up to the present date the posts have been permitted to run openly
and without interference into Spain; but now a letter-carrier on his
way to Spain has not been allowed to have relays of horses, except on
condition of his giving security that he carries no despatches but
those of merchants. This order has prevented his going forward, and so
the man is detained in France.

The disaster which befell their countrymen in the Azores has had so
little effect on the spirit of the French, that it is intended to fit
out a new fleet much bigger than the last, and to place some Prince
in command of it. Ships accordingly have been selected, which they
are beginning to equip, so as to have them ready against next spring.
After all, the future is uncertain; who can tell what may happen in the
meantime?

Montpensier,[127] father of the Prince Dauphin, has departed this life,
at a good old age. I shall, therefore, for the future call his son
Montpensier, when I have occasion to mention him; for, in spite of his
father’s death, he is carrying out his intention of proceeding to the
Netherlands.

The man Salceda,[128] whom I mentioned in former despatches, has paid
a heavy penalty for his crime; what that crime was I do not know,
but it must needs have been monstrous to deserve so dreadful a doom.
Only one instance of such a punishment is found in the whole history
of Rome, viz. when Hostilius inflicted it on Fuffetius. Whether he
conspired against the life of Alençon or the King, or both, I am not
certain. He was condemned to be torn asunder by four horses. As soon
as the horses began to pull, he said he had something more to confess.
When his confession had been taken down by a notary, he asked to
have his right hand released,[129] and when this was done, he wrote
something more, or at any rate signed his name.

When his hand had again been fastened to the traces, and the horses,
being started in different directions, had made two distinct pulls, and
yet failed to pull him in two, he called out to the King, who with his
mother and wife was looking on from a window, imploring mercy. Then his
neck was broken, his head severed from his shoulders, and his heart
torn out. The rest of his body was pulled asunder by the horses. His
head was sent to Antwerp, with orders to have it stuck on the highest
pinnacle in the city. Such was the end of a wretch monstrous alike in
his wickedness, and in his audacity.

Here is a specimen. He purchased an estate, and paid for it in bad
money which he himself had coined. The vendor discovered the fraud,
brought an action for treason against Salceda, and so recovered his
house and land. Salceda saved himself by flight from the customary
punishment, otherwise he would have been put to death with boiling
oil, but nevertheless he took means to have fire set to the aforesaid
house at night, and the owner was within an ace of perishing with
the building. When the King, who sometimes visited his place of
confinement, upbraided him for his cruelty in trying to destroy by such
a fearful death the man whom he had already cheated. ‘Well,’ quoth
Salceda, ‘when he wanted to have me _boiled_, was it unreasonable that
I should try to have him _roasted_?’ What a fund of wit the scoundrel
must have had, when even at such a time he must crack his jokes!

I am afraid that Count Egmont’s brother is seriously compromised by
Salceda’s evidence.[130]

  October 1, 1582.




LETTER IX.


Biron has halted on the banks of the Somme, and intrenched himself.
Some think that he will remain there for a time to observe the
development of the Prince of Parma’s plans, and watch the result; for
they say that the daily losses of the Spanish army from famine and
pestilence are very heavy.

The Netherland letter carrier, who, as I mentioned, was detained here,
having given security through responsible people, that he was conveying
no letters save those of merchants, was allowed to proceed on his way
to Spain.

The Spanish Ambassador was deeply annoyed at Salceda’s head being sent
to Antwerp with orders from the King that it should be exposed to
public gaze on the highest pinnacle in the city, and reminded the King
in a solemn protest that he (the French King) had no jurisdiction in
Antwerp. The King was taken aback, and had no answer to make except
that he had sent the head to his brother to do with it in Antwerp as he
would; or, to use the French phrase, ‘Qu’il en fist des petits pastez
s’il vouloit.’

They say that Schomberg[131] is going to Germany, whether to hire
soldiers I cannot say.

A messenger has just come from Languedoc with the news that some
Italian nobles, on their way back from Spain, have been captured at sea
by Huguenots, and taken to the town of Aigues-Mortes. A brother of the
Marquis of Pescara is thought to be among the captives, but nothing is
known for certain, as they refuse to give their names. Whoever they may
prove to be, if they are men of rank they are not likely to get their
liberty until La Noue[132] is restored to freedom.

The King is again on a tour, having undertaken a pilgrimage[133] to
the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Joy (they call her Nostre Dame de
Liesse), in the part of Champagne adjoining Picardy, in the hope, we
may suppose, of gaining _joy_ by the birth of a child.

They say the King has commissioned the Bretons to build fifty galleys.
There are also other signs of a fleet being in prospect.

  November 25, 1582.




LETTER X.


They say that the King has ordered 50,000 gold pieces to be paid
monthly towards Alençon’s expenses, and that over and above this
regular payment extra money is to be sent from time to time.

No one now has the slightest doubt as to the fact that Montpensier
and Biron have joined Alençon, making their way along the sea coast
north of Bruges. People think that Alençon will take them both
into his service, the former as chief Minister, and the latter as
Commander-in-chief, and that the Prince himself will cross over into
England, and, after having concerted his plans with the Queen, will
return to France for an interview with his brother.

To the great content of his people the King is said to be calling to
account more vigorously than ever those who are suspected of making
away with Church property.

The force Biron has taken with him is not numerous, but it consists of
picked troops, the royal cavalry being left to guard the frontiers,
and every one having been sent back whose circumstances or disposition
appeared unsuited to the strain of a long campaign, or whose licentious
habits would render him intolerable to the Netherlanders. He is
supposed to have taken with him 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry.

Whatever others may think, I am confident that this French invasion
is a very serious matter; the movement will grow and send forth roots
which presently it will be very difficult to get rid of. Whether I look
at its immediate results or more remote consequences, the prospect is
alarming.

Some assert that the troops of the Prince of Parma are suffering from
disease and famine, more especially the new Italian levies, who are not
yet hardened to the cold of the Netherlands.

Before commencing his march towards Brabant, the Prince of Parma retook
Cateau Cambrésis; he is said to be at present closely blockading Diest,
which belongs to the Prince of Orange, and unless it is speedily
relieved, its fall is certain. People think his next enterprise will be
an attack on Brussels.

There are crowds of Swiss ambassadors here, representing nearly all the
Cantons; they have come to renew and ratify their treaty with the King
of France; there are great rejoicings at their arrival, and every day
they are magnificently entertained at State banquets, given sometimes
by the King, sometimes by the city of Paris, or by the Guises and
other Princes of the Court. When these are terminated, and each of the
ambassadors has been presented with a weighty chain of gold, they will
be allowed to depart.

There is a report that the King and the Duke of Lorraine will arrive
here at the same time.

Some Frenchmen have lately returned from the Azores, and report their
position there to be perfectly safe; they say there is no want of
anything except clothing, supplies of which are now being forwarded
as fast as possible. It appears, after Strozzi’s defeat, a large
proportion of the French ships and men retreated to the islands.
Meanwhile rumours as to the new expedition are as rife as ever.

I must now say a word of what is going on in France; the King has
despatched distinguished men[134] of high position into all the
provinces of the realm, under pretence of correcting any errors and
abuses in the administration, and of hearing all complaints; but the
real object he has in view is to lay on the people a new and heavy tax.
The experiment does not appear to be over successful; as to what will
be the issue I could not venture to speak positively, for what the King
has so often wished for he has not obtained![135]

  December 15, 1582.




LETTER XI.


It is hardly worth telling, but still your Majesty may like to hear
of a scene which took place at Antwerp. St. Luc was in Alençon’s
chamber.[136] (If I remember rightly I told your Majesty in a previous
letter that, when he fell under the King’s displeasure, he joined
Alençon’s party.) Some noble or other said something in his presence
that annoyed him, and which he considered to be a personal insult.

Thereon he gave him a blow in the face[137] before Alençon’s very eyes.
The Prince of Orange, who was present, was indignant at his behaviour,
and, giving vent to his wrath, plainly told Alençon that such
outrageous conduct ought not to go unpunished, and that the Emperor,
Charles the Fifth, had he been alive, would not have put up with it,
but would have punished the offender most severely, whatever his rank
or position might be. He told him that the chambers of Princes ought to
be inviolable and sacred ground, in which brawling was not permissible.

On this St. Luc rejoined—I give you almost his very words—‘Marry, is it
Charles that you quote to me? Why, if he were still alive, you would
ere this have lost your estates and your head.’ With these words he
flung out of the chamber, leaving all the company dumbfounded at his
outrageous conduct.

  December 18, 1582.




LETTER XII.


The Swiss Ambassadors have left Paris, after receiving each a chain
worth 500 gold pieces.[138] There were twenty-six to whom this honour
was paid. Moreover, the chiefs of the embassy were loaded with special
presents of plate, furniture, &c. I append to my letter a copy of the
speech in which the King bade them farewell. I was unable to learn the
terms on which the treaty was renewed, although I tried my best. It
would seem that our friends do not wish them to be published. By these
arrangements with the Swiss the King has secured a supply of infantry.
Of cavalry he thinks he has abundance in his own realm. The financial
question has yet to be solved; his scheme for coining[139] money I
described in one of my last letters; and, though the plan has not
hitherto met with much success, the provinces turning a deaf ear to
requests of this kind, nevertheless, such efforts are still being made,
that I should not like to pledge myself positively as to what will be
the result.

Don Antonio has come back to France with a few ships; the reason of his
return I have not discovered; possibly he did not think himself safe
in the Azores; or it may have been that he considered his presence and
influence would be of service in promoting the new expedition. At any
rate, he is here, and has been already on several occasions admitted
to a private interview with the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici).
A lodging has been given him close to the palace, built by the young
Queen, whither she is often wont to retire.

A few days ago this same Don Antonio set out for Dieppe, in order
personally to hasten the equipment of the fleet, which in his absence
was going on more slackly than he liked. I cannot describe how
exasperated all our friends are against the Spaniards, and how eagerly
they desire war. A book is said to be in the press, in which the claims
of the elder Queen[140] (Catherine de Medici) to the kingdom of
Portugal are set forth at great length.

When the Prince of Orange was dangerously ill of the fever, from which,
by the way, he is now reported to be convalescent, prayers for his
recovery were offered up, not only throughout the Netherlands, but
also in France, by the churches of the Reformed religion, as they call
themselves. The Prince of Parma has received the surrender of Diest and
several other obscure places. These successes will seriously endanger
Brussels, unless the state of affairs should be changed by the arrival
of the troops under Biron, who is a redoubtable antagonist; it is said
that he is going into the Campine[141] to attack certain places, the
loss of which will derange Parma’s plans. Alençon has prevailed upon
the citizens of Antwerp[142] to have lodgings in the city assigned to
three hundred French noblemen.

They say that news has come of the death of the Duke of Alva in Spain.
The garrison at Cateau Cambrésis, being strong in cavalry, causes
great annoyance to the French at Cambrai, and is for ever scouring the
surrounding district. The insolence of the French soldiers at Dunkirk
provoked the citizens to rise against the garrison; the attempt was put
down with great slaughter. Everyone here is talking of the troubles at
Cologne;[143] after all this smoke, as I may call it, we must expect a
fire.

The Duke of Lorraine has arrived here with his two sons; why he came I
cannot tell, but it is commonly supposed that his object is to betroth
his daughter to the Duke of Savoy, and to demand the hand of the King
of Navarre’s sister for his eldest son.

May God Almighty bless and keep your Majesty through the year we have
now begun, and for many more. At the same time I venture most humbly to
ask for a settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, which has been
standing over for so many years.

  January 16, 1583.




LETTER XIII.


The weather here is dreadful; for many months southerly winds have
prevailed, accompanied by incessant rain and storm; so unseasonable
and unhealthy a winter renders it probable that we shall have a sickly
summer.

The rivers, overflowing their banks, have spread far and wide over
the fields. By reason of the constant floods the arable lands are so
wet and spongy that the seed is rotting in the ground, and farmers
cherish but little hope of a good harvest. This state of things not
only excites apprehensions of a great future rise in the corn markets,
but its effects are already felt, the price of wheat having risen fifty
per cent. In addition to these misfortunes, ships are constantly being
wrecked, almost in sight, on the voyage to England or Zealand; in
fact, the whole coast line of Aquitaine is said to be piled up with
planks, masts, spars, rudders, and other fragments of wreck, which the
tempest has washed ashore; so that, if nothing else should betide, the
astrologers had good reason for prophesying a powerful combination of
the starry influences and a year of terror to mankind.

  January 19, 1583.




LETTER XIV.


News has arrived from Brabant by way of England, which has thrown the
Queen (Catherine de Medici) and the whole nation into the greatest
alarm. The account is vague, but the purport of the tidings is to the
effect that a quarrel arose at Antwerp,[144] between the French and the
citizens, and that the French force was annihilated.

The anxiety was greatly increased by the silence of Alençon; and, when
no despatches arrived from him, serious doubts were entertained as
to his safety. In this uncertainty several days passed by; at length
messengers came pouring in, who told us the particulars of the affair,
but still their accounts were defective in several important points,
and differed in details.

I will relate what I made out as the nearest approximation to the
truth: the points which I do not yet know about, I will fill in
afterwards, and also correct any mistakes I may have made. I think
I wrote to your Imperial Majesty that Alençon intended to travel to
France, by way of England, for the purpose of visiting the King,
and, as we may well suppose, of discussing with him the affairs and
general condition of the Netherlands, and that his intention was to
leave Montpensier and Biron as his lieutenants during his absence. But
when Alençon applied to Biron to undertake this duty, the marshal was
unwilling to accept the command, on the ground that he would have a
restless and turbulent race to deal with, and no place to retreat to in
case of misfortune. He reminded the Prince that such a large assemblage
of French noblemen could not be withheld from committing occasional
excesses and provoking the citizens, who would then immediately rise
and threaten death to every Frenchman; and he thought the best means of
meeting this danger would be for the French to hold some place to which
they could retreat for refuge against the violence of the mob. For
this purpose the citadel (of Antwerp) was admirably adapted; it needed
but a few repairs and a strong garrison; there were now in the city a
great many Frenchmen, both gentle and simple, who could easily seize
the citadel, nor again would it be difficult to gain possession of one
of the city gates, and, his army being so near, to throw into the town
as many men as he chose. Further, the inspection of the forces which
he (Biron) had brought with him, furnished Alençon with an excellent
pretext for going out of the city and not mixing himself up with these
irregular proceedings; all that was needed was the approval of Alençon
and the nobles of his court.

On hearing Biron’s views, which were so well calculated to please
Alençon’s licentious and lawless nobles, the greater part gave their
adherence to his plan, whilst a sense of shame induced the more
honourable men to agree to it, lest they should be thought cowards for
shrinking from so important an enterprise. Alençon was the last to
yield to the united wishes of his followers.

On the next day he went out to the camp, but as he passed the gate
several of his body-guard, desperate fellows who had been selected for
this service, halted on the bridge leading across the moat into the
open country, instead of following the Prince. The citizens, who were
guarding the bridge and the gate, warned the Frenchmen to clear the
bridge, either by following their lord, or by returning into the city.
The men listened with apparent deference to what was said, but none the
less remained on the bridge; then the language of the men of Antwerp
grew rougher, and the French retorted in words every whit as bold; so
from words they came to blows; the French, who were all musketeers and
came prepared for action, easily wounded, killed, or drove away the
townsmen, and so took possession of the bridge and gate. They were
joined by others, both horse and foot, who had left Alençon’s escort
and had halted in the neighbourhood for that purpose; they formed a
column, and in one compact mass burst into the town. The uproar alarmed
the citizens stationed on the walls; from both sides of the gate they
hurried to the fray, and climbing down into the road began to fight
with the party who had been left to guard the entrance; the contest
ended in the victory of the townsmen, who succeeded in beating their
opponents and shutting the gate. They say that presently Alençon rode
back and demanded admission, but the cannon’s mouth was the only mouth
that answered!

Meantime, the French spread themselves through the city; on every
side they could see the townsmen flocking to the fray, but there was
no quailing or fear, for they felt certain that their superior skill
would ensure their victory over a set of untrained civilians. Some
made for the citadel, others, without any thought for that which was
the real object of the enterprise, began plundering private houses; but
it was not long before their ranks were broken by the charge of the men
of Antwerp, and, with a few exceptions, they paid with their lives the
penalty of their rash attempt.

They say that the Queen Mother, on hearing the news, burst into tears,
and cried ‘Alençon, Alençon, would you had died long years ago, rather
than so many of our nobles should have perished through you, and such
great trouble and distress have been brought upon France! Moreover,
you are also endangering the safety of the realm, for you have brought
yourself, the heir of the throne, into the most imminent peril, and
every effort will be needed if you are to be extricated from your
unfortunate position.’

They say that the Duke of Guise has tendered his services to the Queen,
promising, if 3,000 French horse are given him, to find Alençon,
wherever he may be, and bring him home. Round him accordingly the
nobles are gathering, and the clatter of the armourer’s hammer is to be
heard in every street. But I do not myself believe that anything will
come of it.

This scheme of Biron[145] (assuming that it is his scheme) will go far
to confirm the judgment of those who maintain that, though an active
and experienced commander, he is in all other respects a person of
little discernment. Alençon, being shut out of Antwerp, spent the night
with his army at the monastery of St. Bernard. There he was joined by
the officers of his household. They had remained in their quarters
during the disturbance, and, being held guiltless of any part in the
conspiracy, were sent back to their master by the men of Antwerp.
However, Alençon’s first object was to cross the Scheldt before any
attempt should be made to obstruct the passage; so all night the Swiss
were hard at work building a bridge. As soon as it was finished, he
crossed from Brabant into Flanders, and came to Dendermonde, where he
is supposed to be still lying. The question now is, what is he to do?
Ought he to lead his forces back to France, and abandon all interest
in the Netherlands? Or again, ought he to make up his quarrel with the
people of Antwerp? Now that there is an end of all confidence between
them, I fail to see how this latter alternative is possible; but the
French are wonderful fellows when they set their minds on a thing!

These details, which I have picked out of several different versions, I
have thought it my duty to place before your Majesty. Time will give us
further particulars, and accounts on which we can better rely.

Your Majesty and the Archduke[146] Ernest are supposed to have played
a part in this drama. This notion was very rife when the news first
came, and no particulars had as yet transpired. Some people about
the Court, who fancied themselves to be wondrous wise, would have it
that the eldest daughter of the King of Spain was betrothed to your
Majesty, and the younger to the Archduke Ernest, with all the provinces
of the Netherlands as her dowry, and that it was, therefore, of prime
importance to your Majesty and the Archduke that the French in Antwerp
should be cut to pieces, and Alençon driven from the city; that on
this account there had been secret negotiations with the townsmen,
who had been promised an amnesty for all past offences, on condition
of their exterminating the French; and further, that your Majesty and
the Archduke had secured the concurrence and assistance of the Prince
of Orange; for they argue, the townsmen of Antwerp would never have
ventured to go so far had they not been thus aided and abetted.

The Prince of Orange, it appears, had a presentiment of what was
coming, and when Alençon desired to have his company to the camp, he
steadily refused to go, giving as an excuse the state of his health and
the badness of the weather. His presence saved the lives of several
Frenchmen, among whom was Fervaques, one of Alençon’s favourite
officers. But here in France this gentleman’s life is in danger in
quite another way. They declare that the scheme of seizing the citadel
was his suggestion, and wish him to be tried and executed. It is
thought that a reconciliation between Alençon and the citizens of
Antwerp will be brought about by the intervention of the King, who will
send men of note to conduct the negotiations; the names of Bellièvre
and Pibrac are mentioned as members of the commission. The latter is
also marked out as Alençon’s chancellor.

So far from blaming the men of Antwerp, the French are actually
beginning to praise them for their kind feeling and politic behaviour,
for it appears that, after the excitement had abated, they showed every
possible attention to their prisoners, and to those of the Frenchmen
who had remained in their quarters.

  February 5, 1583.




LETTER XV.


I felt confident, when I despatched my last letter to your Majesty,
that it would not be long before I should have further news of a more
trustworthy description from Antwerp. After all, I am disappointed;
though several days have elapsed, there has been no fresh arrival from
the Netherlands of anyone able, or at any rate willing, to tell us the
truth of what happened. The few who have come were all sent by Alençon
to the King, to repeat a set story which was put into their mouths,
and hide the blackness of Alençon’s case under a cloud of specious
words. There is no letter-carrier or merchant from Antwerp; indeed,
the wardens of the marches put a complete stop to the travelling
of Frenchmen to Antwerp, and of Antwerp people to France. Of late,
however, the restrictions have been removed, and the merchandise, on
which an embargo had been laid, having been released by both sides,
the old rules, regulating the commercial intercourse between the two
countries, are once more in force. But, in spite of this change, scarce
anyone will run the risk of so hazardous a journey. One letter-carrier,
it is true, has come by way of England, but he has brought no fresh
tidings, except that the number of slain and captured is greater than
was at first reported; in other respects his news differs little from
the account given in my last letter.

Alençon’s friends, and those who are anxious to save his reputation,
say that, though he is a mild and gracious Prince, yet, being no
longer able to stomach the pretensions of the Prince of Orange and the
independent ways of the men of Antwerp, so distasteful to a Frenchman,
he endeavoured to take possession of the city, as the best means of
freeing himself from his intolerable position, not having any idea that
the enterprise would be either difficult or attended with much loss
of life; but expecting that, after a few citizens had been killed at
the first entry of the troops, the remainder would be so terrified as
to abandon all thought of defence, and, laying down their arms, would
submit to any conditions he might think fit to impose, provided that
their lives were spared, so that he would have an excellent opportunity
of binding down the city of Antwerp to his own terms. But he was
utterly mistaken in his calculations, for he did not find the hearts of
the citizens so tame, or their arms so weak, as Frenchmen would have
them to be.

Some people put a totally different construction on the whole
affair; but this is Alençon’s explanation. As to what really took
place, it seems needless to write more, for your Majesty is no doubt
in possession of all the facts, since there has been far freer
communication with Germany than with France. In case, however, anything
should be lacking, I enclose three documents. (1) The statement of the
citizens of Antwerp, published in their own language. (2) A paper which
is attributed to Bodin,[147] author of the treatise _De la République_,
published a few years ago. The letter is written in French. (3) A paper
which is the production of some unknown person, but it is plain that he
is a Frenchman, and his account is evidently untrustworthy.

Mirambeau, the brother of Lausac, was first despatched to Alençon by
the King, and later on Bellièvre. The issue is still uncertain. Some
think Alençon and the States will come to terms, while others are
positive they will not. As to my own opinion, I have determined to
reserve my judgment till time shall bring more certain news.

In the meanwhile several of the King’s commissioners, who were sent
round to collect money, have returned. They report that nothing is to
be obtained without the risk of an insurrection, and that all reply
that if the King is straitened in any way, they know their duty: but in
their opinion, his only object in asking for money is to lavish it on
his young favourites; they consider such grants unreasonable, and will
have nothing to say to them.

I am not surprised, for a gentleman in the royal treasury, on whose
word I can rely, told me that since his return from Poland the King has
squandered six million crowns in presents and other useless expenses.
The King having been disappointed of these supplies, people think he
will deprive the Queens Dowager of a large part of their property, to
satisfy the claims of his young favourites. Your Imperial Majesty’s
sister will be one of the sufferers, as, in violation of the marriage
treaty, she has long ago been placed on the same footing as the other
Queens Dowager.[148]

We have in France, as Governor of Brittany, a brother of the Queen
Consort, son of Vaudemont; his title is the Duke of Mercœur.[149]
News was brought during his absence from home that he had died of
the plague. Two men immediately asked for his post, Nevers[150] and
the Duke of Epernon, who stands well nigh first among the King’s
favourites. Nevers’ application was refused, and the other appointed
Governor of Brittany, conditionally on the office being vacant.

Though the appointment came to nothing, since news shortly arrived of
the Duke of Mercœur’s recovery, yet Nevers was so indignant that he
then and there gave orders to his retainers to prepare to leave the
Court, and two days later retired home, after first upbraiding the King
for his ingratitude.

The King’s conduct in this matter is being unfavourably criticised by
many, and especially by the aristocracy.

  March 20, 1583.




LETTER XVI.


We have still no news from Antwerp of Alençon. Most people agree
with Mirambeau in thinking that there is little hope of a friendly
arrangement, the demands of the States being exorbitant; they ask for
the restoration of Dunkirk and Cambrai, and henceforth refuse to permit
any one, who is not a Netherlander born, to hold place in the suite or
service of Alençon.

The King is moving infantry and cavalry to the frontier, so as to have
them ready should need arise. I doubt whether even with this help
Alençon’s journey is likely to be very rapid, as the district through
which his road lies is deep in mud at this season.

Meantime the men of Antwerp are said to be exacting money from their
prisoners, and demanding ransom for having spared their lives. Whether
it be so or not, the breach between them and Alençon seems to be
complete, so that they will hardly readmit him into the town.

Bellièvre stops behind with the hopeless task of trying to arrange
matters; there is an idea that, by his oratorical powers and diplomatic
skill, the wrath of the Netherlanders may be appeased, and the way
paved to an agreement. But it is with the men of Antwerp as it was
with Alençon; success was too much for his ill-regulated mind, and
has proved his ruin; even so some great disaster will overtake the
citizens, if they wax thus presumptuous on the strength of this
unexpected victory.

  April 12, 1583.




LETTER XVII.


This very day it is still uncertain as to what will be the issue
of the affair at Antwerp. Though there are the plainest signs of
the deepest exasperation on both sides, there are some who think an
arrangement possible; they admit that no real peace or friendship can
hereafter exist, now that confidence has received so rude a shock,
with the Netherlanders estranged from Alençon by the recollection of
his dishonourable conduct, and Alençon burning to avenge the heavy
punishment he has received; but still hold that it is to the interest
of both parties that some sort of reconciliation should be patched
up, and the former alliance be preserved, or at least the appearance
of it. To what other quarter, they ask, can the Netherlanders look
for assistance against the powerful foes who surround them, or what
other help have they than their French allies? Or again, what could be
more disastrous to Alençon’s reputation, than thus to withdraw from
Brabant with the disgrace of having lost by his folly the provinces
which had so unexpectedly fallen into his hands, and to have his shame
blazed abroad throughout the world, which is watching the result of
his enterprise? When a man has damaged his reputation, oftentimes,
if he is only patient, an opportunity will come, which will enable
him to restore it. But if, in spite of these considerations, Alençon
must leave the Netherlands at an early date, still, if an interval is
allowed to elapse, he will be able to avail himself of those numerous
excuses for departure which may arise,—or, at the worst, can be
invented,—and thus diminish materially the disgrace of his failure.
Accordingly they hold an arrangement to be possible on the basis of a
general amnesty. But this appears to me to be easier said than done!
Brussels, according to their programme, is to be assigned to Alençon
as a residence, and there also the Estates of the Netherlands are to
meet; a few towns in the neighbourhood are likewise to be given him,
that he may feel more secure. Brussels to be guarded by 1,500 Swiss
and 500 French troops. Orange to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, or
Imperial Vicar. The prisoners at Antwerp to be discharged conditionally
on remuneration being given to their hosts who rescued them from the
violence of the people. In all other matters the late treaty to stand
good.

In this arrangement the case of Fervaques is the chief difficulty. The
citizens of Antwerp hold him to be the instigator and ringleader of
this atrocious plot, and demand his execution.

Biron, by the way, has written a letter to the Queen Mother, in which
he completely clears himself of all blame. He says he came too late to
take any part in the discussion, the matter was already decided, and
his share in the business consisted simply in yielding to Alençon’s
wishes and executing his pleasure.

Some talk of a reconciliation on the terms which I have given; but what
will happen it is impossible to say. It is well known that the other
day, when Orange went into the town hall of Antwerp to make a speech in
favour of reconciliation, a mob assembled in the market place, shouting
and threatening to throw anyone out of the window who ventured to
propose the readmission of the French. Orange, they say, was so alarmed
by this demonstration that he spent the night in the town hall. Though
a considerable space of time has elapsed, scarce a single Antwerp man
has crossed the French frontier, although the road is open, and this,
to my mind, is the surest proof that the prospects of a reconciliation
are dubious; so long as there is a doubt as to the renewal of the
alliance and arrangement of terms, none of them care to risk their
lives by entering France.

So much for this subject.

Men, on whose authority I can rely, tell me that the King is pressing
the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter, who is now grown up and a
great heiress, to the Duke of Epernon, but that Lorraine, who loathes
the idea of such a _mésalliance_, is doing his utmost to avoid giving
his consent to so unsuitable a match, taking refuge in a proposition
that, if the King will bring about a marriage between his son, the
Prince of Lorraine, and the sister of the King of Navarre, he in return
will gladly comply with his request. This last is a young lady who, if
her brother, as is not unlikely, should die childless, has very great
prospects indeed. For the King of Navarre’s wife has not yet presented
him with a child, and she is young enough to make it probable that
she will be the survivor. The family feuds, however, which have been
handed down from father to son, between the Bourbons and the Guises
and House of Lorraine, render Navarre’s consent to the match highly
improbable. The Duke of Lorraine sees clearly that Navarre inherited
these feuds when he inherited the Crown, so he protects himself behind
this entrenchment; whether it will be strong enough for his purposes
time will show.

I must now give a description of Epernon. By the King’s favour he has
been created duke; five years ago, before he became intimate with the
King, he was a poor unknown man, who passed by the name of La Valette;
at the outside his income did not exceed 400 crowns; his father was a
gallant soldier, but his grandfather was a scrivener or notary. Now
this upstart is a duke, and, what is more, a wealthy duke, for he
can always dip his fingers into the royal treasury. But his present
position is nothing to what he has in prospect; he aspires to one of
the great dignities of the realm, and a governorship of the first
rank, such as that of Brittany, touching which I wrote the other day.
If, in addition to this promotion, he should obtain a wife so nearly
connected with the King that no other Frenchman, however high his
rank, would venture to aspire to her hand, he will be one of the most
marvellously successful men that ever lived; and yet neither in birth
nor deserts has he aught to boast of; in the King’s opinion no doubt
he is a man of great promise, but no one else thinks so; whether it be
envy, or his own fault, that causes him to be thus esteemed, I cannot
say, but almost every one detests him on account of his exclusive and
supercilious manners, and there is no one so hated by the Princes of
France.

His colleague, if I may so term him, who, however, takes precedence of
him, is the Duke (formerly Count) of Joyeuse, husband of the Queen’s
sister; this last, however, has the advantages given by ancient and
illustrious descent, amiable disposition, and natural talent; the other
day he was made Admiral of France, now he has been appointed Governor
of the whole of Normandy; in order to give him this command, three
noblemen of the highest rank, who shared the province amongst them,
had to be turned out. These two young fellows are the men in whose
friendship the King considers himself blessed, and envies not the
success of Alexander the Great! This infatuation of the King’s awakes
the indignation and despair of France. The men who formerly held the
highest positions next to the throne fly from the Court to avoid the
painful sight; the rest are dumbfoundered at the King’s caprices.

This is the reason the King is always in difficulties, always poor,
never able to reward or honour a good servant; his wealth is being
piled on these young fellows, and they are being fashioned out of
nothing into pillars of the State, so that they may occupy the greatest
places in France. Amongst those who are greatly offended is Alençon; he
is intensely indignant at being assisted with so niggardly a hand in an
enterprise which he considers of the first importance, and complains
that the King thinks more of his favourites than of his brother.[151]

As I shall often have occasion to allude to these gentlemen, I have
described them at some length, so that, when they are referred to, your
Majesty may have some idea of them.

Don Antonio is still at Rouen and Dieppe, busily engaged in the
equipment of his fleet, or fleetlet, if I may so term it, for it falls
far short of what was talked of, and will carry scarce 500 soldiers to
reinforce his troops in the Azores.

Great supplies will be collected of such things as are needed in those
localities.

  May 2, 1583.




LETTER XVIII.


Messengers have lately come from Alençon with the news that the
negotiations for a reconciliation promise well; in confirmation of
this, they produced the terms of an arrangement, which I now enclose.
Alençon refuses Brussels and prefers Dunkirk[152] as his permanent
residence. When he gets there, people think he will cross over to
France, press his grievances upon the King, and ask him why he is more
anxious for the aggrandisement of certain young fellows than for the
prosecution of a most important enterprise.

Orange has invited from France Teligny’s widow, daughter of Coligny,
some time Admiral of France, with the view of making her his wife;
he is also giving the hand of his daughter, the Comte de Buren’s
grandchild,[153] to Laval, son of d’Andelot, brother of the aforesaid
Coligny; they say that Laval will be Governor of Antwerp.

The King is instituting a new order of Flagellants, or Penitents.[154]
It is talked of everywhere in Paris, and all the more because lately
when a celebrated preacher,[155] though a most orthodox Catholic,
attacked the order from the pulpit in a sermon full of sarcasm, the
King ordered him to leave the city.

Touching the Flagellants there is a merry story to be told. The
footmen of the nobles, of whom we have crowds at Paris, out of sheer
wantonness, were mimicking in the palace itself certain rites of the
brotherhood;[156] the King ordered some eighty of them to be carried
off into the kitchen, and there flogged to their hearts’ content, so
their representation of the Flagellants and Penitents was turned from a
sham into a reality!

  May 20, 1583.




LETTER XIX.


The reports of fresh disturbances, which I mentioned lately, are
gaining ground, and worst of all, there is no certainty as to whether
Alençon is concerned in them or not.

In consequence of these rumours his mother (Catherine de Medici) has
been for some time intending to visit him at Calais, but he has
been detained at Dunkirk by sickness; he is supposed to be suffering
from the French disease, and has placed himself in the hands of his
physicians and surgeons. As soon as he recovers, people think he will
cross over to Calais; but there is no telling, for some maintain that
he will go to Normandy, and others that he will take ship for Brittany.
If war ensues the King will be in great straits, since neither
financially, nor in any other way, is he prepared to meet it.

Bellièvre has returned from Antwerp; he tells us that concessions
have been made on both sides, and all obstacles to a satisfactory
understanding removed.

One of the points arranged was the release of the prisoners, amongst
whom was Fervaques; on this gentleman’s rejoining Alençon the latter
presented him with an abbacy[157] worth 6,000 crowns per annum, in
acknowledgment no doubt of his brilliant conception and its admirable
execution! When this was told to the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici)
she lost all patience, and called Alençon a fool and madman, repeating
her words again and again.

A letter of Biron’s has been discovered in Alençon’s cabinet at
Antwerp, written the day before the disastrous attempt of the French,
in which he does his utmost to induce Alençon to abandon his foolish
scheme. This discovery has made Biron extremely popular at Antwerp; in
fact he stands first in favour of the citizens, and this is the man on
whose head not long ago rested most of the odium!

Pibrac, who lately joined Alençon, has been despatched by him to
Antwerp as his representative with the States; he is an ambassador who
will, I fancy, cause more mischief than several thousand soldiers.
Endhoven, a little town of Brabant, has capitulated to the King (of
Spain) in spite of de Bonnivet’s defence. On the other hand, Biron has
retaken some small forts. They say that the Prince of Parma is making
preparations for the siege of Alost, thus threatening Brussels.

  June 1, 1583.




LETTER XX.


The King’s inordinate devotion to religious observances is the subject
of general remark; some declare that he will end by changing his crown
for a cowl. The Queen Mother, they say, disgusted with the way he
neglects his duties as Sovereign, roundly rebuked one Edmund,[158] a
Jesuit, who is the King’s chief adviser, for having well nigh turned
her son from a king into a monk, to the great detriment of the realm.

Meanwhile serious disturbances are taking place in Aquitaine and
Languedoc. In consequence of these movements the King has despatched
Monsieur du Ferrier, whom he employed for a long time as his ambassador
at Venice, to the King of Navarre. He is an old man and reputed wise.

The Queen Mother would have rushed to meet Alençon at Calais, if he
had not written to stop her, warning her that a visit from her would
wake the suspicions of the States of the Netherlands, and so damage
his prospects. This is the excuse he gives, but most people think his
letter was written to suit the views of the gentlemen responsible
for the catastrophe at Antwerp, who are afraid of meeting with hard
language and reproaches from the Queen, and haply also of being
dismissed from their places.

Don Antonio was here the other day with the Queen, having run away
from Dieppe and Rouen on account of the plague. He has now left for
a village in the neighbourhood called Ruel, where he is living in a
pleasant house lent him by Alençon. His household consists of some
sixty people, who consume daily a quarter of an ox, two sheep, one
calf, and 150 loaves.

It is now quite certain that Orange openly assumes the position of
Count of Holland. Flushing,[159] a city of Zealand, he bought with his
own money; so that he commands the communications of those provinces
with the sea. Thus amid the downfall and ruin of others Orange has
secured a success.

The King is preparing for a journey to Mézières, with the intention of
going on to a château called Foullenbraye, where he will stay to drink
the Spa waters for the benefit of his health. During his absence the
government is placed in the hands of the Queen Mother and the Privy
Council. It is thought he will be away the whole summer. His days, I
fear, are numbered.

After several feints, by which he kept every one in suspense as to
where he would next strike, Parma has settled down to the siege of
Cambrai. It will be a tedious affair, and success is by no means
certain, still the capture of the town would go far towards deciding
the struggle. He is said, moreover, to have recovered the town of
Diest. Brussels, too, seems inclined to go over.

People are again beginning to be afraid of the plague. There are
serious signs of its presence in Paris, and also in several other
French towns.

  June 25, 1583.




LETTER XXI.


The Queen Mother has been with the King. After her interview she flew
off to Boulogne-sur-Mer to meet Alençon, with Marshal de Retz in
attendance on her. Alençon himself is levying fresh soldiers with the
purpose, I suppose, of sending them to the relief of Cambrai.

The States and Biron have received a severe check at Steenbergen,[160]
losing a great many men. Biron was wounded, and had difficulty in
protecting himself behind the walls of Steenbergen.

The Governor of Namur has been sent by Parma to the King. A messenger
also came from Casimir to ask a free passage through France; he is
sending him to the Queen of England about the Cologne business. The
Pope, through his nuncio, is urging the King to accept the decrees of
the Council of Trent, and to publish them throughout the kingdom. I
do not think his representations will have much effect, not because
the King is a supporter of the privileges of the Gallican Church, but
because there is a suspicion that the real object is the introduction
of the Inquisition into France. Fresh disturbances would be the certain
consequence of so unpopular a measure.

For these reasons people say the King, though personally disposed
to accede to the demands of the Pope, will not grant them, being
determined, as far as in him lies, to avoid all risk of rebellion and
civil war.

The King was desirous of placing the Duke of Epernon in command of
Metz, but the present governor is an obstacle. He refuses to transfer
his command to any one until he shall have received the reward due
to him for long service in the army and years of honest work. In my
opinion the King has another reason for prolonging his stay in those
parts. Cologne is not far distant, and he may be thinking of making his
own advantage out of the disturbances.

Then, after conducting his wife to Bourbon-les-Bains, he will make a
_détour_ to Lyons, not returning to Paris till the end of the summer.

The Duke of Joyeuse is expected back. He crossed the mountains into
Italy with a brilliant train on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Holy
Virgin of Loreto, in fulfilment of a vow he had undertaken when his
wife was ill.

On his way he visited Rome to do reverence to the Pope, and possibly
also to give him a private message[161] from the King.

The men of Antwerp have lost a great deal of their old confidence and
love for Orange, who seems only to care for making his kingdom of
Holland secure, and does not pay sufficient attention to the safety
of the other provinces. From Brussels also there is news of some
disturbance, touching which I am expecting a report from a trusty
correspondent.

Meanwhile I pray God to grant good health to your Imperial Majesty,
whose most humble servant I remain.

  July 3, 1583.




LETTER XXII.


As the Queen Mother was hastening through Picardy to Boulogne, Alençon
met her at La Fère. He did not leave Dunkirk an hour too soon. No
sooner had he gone than Parma’s army sat down before it, and the
siege was so skilfully conducted that the garrison were compelled to
surrender;[162] they were, however, able to obtain honourable terms.
With Dunkirk Alençon has lost all footing in the Netherlands except
Cambrai, and even that is hard pressed and in great want of provisions,
by reason of the garrisons and outposts which encompass it on every
side. However, Alençon, with a relieving army, is not far off, and
stores of wine and corn, collected in Picardy, have been laid up at St.
Quentin to supply the famished town. As to what the end of it will be,
no one knows.

The ambassadors, who were expected from Antwerp for the ratification
of the terms of reconciliation, did not arrive, in consequence of
which Alençon returned to France in high dudgeon with the States of
the Netherlands. Biron is said to be at Antwerp, with one word and
one word only in his mouth, which he is ever repeating, and that word
is ‘money;’ no one listens to him, for there seems no possibility of
extracting a penny from the townspeople without running the risk of an
outbreak; in good sooth, the funds which the citizens supplied have so
often been wasted that they are sick of the business.

On the other hand, Orange does what he can to awake the zeal of
Antwerp, but, since Alençon’s disastrous attempt, his influence has
fallen low, and there is a suspicion abroad that he is more anxious for
his own personal advantage than for the welfare of his country. Some
say he has crossed over to Zealand, to make all safe in that quarter,
and transact some pressing business.

The fall of Dunkirk has been followed by the surrender of Nieuport,
St. Winoc, and other neighbouring towns, so that they are in hopes
of taking Bruges and Ypres. Thus affairs in the Netherlands are
mending;[163] and possibly a little skilful management would induce the
people to come to terms. I was expecting a man from Brabant, who would
have given me accurate information on all these points, but I am afraid
his return will be delayed by the capture of Dunkirk, which has greatly
added to the difficulties of a sea passage.

There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for his skill in conveying
to their destination the orders and despatches of his master; nor was
there any one in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed greater
confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to cross the Alps with an
autograph letter, filling two sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had
not gone far before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging his
path; they stabbed him in several places, and carried off the King’s
letter; by this means, it is supposed, several important secrets have
been discovered by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for this
reason or not I cannot say, but the King immediately hurried back to
Paris, instead of accompanying his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had
intended. However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, going
on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he gets there is a secret
to most people.

For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes to see whether his
presence on the spot will enable him to turn Montmorency[164] out of
the government of Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of
his other minions, in possession.

I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the Duke of Joyeuse,
since a most handsome provision has been made for him in the
governorship of Normandy, which was refused to Alençon himself. But
perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth.

Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don Antonio’s new fleet
has reached the Azores in safety. The commander is Monsieur de Chattes,
a knight of Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, Admiral
of France.

Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your Majesty’s service as a
gentleman cadet. I understand he is now serving in Hungary. This young
gentleman’s eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake not, he stands
next in succession to the estate; there are several brothers, and, if
he is not present when the property is divided, there is danger of his
not getting his proper share; as the loss to him might be considerable,
his friends have come to the conclusion that he ought to be summoned
home, and have requested me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an
honourable discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It will be a
good occasion for your Imperial Majesty to exercise your kindness by
graciously giving him leave of absence for the transaction of private
business.

The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, the wind being
unusually steady, and never shifting, unless it be from south to west.

As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my request that your
Majesty would keep the matter in mind.

There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good family, who was a
notorious duellist. His name was the Baron de Viteaux,[165] and he
had attained some celebrity by the bold and successful way in which
he had killed sundry gentlemen with whom he had differences. The son
of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his father’s death; he
had also another motive, for having lately been discovered in a plot
against the Baron’s life,[166] he knew that unless he killed him his
doom was sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided course; so
last Sunday he invited the Baron to measure swords with him in a field
near Paris; the arrangement was that they should have in attendance
only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the common friend
of both parties, to act as umpire and marshal of the lists; the duel
to be with sword and dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only
to be terminated when one of the combatants should have fallen. The
Baron accepted the challenge; as soon as they met he ran his opponent
through the arm and stretched him on the ground; not liking to strike
him when he was down, he told him to get up. This act of kindness cost
him dear, for his opponent, in no way daunted by his wound, but burning
to avenge his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the Baron
through the heart; then, as he lay dying on the ground, he stabbed him
again and again, and thus rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist
whose arm still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the young man
had for years been devoting himself to the art of fencing, with a view
to this meeting. Thus died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as
a second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the King[167] more
than once. His end was like that of Montal[168] and Bussy,[169] both
of whom died as they deserved to die. ‘Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia
justis.’ The victor is not yet out of danger. He received two wounds,
one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the other in his thigh. Even if
he recovers, another duel awaits him, as he will be challenged by a
relation of the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his death.

I thought there was no harm in giving your Majesty a full account of
this affair, though it has but little connection with my business.

  Paris, August 10, 1583.




LETTER XXIII.


However famous Africa may have been of old for tales and wonders, it
must yield the palm to modern France.

Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of gossip aroused by the
death of the Baron, which I have already described, when there crops up
another scandal, calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and
conversation. The King, publicly before a large audience, gave a severe
lecture[170] to his sister the Queen of Navarre, reproving her for her
disreputable and immoral courses; he gave her the exact dates at which
she had taken on each new lover; he reproached her with having had a
son of whom her husband was not the father; in each instance his dates
and particulars were so accurate, that one would have thought he had
been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) was overwhelmed,
being ashamed to confess, and at the same time unable to refute, the
charges brought against her. The King concluded his lecture by ordering
her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute the city with her
presence.

In obedience to this command, the Queen of Navarre packed in haste,
and left Paris on the following day; no one paid her the attention of
escorting her from the city, and she had not even a complete train
of servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vendôme, one of her
husband’s towns. Two ladies of rank,[171] who are at the head of her
household, were arrested on the road, brought back to Paris, and placed
under guard.

Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he had inflicted, but
must needs write a letter to the King of Navarre with a full account of
his wife’s delinquencies. People say that, if her husband accepts this
statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the intention of the King
to immure his sister in some lonely fortress, where she can injure no
one by her immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite surprise, for
there is some fear that, if she should return to her husband, and make
herself out innocent to him, she will be the source of much disturbance
and disquiet to the realm; of will and malice for such work she has
good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare.

Immediately after the interview between the King and his sister, a
gentleman, named de Chanvallon,[172] fled to Germany; for a long time
he had stood high in Alençon’s favour; but when it was discovered that
he had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, touching matters
which Alençon wished to be suppressed, he fell out of favour with the
Prince, and was ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris
and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the great annoyance of
Alençon, who is now completely estranged from him, if one may believe
what one hears.

De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to noble birth are doubtful;
he has, however, the advantage of pleasing manners, and is a handsome
young fellow; he holds a high place among the admirers of the Queen of
Navarre. They say the Queen Mother also is greatly incensed with her
daughter for her indiscretions. How that may be I cannot tell; but at
any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your Majesty, left Paris,
declaring again and again that ‘she and the Queen of Scots are the most
unhappy beings in the world; a little drop of poison would give her
relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has neither friend nor
foe to do her this service.’

This story, which is now current in France, is perhaps hardly deserving
of your Majesty’s attention, or a fit subject for a confidential
despatch; but I was induced to give these details by the circumstance
that I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the business of the
Queen made it necessary that I should write to her. So, having little
else in the way of news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with
this gossip.

The Queen Mother has returned to Alençon at La Fère. The King himself
has set out for Lyons, his chief object being, as he professes, to meet
his dear Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy.

There is a report that Alençon will marry his niece, the daughter of
his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, and that the sister of the King of
Navarre is intended for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks,
and not worthy of much credit as yet.

The Prince of Parma’s victorious career in Flanders has been stopped at
Ostend; the town was reinforced by the Prince of Orange, and refused
to surrender. Ypres is lost; Dixmude is said to be hard pressed, for
the people of Bruges were obliged to call in the garrison of Menin for
the further protection of the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be
plundered and sacked.

  August 27, 1583.




LETTER XXIV.


At last the gentleman whom I expected from the Netherlands, as I have
already told your Majesty, has returned. The only news he brings is
that the Netherlanders are acting in the maddest way, the citizens
quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady policy, and a
reckless spirit prevails. However, in one point they all agree, to wit,
their detestation of the French; who since the outrage at Antwerp have
become positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment which they
on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on account of this feeling, he
says, that Biron has returned with his forces to France. When he was
embarking, there were not enough transports for the conveyance of the
troop horses, so the men piled straw round a number of them, and burnt
them; others they stabbed or hamstrung, so as to render them useless.
Everywhere Netherlanders are being stopped on the road and plundered by
the French, who tell them that they are returning the favours they have
received in the Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrustworthy
is a league between ill-assorted allies, however much it be varnished
over with a pretence of friendship, and how quickly ancient national
feuds break out afresh.

They say that Puygalliard, commander of the royal cavalry in Picardy,
is acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, Alençon having
handed over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to join
him.

Apparently Alençon’s plan is to throw a strong garrison into Cambrai,
and retake some places in the neighbourhood, while harassing the
cities of Hainault and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant
and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, hate him
cordially, how much protection he could have afforded, and how much he
would have done if they had continued to cultivate his friendship.

This is supposed to be his only chance of reinstating himself in
their good graces. Towards carrying out this scheme he has received
material assistance, it is said, from the King, who has appointed him
his Lieutenant; but his powers are so far limited, that he cannot
levy money or draw on the royal treasury at his own discretion. Still
his success is in no way assured, for the French are so unpopular in
the Netherlands, that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly abused
for supporting their interests; he does not carry anything like the
weight he once possessed; his influence has declined even among the
Hollanders and Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of
making him their Count and Sovereign; now, however, he is compelled to
listen to language from them which is not merely blunt, but actually
rude and insulting. Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy to
Alençon’s schemes, when he made his disastrous attempt on Antwerp.

He is consequently living in retirement at Flushing, in a position
hardly above that of a private gentleman. Occupied solely with sundry
family affairs, he is quietly waiting till the storm of unpopularity
shall have spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the masses
are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour is likely to last long.

The following piece of news I give, but do not vouch for, though the
report is generally current. Those who do not like it explain it away.
All France rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores;[173]
the fleet, they say, is lost; the French cut to pieces; the Portuguese
condemned to the galley and the oar; the commander of the expedition a
prisoner. If this be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will
have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese.

Among other instructions given by the King to the Duke of Joyeuse, when
setting out for Italy, was one of special importance; he was to obtain
the Pope’s permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the
value of some hundred thousands of crowns; it is now reported that the
Duke’s attempt to obtain the Papal sanction was a complete failure. So
the King’s hopes in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not
been more successful than the great men whom the King lately sent round
France to obtain supplies. The first debates on the King’s return will
be, I imagine, on the best method of scraping up money! With the lower
orders in this country distress has gone so far that they are like
to hang themselves from sheer despair, consequently they take these
frequent and heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part.

  September 15, 1583.


The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, has died here of
fever. He was a man of kindly feeling and high character.

  September 20, 1583.




LETTER XXV.


I have not much to report. Alençon is at Cambrai, in great want of
many things, especially money, which in his case is all important. His
captains attempted to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in
Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter.

St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, who acted as secretary
to the late Count Palatine,[174] are said to have come to Cambrai
as ambassadors from the States, to treat with Alençon for a
reconciliation; but treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they
will not be supported by public sentiment, for the Netherlanders loathe
the very name of Frenchman.

Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy’s works, though there is a story
that the besiegers have suffered some loss at the hands of the garrison
of Bruges.

The plague, which is now raging at Paris with extraordinary violence,
will, I think, cause the King to defer his return. People expect that
Alençon will meet him here.

A new religious fashion[175] is in vogue among the French. The townsmen
and peasants of some place, of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes
in a body, and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some famous
shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in white linen robes, and
carry crosses in their hands. Some people think that this movement
had its origin in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people,
and led them to take this means of appeasing the Deity, and saving
themselves; others think that it is to gratify the King that these
pilgrimages are undertaken, and that their object is to ask God to
grant him children.

  October 6, 1585.




LETTER XXVI.


I have received a letter from the Counsellors of your Imperial
Majesty’s chamber, in which they state that the books which I presented
to the library some seven years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor
Maximilian, of blessed memory, have been valued at one thousand
florins; if your Imperial Majesty regards this sum in the light of a
present in return for my present of books, I shall consider it most
handsome, and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for the
same; but if it is a matter of business and strict account—if this
sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the ascertained value of all those
precious volumes, the antiquity of which renders them so important an
acquisition to the Imperial Library—I must confess that such a price
in no way represents their value. The precious character of the books
and the high regard I have ever felt for them[176] render it incumbent
on me to make this protest. As far as I am personally concerned, I am
ready to acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be.

  October 9, 1583.




LETTER XXVII.


The King has at last returned. On account of the plague it was
determined that he should not enter Paris. It was arranged, as the most
convenient plan, that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his
arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen who, as I told your
Majesty in a former letter, were sent round the provinces and cities of
France to collect money. They are all men of high standing.[177] The
King will now receive an account of the steps they took and the reply
they got. Their report must needs be that all made answer with one
accord, their burden was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it
any longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by the addition
of a fresh tax.

This will compel the King to consult these gentlemen as to the best
means of raising funds, for, one way or another, money must be had.
As to what course they will recommend there is no certainty; but some
people are disposed to think that the honour of replenishing the
treasury will be assigned to the Church. The King, it seems, desired
the Duke of Joyeuse to open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining
his sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of
several hundred thousand crowns; but for some reason or other nothing
came of it.

These conferences at Saint-Germain would have been brought to a
conclusion had not Alençon made a _détour_ to Château Thierry, some
26 miles[178] from Paris, on his way from Cambrai to his own town of
Angers, where he intends spending the winter; his mother has gone to
visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in order that he may be
present at the above-mentioned conferences; but whether he will be
persuaded is still uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he
has not been properly supported in the great work he has undertaken,
and that the King has had more regard for the interests of utter
strangers than for those of his own brother.

As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against attack nor
adequately provisioned. Biron tried to storm Cateau Cambrésis, but,
unluckily for him, the Prince of Parma came to the rescue; the French
army was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat; Biron,
however, managed to save his cannon.

The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at Middelburg[179] to
transact federal business, the party of the Prince of Orange urged
strongly the advisability of a reconciliation with Alençon; they were,
however, repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that the late
disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them how impossible it was to
trust the word of Frenchmen. There were some who wished for the King of
Denmark, while several mentioned Casimir, who had the support of the
Queen of England; but the assembly broke up without arriving at any
decision.

  October 29, 1583.




LETTER XXVIII.


Alençon has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the Queen Mother has
gone to visit him. Of the reason of this step I am not sure, but
probably his object is to be near Cambrai. It is well known that great
disturbances lately took place there; certain of the citizens conspired
with officers commanding posts in the neighbourhood, and either took
the town or were within an ace of taking it. The French, however, still
hold the citadel.

  November 2, 1583.




LETTER XXIX.


The Queen Mother has returned from her visit to Alençon. All her
trouble has been to no purpose, for he could not be induced to
accompany her to Court.[180] The King’s distress at his absence is not
overwhelming!

The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband; he received her
courteously, but she will live apart from him until the truth be
ascertained concerning the immoralities of which she is charged. It is
on this business that Bellièvre has been sent to the King of Navarre.
He is to make a recantation on the King’s behalf, and reconcile husband
and wife.

They say the King has been brought to task for allowing himself, in a
fit of passion, to blast the reputation of a member of his own family,
and is now sorry for what he has done.[181] He tries to clear himself
by saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain people told
him. The King of Navarre demands that, if his wife be guilty, she
should receive the punishment she deserves; but that, if she has been
falsely accused, and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the
penalty. It is well known that the King was provoked into this by the
murder of the messenger[182] he sent to the Duke of Joyeuse, of which
I informed your Majesty in a former letter, for he suspected that his
sister had been privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted
with the character of the lady say that, unless they are greatly
mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the insult she has received.

The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I mentioned at the end
of my last letter, arose from the Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a
neighbouring place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. It
was assumed that he could not be staying in Cambrai without the consent
of the townsmen. The assumption was ill-grounded, as the event proved,
for he had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alençon, whom he
has followed to France; for aught I know, he is still at his quarters.

The reason of his visit was the hope that had been thrown out of some
arrangement for recovering Cambrai, a large sum of money having been
promised to Alençon on behalf of the King of Spain.

The ruined and impoverished condition of the nobles in Alençon’s
train renders it by no means improbable that this scheme may come to
something, as it would provide the means to save them from starvation
and destitution; but in the Royal Court, and throughout France, the
negotiation is held to be most discreditable, and is regarded as a
striking proof of the fickleness of the French.

A report is current that the King has written a letter to his brother
cautioning him. An arrangement for the exchange of prisoners furnishes
the pretext under which this negotiation is being conducted.

In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that the States of
Brabant are getting ready a fresh embassy, which will shortly be sent
to arrange the terms of a reconciliation with Alençon. It would appear
that they have been driven to this course by the successes of the
Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly all the country save Ghent and
Antwerp. The Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with the
double object of protecting themselves, and making Parma’s conquests of
no avail to him. It is supposed that their next step will be to send a
fresh embassy, since they are determined to suffer the worst that may
befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of Spain. However
this may be, there is news that the Zealanders and Hollanders will
shortly appoint Orange as their Count.

De Puygaillard has left Cambrai; de Balagny[183] is in command of
the citadel and garrison, and he is not the sort of man to surrender
the town to anyone, even though Alençon himself should give the
order. The latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will not
go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, but will stop in
his present quarters at Château Thierry. He has returned from the
Netherlands with such discredit that he is only thinking of where he
may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the King is holding his
assemblies, which will continue sitting for at least two months; not
only will the financial question be considered, but also a general
reform of all abuses; it is the purpose of the King, in conformity with
his present strict religious views, to correct all vices and faults
in the administration of his realm and thus promote the welfare of
his people; it is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes
will be to make the King’s interest the paramount consideration. For
instance, the Crown claims the right of conferring Church patronage,
and in consequence you may see children, military men,[184] and women
holding bishopricks and abbacies; well, first there was a debate as
to the advisability of replacing matters on their old footing, and
making these appointments elective, but a resolution was passed that,
inasmuch as the old purity in voting had passed away, and all principle
had been lost, there appeared no reason for depriving the Crown of
the valuable right it had acquired, and that the matter had better be
left on its present footing, with the understanding that the King,
when exercising his patronage, should have regard to the character
and qualifications of the candidates. In many other cases there will
be a similar result—that is, projects will be ushered in with fine
phrases as to the _interests of the people_ and the mitigation of
their burdens, and then in the end the _interests of the Crown_ will
carry the day. The King indeed takes care that the law he enacted with
regard to dress should be strictly observed; it had not been in force
many days when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was
disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty sent the Provost of
the Court into the city with orders to throw into jail all persons whom
he might find transgressing the law. There were several arrests both
of men and women, and a great commotion was the consequence, amounting
almost to an insurrection. ‘Were they to be arrested by the Provost
as if they were highwaymen or burglars? They had their own judges and
magistrates to punish offending citizens. If the Provost[185] continued
to interfere it should cost him his life.’ It seemed likely that the
people would be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the city
came to the King and informed him of what was going on; at first he
took them roundly to task for their laches in allowing these salutary
laws to fall into abeyance, telling them that it was through their
negligence he had been driven to other means of enforcing them; he then
hurried to Paris, went straight to the prison and set free all who had
been arrested on this charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor’s
dues for each prisoner. Since then the law has been more strictly
enforced.

Cardinal de Birague[186] is dead, at the age, if I mistake not, of more
than eighty years; the Court followed its usual fashion, and gave a
magnificent funeral at death to one whom it loved not during his life.
He held the title of Chancellor of France, but the duties of his office
were discharged by a deputy; he was a man who loved fair dealing,
and consequently a good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of
France, your Imperial Majesty’s sister; his successor[187] is his exact
opposite in character, disposition, and intentions.

Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of Gueldres, which has
been taken by the Spaniards. The Count of Gueldres is suspected of
having a secret understanding with Parma; there is a report that he
has been sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At Ghent
also a conspiracy[188] of some nobles against the city authorities has
been detected through Imbize, who for a long time was an exile in the
Palatinate; this discovery has placed them all in imminent danger;
among the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Constantinople.

However the others may fare, Champagny, who was the prime mover and
soul of the plot, can hardly hope to save his head.

  December 4, 1583.




LETTER XXX.


Nothing of importance, as far as I know, has happened since I last
wrote, unless it be that some men were caught at Alençon’s quarters,
with arms in their hands, under suspicious circumstances; it was
thought that they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alençon was
strongly impressed with the idea that they were cut-throats hired to
murder him. At last, after a careful investigation, it was discovered
that it was not his life they designed to take, but Fervaques’;
moreover, it was ascertained that the man who set them on was at open
feud with the latter, on account of some injury he had received at his
hands.

The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to Alençon. She has
several objects in going, but the chief one is to remove whatever
suspicions he may still entertain. People say Alençon is also about
to receive ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the
Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which has not yet been
induced to sanction his recall. For the aforesaid ambassadors, whose
arrival is expected, eighteen gold chains are being worked up at
Alençon’s quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to have
already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on the point of so doing,
with the reservation that the supreme sovereignty be vested in Alençon.
Whatever else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power of
perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His chief assistant and
adviser, St. Aldegonde, has been made burgomaster of Antwerp. For
many years past I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful
settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, done much, but I
doubt whether there is not quite as much more to be done.

We have news of disturbances in Gascony and Aquitaine; in both of these
provinces places have been seized, and attempts are being made to
recover them by force of arms.

That the year on which we have just entered and many, many coming years
may bring prosperity to your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of
your most humble servant.

  January 9, 1584.




LETTER XXXI.


The King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and devoting
himself more exclusively to religion. It was supposed that he would
spend the Carnival at Paris; he used to say that not to be at Paris
at that season was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all
the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not least, the
society of certain ladies whom he had been accustomed to meet on that
occasion.[189]

In his present humour he does not care to leave Saint-Germain, where
he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile the assembly, which was convened
for the purpose of reforming the people and remedying abuses in the
government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a number of wholesome
measures, of which I shall now proceed to give your Majesty an example.
There is no greater burden laid on the realm of France than the
multiplication of official posts, which the King creates to the benefit
of his own pocket and the impoverishment of his people; these are now,
to a great extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as many as
150 chamberlains, all of whom are now dismissed, with the exception
of sixteen, or, according to another version, twenty-four. The same
course, it is supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the
great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose shoulders the entire
burden of supporting these sinecures used to rest.

This reform, however, will draw complaints from individuals who have
purchased such offices with hard cash out of their own pockets. Their
claims, it is true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great
inconvenience and loss by the change.

Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on the eve of a fresh
civil war, and there are people who assert that Navarre has sent to
Germany to hire reiters. Whether that be so or not, at any rate the
King is raising troops.

It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will shortly be reconciled to
her husband, if indeed the reconciliation has not already taken place,
through the mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable champion
of Protestantism. The Netherland ambassadors are now with Alençon,
waiting for fuller instructions from the States. Alençon is urging his
claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, with the same
powers as the present Sovereign held during the reign of his brother
Charles, which were very extensive; but the King objects, and it seems
hardly likely that they will come to terms. This difference, it is
feared, will, in the event of war, be the source of yet more serious
quarrels.

Every day men[190] are coming over from England to France who have
been concerned in the great conspiracy against the life of the Queen
(Elizabeth). The Earl of Norfolk[191] has been arrested in England for
his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will lose his head,
but the Earl of Arundel’s case is not regarded as equally desperate,
as the Queen seems more inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of
Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their designs, is
considered to be in great danger. The Ambassador[192] of the King of
Spain, they say, was the prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this
account has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea that he
will pass through France on his way to Spain.

  February 12, 1584.


The King has returned from Saint-Germain to Paris, on account of the
illness of the Queen Mother. She had an attack of fever, which lasted
longer than was expected.

  February 15, 1584.




LETTER XXXII.


Alençon has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying with her some
days before he showed himself to the King. At last, by her advice,
as I suppose, he approached[193] the King in a most respectful and
submissive manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his knee well
nigh touching the ground. When raised by the King, he commenced his
address by imploring forgiveness for any offences he might have
committed against him.

The King replied there was no need of pardon; he was quite aware that
in certain points he did not agree with his brother, but for his own
part he was prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of
their mother, and would abide by her decision.

People say that Alençon was advised to make sure of Joyeuse and
Epernon, through whose eyes the King sees everything, if he wanted
his brother to help his party, and interfere in the affairs of the
Netherlands. The King could be led to anything, if they chose to exert
their influence. This advice he seems inclined to adopt.

The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have now arrived; people say
that they have offered Alençon the right of placing garrisons in any of
their cities with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. They
have also been to Paris to plead their cause before the King.

Alençon, after spending a few days with the King, returned to his old
quarters at Château Thierry, with the intention of coming again to
Paris before Easter.

When he left the whole court escorted him out; there was a great fuss,
and none so forward as Joyeuse and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every
mark of favour at parting.

The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under his protection, and
will send some troops thither, which, however, are nominally to be
Alençon’s.

Everyone is talking of the campaign against Damville, whose present
title is the Duke of Montmorency.[194] He is Governor of Languedoc,
and appointments of this kind are held for life, and not for a term of
years, the holder not being superseded unless he has become a rebel or
been convicted of high treason. The King is determined to bestow the
governorship of the province on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency,
it seems, does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is
life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to be tried before
his Parliament, and pronounced contumacious and rebellious. This
campaign, people say, will be taken in hand after Easter. Alençon is to
act as the King’s Lieutenant in proof of his submission to the royal
authority. The result is anxiously expected.

Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, and is supported by a
united and numerous party. Many will suspect that his downfall will
pave the way to their destruction.

A few days ago the King was within an ace of committing an act in his
own council-chamber hardly consistent with the gracious character
which befits a Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of Malta,
the Prior of Champagne,[195] a violent and reckless man. The King was
speaking earnestly on some important point, and the Prior, who took an
opposite view, went so far as to say, ‘If you wished,[196] Sire, to
speak the truth, you must remember, &c.’ The King took his words as
a personal insult, and was furious. ‘What?’ cried he; ‘do you think I
am telling a lie? Down on your knees at once, and beg my pardon.’ When
he had done so, the King forgave him, but at the same time ordered him
out of his sight. When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it
may be, said something in reply, the King again lost his temper, and,
drawing his sword, was on the point of running him through, when he was
held back by the gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris[197] is still
suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received in grasping the
naked blade. Thus the King in his council-chamber all but perpetrated
a crime little becoming his character as a ‘penitent.’ Several people
interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly pardoned him, but at
the same time required him to leave the Court and enter his presence
no more—a severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and knows no
pleasure elsewhere.

The Ambassador, who is said to have been an accomplice in the English
tragedy, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is
waiting for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what business I
cannot say. Some think he is seeking the post of ambassador at the
French court.

  March 20, 1584.




LETTER XXXIII.


Alençon,[198] after his return to Château Thierry, fell seriously ill,
and his life was in great danger. This gave rise to a story that he had
been poisoned. However, he is now said to be better. From his bringing
up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs are affected.
The Queen Mother, who went to see him, has not yet returned.

  March 29, 1584.




LETTER XXXIV.


When the people from Flanders saw that they made no way with Alençon,
and all hope of help from France was at an end, they returned home,
reversed their policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.[199] Their
ambassadors were entertained courteously by the Prince, and received
presents from him on leaving, while the envoys whom Parma sent with his
reply had like treatment from the town of Ghent.

Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the citizens will
endure the worst sooner than submit to the old yoke, and have therefore
determined to cast in their lot with Zealand and Holland for weal
or woe. This new combination will prolong the war, as they are the
wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifications, and have
the keys of the sea in their possession.

The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to be on the eve of
returning to their allegiance to the King of Spain, in company with
Flanders; the men of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved
of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have taken under their
protection, is the only exception. Alençon indeed has something else
to think of just now besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and
something that touches him more closely, for there is a report that he
is in a decline, which has reached the consumptive stage. If this be
true—and it is generally believed—he cannot be long for this world,
and then, however little the House of Valois may like it, the Bourbons
will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown—first the Cardinal, and then
Navarre. The Queen Mother is staying in the country at some distance
from Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The King, it
seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign against Damville,[200]
of which every one was talking, and has issued a proclamation to the
effect that there is nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to
rise in arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. This
Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean exactly the reverse,
and to be proof positive that war is intended; they say this is his
usual trick when he means to attack them.

Whether they are right or wrong time will show.

  April 10, 1584.




LETTER XXXV.


Alençon’s[201] life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two ago he was
reported as dead, and not only was the date of his decease given, viz.,
the 25th of this month, but also the hour, viz., 10 P.M. For several
hours, it seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought to be
dead; afterwards he became conscious, and is still alive, if a man
can be called alive, whose case is hopeless and whose death is hourly
expected. The King’s chief physician has visited him; on his return he
made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his report, but privately he
told his friends that he did not expect him to last a month. Well, the
matter is in God’s hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, is
the prayer of your humble servant.

  April 29, 1584.




LETTER XXXVI.


That Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms with Parma is
considered certain; they say indeed that service in the cathedral of
Ghent is already celebrated after the Roman rite; and this is also
the case in three churches in Bruges. In that district Sluys alone
stands out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms of the
arrangement will, people think, shortly be made public.

  May 3, 1584.




LETTER XXXVII.


Alençon is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak more correctly,
to his bed; no one is allowed to see him save one or two of his
adherents, who encourage him to hope that he will recover, but
impartial people consider his case desperate; while some think he is
already dead, but that his death is kept secret.

The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and it is indeed a
critical time, for Alençon’s death will be a most serious matter to
the kingdom. For some time past the King has been estranged from his
wife; people trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke
of Mercœur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of Joyeuse, husband to
the Queen’s sister. The latter has been appointed by the King Admiral
of France with very extensive powers; while the Duke of Mercœur has
been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke of Mercœur maintains that
all appointments within the limits of his province belong to him,
and Joyeuse disputes his claim. The King on being informed of this
difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercœur, and from that time
forth his manner to his wife has been less kind, from an idea that the
Duke of Mercœur would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for
his sister’s countenance and support. This has given rise to a notion
on the part of some people, that the King is thinking of divorcing his
wife, on the plea that she is barren, it being most important, under
present circumstances, that children should be born to the King of
France.

The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aquitaine with a numerous and
splendid retinue; his mission is a mystery and has furnished much
material for conversation and conjecture; only one or two, besides the
King, being acquainted with the secret.[202] The King also himself,
they say, is intending to visit Lyons shortly; no doubt there is some
important reason for this visit, but what it may be, there is no one
who can explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time!

  June 5, 1584.




LETTER XXXVIII.


That Alençon’s case was desperate has been proved by his death. He
breathed his last on the tenth of this month, almost at the same hour
and minute as his brother Charles some years ago; it is certain that he
died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as your Imperial
Majesty will have already learnt from the King’s own letter.

Some people declare[203] his death is a far greater benefit to the
world than his birth; they say he had fallen under the influence of
worthless satellites, and was incapable of distinguishing between
friends and flatterers; he made notoriety his object, but the notoriety
he sought might more correctly be described as infamy; he lightly
undertook, and yet more lightly abandoned that which he had undertaken.
His life was in accordance with his character; fickle, unstable,
restless, his one great object was to destroy concord and promote
disorder. His mother’s grief for him is genuine, the tears of the rest
are constrained tears, I fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent
funeral, people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will not
last beyond St. John’s Day, which is now near at hand. The corpse is
to come to Paris. The King has put on black; this is unusual, for on
former occasions it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear
violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that Alençon’s death will
give rise to great changes in France, and I think they are not far
wrong, for the chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be
disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs from theirs,
neither will they lack leaders when they rise, for the governors of the
provinces will come forward, and others to boot.

Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the future, that they are
already thinking of emigrating. The King indeed is heaping honours
on Navarre;[204] he has presented him with the duchy of Alençon, and
in his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by custom
assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne;[205] moreover, a way
has been discovered of perpetuating the miseries of the Netherlands in
spite of Alençon’s removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai[206]
to his mother; this legacy will probably carry with it all his other
acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his interests in that quarter; it
is thought that the Queen Mother will make all this bequest over to
Navarre. In this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes in
the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain ground for complaint
against the King of France. Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of
Artois and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far and wide,
burning and harrying the country.

The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the troops of the King
of Spain; Ghent has admitted Orange’s forces, but there was such
want of forage that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to
leave. People have a notion that the departure of the cavalry may lead
the men of Ghent to resume their negotiations with Parma; another
reason assigned is the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish
reinforcements.

  June 18, 1584.




LETTER XXXIX.


On the festival of St. John and the two following days the last rites
were paid to Alençon; there was nothing in the ceremonies to call
for remark, except that in the funeral speech no mention was made of
his connection with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of
the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into the procession. I
have appended to my letter a copy of what is commonly supposed to be
Alençon’s will.

To his Majesty’s great delight, the King of Navarre treated the Duke of
Epernon, on his arrival, with every mark of consideration and honour;
but Navarre’s wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit him to her
presence. Epernon is supposed to be going through the province of
Narbonne, and so to Lyons, where the King will meet him.

Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening the garrisons of
forts and towns, where needful, so that they may be ready in case of
attack or sudden emergency. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are
being stationed in different parts of the country, with the object, as
I suppose, of having a relieving army at hand in case Cambrai shall
be hard pressed. The Hollanders and Zealanders have raised a fleet
to prevent any supplies being introduced into those ports of the
Netherlands which are in the occupation of their adversaries, and this
will probably cause a rise in the price of corn.

  July 10, 1584.




LETTER XL.


The news has come of Orange’s death; there is no doubt as to the
accuracy of the report. He was shot with a pistol.[207] The assassin
has been taken and tortured, but refused to confess at whose
instigation he committed the murder. His only statement consisted of
a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he was prompted to
the deed by the desire of delivering the Provinces from so despotic a
master.

The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come to Paris, in the hope, I
suppose, of inducing the King to give them his support, but his answer
was not favourable. They are now importuning the Queen Mother, and if
she refuses they will probably apply to the King of Navarre and the
Bourbons for assistance.

Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, is closely
besieged by Parma; three attempts have been made to take it, but in
each case the assailants were repulsed with great slaughter.[208]

The King has set out for Lyons; his chief object, people think, is to
supersede the present governor and appoint Epernon, or the Duke of
Joyeuse’s father, in his place.[209] The King has asked Navarre to come
to him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom.

The party of the Guises are striving to make themselves masters of the
State. There is an anxious feeling abroad, but why or wherefore no
one exactly knows. Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal
de Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen
Mother.

  July 23, 1584.




LETTER XLI.


The Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to induce the King to give
them his support. This is the only fact worth recording in my present
letter. Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen Mother, and her
influence is said to have had some weight with the King. One of the
ambassadors has been sent back to the Netherlands in company with the
gentleman[210] who was formerly Alençon’s representative at Antwerp.

They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable answer to the
States from the King, promising to give them advice, countenance, and
reinforcements with a liberal hand. The terms which the States offer
in return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The result of the
negotiations is awaited with the deepest interest. Some people are
sounding the war-note right lustily. What, say they, would the King
wait for, or what better opportunity could he find for commencing a
struggle which must inevitably come before many years are out? Why
does not he take the initiative, when such an opportunity and such
advantages are placed within his reach? It is folly to keep longing
for that which it is in one’s power to possess. Granted, that the
Netherlanders at the bottom of their hearts distrust the French, and
will not submit to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw
them from their allegiance to their ancient lord? Let them live in a
state of semi-independence, and not as subjects of France, so long as
they remain the bitterest foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of
so many provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, even if
the King of France should not succeed in subjecting them to himself.
No sensible man can fail to see that the Spaniards, who are naturally
greedy of empire, when they have consolidated their position, will
not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but will endeavour to
make themselves masters of the whole of Christendom. But how little
remains for them to win, compared with what they have already secured!
Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, and all other princes
and states will be placed in a humiliating position. Everything will
depend on the pleasure of the Spaniard—a most miserable and degrading
prospect! No time, therefore, must be lost in encountering this attack
on the liberties of Europe, before the Spanish power is consolidated.
There is no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have any
regard for their own safety and reputation would gladly join their
forces and unite in extinguishing a conflagration which is dangerous to
everyone.[211]

My own opinion is that these views are popular, and that they are only
waiting for the death of the King of Spain, as the most favourable
opportunity for a general movement.

Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Dendermonde, after great
losses, if we may believe the report. He retains, however, the fort of
Calloo, which enables him to cause much trouble to the ships as they
sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde[212] without much difficulty, as
the larger part of the garrison has been cut off from the town.

Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard to induce
Balagny,[213] the governor of Cambrai, to surrender the town to
the King and the King’s nominee. Balagny’s tyrannical conduct has
rendered him most unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some
arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has proved himself a skilful
and sagacious diplomatist in affairs of this kind.

  Paris, August 18, 1584.




LETTER XLII.


I have hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to allow a longer
time to elapse before writing.

The King has returned from Lyons without achieving anything worth
notice, as far as I know. He stayed for some time at the castle of _le
Bois de Vincennes_, in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building
a church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the benefit of
himself and his society of Penitents.[214] At the same time he is
carrying on his campaign against vice by punishing heinous offences,
especially those which are connected with malversation of public
moneys, whether they belong to the privy purse or the exchequer,
France being full of offenders of this kind.

In dealing with these matters he does not spare even men of high rank;
consequently there is a panic, and people are leaving the country. He
will next attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require them to
give an account of the way they have administered justice, and the
sentences they have pronounced, for these courts of justice are, it is
considered, full of corruption and in great need of reform. In France
the Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King’s; in them justice
is sold, or given as a matter of favour.

Though well stricken in years,[215] the Cardinal de Bourbon is
apparently unwilling to surrender the right of succession to the throne
to his nephew Navarre, and therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a
numerous party regard as their leaders; nay, a little while ago it was
stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender his Cardinal’s
hat, and marry the widow of Montpensier, sister to the Duke of Guise.
The report is still current.

Marshal de Retz is still in Picardy, strengthening fortifications
and garrisoning posts, for the Queen Mother has, it appears, set her
mind on keeping Cambrai, and some of the household troops have been
despatched thither with that object. The Queen herself has left Paris
for the banks of the Loire, and is going from place to place in the
hope of arranging an interview with Navarre, but the probability of
his meeting her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will
not trust either her or the King. That his wife may meet her mother
is not impossible. The King too has set out for the Loire, and will
stop some time, should the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow
him to remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the King’s
destination really is.

Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very favourable to the
King of Spain. Ghent[216] has made its peace with him. If report says
true, the terms are as follows: they are to pay him 200,000 crowns,
restore the churches, allow two citadels to be built, and give up any
six men who may be demanded.

Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of surrender. In spite
of this Antwerp does not lose heart, nor are the Hollanders and
Zealanders abandoning any part of their programme. The Queen Mother’s
Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and talks much of the
highly favourable terms on which they are willing to conclude a bargain
with the King of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that God
Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty is the prayer of your
humble servant.

  October 4, 1584.




LETTER XLIII.


I have allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, partly because I
was every day expecting Sancerre to leave, and partly because I had no
news worth sending.

The King, who had been dodging the plague from place to place, at last
stopped at Blois; the plague,[217] however, gave him notice to quit by
carrying off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bedchamber, so after all
he has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he intends prosecuting
his social and legal reforms. I saw him at Blois, whither I went to
express to him and the two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief
and sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty’s sister, at the
death of Alençon.

There was some talk of disturbances in the south of France, but they
seem to have subsided.

Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as travelling from England
to Spain by way of Paris, has returned to these parts. He comes to
express his master’s grief at the death of Alençon, and also to
supersede Tassis[218] as ambassador to France. Tassis has gone to the
Netherlands _en route_ for Spain. If laying out large sums be the proof
of a good ambassador, Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, for
they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 crowns a year. I hope
the rest may be in keeping, and that he may prove in every way as good
as Tassis.

The Duke of Epernon, who is the King’s second self, is ill with a
severe attack of scrofula, a disease which the Kings of France profess
to heal by a touch of the hand,[219] so the King has an admirable
opportunity of putting his power to the test! I write this because I
have nothing else to say. Everything is at a standstill from the frost,
but this pause will probably lead to greater movements in the spring.

  December 10, 1584.




LETTER XLIV.


Ambassadors have again come from the rebel States of the Netherlands,
with very extensive powers, they say, to induce the King to take them
under his protection. The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful.
There are men about the King who would fain lead him into war.

Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly blockaded, the navigation of
the Scheldt being almost entirely stopped.

  December 15, 1584.




LETTER XLV.


A numerous deputation has again come here from the insurgent States of
the Netherlands with very full powers and large offers. On condition
of the King’s receiving them into his protection, they undertake
to hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority shall be
supreme; they promise to contribute 100,000 crowns a month towards the
expenses of the war, one-half to be paid by themselves, and the other
by the Queen of England. An English ambassador is expected here, with
a large and numerous train, to take part in these negotiations; the
ostensible object of the embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter
to the King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambassadors have been
ordered to stop short at a neighbouring town,[220] but for all that
they are treating with the King by means of letters and memorials;
their expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They assure the
King of an easy success, if he will only cut off the enemy’s supplies
by stopping all exports from France. If this is done, they declare
that in a year’s time there will not be a single foreign soldier in
the Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved out, their
supplies by sea being already cut off; even now, they say, though there
is nothing to interrupt their communications with France, provisions
in the enemy’s camp are scarce and dear. What the King’s decision will
be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse their cause, he will thereby
involve himself in a serious war; if he helps rebels against their
Sovereign, he supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awkward
precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for heretics, when he hates and
loathes the heretics in his own realm, and endures them only because he
cannot help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent; but, however
that may be, he will not, people think, openly espouse the cause of the
Netherlanders, the ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to
the Queen Mother, while the King is to support her with his forces,
and countenance the undertaking; but as to who is to have the conduct
of the campaign is more than I can make out. The King of Navarre or
Condé would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but neither of
them will place himself in the King’s power, as they have not forgotten
the wedding and massacre of Saint Bartholomew; notwithstanding, some
say that Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the sole
heir of his kingdom, to Condé, with the view to securing his own
safety, as well as the Prince’s, since in that case, if either of them
be murdered, there will be a survivor to avenge his death.[221] The
decision arrived at must be known before long.

The Monsieur de Selles,[222] whom your Majesty knew in Spain, has died
in his prison in Zealand.

The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, which has been so long
under consideration, has at length been published, but save in a few
particulars it is not of the description generally expected; I enclose
a copy for your Imperial Majesty.

That God may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your most
humble servant.

  January 25, 1585.




LETTER XLVI.


The King has granted a private audience to the Netherland ambassadors;
I cannot give the terms of their address, but it is easy to guess what
they were. As to the King, they say, he replied that he would not fail
in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors are fifteen in number,
and their retinue comprises some sixty gentlemen; they have been joined
by the Prince of Espinoy,[223] who, with his brother, the Marquis of
Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court of the late Emperor
Maximilian.

It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at any rate despatches,
are also coming from the King of Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of
Savoy, to remind the King of his engagements and to call on him to
fulfil them; but, for my own part, I incline to think that neither
letters nor ambassadors from the King of Spain or Duke of Savoy will
have much influence; as to how much weight will be attached to the
Pope’s remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the Netherland
ambassadors are being defrayed by the French treasury. Lastly, the
English Ambassador, who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and
gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby[224]; he is of royal
blood the French say, and the English confirm the statement. He was
met and escorted into Paris with the utmost pomp; a house next the
Palace was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day assigned for his
expenses. He is the bearer of the Order of the Garter from the Queen
to the King of France. This is the ostensible object of his mission,
but the real and more important reason is supposed to be connected
with the affairs of the Netherlands. On the last day of last month the
King was invested with the insignia of the Order in the Church of St.
Augustine during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter of the
Knights of the Holy Ghost; all the ambassadors attended the ceremony by
invitation; amongst them were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but
their coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador.

To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience to the aforesaid
ambassadors, in company with the English Ambassador, but, as to what
the issue is likely to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the
King is entering into the business without much heart, and is even
dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed arrangements, which do
not go so far as he would like; but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to
anything Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the matter.
People think that the King will give way to his mother, and take up the
cause of the Netherlands, giving them secret support, even if he does
not openly adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the
consequence. The most important part in this adventure, people say,
will be assigned to Don Antonio[225]; by their account, he is to be
given the command of the French forces. In a business of this kind we
can be certain of the past, but of nothing else!

These are our troubles here; still, mischief is not confined to
Paris. A man tried to poison the King of Navarre, but failed in the
attempt, either by reason of the strength of the King’s constitution,
or the weakness of the poison; the assassin then had recourse to
open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. He failed again,
was arrested, and is being tried in chains.[226] The King is greatly
distressed at the affair, as indeed he has good reason to be, for
his own reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore sent a
distinguished judge to be present at the trial and examination of
the assassin under torture; he is to bring back a true and accurate
report as to whether the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from
motives of personal malice.

  March 6, 1585.




LETTER XLVII.


Positive news has come from Brabant that Brussels[227] has been
compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, and Antwerp is hard pressed,
being debarred from all use of the Scheldt by the completion of the
bridge. These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French
Court, and compel them to come to some decision with regard to the
Netherlanders, for, unless these last receive some support, their
defence must collapse. Indeed, the ambassadors of the rebel States
assume an air of despondency, being disappointed at the King’s handing
over the responsibility to his mother, instead of declaring war on his
own account.

  March 7, 1585.




LETTER XLVIII.


The English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this month, after a
visit of twenty days, during which he was treated with high honours,
and received every mark of respect. On leaving he was presented
with plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gentlemen in
his train had also the honour of receiving presents. A little later
the Netherland ambassadors took their leave, when each of them was
presented with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns; their visit
has produced little or no result; at any rate, if any arrangement has
been made, it is a complete secret. The King’s public answer was that
he did not intend to break the peace which subsisted between himself
and the King of Spain; the Queen Mother said, she was deeply concerned
for their preservation, but was prevented by the King’s wishes from
giving them assistance. Whether any secret understanding is implied in
these ambiguous phrases, I cannot say. The ambassadors have done their
utmost to draw the King into open war; this appears also to have been
the object of the English Ambassador, but he does not seem to have had
much success. Some people think the King has undertaken to give them
considerable succours as soon as his present troubles shall have blown
over, and meanwhile to furnish them with some little assistance. As
regards the troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are without
doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises are levying war; the popular
account is that they are angry[228] with the King for not recognising
their own and their family’s services, while a couple of young
fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and conceit, are
loaded with high offices and honours. But this is not all; they wish to
have a Catholic successor appointed in case of the King’s death, and
they are again putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy against
heretics, in which they claim the leadership. The meaning of all this
is, that knowing there will be no room for them in France, should
Navarre, on the death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish betimes
to grapple with this danger, and thus consult their own interests,
regardless of the great troubles they must bring on the country. And,
to be fair, there is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety,
as people cannot tell what the position of the Church will be after
the King’s death. Many believe that their ancient ritual, services,
and sacraments will be profaned and put down by Navarre, and that the
Catholics will be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto
been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These fears give an
excellent handle to those who are desirous of a revolution, and men who
have been true to the old religion are in a peculiarly good position
to take advantage of it. Among these stand the Guises, who are most
popular in France, so much so that one may hear them spoken of with
greater deference than the King himself. The family of Guise, they say,
can trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charlemagne,[229] has
ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever loyal to King and country,
in spite of the neglect with which it has been treated, and the
bestowal on others of the honours it has earned, and now is justified
in unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal prerogatives, and
undertaking the defence of the Church.[230]

The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his family and takes part
with the Guises. The King has warned them by letters and messengers to
have a care of whither the road leads on which they are travelling; to
which they replied, they had no designs against him, they had never
swerved from the paths of loyalty and duty, so that he ought not to
believe the calumnies of their enemies.

In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining ground of German
reiters being brought to France; they say they are already on the
borders of Lorraine, and Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under
arms.

If one inquires whence the money will be forthcoming for the campaign,
everybody has an answer ready to the effect that, with the Pope and
the King of Spain[231] at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and
that there is an understanding between them and the Guises is a matter
beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one considers who is to profit by these
disturbances, it is difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the
King of Spain; for the pacification of the latter’s provinces in the
Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment of his plans are
impossible so long as France is quiet and united. The King of Navarre
is quite alive to what is going on, and completely on his guard; indeed
he also is making ready to defend himself against any murderous attack;
he likewise offered the King his services against the enemy. The King
tells him not to be uneasy; he is to make no movement, but simply to
keep his towns in readiness to repel any sudden assault, and leave the
rest to him.

I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, for some are disposed
to suspect him of knowing and approving of all the plans of the Guises;
others again hold that, while hitherto he has not been privy to their
schemes, he will in no long time adopt their ideas and join their
party; not that he loves them, but because he hates Navarre still
more, on account of their old quarrels and the difference of their
religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt that the King would
sooner have anyone than Navarre as successor to his throne, since he
can have no confidence that after his accession his policy will not be
reversed, the position of his connections and relations be impaired,
and his friends cast down from their high estate; lastly, it is most
annoying to feel that after one’s death people will be exalted, whom
during one’s life one has desired to keep down. However, it is not easy
to trace the workings of the heart, and so it is better to suspend our
judgment till time makes all things clear.

Not long ago the rumour was very general that a fresh attempt against
the life of the Queen of England had been discovered.

The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy preparing a fleet, which is to
break through the bridge and relieve Antwerp; should this attempt fail,
they intend opening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and flooding
the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring their fleet, in spite of
the bridge, up to the walls of the town; this plan, however, must cause
great suffering throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obstinate
they are; their own account is that they have no other course.

  March 26, 1585.




LETTER XLIX.


People are becoming seriously alarmed. Suddenly and unexpectedly France
finds herself on the brink of a great war; the King himself hardly knew
of its approach before it burst upon him. Two months ago the Duke of
Bouillon[232] wrote cautioning him to be on his guard, as the Guises
were preparing for a campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his
imprudence in disregarding this warning.

Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is the Cardinal de
Bourbon, but, if I am not very much mistaken, the real leaders are
the three brothers—the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal
de Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and the Marquis of
Elbœuf; they have also on their side the Queen’s brother, the Duke of
Mercœur, Governor of Brittany; there are besides in the ranks of the
insurrection many gentlemen of less mark, with whose names I need not
trouble your Majesty.

The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief one is jealousy.
For a long time the Guises have felt bitterly their position at the
Court, where they do not hold the influence and station to which they
consider themselves entitled.[233] Others are loaded with wealth and
honours, while they are held of no account, and are left crippled by
the debts, which they and their ancestors have saddled themselves
with in the service of the State. The King, they complain, has picked
out a couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affection and
caresses, treating them like sons, squandering on them the public
revenues, living with them in the closest intimacy, while the Guises
are not merely kept at a distance, but are actually insulted by having
the doors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into the royal
presence.

Besides these causes for complaint, there is a notion, I fancy, which
is not altogether groundless, that the sister of Navarre, the heir of
his kingdom and extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon,
who is generally supposed to have been appointed by the King Constable
of France, and that the King, who is not at present favourably disposed
towards Navarre, will be reconciled by this alliance, and support his
claims to the succession. In all probability the object of the Guises
is to put a stop to this arrangement, which would be most disastrous to
their interests, as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Condé on
the throne, their influence in France would be obliterated.

The Cardinal de Bourbon[234] assumes the title of successor to the
throne, and is indignant at the preference given to the claims of his
nephew; he has thrown off his Cardinal’s robes and fancies himself so
much in a soldier’s coat, that people think he must be childish. He is
fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic See, to the faith he
professes, to his family, and to himself, not to allow a Protestant
to ascend the throne on the death of the King. He therefore considers
himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first place in it.
The Church, the Commonwealth, the convening[235] of the Estates, the
security of the country, the safety of honest people, the common pleas
of all revolutionists, are pressed into their service as a cloak for
their designs.

Again, there was a report of a Bull[236] coming from the Pope, which
might arrive at any moment, pronouncing Navarre and Condé incapable
of ascending the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, I
question the policy of such a step, showing as it does the disunion
of Christendom at a time when the Turkish victories over the Persians
render an invasion more probable than ever; for there is no doubt
that the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their long
struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way for the extinction of
Christianity. As soon as they have secured their rear, by destroying or
crippling their Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces
for a struggle with us; they will fight with us for existence and
empire, and the chances are greatly in their favour.[237]

But yet the movement I have described is so popular that I cannot tell
what the result will be. To the King, indeed, this outbreak is a most
untoward and unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds
wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a Catholic nobleman
in France who is not suspected of being concerned in the designs
of the Guises, and secretly favouring the movement; almost all the
provinces are wavering in their allegiance; of the great cities some
are disloyal, while others refuse to receive garrisons from the King.
Thus he hardly knows which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open
enemies, while his friends are few and weak. Whatever efforts he may
make to muster his troops, it will be too late, for he has to deal with
an enemy near at hand and well prepared.

The only man I am surprised at is the Duke of Mercœur;[238] I cannot
understand his taking up arms against the King, when he is brother to
the Queen, and has lately received great promotion from the King. He
has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as he has been deprived
of certain privileges which his predecessors in the government of
Brittany enjoyed, these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse
as Admiral of France.[239]

Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has declared for the
Guises. Caen, on the coast of Normandy, which is commanded by the
strong fortifications of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of
Elbœuf; the citadel is held by d’O, who was formerly one of the King’s
mignons, but has now attached himself to the party of the Guises.
The Duke of Aumale has seized several other places, and the Duke of
Joyeuse is on the march to recover them. The younger Lansac, who is
also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, near Bordeaux, and will prove a
thorn in the side of that town if it remains loyal to the King.[240] De
Brissac[241] holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the length
and breadth of the country, numbers are revolting and bidding defiance
to the King. An attempt has also been made to seize Marseilles, but
it proved unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affairs have
made the Duke of Epernon a little more courteous; he used to be so
supercilious that when members of the royal family spoke to him and
removed their hats, he kept his on his head; but now he has the grace
to put his hand to his hat. This has given rise to a popular joke, that
Epernon has at last found out where his hat is!

The King has sent deputies all round the country to calm the storm, but
they do not bring back any offers of a compromise.

The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and is oftentimes obliged
to hear him speak of her son in terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal
de Bourbon is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival the
latter used to protest against any application being made to himself
with reference to the rising, declaring that he was not in command, but
simply a private gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Archbishop
of Lyons is[242] also there, as the King’s representative, with very
extensive powers. Unless they come to terms the prospect for France is
desperate, and we are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen’s[243]
return, which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace with
the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the commencement of a
disastrous war. According to some, one of the terms of peace will be
the restoration of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how little
the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up arms they are acting
in concert with Spain.

The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect of this movement to
herself, is, they say, offering the King 6,000 horse, to be hired at
her expense, and to consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King
shall decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong force of his
partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he is the real object of
attack.

Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have heard that the Marquis
of Richebourg and sundry others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;[244]
they say that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain.

I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as freely as
before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy are occupied by the soldiers
of the two contending parties, who examine and tear to pieces all
communications; indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this very letter
will be able to get through safely.

  April 25, 1585.




LETTER L.


Guise has taken the town of Verdun,[245] slaying several of its
defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes have also gone over to
the Guises.

There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. The Earl of
Arundel,[246] who was concerned in it, has been arrested.

  April 28, 1585.




LETTER LI.


The war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened deserving special
mention. The clergy are said to be furnishing the King with 100,000
crowns a month, on condition of his shortening the term within which,
according to his previous decree, the Huguenots must leave the country.
He has acceded to this demand, as your Majesty will see by reading
the enclosed proclamation;[247] but even this has failed to convince
the people that the King really and honestly shares the views of the
League, and has joined the party; for, according to some, it is only a
device to extract money, and when he has gained his object he will turn
his coat! Time will show.

A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in number, created
a panic by seizing the citadel of Angers;[248] the excitement was
increased by the news that the Prince of Condé was coming; he had
crossed the Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the
suburbs. All the troops that could be got together were hurried off to
Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, and thither went all the leaders,
Joyeuse, Epernon, Mayenne, and Biron.

But Condé, finding himself surrounded by such powerful forces, and
seeing that he would not be able to reach the citadel, abandoned his
design and retired across the Loire; he then broke up his army, and
sought safety in the country occupied by his own garrisons. Meanwhile
it was the common talk, and generally believed, that he had been taken
prisoner while crossing some river or other, but it soon became clear
that the story had no foundation. Shortly after this affair the King
recalled his forces, which have suffered severely from the incessant
rains and the hardships of an autumn campaign; neither have they
altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging.

The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, have accused their
commander[249] of high treason, charging him with intending to admit
a Spanish garrison into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion
they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications.

The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the ground some time ago,
and people say the King has given orders that the citadel of Angers
shall be treated in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of
fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones are being built.

I shall enclose the Papal Bull[250] declaring Navarre and Condé
incapable of succeeding to the throne of France. What effect it will
have God only knows; for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal
for greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, _has_ confiscated
all the property of Navarre on which he could lay his hands, and placed
it in the custody of the Cardinal de Vendôme,[251] the owner’s cousin.

The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the King’s Ambassador, to
treat for the appropriation of ecclesiastical property to the service
of the State, and, no doubt, concerning other matters as well.

Again, a new Ambassador[252] of high rank is on his way to
Constantinople; his policy, I imagine, will be anything but favourable
to the peace of Germany. There is nothing they are so much afraid of
here as German reiters, and they have apparently come to the conclusion
that the best way of keeping them employed elsewhere is to threaten
their country with a Turkish war.

I understand that one packet of the despatches I wrote in May is
missing. I cannot tell where it was stopped. I sent it by way of
Brussels as the safest route. My present letter will also go by the
same road, but I shall take further precautions to ensure its safety. I
trust that the missing packet will also eventually reach your Majesty.

  Paris: November 15, 1585.




LETTER LII.


Although nothing worth recording has happened since I last wrote,
nevertheless I take up my pen because I have a chance of sending a
letter, which does not often occur now-a-days.

The Duke of Mayenne’s forces are now in close contact with the enemy,
and we shall soon see in what direction he is moving, and his prospects
of success in the campaign.

The King has made up his mind not to allow a single Huguenot, or indeed
anyone who is not a Catholic, to remain in France; consequently all
who do not care to change their religion are leaving the country.
A few days ago a petition was presented to the King on behalf of
certain women and girls, imploring leave to remain in France under his
protection, and promising that they would live in retirement and give
offence to no one. The King would not grant their request, but took
care that they should not be injured, and sent them to England under
his safe conduct.

As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new religious services,
and lives like a hermit. People are afraid his health will be affected
by the austerities he practises, or that he will become the victim of
some superstitious craze.

The Queen of England is openly taking Holland and Zealand, with certain
towns besides, under her protection, and has issued a proclamation to
that effect. I cannot say whether she will give much help to places at
a distance from the sea, but the maritime position of England renders
it probable that the towns on the coast will derive great assistance
from her powerful navy.

So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all its sufferings and
all its uncertainties, while the blockade by sea will bring the other
provinces of the Netherlands into danger of starvation.

  December 6, 1585.




LETTER LIII.


There is a report that German cavalry is already on the march for
France. The King has despatched the Duke of Epernon to his command at
Metz, where there have been great Protestant disturbances.

  December 8, 1585.




LETTER LIV.


Navarre, having shaken off the enemy, determined to assault the
faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the probability of such a
movement. Marching with all his forces on the capital, he stormed
and sacked the four faubourgs of the Université,[253] each of which
is as big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which consisted of
citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre’s men contrived to slip
in between them and the city walls, and thus cut off their retreat.
Many of them were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no quarter
being given except to those who could convince their captors that
they had the amount of their ransom in hard cash in their houses. The
number slain and captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day
after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Navarre, after halting
for a time and offering battle, retreated a few miles from Paris with
his booty and prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy had
occupied; although it is an open town, the position is important from
its commanding the road to Paris from the principal corn-growing
districts. Mayenne, they say, can still muster a considerable force,
but, as he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence is
more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. Whatever the enemy
has either not found out or not thought worth taking, becomes their
booty. Thus the Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No
wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel the effects
of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps winter and the difficulty of
finding money will bring the first act of this tragedy to a close, and
then each party will endeavour to support their cause by convening the
Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the towns, and the Order
of the Clergy will meet at Paris; Navarre and the leading nobles at
Tours. He will there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of
Coronation service performed, in order to increase his authority, and
justify his assumption of the title of ‘Royal Majesty.’ He will not
however remain quite idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations
in Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as opportunities may
occur. At Tours he will be able, should it prove desirable, to treat
with the young Duke of Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other
prisoners,[254] with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure
that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have already been
taken in this direction with some prospects of success. I remain your
Imperial Majesty’s most humble servant.

  November 13, 1589.[255]




LETTER LV.


Navarre has retaken Vendôme by storm. This strong town, which forms
part of his hereditary possessions, had been lost by the governor’s
treason. The governor, who was a man of noble birth, was captured.
In order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat was cut,
while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who had been sent from Paris
to preach there, was hanged.[256] He next received the surrender of Le
Mans, a rich and famous town; such at any rate is the report, but it is
not positively confirmed. It is certain that money is being secretly
sent to Paris by the King of Spain, but I am afraid not as much as they
require. When people have to supply their allies with money they soon
get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from Antwerp for Paris;
large supplies of gunpowder are also said to be coming by the same
channel.

  November 29, 1589.




LETTER LVI.


There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at Tours by Cardinal
de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of Rheims,[257] four other bishops
being present or assisting at the ceremony. Some people add that he
attended divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others deny
this; but admit that, in the speech which he made on the occasion,
he declared that as regarded religion he would soon give them such
satisfaction that no one would have any just ground for complaint left.
They say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of France; he is
expected to come to Tours and do homage to the King on his Coronation.
There is no longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le Mans,
nor does the mischief stop there, for some assert, that Chartres,
a wealthy and fortified city, has gone over to Navarre. He has for
some time been master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations
are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the town itself.
There is the same news about Melun, which lies on the Seine above
Paris; the position is important for preventing the introduction of
provisions into the capital. Further, some would have it believed
that the governor of the port of Havre de Grâce in Normandy is ready
to come to terms with Navarre. If even a part, and much more if all,
of these rumours be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They
are now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they say, amounts to
300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see that they have any trustworthy
resources to support their resistance, and I am consequently afraid
that, when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to some he is
to be expected shortly, others say not till spring. I have great fears
for the town where I am now staying, and am therefore obliged to look
out for a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors which
occur when a city is taken by storm. The Marquis of Pont-à-Musson[258]
has crossed into Flanders, intending to return from there either
through Brabant or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at Paris,
which was called the Council of the Union,[259] is said to have been
dissolved, and the supreme authority again restored to the Parliament,
which issues decrees in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de
Bourbon. It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which was
removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the stronger of the two.
The Duke of Parma is said to be suffering from illness. I do not know
the exact nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous
one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the Queen of France
(Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles IX.) from receiving and
enjoying her property and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost
they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary expenses of the
maintenance of herself and her household. I have already ventured, I
think, to call your Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s position in this
respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is at hand I have
judged it to be my duty to repeat the warning. I trust your Majesty
will consider how the Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has
passed by.

  December 14, 1589.




LETTER LVII.


A meeting of the States-General of the kingdom has been summoned at
Tours by Navarre to consider the state of the country, and to take
measures for punishing the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is
the day appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,[260] who has
been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on the way. Thither he
summoned the people of Langres, and invited them to abandon Navarre
and acknowledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. On
their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and transferred their
bishopric to Dijon.[261] People think he entered Paris three days
ago. There is a report going about here of the arrival of a Turkish
fleet, but it is doubtful, and does not rest on any good authority.
The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking to supply
him with whatever he may want against Spain.[262] People are anxiously
waiting to see at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He has
taken several important cities in Normandy. Some think he intends to
besiege Rouen,[263] which is already exhausted by the calamities of
war. Things, however, are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops
enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are being raised,
and will soon be ready. The result of Mayenne’s enterprises remains
to be seen. His plan seems to have been to demolish all the forts of
the enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the river from
Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find an easy task, especially with
Navarre so near at hand. In proof of this the fort of Meulan,[264]
before which, as I mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and
does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. The reputation of
both generals is at stake; the question being, whether Mayenne shall
abandon his enterprise, or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed
before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage when offered
battle by the other.

I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of Scotland has married
the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, as I thought Navarre’s
sister was intended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of Parma,
they say, has taken offence at something or other, and has therefore
withdrawn himself from almost all the duties of his position, and
avoiding the crowded Court has for some time past allowed himself to
nurse his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on that account
been sent to the King of Spain.

To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a short time, they think
Evreux will soon be added. Though it is not a strongly fortified town,
it is the seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles from here.
He has already occupied the suburbs. Both this town and the whole
neighbourhood were greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar
fate, but he seems to intend to direct his march against Rouen, for he
sent a trumpeter thither to summon them to surrender, and to threaten
them with destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many towns
falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror-struck, and therefore
to desire peace at any price. On this Navarre builds his hopes.
Meanwhile the siege of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on
very languidly.[265]




LETTER LVIII.


Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He is, however, too weak to
raise the siege of Paris, or to engage the King with a fair prospect
of success. When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a safe
position. The King thought this an additional reason for pressing the
siege. Though he had effected a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts
of them which were nearest the city were more in the citizens’ power
than his own. He therefore resolved to push forward his entrenchments
to the walls of the city. This operation was executed in a single
night, the breastwork of the besiegers being carried up to the very
gates. Thenceforth no one was able to enter or leave Paris without his
permission. Meanwhile the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed
impossible for them to hold out much longer, and more than 12,000
perished of hunger. The inhabitants, however, bore their sufferings
patiently, and preferred to hold out to the bitter end rather than
abandon the cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained in
this resolve by the promises of the Spanish Ambassador and the Papal
Legate, who declared that the Duke of Parma himself was on the point
of coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion which was
soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived at last, after negotiations for
peace had actually been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal
de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate of Gaul,[266] went
under a safe-conduct to the King. They failed to come to terms, but the
negotiations were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange
of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed that three
commissioners on each side should meet at the fortress of Nanteuil[267]
and the mansion of Schomberg, nine French miles from Paris.[268] The
prospects of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters of
Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, in which he exhorted
them to hold out a little longer, and told them that he was actually on
the march to their relief; there was no fear, he added, that _he_ would
demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his King, or by coming
to terms with him. The King showed these letters to the Cardinal and
Archbishop, and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but at
their entreaty he finally consented to await the day which had been
fixed for the termination of the armistice, namely, the 26th of this
month. He did not sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already
decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, under Nevers
and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he expected in a few days. He only
withdrew his cannon from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St.
Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might have his hands free,
if he were obliged to fight or should be summoned elsewhere, it being
his usual practice to leave his baggage behind, when he undertakes any
operation. Apart from this he made no change, and did not move a single
soldier from his position under the ramparts of Paris.

In case of an engagement taking place, the news will in all probability
reach your Majesty before my account of it arrives. Therefore, in order
that your Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the value
of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for your consideration
a sketch of both generals, the King and Mayenne, and their several
forces. The contest will be one between two famous leaders, in the
prime of life and at the height of their renown, one of whom, Mayenne,
will give up the command to Parma, and will fight as his subordinate.
The King is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest
experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he will have, it is
thought, some 20,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry. The latter for the
most part is composed of gentlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted.
Of French infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, with
whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The _élite_ of his foot consists of a
body of four or five thousand Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse
and foot alike, are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed
to be led, and whose presence inspires them with confidence. Moreover,
the King has with him veteran generals of great experience, whose
advice and assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, La Noue,
and many others. Round him too have gathered the Princes of the Bourbon
blood, with the leading gentlemen from every part of France.

With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of generalship there is not
much to choose between them, but it must be admitted that the latter is
a most unlucky commander, while the former is a favourite of fortune,
as is proved by his long list of successes in the Netherlands, and in
this respect he may fairly be considered a match for the King. Their
united infantry, as report goes, amounts to 17,000, while their cavalry
is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their foot the Spaniards and
Walloons are considered the best, and these, with the addition of some
Italian companies, are not much over 4,000 strong. Next to these come
the Germans; the French and Lorrainers are the worst.

The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in concocting devices against
each other, the object being to inflict the maximum of damage with the
minimum of loss to their own troops. To enable his men to resist the
charge of the French cavalry, Parma encloses his infantry with a fence
formed of ropes of the strongest and thickest description, which are
supported by stout stakes at regular intervals. Immediately behind the
ropes he posts his musketeers, who can thus fire on the French horse
in perfect security. All the musketeers have a store of double bullets
fastened together with copper wire, which will be very effective
against horses. The cannon also are loaded with chain-shot, and masked
batteries are planted in good positions, with troops drawn up in front
so as to conceal them from the enemy; at the critical moment they
will open fire, and pour a withering volley among the horses of their
assailants.

Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he takes counsel with his
craftiest and wisest captains, to see if they cannot devise a new mode
of attack. Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful manœuvre to
be executed, which is to discomfit the enemy.

On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general and a powerful
army. The King’s forces are supposed to be somewhat larger than
Parma’s, and he has also a decided superiority in the composition of
his troops, for, with a few exceptions, they are all men of the same
nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma’s forces have been recruited
from various nations, and are to a large extent made up of raw levies,
on whom not much reliance can be placed. Again, the King has the great
advantage of fighting on his own ground, that is to say, on ground
which he has previously chosen and fortified, while Parma, by the
circumstances of his position, is compelled to attack at a disadvantage.

Such are the premises; whether they are sufficient for forming an
opinion as to what the result of a battle would be, is more than I can
say. They are valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a
sunset are valuable in enabling us to guess what weather we shall have
to-morrow. Besides, it is mere guessing, and no more; victory does not
depend on scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of soldiers, or
the abundance of munitions, but solely on the will of God.

If I have lingered longer over this subject than has been agreeable, I
trust I may be pardoned. That God may long preserve your Majesty is the
prayer of your most humble servant.

  Mantes, August 27, 1590.[269]




APPENDIX.

CONTENTS OF APPENDIX.


                                                    PAGE

    I. SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY                         267

   II. ITINERARIES                                         284

  III. EDITIONS                                            288

   IV. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS:—

    i. Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin            292

   ii. Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq            295

  iii. Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque       300

   iv. Copy of the Sauve-garde                             303

    v. Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of
         Charlot Desrumaulx                                305

   vi. Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert
         du Mortier                                        309


I.

_SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN._

IN order that the reader may be able to appreciate the circumstances
under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters were written, and to understand
many of the allusions they contain, it is necessary that he should have
the power of referring easily to the leading events of Hungarian and
Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman. For Busbecq’s French
letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch Republic’ and ‘United Netherlands’ may be
consulted, but no such works in English upon Hungarian history exist.
The narratives of Robertson and Creasy are meagre in this respect, and
contain only scattered and incidental notices of Hungarian events;
while Von Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in Heeren’s
Series, valuable as they are, have not been translated into English,
and besides are not easily accessible. None of these works give a
connected narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which are
mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian history, and have to be
picked out from it with much time and trouble. It is hoped that this
sketch will to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a clue to
the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some curious facts have been
gleaned from Katona’s ‘Critical History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which
is mostly composed of original documents, including numerous letters
written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after he had returned from
his embassy, and long extracts from Busbecq’s own letters.

During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the Debatable Land between
Christendom and Islam. The picture which the ‘Lay of the Last Minstrel’
and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the English and Scottish
border, will suggest a faint notion of the state of things all along
the frontier between the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon both
sides continual forays were made, villages were plundered and burnt,
castles surprised, cattle driven off, and, worst of all, prisoners
were carried away into hopeless slavery.[270] Every few years these
desultory hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwithstanding
occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the tide of Turkish invasion
rose steadily higher and higher. In addition, the unfortunate country
was distracted by civil war, waged with varying success between
Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the rivals for the throne, while
the magnates of the kingdom went over from one side to the other,
according as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage for
themselves.

Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of Othman, was born in
1494, and succeeded his father, Selim I., in September 1520. The first
year of his reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, and the
fall of Belgrade,[271] the bulwark of that kingdom. Louis, the King
of Hungary and Bohemia, was then a minor, and, in the party strife of
the different factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was
neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention was diverted to other
enterprises, of which the most famous was the siege and capture of
Rhodes in 1522, but in 1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29,
the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated King Louis
with great slaughter at Mohacz,[272] the King himself perishing in the
flight, and then advanced on Buda, which surrendered on September 10.
Thence he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian nobles,
and, after promising them to make John Zapolya, Count of Zips and
Voivode or Viceroy of Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden
with booty to Constantinople.

Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor as Emperor, and
Zapolya were rivals for the crown of St. Stephen. The first relied
upon family compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with King
Louis.[273] Zapolya, on the other hand, was supported by a strong party
among the nobles, who disliked Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s
partisans took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at which
he was elected King, and he was duly crowned at Stuhlweissenburg by
the Archbishop of Gran. Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the
Palatine Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which declared
Zapolya’s election void on the ground that the diet of Tokay had not
been summoned by the Palatine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after
defeating his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the following
year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya then threw himself on
Solyman’s protection, offering to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his
tributary, and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in
February 1528. In the following year Solyman invaded Hungary for the
third time, and took Buda on September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya
was again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of the Aga
of the Janissaries, and did homage for his kingdom. Leaving a Turkish
governor in Buda, the Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it
on the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on October 16, in
consequence of the lateness of the season and the gallant resistance of
the garrison and inhabitants.[274]

In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged Buda unsuccessfully.
In the campaign of 1532 Charles V. came with the forces of the Empire
to the assistance of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat
of war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before the little town
of Güns by the gallantry of the commander Jurischitz, who at last
surrendered on honourable terms.[275] The delay, however, prevented
the Sultan from accomplishing anything considerable, though his army
ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as far as Gratz and Linz.

In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand and Solyman on the
basis of Ferdinand’s retaining what he actually held in Hungary, the
Sultan reserving to himself the ratification of any arrangements that
Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between themselves.

For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was devoted to his wars
with Persia, and no invasion of Hungary on a large scale occurred;
but, notwithstanding the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoining
districts continued their inroads. To check these incursions Ferdinand,
in 1537, assembled at Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot
and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of Katzianer. He advanced on
Essek, intending to besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light
cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to retreat. After
losing his siege-guns at the passage of the Vouka, he encountered the
enemy on December 1, and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the
night with some of the other generals. The troops that were left were
cut to pieces the next day with their gallant commander, Lodron.[276]
Katzianer was accused of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and
was thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing his gaolers,
and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, where he entered into
negotiations with the Turks, promising to betray the strong fortress
of Kosthanitza. However, his treasonable designs were cut short; Count
Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him at one of his castles,
treacherously stabbed him, and despatched him with the assistance of
his servants. His body was flung from a window into the castle ditch,
and his head was sent to Vienna.

In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the treaty of Gross Wardein
was concluded between Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain
the title of King during his life with Transylvania and the part of
Hungary which was then in his actual possession, on his death his male
issue was to succeed to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both
parties united in a league for mutual defence against the Turks.

Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he immediately afterwards
married Isabella, the King of Poland’s daughter, and, dying in July
1540, left by her a son—John Sigismund—who was born a fortnight before
his father’s death.

Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms of the treaty, he
should be placed in possession of the whole of Hungary; but Isabella,
as guardian of her infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand,
under the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, refused
to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be crowned, and appealed
to the Sultan for protection. Ferdinand then entered the country, and
besieged Buda, which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade.

Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On August 29 his troops
occupied the gates of Buda, and he annexed that city to his dominions,
making it the seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in
it. He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust for John
Sigismund during his minority, and in the meantime appointed the
latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, under the regency of Martinuzzi and
Petrovich. The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transylvania, most
of the country to the north as far as the river Theiss.

In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took the cities of Gran and
Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, the former being the primatial see
of Hungary, and the latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end
of 1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by Ferdinand as
internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria Malvezzi, a member of a noble
family of Bologna, as secretary; but he died shortly after his arrival
at Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by Nicholas Sicco, who
was sent by Ferdinand as a new ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador
of Charles V., then undertook the management of the negotiations,
and concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months between
Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and Charles on the other.[277]
This was followed, in June 1547, by a peace for five years, in which
the Emperor, the Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the
basis of _uti possidetis_, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 ducats
a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for the territories of
some of the nobles, who had formerly adhered to the Turkish side, and
had afterwards gone over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a
present, but was more justly considered by the Turks as tribute for the
portion of Hungary which still remained in his possession.

The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was his desire to turn
his arms against Persia. Elkass Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the
reigning monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,[278] and in
1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained considerable
successes. In the following year Elkass was captured by his brother in
an expedition he had undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the
rest of his life.

In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella ceded Transylvania
and the part of Hungary that remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in
exchange for the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the
Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard Castaldo, took
possession of these territories.[279] When Solyman heard this news,
he summoned Malvezzi before him, who pledged his life that there was
no ground for this report; but, as he could not give satisfactory
explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency of his instructions,
he was thrown into prison in the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia
on the Bosphorus,[280] the Sultan excusing this violation of
international law by the argument that an ambassador was a hostage for
the good faith of his master, and should suffer for any breach of it.
From this incident it appears that the post of ambassador at the Porte
was by no means unattended with danger.

Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for him a Cardinal’s
hat, and appointing him Archbishop of Gran. Not content with these
dignities, that wily politician made overtures to the Turks, with the
object of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and Hungary for
himself; but he was assassinated by Castaldo’s officers acting under
Ferdinand’s orders, or, at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz,
December 18, 1551.

In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on Hungary, which were
attended with almost uniform success. In February they gained a victory
at Szegedin; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha of Buda;
and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture was followed by the loss of
the rest of the Banat. On August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an army of
Ferdinand’s at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was
taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop of Waitzen, whom
Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, was killed.[281]
Erlau, however, was besieged by Ali unsuccessfully.

In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the Grand Vizier, asking
for Malvezzi’s release, and for a safe conduct for two more envoys.
In consequence, Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his
allowance was increased; but he was still kept in close confinement.

Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical juncture, a Persian
invasion and the Sultan’s domestic troubles created a diversion in his
favour. In 1553 the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of
the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia against the Persians,
was obliged to take command of it in person. The most notable event
of the campaign was the tragical end of Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest
and most promising son. The story of his cruel murder is narrated
in pathetic words by our author in his first letter,[282] though he
is mistaken in placing the scene of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in
Karamania, where it really happened, is about 250 miles from that
city. To appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of
their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was deposed, and his office
conferred on Achmet Pasha. Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in
1555, witnessed the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and the Shah.

The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure on Hungary. Solyman
granted a six months’ armistice, and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy
or Verantius, then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and afterwards Bishop of
Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constantinople.[283] They arrived in
August. They were instructed to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for
Hungary Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and Transylvania. The
Viziers, however, told them that the abandonment of all claims to
Transylvania was an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations.
Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna to receive
further instructions from Ferdinand; and it was arranged that the peace
should be prolonged for five years, and that on account of the loss
of territory Ferdinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present or
tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace was not to be
ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce was prolonged in the
meanwhile.

In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but he was prevented
by illness, and Busbecq was sent in his stead.[284] He arrived at
Constantinople on January 20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with
Verantius and Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at Amasia. They
brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 ducats as tribute for
Transylvania. They complained of the numerous breaches of the armistice
on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised 80,000 ducats to
the Sultan and large sums to the chief viziers, they could only obtain
an extension of the armistice for six months, and a letter from Solyman
to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to Vienna.

On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, and Roostem reappointed
Grand Vizier.[285]

Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids on both sides
continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. To check the incursions
of the Heydons, Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,[286] attacked and took
Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, with the same
object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, on May 24, 1556, and assaulted
the place a month later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the
meantime the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and Ali hastened
with a detachment to relieve it, but was defeated with great loss on
the river Rinya (July 25). Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and
fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, and blew up the
citadel. Ali resumed the siege of Szigeth, but was so weakened by his
defeat, that he was obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he
died soon afterwards.[287] The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed for
ten years, when it was destined to be associated with the termination
of a more glorious career, and the extinction of a more famous
name.[288]

Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into the possession of
Isabella and her son. She had at first gone to the Silesian duchies,
which Ferdinand had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she
was dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s court in
Poland, where she entered into correspondence with her partisans in
Transylvania. The current of feeling there ran strongly in her favour.
The Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant of the
national laws and usages. His troops were left unpaid, and supported
themselves by plundering the country. At last one corps after another
mutinied for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania; and Castaldo
himself, unable to check the dissolution of his army, withdrew to
Vienna. For a time anarchy prevailed in Transylvania; but in June,
1556, the inhabitants resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The
envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to return. The Voivodes of
Moldavia and Wallachia entered Hungary to protect her passage, and on
October 22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in triumph.[289]

Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen Isabella, was using every
means in his power to thwart the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues.
The latter returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was rewarded with
the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as June, 1555, allusions to the
prospect of his appointment may be found, and the see had been kept
vacant for him for more than a year before his actual translation in
November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. He was perpetually occupied
in providing for the defence of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of
Buda to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the neighbouring
Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the intrigues of Zapolya’s party.
His remaining time and energies were devoted to attempts to check the
spread of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked here that John
Sigismund was much assisted by his patronage of Lutheranism. His court
was the refuge of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. An
anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will show what a hold
Lutheranism had obtained in parts of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to
be the work of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jaszbereny,
most of the inhabitants of the town refused to help to extinguish
it, declaring that they would rather the Turks had the monastery
than the monks. Zay, the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of
Kaschau.[290]

In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight miles from the
right bank of the Danube, was surprised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of
Stuhlweissenburg.

Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on the cession of
Szigeth, but was induced in the winter of 1557 to grant a fresh
armistice for seven months. In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de
Wyss[291] four projects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the
restoration of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these conditions.
The last was presented by Busbecq in the camp at Scutari to Solyman,
but was not accepted by him; and the Sultan, on his return to
Constantinople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his house.

In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen Isabella began to fail,
and Melchior Balassa, a great Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand
proposing, on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. This
letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, having such a
proof of the treachery of one of her most trusted adherents, thought
it advisable to open negotiations with Ferdinand herself, and, with
the Sultan’s approval, did so through her brother the King of Poland.
It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s daughters should marry John
Sigismund, and that the latter should have Transylvania and Lower
Hungary (the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland and
Transylvania), but should abandon the title of King. These negotiations
were broken off by her death, which took place at Karlsburg in
September, and an attempt in the following year to renew them also came
to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to renounce the title of King.

In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded his brother Nicholas
and Melchior Balassa to go over to Ferdinand’s side.[292] As soon as
Ferdinand had recovered the town of Munkats, Balassa was to receive
it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain number
of soldiers at Ferdinand’s expense, and, in return, to give up to
Ferdinand various towns immediately to the north of Transylvania
Proper, which were his possession.

Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by Ali, who proved much
more pliant in his negotiations with Busbecq, and the latter at
last succeeded in obtaining a peace for eight years. The principal
stipulations of the treaty were as follows:[293]

1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 ducats, and also the
arrears due in respect of the last two years.

2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand either directly, or by
furnishing assistance to John Sigismund. He also undertook that John
Sigismund should respect the territories of Ferdinand.

3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and others in a similar
position, who had returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, to be
included in the peace with their property and lordships, and to be the
vassals of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly.

4. If any of Ferdinand’s subjects had been expelled from his property
by the adherents of John Sigismund, or _vice versâ_, no suits or
proceedings to recover such property to be taken during the peace.

5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences should arise
between the contracting parties with regard to the limits of their
jurisdiction, as a provisional arrangement the _de facto_ subjects of
each party at the commencement of the peace to remain so during its
continuance, and, in particular, certain villages near the Danube and
the fortress of Tata, some of which were in Ferdinand’s and some in the
Sultan’s possession, to remain respectively as they were, and those in
Ferdinand’s possession not to be molested by the garrison of Tata.

6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of any of Ferdinand’s
officers, either as fugitives or otherwise, to be released without
ransom.

7. Runaway slaves with any property they might have stolen to be
mutually restored.

8. Ferdinand’s officers to be allowed to fortify and provision castles,
towns, and villages on the borders of Hungary within their own
territories.

9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between the subjects of the
two parties to be settled by arbitration, and the persons at fault
punished as truce-breakers.

10. The treaty to be in force for eight years, and to be binding
upon all the officers and subjects on both sides, particularly the
Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and none of
Ferdinand’s subjects or their property to be molested or injured in any
way. Any property taken contrary to this stipulation to be restored to
its owners, and any person taken prisoner to be released uninjured.

11. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full permission to travel in
the Sultan’s dominions, with liberty of ingress and egress to and from
his court, and to be supplied with interpreters.

On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with Ibrahim, the first dragoman
of the Porte, important differences were found to exist between the
Turkish and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only included the
barons who had already returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, and
not those who might afterwards do so; it stipulated for the extradition
of refugees, as well as that of brigands and rebels, and included
the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Emperor demanded that
these points should be corrected; but his demands seem to have been
ineffectual, and the Turkish incursions on the Hungarian frontier
continued.

Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was succeeded as Emperor by his
son Maximilian, who had been elected King of Hungary and Bohemia in
his father’s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him and John
Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. Szathmar was taken by the
latter, and Tokay[294] and Serencs by the former. The Grand Vizier
Ali, who was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and was succeeded
by the more warlike Mehemet Sokolli. During 1565, the Sultan was
fully occupied with the siege of Malta, but in the beginning of the
following year war was declared against Hungary, Albert de Wyss, who
had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, was thrown into prison, and on May
1 Solyman started from Constantinople on his last campaign. His age and
infirmities obliged him to quit the saddle for a carriage.

On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, and intended to
march on Erlau, but, hearing that Count Nicholas Zriny, the commander
at Szigeth, had surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of Tirhala,
he resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. The siege
commenced on August 5. Two furious assaults on the 26th and 29th were
repulsed with great slaughter. On September 8, Zriny, finding he could
hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied forth, sword in
hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a soldier’s death. The Turks
poured into the citadel, intent on murder and plunder; but the fire
reached the powder-magazine, which blew up, burying in the ruins more
than three thousand men. Solyman did not live to witness his triumph.
His health had long been failing, and he died on the night of the 5th
or 6th of September. His death was concealed by the Grand Vizier for
three weeks, to give his successor, Selim, time to reach Constantinople
from Kutaiah.

The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting termination to this
sketch. With the exception of his successor, Selim, he is the last
survivor of the personages who figure prominently in Busbecq’s pages.
The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, Roostem, and Ali, and
the unfortunate Bajazet, have passed away. The greater part of Hungary
and Transylvania continued subject to the successors of Solyman, either
immediately or as a vassal State, till near the close of the following
century. In 1683 Vienna was once more besieged by the Turks, under the
Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha, but was relieved by John Sobieski. The
reaction from this supreme effort was fatal to the Turkish dominion in
Hungary. In 1686 Buda was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and by
the Peace of Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole of Hungary and
Transylvania was ceded to the Emperor Leopold.


II.

_ITINERARIES._

IN describing his first Turkish letter as an ‘iter,’ or itinerary,
Busbecq places it under a class of composition of which there are
several examples still extant. In Busbecq’s days it was a common
practice for scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any journey
they might happen to make. These itineraries are generally extremely
amusing, the writers being men of keen observation, with a great sense
of humour, and condescending to notice those trifles which are passed
over by the historian.

As an example, Nathan Chytræus gives an account of his trip to England
during the Long Vacation of the University of Paris. He lands at Rye,
and, going to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he hugely
enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces and dignified
bearing of the waitresses. On his way to London he is struck with the
comfortable appearance of the country seats, and specially with the
belts of laurel with which they were surrounded. As he passes over
London Bridge he is delighted with the handsome shops full of every
kind of merchandise which lined its sides. He visits Westminster Abbey,
and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr. Linacre, the celebrated
physician, who, though a canon of St. Peter’s, Westminster, was buried
at St. Paul’s. He goes eastward, and visits the Tower of London,
noticing the menagerie, and specially two lions at the entrance of the
Tower. Of the collection of arms he says that a visitor would imagine
it to be the greatest in the world if he had not seen the Arsenal at
Venice. He has a word for Southwark across the river, telling us that
it was covered with small houses, and the home of numerous dogs and
bears, which were kept for baiting. He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch
Park,[295] and Windsor; at the last place Elizabeth was staying, with
all her court. The Queen is duly complimented on her learning, but he
can spare a couple of lines also for the rabbits which then, as now,
were scampering fearlessly about the Park:

  Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris
  Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari.

It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan Chytræus is written very
much in Busbecq’s style, while there are other itineraries which
require notice as taking us over nearly the same ground as our author.

Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. i. page 79), when he went as
Ambassador to Constantinople, was Hugo Favolius, who has left us an
account of the expedition in Latin hexameters. Having ingeniously
introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us that was the year—

  Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens,
  Pertæsus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus
  Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris,
  Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat.
  Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus
  Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros,
  Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum
  Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas;
  Atque illum ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem,
  Præstanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni
  In melius si forte queat convertere mentem.

After this humiliating confession of the power of the Turk, Favolius
tells us how they sailed across the Gulf of Venice and landed at
Ragusa. After a short rest the party travelled over the mountains to
Sophia, and thence to Constantinople. In returning Veltwick made the
journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the same route as was
afterwards traversed by Busbecq, while Hugo Favolius and some of the
younger members of the party obtained leave to go back to Venice by sea.

It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the writer should so
frankly admit the superiority of the Turkish power; it would appear to
be but an ill compliment to the sovereigns from whom Favolius must have
looked for advancement. In order, however, to gauge the real amount of
terror which the Turks inspired it is necessary to take the account of
P. Rubigal, the Hungarian, who was attached to an embassy sent shortly
after the death of John Zapolya[296] by the leading nobles of his
party to convey their tribute to Solyman. Rubigal’s itinerary may be
considered to furnish us with an idea of the position of a Hungarian in
the middle of the sixteenth century. His description is ludicrous, no
doubt, but it is no less horrible.

He begins thus:—

  Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes
    Liquerat Hungaricæ regia sceptra domus,
  Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans
    Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat,
  Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet,
    Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit,
  Pannoniæque petens perfricta fronte tributum,
    Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis.
  Quid facerent? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat,
    Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent.
  Nec mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos
    Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium;
  Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa,
    Flectere et immitis pectora dura Getæ.

The party started from Szegedin, on the river Theiss, going by boat to
Belgrade, and thence by land to Constantinople.

They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, and were much disgusted
at two things: first, he gave them sherbet instead of wine; and
secondly, at the conclusion of the banquet he caused the ghastly heads
of men who had been recently executed to be set before them. The grim
pleasantry could not be misunderstood. The heads, no doubt, were those
of Hungarians, whom Solyman was pleased to regard in the light of
rebels. Whilst at Constantinople Rubigal had an opportunity of seeing
the Turkish fleet, which was then commanded by the famous Barbarossa.
The Hungarian was evidently horribly frightened at the formidable
preparations of the Turks, for immediately afterwards he gives his
readers plainly to understand that his tastes are of a domestic turn,
and that he has no hankering after—

            the perils which environ
  The man who meddles with cold iron.

Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of two Germans he met
with fetters on their legs, who beg him to tell their friends at home
that it will be the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks into
the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously refrains from
either endorsing or contradicting their opinion.


III.

_EDITIONS._

THE following is a list of the various editions and translations of
Busbecq’s works, with which we are acquainted.


DATE. _In Latin._

  1581. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. _Editio Princeps._
  It contains only the first Turkish Letter, under the
  title of _Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum_, and
  the _De Acie contra Turcam Instruenda Consilium_.

  1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the contents
  of the first edition the second Turkish Letter is added,
  under the title of _Ejusdem Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam
  Profectio_.

  1589. _Paris._ Contains all four Turkish Letters and the
  _De Acie._

  1595. _Frankfort._ The same as the previous one.

  1605. _Hanau._ The same as the last, with the addition of
  the Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at Frankfort, and the
  text of the treaty of peace.

  1620. _Munich._ Edited by Sadoler. The same as the last.
  It contains portraits of Busbecq and Solyman.

  1629. _Hanau._ The same as the edition of 1605.

  None of these editions contain any but the Turkish
  Letters.

  1630. _Louvain._ Edited by Howaert. It contains the
  letters to Rodolph from France, 1-53 inclusive.

  1632. _Brussels._ Also edited by Howaert. This edition
  contains the letters to Maximilian from France. Then
  follow the letters to Rodolph as in the last edition, and
  at the end come five more letters to Rodolph.

  1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the
  last. There are, however, a few alterations, and there is
  no date on the title page.

  1633. _Leyden._ The Elzevir edition. Two editions with
  slight variations appeared in the same year. They contain
  the four Turkish Letters, the _De Acie_, the Speech of
  Ibrahim, the Treaty, and the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. At
  the end of the third Turkish Letter there are variations
  from all the preceding editions. See vol. i. page 305,
  note.

  1660. _Amsterdam._ Elzevir. A reprint of the last.

  1660. _Oxford._ The same contents as the Elzevir.

  1660. _London._ The same contents as the Elzevir. There
  is also an _Epitome de Moribus Turcarum_, not written by
  Busbecq, which follows the Treaty.

  1689. _Leipsic._ The same contents as the Elzevir.

  1740. _Bâle._ The same contents and characteristic
  readings as the Elzevir, except in one passage.


_In German._

  1596. _Frankfort._ It contains the four Turkish Letters
  and the _De Acie_. The translator was Michael Schweicker,
  Master of the School at Frankfort.


_In English._

  1694. _London._ ‘The Four Epistles of Augerius Gislenius
  Busbequius, concerning his Embassy into Turkey, with
  his Advice how to Manage War against the Turks. Done
  into English.’ It contains a dedication to the Earl of
  Bolingbroke by Nahum Tate, from which it appears that
  the translator died before the book was published. The
  English is racy, but the book is full of mistakes and
  misprints.

  1761. _Glasgow._ It contains only the Turkish Letters,
  and is said to be the third edition. It is a reprint of
  the last with some of the mistakes corrected.


_In Bohemian._

  1594. _Prague._ Translated by Leunclavius. It contains
  the First and Second Letters and the _De Acie_.


_In French._

  1649. _Paris._ A translation by Gaudon.

  1718. _Amsterdam._

  1748. _Paris._ A translation in three volumes of the
  Turkish Letters and the Letters to Rodolph, by the Abbé
  Louis Étienne de Foy, Canon of Meaux.

  1836. _Paris._ A translation of the Letters to Rodolph,
  1-53, is contained in ‘Archives Curieuses de l’Histoire
  de France, Première Série,’ tome 10, by MM. Cimber and
  Danjou.


_In Flemish._

  1632. _Dordrecht._


_In Spanish._

  Before 1650. _Pampeluna._ A translation by Stephanus
  Lopez de Reta, published by Charles de Lobaien. _Viaje de
  Constantinopla_, and also the _De Acie_.


IV.

_ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS._

A.

_Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin._

Charles, etc., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et advenir nous avoir
recue lhumble supplication de Ogier, filz illégitisme de George
Ghiselin, escuier, seigneur de Bousbecque, et de Catherine Hespiel
jeune fille, lors non mariez, contenant que ledit Ogier de son jeune
eaige a esté entretenu aux estudes à Louvain et ailleurs, où il sest
conduict et gouverné bien et honnestement comme celluy qui a désir
de parvenir à estatz honnourables avec volunté et bonne affection de
bien faire vivre et de mourir soubz nous et en nostre obéissance,
se nostre plaisir estoit le légittimer et sur le deffaulte de sa
nativité luy impartir nostre grace si commil dit, dont il nous a très
humblement supplié. Pour ce est-il que ce considéré nous icelluy Ogier
suppliant inclinans favorablement à sadite supplication et requeste,
avons, de nostre certaine science auctorité et plaine puissance,
légittimé et légittimons, et ledit deffault de sa nativité aboly et
effacé abolissons et effacons de grâce speciale par ces présentes, luy
octroiant et accordant par icelles et de nostre dite grâce quil puist
et poira comme personne légittime et habile succéder en tous les biens
meubles et immeubles et aultres quelzconques esquelz de droit et selon
la coustume et usaige de noz pays et seignouries, il debveroit et
pourroit succéder sil estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige et venir
aux successions de sesdits père et mère et aultres que luy compétent et
compéteront cy aprez, pourveu toutesvoyes que à ce se consentent ses
plus prochains parens de lignaige et que aucun droict ne soit desja
acquis à aultres et en ce cas qu’il puist avoir et tenir pour luy, ses
hoirs et successeurs à tousiours tous les biens que lui adviendront
et escherront desdites successions et aultrement et qu’il a acquis
et acquerra et diceulx biens ordonner et disposer et les laissier
ou légater par testament ou aultrement ainsi que bon luy semblera;
et qu’il soit doresnavant receu selon sa vocation à tous honneurs,
estatz, offices, dignitez et aultres faiz légittimes quelzconques et
tenu et réputé doresnavant pour personne légittime, tout ainsi que
s’il estoit né en léal mariaige et aussi que après son trespas, ceux
de son lignaige procréez ou à procréer en léal mariaige luy puissent
succéder par droit d’hoirie en tous sesdits biens, meubles, héritaiges,
possessions et aultres choses quelzconques acquises et à acquérir ou
à luy venuz et escheuz, ou que luy viendront et escherront cy aprez,
tout ainsi et par la forme et manière qu’il eusse fait et peut faire
et pourroit se il estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige si aultre
chose ne luy répugne que ladite deffaulte de procréation légittime,
saulf que à cause de bastardise et illégittimation, nous ou noz
successeurs y puissons ou doyons quereller ou demander aulcun droit
ou temps advenir, nonobstant quelzconques constitutions, ordonnances,
statuz, droiz, coustumes et usaiges à ce contraires, parmy et moyennant
toutesvoys que à cause de ceste nostre présente légittimation, ledit
suppliant sera tenu payer certaine finance et somme de deniers pour
une fois à nostre prouffit, selon la faculté et qualité de ses biens
à larbitrage et tauxation de nos amez et féaulx les président et gens
de noz comptes à Lille, que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement
auxdits de nos comptes que ladite finance et somme de deniers par eulx
tauxée, arbitrée et par ledit suppliant payée à celluy de noz receveurs
qu’il appartiend, lequel sera tenu en faire recepte et rendre compte et
reliqua à nostre prouffit avec les aultres deniers de sa recepte. Ils,
nostre gouverneur de Lille, les président et gens de nostre conseil
en Flandres et tous noz aultres justiciers et officiers quelzconques,
présens et advenir, cui ce peult et pourra touchier et regarder leurs
lieutenans et chacun deulx en droit soy et si comme à luy appartiend,
facent seuffrent et laissent ledit suppliant, ensamble sesdits hoirs,
successeurs et ayans cause à tousiours procréer en léal mariaige de
nostre présente grace et légittimation, et de tout le contenu en ces
dites présentes selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement,
paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user, sans luy faire mectre
ou donner, ne souffrir estre faict, mis ou donné ores ne ou tempes
advenir, aucun destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en maniere
quelconque. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit chose ferme
et estable à tousiours, nous avons faict mectre nostre scel à ces
présentes, saulf en aultres choses nostre droit et laultruy en toutes.
Donné en nostre ville de Gand, ou mois d’Avril apres Pasques, de nostre
empire le xxi^e, et de noz règnes de Castille et aultres le xxv^e.

Sur le ploy estoit escript par l’empereur et signé du secrétaire,
Bourgois, et sur le ploy estoit encoires escript ce que sensuit. Cette
chartre est enregistrée en la chambre des comptes de l’empereur, nostre
sire a Lille, ou registre des chartres y tenu commenchant en avril
xv^e quarante-neuf, folio ii^e xvi, et apres que Messrs. les president
dicelle chambre ont esté bien et deuement informez des faculté et
puissance des biens de l’impetrant, la finance dicelle a par eulx
esté tauxée a la somme de neuf vings dix livres de xi gros monnoye
de Flandres la livre: ordonnée estre payée es mains de Jehan Hovine,
conseiller de l’empereur nostre dit Sire, m^e en la dite chambre et
commis a la recepte de lespargne des pays ortissans en icelle chambre
lequel sera tenu en baillier sa lettre et en faire recepte avec les
aultres deniers de son entremise. Et au surplus ladite chartre a este
expediée en ladite chambre selon sa forme et teneur, le xxiii^e jour de
novembre xv^e quarante. Ainsi signe moy present.

  A. GILLEMAN.


B.

_Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq._

Ferdinandus etc., etc., nobili fideli a nobis delecto Augerio a
Busbeck, equiti aurato, Consiliario nostro gratiam nostram Cæsaream et
omne bonum.

Cum nihil sit inter mortales sublimius Imperiali Majestate et
celsitudine, quam Deus Optimus Maximus cæteris humanis dignitatibus
eminere voluit, ut micantissimis radiis suis terrarum orbem et
commissum Imperium illustret, par equidem est, ut, quem Deus ad
fastigium hoc evexit, is etiam dignitatem et munus sibi demandatum
ita administret, ut, quantum fieri potest, in hac vita quam proxime
accedat ad exemplum divinæ ejus Majestatis a cujus nutu tota hujus
mundi machina dependet, nullisque finibus clementiam et liberalitatem
suam teneat circumscriptam, sed in omnes eam exerceat, præcipue, quos
summa virtus, prudentia, doctrina, integritas ac rerum usus aliæque
ingenii et animi dotes, nec non præclara in Rempublicam Christianam
merita præ cæteris claros reddidere, omnem in eo operam et diligentiam
adhibendo, necubi virtutem debitis premiis destituisse videatur. Etsi
enim virtus se ipsa facile sit contenta neque magnopere indigeat
alienæ laudis adminiculo, quam alioquin etiam honos, amplitudo et
gloria ut certissima premia sponte plerumque sequuntur, fit tamen, ut
si quando illa summorum Imperatorum ac Regum judicio atque decreto
comprobetur, multo illustrior et clarior evadat et alios quoque non tam
ad admirationem quam ad imitationem et studium accendat.

Qua in re sicuti olim divi prædecessores nostri Romanorum Imperatores
ac Reges omnem adhibuere curam, sic nos quoque hunc eorum laudatissimum
morem secuti in eandem semper curam et cogitationem incubuimus ut
optimorum virorum de nobis atque Republica bene meritorum virtus a
nobis condignis honoribus cohonestaretur. In quorum sane numero,
cum te prefatum _Augerium a Busbeck_ haud postremum locum obtinere
compertum habeamus, æquum est profecto, ut in te ipso nostram erga
tales homines clementissimam animi propensionem omnibus declaremus,
et contestatam reddemus, idque ejuscemodi ornamenti genere, quod
virtutibus ac meritis tuis quam maxime respondeat. Tu namque nobili et
honesto loco in Belgio natus, ingenii acumen et vim, quod Deus tibi
dedit præstantissimum vitæ morumque honestate, probitate ac bonarum
literarum studiis, diversitate linguarum multarumque rerum cognitione
et aliis plurimis excellentibusque animi dotibus ita excoluisti, ut
ad gravissima et maxima quæque Reipublicæ negotia exequenda visus sis
aptus esse. Quapropter quum existimaremus te aliquando nobis magno
usui futurum haud gravatim te in aulam nostram recepimus, ubi quidem
nostræ de te expectationi non modo cumulate satisfecisti, sed eam longe
quoque superavisti. Cum enim superioribus annis nobis occurrissent
ardua quædam negocia, de quibus a nobis mittendus erat ad Solymannum
Turcharum Principem Orator, qui fide, prudentia, rerum usu atque
industria præstaret, te ex Anglia revocatum, quo tunc temporis jussu
nostro profectus fueras, ad id muneris suscepimus, quo magna tua cum
laude et ingenti nostro ac Regnorum Dominiorumque nostrorum imo totius
Reipublicæ Christianæ commodo octo annos functus es, confecta ad
postremum inter nos et ipsum Turcharum principem octennali pace. In
qua legatione quas sustinueris curas, incommoditates, molestias, quos
tuleris labores, quæ vitæ pericula subieris, quam etiam ostenderis
in rebus agendis ingenii vim, quam fidem, quam solicitudinem, quam
solertiam, prudentiam et industriam, quam intrepidi animi constantiam,
et qua denique usus sis pietate in redimendis, juvandis et fovendis
miseris Christianis, qui Constantinopolim tuo tempore in fœdam
captivitatem adducti fuerunt, magno etiam fortunarum tuarum dispendio,
nimis longum foret sigillatim recensere. Illud profecto consecutus
es, quod non omnibus qui talem provinciam suscipiunt, ne dicamus
perpaucis, contingere solet, ut non modo a nobis ac Serenissimis
filiis nostris et aliis sacri Romani Imperii Principibus, statibus
et ordinibus summam gratiam iniveris, verum etiam ipsismet Turcis
propter virtutes tuas, quas naturæ instinctu in te prospexere et
admirati sunt, valde gratus exstiteris. Quare merito probandum est
præclarum de te judicium Serenissimi Principis Domini Maximiliani
secundi, Romanorum ac Hungariæ et Bohemiæ, etc., Regis, Archiducis
Austriæ, etc., filii nostri charissimi, in eo, quod te dignum et
idoneum reputaverit, quem Dapiferis Serenissimorum filiorum suorum
Rudolfi et Ernesti, Archiducum Austriæ, charissimorum nepotum nostrorum
cum profisciscerentur in Hispaniam præficeret. Quod si ergo olim apud
veteres, qui luctu et saltu in Olympiaco stadio celebres athletæ
virium suarum specimen aliquod egregium edidissent, divinis propemodum
honoribus affici, qui vero in bello vel murum primi ascendissent vel
civem morti seduxissent corona vel murali vel civica donari soliti
fuerunt, et nostra quoque ætate, qui vel cum hoste singulari certamine
congressus victor evasit vel in prelio strenuam præ ceteris operam
navavit vel alias rem bellicam caute et recte administravit, auratæ
militiæ titulis insignitur, quanto magis tu, Augeri, tali dignitate
condecorandus fuisti, cui non cum uno homine nec uno prelio per
unum aut alterum mensem res gerenda, sed totos octo annos cum gente
Christiano nomini infensissima adeoque cum ejusdem gentis Principe
potentissimo ac pluribus victoriis et successibus elato, cumque ipsius
præcipuis consiliariis et ministris, callidissimis et versipellibus
diesque noctesque acerrime dimicandum fuit, quorum potentiam et
nefarios impetus tu, divino adjutus auxilio, tua prudentia, industria
ac rerum agendarum dexteritate postpositis quibuslibet periculis
infracto animo sustinuisti et a cervicibus Regnorum et Dominiorum
nostrorum avertisti. Quæ cum ita se habeant optimo certe consilio
factum est quod præfatus Serenissimus Romanorum Rex superiore mense
Septembri, quando paterna voluntate nostra Rex Hungariæ renunciatus
publicatus ac Regali corona insignitus fuit, te publice in spectantibus
et grato applausu probantibus ac suffragantibus prælatis, proceribus,
Ordinibus et Statibus ejus Regni nostri, quorum saluti et incolumitati
potissimum studueras, ictu ter vibrati ensis benedicti Militem seu
Equitem auratum fecerit atque creaverit, quia te et eo et alias longe
clarioribus ornamentis dignum censemus. Et licet ad perpetuam gloriam
tibi sufficere queat publicus ille Serenissimi filii nostri Romanorum
Regis actus neque is ulla approbatione Cæsareæ et paternæ auctoritatis
nostræ opus habeat, pro nostra tamen in te mirifica benignitate volumus
te eam dignitatem ab Imperiali quoque culmine obtinere, quo luculentius
sit in omnem posteritatem virtutis tuæ testimonium.

Itaque nos ipsi etiam te antedictum Augerium a Busbeck, Militem sive
Equitem auratum fecimus, creavimus, ereximus, ac præsenti nostro
Cæsareo edicto ex certa scientia et authoritati nostra Imperiali
Militem et Equitem auratum facimus, creamus et erigimus et ad statum
militarem assumimus militarisque cinguli et balthei decore, fascibus
et titulis atque stemmate militiæ insignimus, accingentes te gladio
fortitudinis et omnia ad hunc ordinem pertinentia ornamenta tibi
conferentes hoc nostro Imperiali edicto statuentes, ut deinceps
ubique locorum et terrarum pro vero Milite et Equite aurato habearis,
honoreris et admittaris, possisque et debeas pro suscepto dignitatis
equestris ornamento, torquibus, gladiis, calcaribus, vestibus,
phaleris, seu equorum ornamentis aureis seu deauratis ac omnibus
et singulis privilegiis, honoribus, dignitatibus, præeminentiis,
franchisiis, juribus, insignibus, libertatibus, immunitatibus et
exemptionibus, prærogativis et gratiis tam realibus quam personalibus
sive mixtis et aliis quibuscunque militaribus actibus et officiis uti,
frui et gaudere, quibus cæteri Milites et Equites a nobis stricto ense
manu et verbo nostro creati ac ejusmodi ornamentis insigniti gaudent
et fruuntur et ad ea admitti, ad quæ illi admittuntur, quomodolibet
consuetudine vel de jure, absque alicujus contradictione vel
impedimento.

Mandantes universis et singulis Principibus tam ecclesiasticis
quam secularibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Prælatis, Ducibus,
Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, Militibus, Clientibus,
Capitaneis, Vicedominis, advocatis, præfectis, procuratoribus,
quæstoribus, civium Magistris, Judicibus, Consulibus, armorum Regibus,
Heroaldis, Civibus, Communitatibus, et cæteris quibuscunque nostris
et Imperii sacri subditis et fidelibus cujuscunque præeminentiæ,
dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis et conditionis fuerint, ut te
præfatum _Augerium a Busbeck_ pro vero milite et equite aurato habeant,
teneant et reputent et in hoc militari et Equestri ordine et dignitate
et notis ad eum spectantibus prærogativis et libertatibus conservent,
quatenus gratiam nostram charam habuerint, ac pœnam _quinquaginta
Marcharum auri puri_ pro dimidia fisco seu ærario nostro Imperiali,
reliqua vero parte _tibi antedicto Augerio a Busbeck_ vel hæredibus
tuis toties quoties contrafactum fuerit, irremissibiliter applicandam
maluerint evitare.

Harum testimonio literarum manu nostra subscriptarum et sigilli nostri
Cæsarei appensione munitarum.

Datum Viennæ die tertia mensis Aprilis anno Domini millesimo
quingentesimo sexagesimo quarto.[297]


C.

_Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque._

Comparut en sa persone messire Jehan de Thiennes, chevalier, seigneur
de Willergy, etc., procureur espécial de Charles de Eydeghem, escuier,
seigneur de Weze, &c., souffisament fondé par lettres procuratoires
données des advoé, eschevins et conseil de la ville d’Ypre le xvi^e
jour de décembre xv^eiiii^{xx} sept, desquelles la teneur s’ensuyt.

A tous ceulx, etc., lequel comparant oudit nom et en vertu du pooyr a
luy donné par lesdictes lettres recognut avoir vendu bien et léallement
à messire Ogier Ghiselin, chevalier, conseillier de l’Empereur, et
grand maistre d’hostel de la Royne Elisabet, douagière de Franche
quy le cognut avoir acheté, toute la terre et seigneurie de Rume dit
de Bousebecque, comprendant la seigneurie temporelle et paroissialle
dudit Bousebecque, contenant quinze bonniers demy d’héritaige ou
environ séans en la paroisse dudit Bousebecque, chastellenie de Lille,
si comme six bonniers ix^e ou environ tant pret que labeur, par une
partye et par aultre huict bonniers xv^e de bois en ce comprins et que
sont réunis audit fief ung bonnier de pret que feu Collart Lejosne
tenoit en fief de ladicte seignourie; item, huict cens quy estoyent
tenus de l’allengrie de Le Becque, avecq deux aultres bonniers x^e
et ii^e estants présentement à uzance de bois quy estoient tenus en
commun contre le seigneur de Péruwez; item, sept quartrons de pret de
l’allengrie de la Westlaye et iiii^e de terre en la mesme allengrie,
auquel fief et seignourie appartient des rentes seignouriales chacun
an en l’allengrie de la Plache, en argent iiii l. iii s. et au Noël
six chapons et le quart d’un; item en l’allengrie du commun, contre le
seigneur de Péruwez, cent sept razières ung havot et ung quart de Karel
d’avaine molle quy se prendent sur quarante cincq bonniers xvii verges
ou environ chergiez du x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport, moictié
au prouffit dudict Seigneur de Bousebecque allencontre dudit Seigneur
de Péruwez; item, en l’allengrie du commun de le Becque, quarante
razières ung quareau et demye d’avaine brune, trois havots, trois
kareaux de soille, trois chapons et le vi^e d’ung, et en argent i s. ix
d., lesquelles rentes se lieuvent sur xi bonniers ix^exi verges; item,
en l’allengrie de Péruwez xii razières ii havots trois karelz et demy
et xii^e d’ung havot et le vii^e d’un francquart, tierch d’un quareau
de bled fourment, trente neuf razières vi^e et vii^e d’un havot, les
deux tiers et le quart d’un quarel d’avaine blanche, six chapons et en
argent sept solz iii deniers, quy se prendent sur xix bonniers xiiii^e
demy d’héritaige ou environ. Item, en l’allengrie de la Westlaye cinq
razierès trois havots ung quart et le quart d’un karel de bled, vingt
razières deux havots trois quareaux d’avaine brune, ii kareaux et
environ viii^e d’un quarel de soille; item, deux chapons, xviii^e et
lxxii^e d’un chapon et en argent cinq gros iii deniers i party quy
se ceullent sur quattre bonniers xiiii^e cinq verges d’héritaige ou
environ, le tout déduction faicte desdictes partyes réunites et rentes
qu’elles doibvent, lequel fief et seignourie est tenu du Roy nostre
sire de sa salle de Lille en justice viscontière à dix livres de relief
à la mort de l’héritier et le x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport
et sy appartient a icelle ung bailly, lieutenant et sept eschevins
avecq plaids généraulx trois fois l’an, plusieurs arrentemens de
maisons et héritaiges gisans allentour de la place dudit Bousebecque
portant environ cent florins par an pardessus les rentes cy dessus
déclarées, les fondz desquelles l’on croyt estre prins du gros dudit
fief et seignourie cy-dessus déclaré avecq la place et chimentière. Sy
appendent cincq fiefz et hommaiges en tenus, lesquelz sont chergiez de
certains reliefz à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e denier à la vente,
don ou transport, et les aultres héritaiges tenu de ladicte seignourie
chergiez de double rente de relief à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e
denier à la vente, don ou transport, lesquelles rentes dessus déclarées
se payent à la priserie du Roy nostre sire de son Espier de Lille quy
se faict au terme de sainct Remy, la razière de soille estimée aux deux
tiers de celle de bled, fourment, l’avaine molle aux deux tiers de
la blanche, et la brune au pris moyen d’entre la blanche et la molle.
Ladicte vente faicte moïennant six florins de denier à Dieu, et pour
le gros et principal dudit marchié la somme de six mil florins carolus
de vingt patars pièche, francq argent, à payer cejourd’huy comptant
que ledit vendeur a confessé avoir receu en deschargant la loy pour
dudit fief, terre et seignourie de Bousebecque, ses appartenances
et appendences telles que dessus sans aultrement riens livrer par
mesure ainsy que de tout temps l’on en a joy et possessé, joyr et
possesser par ledit messire Ogier Ghiselin depuis cedit jourd’huy en
tous droix, prouffictz et émolumens le cours de sa vie durant et après
son trespas retourner et appartenir audit seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs
ou ayans cause et leur demourer héritablement et à tousjours à la
charge d’entretenir par ledit seigneur second comparant tels baulz,
lesquelz les occuppeurs feront apparoir. Et pareillement debvra ledit
Seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause entretenir les baulz que
lors se trouveront faictz par ledit s^r Ghiselin, comme à viagier et
usufructuaire appartient de faire selon la coustume de la salle de
Lille, promectant ledit s^r de Willergy en ladicte qualité ladicte
vente, entretenir, conduire et garandir envers et contre tous soubz
l’obligation des biens du dit Seigneur de Wize et de sesdis hoirs vers
tous seigneurs et justices.

Ce fut aussy fait et passé à loy les xviii^e et pénultiesme de decembre
xv^e iiii^{xx} sept, pardevant Mons^r le bailly de Lille, ès présences
de maistres Jehan Denys, Philippes Carle, Noël Waignon, Pierre Hovine,
Josse et Simon Vrediére.

  Archives départementales du Nord,
  Chambre des comptes de Lille.


D.

_Copy of the Sauve-garde._

Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit lieu, et jadis
ambassadeur en Constantinople de très-hauts, très-puissants et
très-excellents princes Ferdinand et Maximilien, empereurs des Romains
de louable mémoire; aussi conseiller de l’empereur Rodolphe, second de
son nom présentement régnant, conseiller et grand maître d’hostel de la
royne Isabelle (Elisabeth), douairière de France, et surintendant les
affaires de ladite royne chez le roi très chrestien.


Alexandre, duc de Parme, chevalier de l’ordre, lieutenant, gouverneur
et capitaine général,

A tous lieutenants, gouverneurs, chiefs, colonnels, capitaines,
conducteurs, fourriers et aultres officiers des gens de guerre du Roy
monseigneur, tant du cheval que du pied, de quelque nation qu’ils
soient, salut:

Sçavoir vous faisons que, en contemplation des bons et aggréables
services que Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit
lieu, conseiller de l’empereur et grand maistre d’hostel de la royne
Isabelle (Elisabeth) douairière de France a faict à feus de louable
mémoire les empereurs Ferdinand et Maximilien (que Dieu fasse paix)
tant en qualité d’ambassadeur en Turquie que de gouverneur des
archiducs d’Austrice, au temps dudit feu empereur Maximilien, et depuis
aussi à l’empereur moderne en diverses charges et qualités, ainsi qu’il
faict encore à présent aujourd’hui dame Royne.

Nous avons au nom de Sa Majesté pris et mis, nous par ces présentes
prenons et mettons en notre protection et sauvegarde spéciale les
maisons, terres et seigneurie dudit Bousbeque, vous mandant partant,
et commandant au nom et de la part que dessus, à chacun des bons
endroits, soy et comme eux appartiendra, bien expressément de ne loger
ni permettre que soient logés au village de Bousbeque aucuns gens de
guerre sans expresse ordonnance notre ou du mareschal et chef de camp
de Sa Majesté.

Et au surplus affranchissons et dégrevons les manants et habitants
dudit village avecq leurs familles, leurs meubles, fourrages,
advestures et bestial, de toutes foulles, torts, invasions, mengeries
et exactions, les laissant de ceste notre présente sauvegarde
pleinement et paisiblement jouir et user, sans y aller au contraire ny
autrement les molester ni endommager en corps ny en biens en quelque
manière que ce fut, sous peine d’encourir l’indignation de Sa Majesté
et la notre et être punis comme infracteurs de sauvegarde.

Et afin que personne n’en puisse prétendre cause d’ignorance, nous
avons consenti et consentons audit seigneur de Bousbeque que puisse et
pourra faire mettre et afficher aux advenues dudit village nos bastons,
blasons et pannonceaulx armoyés de nos armes.

Donné au camp devant Berghes sur la Zoom, sous notre nom et cachet
secret de Sa Majeste, le 15^e jour d’octobre, 1588.

Soubs etait le cachet du Roy, etc.

Colleaction faicte à l’originale, etc.

  Archives de Bousbecque E. E. I.


E.

_Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot Desrumaulx._

Charles par la grâce de Dieu etc. Savoir faisons à tous présens et
advenir, Nous avons receu l’umble supplication de Daniel de Croix
Escuyer filz de Geraerd Seigneur de Wambrechies, jeusne homme à marier,
contenant que ledit suppliant s’est, à certain jour passé, trouvé avecq
George Giselin Seigneur de Bouzebecque Jacques de Sauch et autres en la
ville de Comines vers le Seigneur de Halewyn. Lesquelz ilz ont servi
en leur jonesse. Or est que à certain jour de feste du soir que lors
on s’estoit esbatu au chasteau du dit lieu, entre huyt et neuf heures
du soir, le dit Seigneur de Hallewyn avec le Seigneur de Croisille se
retirèrent au dit chastel pour eulx coucher. Et quant au dit suppliant,
George Giselin et Jacques de le Sauch, ilz se retirèrent vers le
marchié avec Jehan Homme, Bailli du dit lieu, et les sievoit feu alors
vivant Charlot Desrumaulx, joueur du luut, qui démonstroit avoir assez
fort beu, et en allant leur chemin, l’un d’entre eulx mist en bouche
aux autres d’aller bancquetter à la maison d’ung nommé maistre Franche
Barbier demourant auprès dudit marchié, à quoy ilz saccordèrent et
allèrent tous ensemble celle part, où ilz furent syevis par le dit
Charlot sans y estre appellé. Que lors les dits suppliant et de le
Sauch, qui alloient devant vers la dite maison, le dit Suppliant ayant
son esprivier sur son poing, prièrent au dit Charlot, obstant qu’il
estoit noyseulx après boire, qu’il se retirast et allast couchier,
et qu’ilz ne le voloient point avoir, ce qu’il ne voloit faire, mais
entra en la dicte maison, parquoy le dit Suppliant le print par le col
et le poussa hors de la dite maison à l’ayde du dit Jacques, dont il
se courroucha et se mist en tous debvoirs de tyrer son baston pour
les villonner, mais il fut empesché par le dit Jacques, et soubit
survint le dit bailli qui le print au corps, mais finablement soubz
promesse qu’il fist de soy partir et aller couchier, le dit bailli
à la requeste des assistans le laissa aller, et lui estant hors des
mains du dit bailli se tyra d’un lez oudit marchié contre une maison
ou sur ung bancq, il mist son luut et desvesty sa robbe tira sa dagge
et proféra plusieurs haultaines langaiges sentans menaces disant,
ou parolles en substance, qu’il estoit homme pour respondre au plus
hardy de eulx tous. Et craindant par le dit Daniel, suppliant le
débat appant contre lui bailla son oiseau à son homme, et ainsi qu’il
estoit sur le marchié, il veyt ledit deffunct qui continuoit du dit
langaiges haultains au deshonneur de lui et des autres. Disant qu’il
estoit homme pour le plus hardy, ayant sa dage nue marcha vers lui
comme aussi fist le dit deffunct. Que lors le dit Suppliant ayant son
sang meslé, et mémoratif que lui qui estoit josne noble homme sievant
les armes, se il se retiroit pour ung menestrel de basse condition ce
lui seroit à toujours reproché en villonnie entre tous nobles hommes.
En ceste chaleur, non puissant de la refrener ayant aussi son baston
nud, frappèrent l’un après l’autre aucuns cops et fut attaint par le
dit deffunct sur l’espaule, et du cop que icellui suppliant rua, il
attaindit ledit deffunct en la mesmelle, dont brief après il termina
vie par mort. Pour lequel cas le dit suppliant a esté appellé à noz
droiz au siège de notre gouvernance de Lille, en lui donnant tiltre
tel qu’il s’enssuit. Daniel de Croix, escuyer, vous estez appellé aux
droiz du Roy Catholicque, nostre Seigneur, Archiduc d’Austrice, Duc
de Bourgogne, Conte de Flandres, pour et sur ce que en la ville de
Comines, avez allé en la maison de maistre France Barbier avec Jaquet
de le Sauch à l’intention de bancquetter, là ou vous auroit sievy,
sans y estre appellé, feu lors vivant, Charlot Desrumaulx, lequel
auroit par vous et le dit de le Sauch esté bouté dehors, pourquoy
il s’estoit courrouchié, et de faict auroit en partie desgainié son
espée, et ce voyant par Jehan Homme, bailli de la dite ville le auroit
prins au corps, et finablement eslargi soubz promesse par lui faicte
de aller couchier, et lui venu au bout du marchié, et laissant vous,
Daniel, le dit de le Sauch avec George Ghiselin, escuyer, Seigneur
de Bousebecq et autres, auroit desgaignié sa dite dagge et proféré
aucunes parolles deshonnestes, incitant le plus hardy à venir vers luy.
Lesquelles parolles vous Daniel seriez marchié vers le dit feu ayant
desgaigné vostre rapière, et à l’aborder entre vous et le feu y ont
aucuns cops ruez, et entre autres de votre rapière donnast au dit feu
ung cop d’estocq au dessus de la mammelle dextre, du quel cop brief
aprez le dit feu termina vie par mort sans confession. Qui est cas de
souveraineté et privéligié au Roy notre Seigneur, et querra la darraine
tierchaine le iii^e d’aoust xv^exix. Sie est ainsi signé. A Cuvillon.

Obstant lequel cas le dit Suppliant, doubtant rigueur de justice, s’est
absenté de notre chastellenie de Lille, et n’y oseroit retourner,
hanter ne converser combien qu’il ayt fait pays et satisfaction à
partie, se de notre grâce ne lui est, sur ce, impertie. Dont actendu
ce que dit est, mesmement les services qu’il nous a faiz en estat
d’homme d’armes, soubz la charge et compaignie de notre amé et féal
cousin, le Seigneur de Fiennes, aussi que en autres choses, il est
bien famé et renommé, il nous a très humblement supplié et requis.
Pour ce est-il, que nous les choses dessus dites considérées audit
Suppliant inclinans à sa dite requeste, et lui voulans en ceste partie
préférer grâce à rigueur de justice, Avons au cas dessus quicté, remis
et pardonné, quictons, remectons et pardonnons de grâce espécial par
ces présentes, le cas de homicide dessus déclairé, ensemble toute
paine et amende corporelle et criminelle en quoy pour raison et à
l’occasion dudit cas et les circunstances et deppendances il peult
avoir mesprins, offencé et est encouru envers nous et justice. En
rappelant et mectant au néant tous appeaulx, deffaulx, contumaces
et procédures pour ce contre lui faiz et ensuyz, et l’avons quant à
ce remis et restitué, remectons et restituons à ses bonne fame et
renommée à nostre dite chastellenie de Lille, et tous noz autres pays
et seigneuries, ensemble à ses biens non confisquiez, saucuns en a,
tout ainsi qu’il estoit avant l’advenue du cas dessus dit. En imposant
sur ce scillence perpétuelle à nostre procureur général et tous noz
autres officiers quelzconcques, satisfaction toutesvoyes faicte à
partie interressée se faicte n’est et elle y chiet civilement, tant
seullement et moyennant qu’il l’amendra aussi civillement envers nous
selon l’exigence du cas et la faculté de ses biens. Et avec ce, aussi
qu’il sera tenu payer et respondre les mises et despens de justice,
Pour ce faiz et ensuyz à l’arbitraige et tauxation de nostre Gouverneur
de Lille ou son lieutenant que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement
à notre dit Gouverneur de Lille ou son dit lieutenant que appellez
ceulx qui pour ce seront à appeller, il procède bien et deuement à
la vérification de ces dites présentes et à l’arbitraige et taxation
desdites amende civille et mises de justice, ainsi qu’il appartiendra.
Et ce fait et les dites amende civille et mises de justice tauxées
et payées ainsi qu’il appartiendra, de laquelle amende cellui de noz
recepveurs ou autre notre officier cuy ce regarde sera tenu faire
recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à notre prouffit avecq les autres
deniers de sa recepte. Il et tous aultres noz officiers quelzconques
présens et advenir facent seuffrent et laissent le dit suppliant de
noz preséntes grâce, remission et pardon, selon et par la manière
que dit est, plainement paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user
sans lui mectre, faire ou donner ne souffrir estre faict mis ou donné
aucun arrest, destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en corps ne en
biens en manière quelconque. Ains se son corps ou aucuns de ses biens
non confisquiez sont ou estoient pour ce prins saisiz, arrestez ou
empeschiez, les mectent ou facent mectre incontinent et sans delay à
playne et entière délivrance. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce
soit chose ferme et estable a tousjours nous avons fait mectre nostre
scel à ces présentes, saulf en autres choses, notre droit et l’autruy
en toutes.

Donné en nostre ville de Malines, ou mois de novembre l’an de grâce mil
chincq cens et dix neuf, et de nostre règne le iiii^e.

Ainsi signé par le Roy en son conseil.

  DESBARRES.

  Chambre des comptes de Lille. Registre des chartes de
  l’audience B. 1730, fo. 104.


F.

_Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du Mortier._

Phelippe, Roy de Castille, d’Arragon, &c., Comte de Flandre, &c.,
sçavoir faisons à tous présens et à venir. Nous avons receu l’humble
supplication et requeste de Jehan Dael, contenant, que le 23^e
Septembre dernier, ayant esté convocqué au bancquet de nopces de
l’enfant de Michel Dael, son frère, en la paroisse de Halluin, y
seroit aussy esté appellé Guillibert du Mortier, lequel voiant la
table couverte et la pluspart des convives y assisse, seroit ingéré
de vouloir faire ung présent à la compaignie avec quelque peu de vau
mis sur deux plats dans lesquels il avait enclos deux grenouilles,
vulgairement appellées ronnes, lesquelles à l’ouverture d’iceulx
plats, ont sauté sur la table et viandes, ce que auroit causé ung
tumulte, et qui le tout auroit esté culbuté, ce qui auroit despleu
fort audict remonstrant, tant à cause que les viandes estoient partie
gastées et contaminées, comme aussy à raison de ce que la perte en
resultant estoit assez de consideracion pour son dit frère qui est
honneste homme, et bien qui le dit Guillebert debvoit endurer la
reprinse de son faict, neanmoings au contre, il auroit injurié du mot
——[298] deux de la compagnie, et notamment le dit remontrant, ce quy
l’occasionna de luy dire: Quy at il tant à (dire comme cela). A quoy
il auroit respondu: Je te —— aussy, advienne. A quoi luy fut reparty
par ledit remontrant en ces termes, ou en substance, Je pauleroy bien
à toy, ce qu’entendu par le dit Guillebert auroit tiré son coustel et
s’approché le remontrant, quy l’obleige de tirer pareillement le sien,
et se mectre en deffence, du quel il en auroit donné un coup au dict
Guillebert vers le dos, dont environ xii jours aprez il seroit allé
de vie à trespas, au grand regret dudit remonstrant. C’est à quoy il a
prins son recours vers nous, suppliant humblement qu’il nous pleust luy
pardonner le dit cas et homicide luy en accordant et faisant depescher
nos lettres patentes de remission en forme.

Pour ce est-il que nous, les choses susdites considérées, et sur
icelles eu l’advis de noz chers et féaux les lieutenant et autres
officiers de nostre gouvernance de Lille, voulans en ceste partie
préférer au dit Jehan Dael, suppliant, grâce et miséricorde, ut in
forma.

Interrinement de la dite gouvernance de Lille, &c.

Donné en nostre ville de Bruxelles, le 27^e de janvier l’an 1643, signé
Robiano, de nos regnes xxii^{eme}.

Au bas estoit, pour le Roy en son conseil et ceste visue.

  Chambre des comptes de Lille, Registre des chartes de
  l’audience. B. 1817, fo. 11.




FOOTNOTES:

[1] Albert III., Duke of Bavaria, married in 1546 Anne, daughter of
Ferdinand, and had by her two sons, William, the hereditary Prince, his
successor, and Ferdinand.

[2] For details of these negotiations, see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch
Republic_ Part IV., ch. iii.

[3] See Motley, _Dutch Republic_, Part IV., ch. ii. The siege was
eventually raised on October 3rd.

[4] In the original the place is given as ‘Augustæ’ = Augsburg;
but from the first line of the letter it appears it was written at
Speyer. ‘Augustæ’ is probably a mistake caused by ‘Augusti’ following
immediately.

[5] Nearly twelve years have elapsed since we parted company with
Busbecq on his return from Turkey. A sketch of his life during this
interval will be found in vol. i. pp. 59-64. We there expressed some
doubt as to whether there was any trustworthy authority for his visit
to Spain in attendance on the younger Archdukes; we have, however,
since obtained evidence of it in the Archduke Albert’s decree, creating
the Barony of Bousbecque. In it are recited Busbecq’s services, and
amongst them this visit is mentioned. The date of the decree is
September 30, 1600, and it states that the visit took place twenty-five
years before. This is obviously an error, as we can account for
his time from August 1574 to February 1576; in all probability the
true date of the visit lies between the years 1570, when Albert and
Wenceslaus went to Spain with their sister Anne on her marriage to
Philip II., and 1572, when we find Busbecq residing at Vienna. See vol.
i. p. 62.

[6] That is, about thirty-five English miles. See note, vol. i. p. 80.

[7] For an account of this interesting lady, who was at this time
barely twenty years of age, see note to Letter XXXVI.

[8] After Henry III.’s flight from Poland, he stayed some time at
Vienna, where Maximilian, through Pibrac, made overtures to him,
offering the hand of his daughter, the widowed Queen. Henry was under
such great obligations to Maximilian, that he was disinclined to give a
downright refusal. _Thuanus_, iii. p. 8. The following quotation from
an account of Busbecq’s Queen will show what these obligations were.
‘Or, estant veufve, plusieurs personnes d’hommes et dames de la Court,
des plus clair voyans que je sçay, eurent opinion que le Roy, à son
retour de Pologne, l’espouseroit, encore qu’elle fust sa belle sœur;
car il le pouvoit par la dispense du Pape, qui peut beaucoup en telles
matieres, et sur tout à l’endroit des grands, à cause du bien public
qui en sort. Et y avoit beaucoup de raisons que ce mariage se fist,
lesquelles je laisse à deduire aux plus hauts discoureurs, sans que je
les allegue. Mais, entre autres, l’une estoit pour recognoistre par ce
mariage les obligations grandes que le Roy avoit reçeues de l’Empereur
à son retour et depart de Pologne; car il ne faut point douter que,
si l’Empereur eust voulu luy donner le moindre obstacle du monde, il
n’eust jamais peu partir ny passer ny se conduire seurement en France.
Les Polonnois le vouloient retenir s’il ne fust party sans leur dire
adieu; car les Allemans le guettoient de toutes parts pour l’attrapper
(comme fut ce brave roy Richard d’Angleterre, retournant de la Terre
Saincte, ainsi que nous lisons en nos chroniques), et l’eussent tout de
mesme arresté prisonnier et faict payer rançon, ou possible pis; car
ils luy en vouloient fort, à cause de la feste de la Sainct Barthelemy,
au moins les princes protestans.’—_Brantôme_, v. 298-299.

[9] Henry of Navarre is generally spoken of in these letters as the
Duke of Vendôme, or at most, the titular King of Navarre. The greater
part of the kingdom had been seized by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1515,
and has ever since been held by the Kings of Spain. Henry’s power was
derived from his position as a great French noble, the first Prince of
the blood after the King’s brother, and from his vast possessions in
France, and not from the fragment of Navarre from which he derived his
title. Subjoined is a short sketch of his family:—


                           Charles de Bourbon, Duc de Vendôme,
                             descended from the sixth son of Louis IX.
                                        │                (Saint Louis)
                                        │
     ┌───────────────────────────────────────────┬──────────────────┐

  Anthony,        = Jeanne d’Albret,      Louis de Bourbon,   Charles, Cardinal
  Duc de Vendôme  │  Queen of Navarre      Prince de Condé,    de Bourbon,
                  │                        killed at Jarnac,   set up as King by
                  │                        1569                the League after
     ┌─────────────────┐                          │            Henry III.’s death
                                                  │            under the title of
   Henry,          Catherine = Henri, Duc de Bar, │            Charles X.of
  Duc de Vendôme,               eldest son        │
  afterwards Henry              of the Duke       │
  IV.                           of Lorraine.      │
                                                  │
            ┌───────────────┬─────────────────────────┬────────────────┐

    Henri, born 1552,   François, Prince de    Charles, Cardinal   Several other
    Prince de Condé.     Conti, born 1558.     de Bourbon,          children.
                                               born 1562.

[10] Montmorency, the eldest son of the famous Constable Anne de
Montmorency, and himself Duc de Montmorency and Marshal of France.
He was born in 1530, and fought at St. Quentin, and at the taking of
Calais. He and Cossé were suspected of being implicated in the rising
of Shrove-Tuesday, 1574, concerted between Alençon and the Huguenots,
and were imprisoned in the Bastille. His wife was a natural daughter
of Henry II. by Diane de Poitiers, who had been legitimated. He died
without issue in 1579. His four brothers were, Damville, Monsieur de
Montbéron, killed at the battle of Dreux in 1562, Monsieur de Méru, and
Monsieur de Thoré. See note page 11, and also note page 16.

Cossé took part in Guise’s famous defence of Metz in 1552, was
appointed _surintendant des finances_ in 1563, and Marshal in 1567.
He fought at St. Denis and Moncontour, but was defeated by Coligny at
Arny-le-Duc in 1570. He died in 1582, aged 70. According to Brantôme
(ii. 434), he remarked on his imprisonment: ‘Je ne sçay pas ce que M.
de Montmorency peut avoir faict, mais quant à moy, je sçay bien que je
n’ay rien faict pour estre prisonnier avec luy, sinon pour luy tenir
compagnie quand on le fera mourir, et moy avec luy; que l’on me fera de
mesmes que l’on faict bien souvent à de pauvres diables, que l’on pend
pour tenir compagnie seulement à leurs compagnons, encor qu’ilz n’ayent
rien meffaict.’

[11] ‘Le peuple de la ville, n’agueres partisan de cette famille, les
reçeut avec injures et contribua 800 harquebusiers de garde tant que
leur prison dura.’—_Aubigné_, _Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. vi.

[12] By _Nove_ Busbecq probably means the town which d’Aubigné
(_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) calls Nonnai, now Annonay, 24
French miles from Lyons. D’Aubigné says the distance is nine leagues,
which roughly corresponds with Busbecq’s twelve miles. See note, vol.
i. page 80. Annonay was a town in the Vivarais, one of the districts
which were the strongholds of the Protestant cause, and was itself a
Protestant town. For an account of the sieges it underwent, and of the
civil war in the Vivarais, see Poncer, _Mémoires sur Annonay_. On this
occasion the town was summoned on October 22nd, and blockaded till
December 8th, so the news in the text was premature. Dr. Dale, the
English representative at the French Court, mentions the raising of the
siege of ‘Noue,’ in a letter dated December 23rd.—_Calendar of State
Papers, Foreign Series_, 1572-74, p. 583.

[13] Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier, born in 1513, was descended
from a branch of the Bourbon-Vendôme family, and on his mother’s side
was nephew to the Constable de Bourbon. He served as a volunteer at
St. Quentin, where he was made prisoner. He was a bitter enemy to
the Huguenots. ‘Quand il prenait les heretiques par composition,’
says Brantôme (iii. 364), ‘il ne la leur tenait nullement, disant
qu’à un heretique, on n’estoit nullement obligé de garder sa foy.’ He
distinguished himself at Jarnac and Moncontour. He took a prominent
part in the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. From 1574 to 1576 he
commanded in Poitou and Saintonge, and died in 1582. By his first wife,
Jacqueline de Longwy, who was a Protestant, he had a son and four
daughters, one of whom, Charlotte, married the Prince of Orange. See
Letter XIX. and note. His son—who, till he succeeded to the title of
Montpensier, on his father’s death, was known as the Prince Dauphin
d’Auvergne—is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters to Rodolph.
Fontenay is a town, nearly due west of Poitiers, and about fifty-five
English miles from it.

[14] Guy du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac, was born at Toulouse, in
1529. He became member of the Parliament there, and was one of the
French ambassadors at the Council of Trent in 1562. In 1565, at
the recommendation of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, he was appointed
Avocat-Général to the Parliament of Paris. He accompanied Henry to
Poland as Chancellor, and was in great danger during the precipitate
flight of the King. After his return to Paris he sold his office of
Advocate. He was again despatched to Poland, to persuade the Diet to
allow Henry to retain the crown, but his mission proved unsuccessful.
He was afterwards Chancellor of the Queen of Navarre, with whom he
was supposed to be in love. He went with Alençon to Flanders, as his
Chancellor, and died in 1584. He was celebrated for his eloquence.

[15] The Comte de Damville was second son of the Constable, and brother
to the Duc de Montmorency (see page 8). He was born in 1534, and was
made Governor of Languedoc in 1563, which he held for nearly fifty
years, almost as an independent sovereign. He was the leader of the
moderate Roman Catholic party, known as the Politiques, and after the
death of Henry III. adhered to the cause of Henry IV., who on December
8th, 1593, created him Constable. He succeeded to the Dukedom of
Montmorency on his brother’s death in 1579. He died in 1614.

[16] The Castle of Lusignan was the original seat of the famous family
of Lusignan, which gave kings to Jerusalem and Cyprus. In the keep of
the château was a fountain, said to be haunted by the fairy Melusine,
the ancestress and tutelary genius of the family. According to the
legend, the founder of the family first met her by a forest spring.
Before she became his wife she exacted a promise from him that he would
not attempt to see her on the Saturday in every week, or to find out
where she had gone. For a time all went on well, but unfortunately the
husband was at last persuaded to peep into the room to which Melusine
had retired. To his horror he discovered that on every Saturday half
her body was transformed into a serpent. Finding the secret was no
longer hers, she thrice flew round the château, and then vanished.
She was believed to appear at times on the keep of the château, and
whenever she was seen it was said to presage a death, either in the
Lusignan family or in the Royal family of France.

Lusignan is situated about fourteen English miles south-west of
Poitiers. De l’Estoile, i. 49, gives some details of the siege and
capitulation. “Le mardy, 25^e janvier, la ville et chasteau de Lusignan
furent rendus par les Huguenos à M. de Montpensier, chef de l’armée du
Roy en Poictou, soubs condition de vies et bagues sauves, et d’estre
conduits seurement à la Rochelle: de quoi furent baillés ostages pour
seureté de ladite capitulation, encores que la foy de M. de Montpensier
ne peust ni ne deust estre suspecte aux Huguenos, lesquels furent
assiégés trois mois et vingt et un jours, durant lesquels furent
tirés de sept à huict mil coups de canon.” If Brantôme does not belie
Montpensier (see note 2, page 9), the besieged had good reason for the
precautions they took.

[17] Published September 10th at Lyons.

[18] The Seigneur de Rambouillet was sent by the Queen Mother, and the
Seigneur d’Estrées by Alençon, to Henry on June 4th, to congratulate
him on his accession.—_De l’Estoile_, i. 5. ‘Rambouillet, that was
aforetime captain in one of the guards, and his three brothers, has
left the Court, because the King has given away an office, that one
of the Rambouillets looked for.’—_Calendar of State Papers, Foreign
Series_, 1572-74, p. 560.

[19] These towns had been retained by the French when the rest of the
possessions of the Duke of Savoy were restored to him, partly after the
treaty of Cateau Cambrésis, in 1559, and partly by Charles IX. in 1562.
With the exception of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, they were the last
remains of the French conquests beyond the Alps. The Duchess of Savoy
was Margaret, daughter of Francis I., and therefore aunt to Henry III.
She was born in 1523, married in 1559, at the conclusion of peace, to
Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and died September 14th, 1574. The
indignant protest of the Duc de Nevers against the surrender of these
towns may be found in the compilation known as his _Mémoires_, vol. i.
page i.

[20] Frederic III. was Elector Palatine from 1559 to 1576. He was the
first important German prince who embraced Calvinism, and was the head
of that sect in Germany. His Court was the asylum of the French and
Flemish exiles. When Henry III. passed through Germany on his way to
Poland, he visited Heidelberg at the Palatine’s invitation. He found
the gates of the town guarded, the streets lined with soldiers, match
in hand, and no one to receive him at the Castle except armed men.
Halfway up the stairs he was met by the Rhinegrave, attended by two
of the survivors of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The Rhinegrave
asked him on the Elector’s behalf to excuse his coming down, on
account of indisposition. Henry found him at the entrance of the room
supported by a gentleman, in the attitude of a man who finds it a
great effort to stand upright. ‘On n’y pouvoit entrer sans jetter la
veüe sur un grand Tableau de la mort de l’Admiral, et des principaux
Seigneurs tués à Paris. Voyant que le Roi portoit sa veüe de ce costé,
il poussa un grand souspir, et dit tout haut, “Ceux qui les ont fait
mourir sont bien malheureux, croyez qu’ils estoient gens de bien et
grands Capitaines.” Le Roy respondit doucement, “Qu’ils estoient
capables de bien faire s’ils eussent voulu.” Ce Prince sentoit un
grand contentement en son ame de pouvoir faire esclatter l’excez de sa
passion en la presence du Roy, il en fit voir les effets en diverses
façons, lui donna à souper, et le servit de poisson, mais il n’eut pour
Gentilhomme que ceux qu’on luy dit avoir eschappé le jour de Saint
Barthelemy, qu’il appelloit “La boucherie et le massacre de Paris.”’
The next day the Count took more than thirty turns with the King up
and down the great hall of the Castle, with a firm step and in perfect
health, so as to show that his indisposition of the previous evening
had been entirely feigned.—Matthieu, _Histoire de France_, i. p. 363.
The Palatine’s second son, John Casimir, born in 1543, is a prominent
figure in the religious wars of the time. He was one of the military
adventurers who hoped in the general confusion to win themselves a
throne by their sword. He conducted several expeditions to the aid of
the French Protestants, and was one of the many princes suggested as
a husband for Queen Elizabeth. At her instigation he was given the
command of the German army which entered the Netherlands in 1578. For
an estimate of his character see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_.
Part V. ch. v. He died in 1592.

[21] The two sons of the Constable were his two youngest sons, de Méru
and de Thoré. While the Marshal and Damville, their elder brothers,
remained Catholics, they became Protestants. The reason of their flight
to Germany was that they had been implicated in the rising of Shrove
Tuesday, 1574, and the conspiracy to seize Charles IX. at St. Germain.
‘Les cousins [du Prince de Condé] de Thoré et de Méru se rendent à
Geneve, où le Seingneur de Thoré se déclare et fait profession de
la Religion et là est arresté et retenu, et son frère de Méru mis
hors ladite ville, pour ne vouloir faire semblable profession.’—_De
l’Estoile_, i. 22.

[22] François de Foix de Candale, Bishop of Aire, in Gascony, third son
of Gaston de Foix, Comte de Candale, Captal de Buch, &c. His father’s
sister Anne married Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, by whom
she had two children—Louis, King of Hungary, killed at Mohacz in 1526,
and Anne, who married the Emperor Ferdinand, and was the mother of
the Emperor Maximilian. The Bishop was one of the most learned men of
his time, especially in mathematics and natural philosophy. Besides
the works mentioned in the text, he translated Euclid into Latin. He
invented various mathematical instruments, and founded a chair of
mathematics in the College of Aquitaine at Bordeaux. He died in 1594,
aged eighty-four according to Thuanus, but eighty-one according to his
monument. D’Aubigné, in his _Mémoires_ under the year 1580, relates the
following anecdote of him and Henry IV. ‘Le roi de Navarre, passant un
jour à Cadillac, pria le grand François de Candale, de lui faire voir
son excellent cabinet, ce qu’il vouloit bien faire, à condition qu’il
n’y entreroit pas d’ignares. “Non, mon oncle,” dit mon maître, “je n’y
mènerai personne qui ne soit plus capable de le voir et d’en connoître
le prix que moi.” La compagnie s’amusa d’abord à faire lever le poids
d’un canon par une petite machine qu’un enfant de six ans tenoit entre
ses mains. Comme elle étoit fort attentive à cette operation, je me mis
à considérer un marbre noir de sept pieds en quarré, qui servoit de
table au bon Seigneur de Candale; et ayant apperçu un crayon, j’écrivis
dessus pendant qu’on raisonnait sur la petite machine, ce distique
latin:—

  Non isthæc, princeps, regem tractare doceto,
   Sed docta regni pondera ferre manu.

Cela fait, je recouvris le marbre et rejoignis la compagnie, qui étant
arrivée à ce marbre, M. de Candale dit à mon maître, “Voici ma table;”
et ayant ôté la couverture et vu ce distique, il s’écria, “Ah! il y a
ici un homme.” “Comment,” reprit le roi de Navarre, “croyez-vous que
les autres soient des bêtes? Je vous prie, mon oncle, de deviner à
la mine qui vous jugez capable d’avoir fait ce coup.” Ce qui fournit
matière à d’assez plaisans propos.’

[23] He was killed February, 1573, in an attack on the château of
Soumiere, in Languedoc.—Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, iii. 282.

[24] The Egyptian deity Thoth, was identified with the Greek Hermes,
and was considered the real author of everything produced or discovered
by the human mind. Being thus the source of all human knowledge and
thought, he was termed τρὶς μέγιστος, or Thrice Greatest. A
variety of works are preserved, of which he is the reputed author.
The most probable opinion as to their real origin is that they were
forgeries of Neo-Platonists in the third or fourth century of our
era. The most important of them is the Ποιμάνδρης, the book
translated by the Bishop. It is written in the form of a dialogue, and
treats of nature, the creation of the world, the nature and attributes
of the deity, the human soul, &c.

[25] In the Vivarais. It cut off Lyons from communicating with
Marseilles by water. See _Mezeray_, iii. 360.

[26] It is impossible within the compass of a note to give more than
the briefest outline of the principal events in the life of this famous
Breton chief. He was born in 1531, and became a Protestant in 1558.
In 1561 he was one of the French nobles who escorted Marie Stuart to
Scotland. Brantôme was another of the suite. In 1570 he was wounded by
a musket-shot at the siege of Fontenay; gangrene set in, and it was
found necessary to amputate his left arm; Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of
Navarre, held the shattered limb during the operation. This arm was
replaced by one of iron, whence he obtained the famous sobriquet, by
which he is best known, _Bras de fer_. In 1573 Charles IX. sent him
to La Rochelle in the hope he would be able to effect some compromise
with the citizens, and he was for some time regarded with suspicion
by both sides; but he appears to have always acted an honest and
straightforward part in a very delicate position. When he found a
reconciliation was impossible, he placed his sword once more at the
service of the French Protestants. He fought for the Protestant cause
not only in France but also in the Netherlands, was Count Louis of
Nassau’s right-hand man at the surprise and subsequent siege of Mons
in 1572, and at one time, in 1579, occupied Bousbecque and the places
in the neighbourhood, Menin, Comines, Wervicq, &c. He was mortally
wounded at the siege of Lamballe, in Brittany, and died on August
4, 1591. Thuanus (v. p. 180) calls him ‘a truly great man, who for
bravery, prudence, and military knowledge deserved to be compared with
the greatest generals of the time, and for the purity of his life, his
moderation, and his justice to be preferred to most of them.’ For a
further account of him see Letters to Rodolph, IX. and LIV., note.

[27] This report was correct. See _Mezeray_, iii. 360, where an
interesting account is given of the siege.

[28] The second Edict, of October 23. The purport of it was, that no
person should be troubled on religious grounds.

[29] The Comte de Fiesco was _chevalier d’honneur_ to the Queen. The
Fieschi were Counts of Lavagna, and one of the four principal families
of Genoa. The conspiracy of the Fieschi in 1547 is one of the most
famous incidents of Genoese history. The object of the conspirators was
to overthrow the power of Andrew Doria, and to detach Genoa from the
Imperialists, and bring the republic into close connection with France.
The conspiracy miscarried, owing to its leader, Count John Louis
Fiesco, falling from the planks by which he was boarding a galley, and
being drowned. Owing to the darkness of the night the accident was
not discovered till it was too late to assist him. His brothers were
executed except Scipio, the youngest, who escaped to France, and is the
person mentioned in the text. In 1568 he was Ambassador to the Court
of Maximilian. He was afterwards _chevalier d’honneur_ to Louise de
Vaudemont, the Queen of Henry III., and one of the original knights of
the Order of the Holy Ghost.—Lippomano, _Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, ii.
413. He married Alphonsina Strozzi, who is the Countess mentioned by
Busbecq. She was originally _dame d’honneur_ to Catherine de Medicis.

[30] The Sorbonne was ‘a society or corporation of Doctors of Divinity
settled in the University of Paris, and famous all over Europe. It
was founded by the French King St. Lewis, and Ralph de Sorbonne,
his confessor, a Canon of the Church of Paris, who gave it its name
from the village of Sorbonne, near Lyons, which was the place of his
nativity.’—_World of Words._

Their determination, dated July 2, 1530, is given by Holinshed,
_Chronicles_, iii. 924. It is to the effect that ‘the foresaid marriage
with the brother’s wife, departing without children, be so forbidden
both by the law of God and of nature, that the Pope hath no power
to dispense with such mariages, whether they be contract or to be
contract.’ It was read to the House of Commons with the decisions of
the other Universities, March 30, 1531.

[31] Leonhard or Lamoral von Thurn and Taxis succeeded his father
in 1554 as Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, and in 1595 was
appointed Postmaster-General of the Holy Roman Empire. He died in
1612, aged upwards of 90. He was brother of J. B. Taxis or Tassis, the
well-known Spanish Ambassador. See Letters to Rodolph, XLIII., and note.

[32] Sebastian, grandson of Charles V., became King of Portugal in
1557, when he was only three years old. At the time Busbecq wrote he
was a gallant young man of twenty, dreaming of great exploits as a
Crusader. Four years later he attempted to put his ideas into practice,
and invaded Africa with a large force. His army was annihilated in
the battle of Alcazar (August 4th, 1578), and the brave young King
perished on the field. His romantic end produced a deep impression
on his subjects. ‘It may be mentioned,’ says the _Times_ (December
1825), ‘as a singular species of infatuation, that many Portuguese
residing in Brazil, as well as in Portugal, still believe in the coming
of Sebastian, the romantic king, who was killed about the year 1578,
in a pitched battle with the Emperor Muley Moluc. Some of these old
visionaries will go out wrapped in their large cloaks, on a windy
night, to watch the movements of the heavens, and frequently, if an
exhalation is seen flitting in the air, resembling a falling star, they
will cry out, “There he comes!”’ For a curious story of a hoax played
on one of these fanatics, see Hone’s _Everyday Book_, vol. ii. page 88.

[33] In this and some other letters, passages referring to arrangements
connected with the dower have been curtailed or altogether omitted. It
is sufficient to state that Elizabeth’s dower had been fixed at 60,000
francs per annum, and that Busbecq’s object was to see that it was
properly secured.

[34] Pierre de Gondi, see note, page 39.

[35] John Evelyn made the same expedition by water from Lyons to
Avignon, some seventy years later. A full account of his voyage is
given in his _Diary_ (p. 69, Chandos edition). Like Busbecq he stopped
at Valence. ‘We then came to Valence, a capital Citty carrying the
title of a Dutchey, but the Bishop is now sole lord temporal of it and
the country about it. The towne having an University famous for the
study of the civil law, is much frequented; but the Churches are none
of the fairest, having been greatly defaced in the time of the warrs.’

[36] Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was one of the most successful
diplomatists of his day; he had been ambassador at Constantinople
in 1537, on which occasion he received the pot of balsam, which he
afterwards lost in Ireland (see vol. i. p. 387). Henry III. owed his
Polish Crown to his exertions and diplomatic skill. He was father of
that bold and unscrupulous adventurer, Balagny.

His career is thus sketched by a contemporary:—

‘Il avoit esté de sa premiere profession jacobin, et la feue royne
de Navarre Margueritte, qui aymoit les gens sçavans et spirituels,
le cognoissant tel, le deffrocqua et le mena avec elle à la Court,
le fit cognoistre, le poussa, luy ayda, le fit employer en plusieurs
ambassades; car je pense qu’il n’y a guieres pays en l’Europe où il
n’ayt esté ambassadeur et en negotiation, ou grande ou petite, jusques
en Constantinople, qui fut son premier advancement, et à Venize, en
Polongne, Angleterre, Escosse et autres lieux. On le tenoit Lutherien
au commencement, et puis Calviniste, contre sa profession episcopalle;
mais il s’y comporta modestement par bonne mine et beau semblant; la
reyne de Navarre le deffrocqua pour l’amour de cela.’—_Brantôme_, iii.
52.

[37] Monsieur de Vulcob, French Ambassador at the Court of Maximilian.
See Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, iii. 596,
note.

[38] Jean de Morvilliers was born at Blois in 1506. He was ambassador
at Venice from 1546 to 1550, and was rewarded for his services by
receiving the Bishopric of Orleans in 1552. After he became bishop,
the Chapter of his cathedral, by a statute passed in November 1552,
ordered him to shave off his beard. He refused to comply, and the
quarrel raged fiercely for four years, till finally in 1556 it was
appeased by a letter from the King to the Chapter, in which he declared
that he required to send Morvilliers to various countries in which a
beard was necessary, and therefore ordered the Chapter to receive him
beard and all. He did not, however, take possession of his cathedral
till 1559. Francis II. appointed him a Privy Councillor, and in 1561
he took part in the Conference of Poissy, and in the following year
attended the Council of Trent, as one of the French representatives. He
was afterwards ambassador to the Duke of Savoy, and in 1564 was one of
the negotiators of the Treaty of Troyes, between Charles IX. and Queen
Elizabeth. In the same year he gave up his Bishopric in favour of his
nephew. On the disgrace of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, in 1568, he became
Keeper of the Seals, but in 1571 had to resign them to Birague. In de
Thou’s opinion (iii. 209), he was honest and prudent, but cautious
to the verge of timidity, and therefore always pursued a policy of
expediency. He was the head of the party who were in favour of peace
but thought no religious reform was required, and who therefore, in
order to remain on good terms with the extreme Catholic party headed
by the Guises, did not hesitate to evade or violate the pledges given
to the Protestants. See _Thuanus_, iii. 35. De Thou’s estimate of
his character is borne out by a State-paper preserved by d’Aubigné
(_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. i. ch. ii.), written by Morvilliers at the
request of Charles IX. in 1572, in opposition to Coligny’s project of
war with Spain.

[39] Elizabeth’s marriage portion had never been paid, and Busbecq
was afraid that this fact might be adduced as a reason for not paying
her dower now she was a widow; and also, in case of the failure of
Maximilian’s issue male, a claim might be set up on behalf of her
daughter, that Elizabeth’s renunciation of her rights of succession
was invalid for the same reason. That Busbecq’s fears were not
ill-founded is shown by the fact that Louis XIV. argued that his wife’s
renunciation of her rights to the Crown of Spain was invalid, as her
marriage portion had never been paid.

[40] The Comte de Retz was the son of a Florentine banker at Lyons,
named Gondi, Seigneur du Péron. His wife entered the service of
Catherine de Medici, and took charge of her children in their infancy.
She endeared herself to the Queen, who being Regent during the minority
of Charles IX. advanced her children to the highest posts: the Comte
de Retz became first Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and a
Marshal of France; he acquired enormous wealth. His brother, Pierre de
Gondi, was made Bishop of Paris, and afterwards Cardinal; he had other
preferments worth 30,000 or 40,000 livres per annum, and property worth
200,000 crowns; while a third brother was Master of the Wardrobe to the
King.

[41] The following is an extract from a diary kept by a French official
during this same year 1575:—‘Le mardi 6^e juillet, fust pendu à Paris,
et puis mis en quatre quartiers, un capitaine nommé la Vergerie,
condamné à mort par Birague, chancelier, et quelques maistres des
requestes nommés par la Roine-mère, qui lui firent son procès bien
court dedans l’Hostel de ladite Ville de Paris. Toute sa charge estoit
que, s’estant trouvé en quelque compagnie, où on parloit de la querelle
des escoliers et des Italiens, il avoit dit qu’il faloit se ranger
du costé des escoliers et saccager et couper la gorge à tous ces....
Italiens, et à tous ceux qui les portoient et soustenoient, comme
estans cause de la ruine de la France: sans avoir autre chose fait ni
attenté contre iceux.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 69.

[42] Maximilian put on record his protest against the Massacre of
Saint Bartholomew in a letter to Lazarus Schwendi:—‘Quod attinet
ad præclarum illud facinus quod Galli in Amiralio ejusque sociis
tyrannicè perpetrarunt, equidem id minimè probare possum, magnoque
cum dolore intellexi Generum meum sibi persuaderi passum tam fœdam
lanienam. Quanquam scio magis alios imperare quàm ipsum. Attamen hoc
ad excusationem facti non sufficit, neque hoc satis est palliando
sceleri.’—Maximilian to Laz. Schwendi. Leyden, 1603. 2nd edition.

[43] Jean St. Chaumont, being at Nismes with a picked body of soldiers,
determined to make an attempt on Aigues-Mortes. Guided by some
Protestants who had been driven out of the town, he contrived one night
to blow open the gates; his troops rushed in and took possession of
the place. The garrison fled to the tower of Constance, which two days
later was compelled to surrender. See _Thuanus_, iii. 83.

[44] Stephen Bathory, Voivode of Transylvania. He and Maximilian
were eventually both elected in 1576, and civil war was imminent in
consequence; but the death of Maximilian a few months later left
Bathory in undisputed possession of the Crown.

[45] See page 13, and note, page 14.

[46] In order to show her contempt for the besieging army, one of the
women of Livron brought her distaff to the breach, and sat herself down
to spin. See _Thuanus_, iii. 83.

[47] Charles, son of Claude Duke of Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon,
born 1524. Archbishop of Rheims 1538. Cardinal 1547. There is little
doubt as to the cause of his death being that which is given by
Busbecq, though some declared that he was murdered by means of a
poisoned torch, and others that he was presented with a poisoned purse.
For some time before he had been complaining of severe pain in the
head. See _Thuanus_, iii. 47, 48.

‘Le dimanche 26^e décembre à cinq heures du matin, Charles, cardinal
de Lorraine, aagé de cinquante ans, mourust en Avignon d’une fiebvre,
symptomée d’un extrême mal de teste provenu du serein d’Avignon, qui
est fort dangereux, qui lui avoit offensé le cerveau à la procession
des Battus, où il s’estoit trouvé, en grande dévotion, avec le crucefix
à la main, les pieds à moictié nuds et la teste peu couverte, qui
est le poison qu’on a depuis voulu faire accroire qu’on lui avoit
donné.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 40. The character the zealous Protestant
d’Aubigné gives of the Cardinal (_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. xi.)
is as follows: ‘esprit sans borne, tres chiche et craintif de sa vie,
prodigue de celle d’autrui, pour le seul but qu’il a eu en vivant,
assavoir d’eslever sa race à une desmesurée grandeur.’

[48] Catherine de Medici was supposed to be endowed with second-sight.
Her daughter gives several instances in her memoirs.

‘Mesme la nuict devant la miserable course en lice, elle songea comme
elle voyoit le feu Roy mon pere blessé à l’œil, comme il fust....
Elle n’a aussy jamais perdu aucun de ses enfans qu’elle n’aye veu une
fort grande flamme, à laquelle soudain elle s’escrioit: “Dieu garde
mes enfans!” et incontinent apres, elle entendoit la triste nouvelle
qui, par ce feu, lui avoit esté augurée.... Elle s’escrie, continuant
ses resveries, comme si elle eust veu donner la bataille de Jarnac:
“Voyez-vous comme ils fuient! Mon fils a la victoire. Hé, mon Dieu!
relevez mon fils! il est par terre! Voyez, voyez, dans cette haye, le
Prince de Condé mort!”’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 42-43. The story
of the Cardinal’s ghost is given more fully in De l’Estoile’s diary:
‘Puis aiant demandé à boire, comme on lui eust baillé son verre, elle
commença tellement à trembler, qu’il lui cuida tumber des mains, et
s’escria: “Jésus! voila M. le cardinal de Lorraine que je voy!”’—_De
l’Estoile_, i. 41.

[49] Pomponne de Bellièvre, jurist and diplomatist. Born at Lyons
in 1529, he was twice Charles IX.’s ambassador to Switzerland, and
accompanied Henry III. to Poland. In 1586 he was sent to England to
ask for the release of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1599 Henry made him
Chancellor, a post which he held till 1604. He died in 1607.

[50] The following extract from a letter, dated November 3, 1574, and
written by the King to his representative at Constantinople, proves the
truth of this statement:—‘Toutesfois je veux vous advertir et luy aussy
(the bishop of Acqs, the late Ambassador), s’il est encores par delà,
que tout fraîchement j’ay receu et de bon lieu que l’empereur se plaint
fort de luy et des offices qu’il a faicts par delà contre ses affaires.
Je sçay bien qu’il n’a eu considération qu’à mon service; toutesfois je
seray bien aise que durant votre légation vous vous comportiez envers
ses ministres le plus amiablement que vous pourrez et leur presterez
toute faveur en ce que touchera le particulier d’iceluy S^r empereur où
vous verrez que mon service ne sera point engagé, afin qu’il cognoisse
que je me ressens du bon recueil et faveur qu’il me fist dernièrement
passant par ses terres, et ay en recommandation la légation qui est en
nostre royaume.’—Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_,
iii. 578.

[51] Maximilian gave this advice to Henry III. when he stopped at
Vienna on his way back to France. ‘Cæsarem prudentissimum juxta et
optimum principem hoc Regi consilium dedisse memorant, ut pacem primis
regni auspiciis et in Galliæ ingressu suis daret.’—_Thuanus_, iii. 8.

[52] Her name was Catherine. She eventually married in 1599 Henry, Duke
of Bar, son of Charles, Duke of Lorraine, and died in 1604.

[53] This was no kindness to Louise de Vaudemont. Brantôme praises
her for her loyalty to her husband: ‘Aussi que dès le beau premier
commencement de leur mariage, voire dix jours après, il ne luy donna
pas grande occasion de contentement, car il luy osta ses filles de
chambre et damoiselles qui avoient tousjours esté avec elle et nourries
d’elle estant fille, qu’elle regretta fort.’—_Brantôme_, v. 334.

[54] Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine. See page 45, and note.

[55] Queen Leonora, sister of Charles V. and widow of Francis I., one
of the Princesses to whom Busbecq’s grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin II.,
had been _premier écuyer trenchant_. See vol. i. page 26, note 1.

[56] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part IV. chap. iii.

[57] Louis d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Archbishop of Auch, was son
of Hercules II., Duke of Ferrara, and Renée, daughter of Louis XII. of
France. He was born in 1538, made Cardinal in 1561, and died at Rome in
1586. He deserved, says de Thou, to be called the treasure of the poor,
the glory of the Sacred College, and the ornament of the Court of Rome.

[58] Miss Freer, in her history of Henry III., has charged Busbecq’s
Queen with heartlessness. ‘Under these circumstances Elizabeth gladly
accepted her father’s invitation to return to Vienna. With all
her virtue and simplicity Elizabeth appears not to have possessed
much tenderness of character; else, herself feeling so keenly the
disadvantages of a residence at Paris, she could not have abandoned her
infant daughter to the care of Catherine de Medici; nor even, as far
as it can be discovered, made any attempt to convey her to be educated
far from the levity of the Court.’—Vol. ii. p. 39. Miss Freer evidently
did not know of Busbecq’s letters to Maximilian; she frequently quotes
the letters to Rodolph, but does not appear to be aware that they were
written by the man whom she describes as ‘Auger de Ghislin, Seigneur de
Boësbecq, a German noble resident in France.’

[59] ‘Le 22^e mars les députés de M. le prince de Condé, mareschal
Damville et autres associés, tant de l’une que de l’autre religion,
selon la permission qu’ils avoient eue du Roy d’envoier vers lui tels
personnages qu’ils aviseroient pour l’avancement et conclusion d’une
paix générale et asseurée à tout son roiaume, aians, par un commun
advis, articulé leurs conditions et icelles dressées en forme de
requeste, partirent de Basle le dit 22^e mars pour venir trouver Sa
Majesté à Paris, où ils arrivèrent le mardi 5^e avril.’—_De l’Estoile_,
i. 54. For a full account of these negotiations see _Mémoires de
Nevers_, i. 308.

[60] The Queen had so much difficulty in procuring funds that she was
obliged to postpone her visit to August. Her child, Princess Marie
Elizabeth (god-daughter of Queen Elizabeth of England), was at this
time three years old. Amboise, near Blois, was considered particularly
healthy, and on that account appointed as the nursery for the royal
children. Evelyn speaks of it as a very agreeable village, built of
stone and roofed with blue slate; he gives a full description of the
castle which was the residence of the young Princess. _Diary_, p. 63.

[61] Don Rodolph Khuen von Belasii, Baron of Neu-Lembach, descended
from an ancient Tyrolese family. He was also Privy Councillor to the
Emperor.

[62] See note, p. 63.

[63] Roger de Saint-Lary de Bellegarde attached himself to the Comte
de Retz, was introduced by him to Catherine de Medici, and rose as
rapidly as his patron. Henry III. on his return from Poland created
him a Marshal, and gave him the command of his forces in Dauphiny. His
position was, however, undermined by du Guast, and he was despatched to
Poland. Regarding this mission as merely a pretext for his banishment,
he went no further than Piedmont, entered the Duke of Savoy’s service,
and with his assistance took possession of the Marquisate of Saluzzo,
the last of the French conquests beyond the Alps, driving out Birague,
the Governor. Afterwards the Duke of Savoy, accompanied by the Marshal,
had an interview, near Lyons, with the Queen Mother. The sequel may be
told in Brantôme’s words. ‘Elle luy fit tout plein de remonstrances.
Luy, ores planant, ores connivant, et ores conillant et amusant la
Royne de belles paroles, se trouva atteint de maladie par belle poison,
de laquelle il mourut.’—_Brantôme_, iv. 103.

[64] About a mile from Montbéliard Pibrac was captured by Brysach and
a band of brigands, who assumed the character of Huguenot refugees.
The Ambassador was compelled to leave his carriage, and follow his
captors into the forest. Meanwhile a hue and cry was raised, and the
people turned out to hunt the banditti. Pibrac was now in great danger,
as the brigands threatened to kill him if one of their party should
be hurt. From noon to midnight he was compelled to accompany Brysach
and his band through the recesses of the forest. Fortunately he was
able to turn his talents as a diplomatist to good account, and at last
persuaded his companions to set him free. See _Thuanus_, iii. 98.
Compare the account of Busbecq’s capture, vol. i. p. 71.

The country of Montbéliard, or Mümpelgard, lay between Franche Comté
and Alsace, and belonged to a branch of the House of Würtemberg. It
remained in their hands till near the end of the last century. In 1792
the French took possession of it, but it did not become French _de
jure_ till 1801, when, with the other German _enclaves_ in Alsace, it
was ceded by the treaty of Luneville.

[65] So in March 1538 Holbein was despatched to Brussels to take a
portrait of Christina, the widowed Duchess of Milan, and daughter of
Elizabeth of Denmark, sister of Charles V. (see vol. i. page 26, note
2), for whose hand Henry VIII. had been negotiating. She is reported to
have declined his offer, saying, ‘if she had had two heads one should
have been at the service of the King of England, but as she had only
one, she preferred to keep it on her own shoulders.’ Holbein’s portrait
now belongs to the Duke of Norfolk, and was exhibited at the Winter
Exhibition of the Royal Academy in 1880. The lady afterwards married
Francis Duke of Lorraine, and became the mother of Charles Duke of
Lorraine and Dorothea, the wife of Duke Eric of Brunswick. Hence came
the connection between the Houses of Austria and Lorraine, alluded to
on page 59, Maximilian II. being Christina’s first cousin.

Similarly Holbein, in the following year, was again sent abroad to take
a portrait of Anne of Cleves.—_Froude,_ ch. xvii.

[66] ‘Le dimanche 19^e juing arrivèrent à Paris M. le duc de Lorraine
et M. de Vaudemont, père de la Roine, pour achever le mariage du
Marquis de Nomenie, fils aisné dudit seingneur de Vaudemont aveq
la damoiselle de Martigues. En congratulation et resjouissance des
venues de ces princes, se firent à la Cour plusieurs jeux, tournois et
festins magnifiques, en l’un desquels la Roine-Mère mangea tant qu’elle
cuida crever, et fust malade au double de son desvoiement. On disoit
que c’estoit d’avoir trop mangé de culs d’artichaux et de crestes et
rongnons de coq, dont elle estoit fort friande.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 64.

[67] The Ilsings or Ilsungs were an ancient Swabian family, several of
whom had been burgomasters of Augsburg. The person mentioned in the
text was probably George Ilsing von Lichtenberg, Privy Councillor to
Charles V., Ferdinand, Maximilian, and Rodolph, and Statthalter in the
Duchy of Würtemberg.

[68] The Princess Charlotte de Bourbon was compelled to take the vows
before she had arrived at the legal age. She became Abbess of Joüarrs;
but ran away in 1572, and took refuge with the Elector Palatine. The
Prince of Orange saw her at Heidelburg and fell in love with her. St.
Aldegonde conducted her to Brill, where the Prince met her. They were
married June 12.

[69] ‘Mareschal d’Amville vint à estre empoisonné de telle façon, que,
s’il ne fut esté secouru prestement et par bons remedes, il estoit
mort; et de faict les nouvelles en vindrent au Roy qu’il estoit mort
de ceste poison. J’estois lors en sa chambre quand ces nouvelles luy
furent apportées ... il ne s’en esmeut autrement, et ne monstra le
visage plus joyeux ny fasché, sinon qu’il envoya le courrier à la
Reyne; et ne laissasmes à causer avec luy. Ce gouvernement de Languedoc
fut aussi tost donné à M. de Nevers.... Vindrent apres nouvelles
que ledit sieur mareschal n’estoit point mort et tendoit peu à peu
à guerison, laquelle tarda beaucoup à luy venir. Plusieurs disoient
que s’il fust mort de ceste poison, que M. de Montmorancy fust esté
sententié ... mais on craignoit que ledict mareschal, voyant son frere
mort, qu’il eust joué à la desesperade, craignant qu’il ne luy en
arrivast autant s’il estoit pris, et avoit un tres grand moyen de faire
mal avec l’alliance des Huguenots, voire du roy d’Espagne, qu’il eust
pris.’—_Brantôme_, ii. 436-7.

Montmorency’s relations had good reasons for their apprehensions. It
was intended to strangle him, and, to cover the murder, Miron, chief
physician to the King, was sent to see him, and told to give out
that he had apoplectic symptoms. Gilles de Souvré, chief chamberlain
to Henry, was selected as his executioner, and to his reluctance to
undertake the office the prisoner owed his life. See _Thuanus_, iii.
105.

Montmorency was conscious of his danger. ‘Tell the Queen,’ said he,
‘that I am well aware of her intentions towards me; there is no need to
make so much fuss. She has only to send the Chancellor’s apothecary: I
will take whatever he gives me.’ See _De l’Estoile_, i. 63.

[70] The date shows that this letter ought to follow Letter XXI., but
we have retained the order of the Latin Edition.

[71] The following quotation from Marguerite de Valois’ autobiography
shows that Busbecq was right:—‘Nous nous en retournasmes à Paris
trouver le Roy, qui nous receust avec beaucoup de contentement d’avoir
la paix; mais toutesfois aggreant peu les advantageuses conditions
des huguenots, se deliberant bien, soudain qu’il auroit mon frere à
la cour, de trouver une invention pour rentrer en la guerre contre
lesdits huguenots, pour ne les laisser jouir de ce qu’à regret et
par force on leur avoit accordé seulement pour en retirer mon frere
(Alençon).’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 79.

[72] ‘J’ay ouy dire à de grands capitaines que si le Piedmont au moins
nous fust demeuré ... il eust servy d’escolle tousjours et d’amusement
aux gens de guerre françois, et s’y fussent tous arrestez, et ainsy
ne se fussent adonnez ny affriandez aux guerres civiles; estant le
naturel du François de vacquer tousjours aux œuvres de Mars et d’hayr
l’oysiveté, le repos et la paix.’—_Brantôme_, v. 234.

[73] John Listhius, a Hungarian noble, married the sister of Nicolas
Olahus, Archbishop of Gran and Primate of Hungary, by whom he had two
sons; after her death he took orders, and became Bishop of Wessprim
in 1568, and Bishop of Raab in 1572. He died in 1578. He was Privy
Councillor to Ferdinand and Maximilian.

[74] Lazarus von Schwendi, Seigneur of Hohen-Landsperg in Upper
Alsace, was a very remarkable man. He was a friend of Count Egmont,
by whose side he fought at the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines.
At Maximilian’s request Philip II. allowed him to take command of his
forces in Hungary. He retook Tokay from the Turks in 1565. (Katona,
_Historia Regum Hungariæ_, xxiv. 45; see also _Sketch of Hungarian
History_.) He was also distinguished as a scholar; he wrote a book, _De
Bello contra Turcas gerendo_, and two other treatises. But what marks
his position more than anything else is the fact that two of the most
important manifestos of that age were addressed to him. (1) Orange’s
protest against the administration of Granville. See Motley, _Rise of
the Dutch Republic_, Part II. chap. iv.:—‘This letter, together with
one in a similar strain from Egmont, was transmitted by the valiant
and highly intellectual soldier to whom they were addressed, to the
King of Spain with an entreaty that he would take warning from the
bitter truths which they contained.’ (2) Maximilian’s protest against
the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew (see note 1, page 42). Schwendi
eventually retired to his estates in Alsace, and died at Kirchofen in
1583, aged sixty-two.

[75] De Blot obtained the appointment (see Foppens, _Bibliotheca
Belgica_, i. 491).

[76] The Emperor Frederic III., the great-grandfather of Charles V. and
Ferdinand, married Eleonora, daughter of Edward, King of Portugal, in
1452.

[77] See page 68.

[78] Montbrun cut to pieces the Swiss troops of de Gordes, who
commanded for the King in Dauphiny. After a less decisive engagement
the day before, he overtook them on June 13 at the passage of the Drome
near Die. Eight hundred Swiss were killed together with their Colonel,
and eighteen standards were taken, while the victors only lost six men.
See _Thuanus_, iii. 93.

[79] These Palatines were great Polish magnates.

[80] Charles du Puy Montbrun, a member of one of the oldest families in
Dauphiny, was born about 1530. One of his sisters became a Protestant,
and took refuge in Geneva. He pursued her thither, declaring that he
would either bring her back a Catholic or kill her; but instead of
reclaiming her, he fell under the influence of Beza and became himself
a convert. In 1560 he raised a small partisan force, with which he
carried on a guerilla war in Dauphiny and the Vivarais. His young wife
accompanied him on these expeditions, as the camp was her safest abode.
He took an active part in the civil wars, and fought bravely at Jarnac
and Moncontour.

The affair mentioned in the text was a mere skirmish. Montbrun was
engaged in hot pursuit of the King’s troops, whom he had defeated a
few days before (see page 78), when a daring attempt was made by a
party of the royal cavalry to seize the bridge of Gervane, and cut
off his retreat. Though he had only a small force in hand, he charged
the enemy, but finding himself outnumbered was compelled to retreat.
His horse fell in trying to leap a ditch, and he was taken prisoner.
Busbecq’s account shows that the affair was represented in Paris as
a decisive victory. Compare Thuanus, iii. 94, who also states that
Montbrun was the first to raise the Huguenot standard after Saint
Bartholomew. D’Aubigné (_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) says he
will give him no eulogy except the title La Noue conferred upon him—to
wit, the Valiant Montbrun.

[81] The King, however, was at the entertainment. ‘A ces nopces se
trouvèrent le duc de Lorraine et MM. de Guise, avec la pluspart des
princes et seingneurs, qui lors estoient à la Cour, et y dansa le Roy
tout du long du jour, en grande allégresse.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 82.

[82] Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers, third son of Frederick II., Duke
of Mantua, was born in 1539, and was brought up in France with Henry
II.’s children. He had a horse killed under him at St. Quentin, was
taken prisoner, and was ransomed for 60,000 crowns. In 1565 he married
Henriette de Clèves, the sister of the two last Ducs de Nevers, and of
Catherine de Clèves, wife of the Duke of Guise, and was created Duc
de Nevers. In 1567 he became Governor of the French possessions in
Piedmont, and protested strongly against their cession by Henry III.
(_Mémoires_, i. 1). He was deeply implicated in the Massacre of Saint
Bartholomew. A partisan of the Guises at the beginning of the League,
he afterwards went over to Henry III. At the death of the latter, he at
first assumed an attitude of neutrality between the League and Henry
IV., but soon espoused the royal cause. He died in 1595.

[83] See note 2, page 53.

[84] See note, p. 36.

[85] The Fregosi were one of the four great plebeian families of Genoa,
and gave many Doges to the Republic. Mario de Birague was sent as
ambassador to Genoa in the summer of 1574, and John Galeazzo Fregoso
commanded the two galleys of the said ambassador. Both were received
with great joy at Genoa, though Fregoso was a banished citizen.
Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, iii. 609. For a
full account of the disturbances at Genoa see _Thuanus_, iii. 113-128.

[86] Beauvoir, or Beauvois, de la Nocle was one of the Huguenot chiefs
(among whom were Montgomery and the Vidame de Chartres), who were in
the Faubourg St. Germain during the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, and
succeeded in making their escape. He and d’Arènes were the principal
spokesmen of the Deputies at Paris. He was one of the French gentlemen
who accompanied the army of Casimir which invaded France in 1587 under
Dohna. In 1591 Henry IV. sent him as his ambassador to England.

[87] Buren, in Gelderland, was taken by the Spanish General Hierges, at
the end of June 1575. For details of the siege see _Thuanus_, iii. 73;
_Strada_, i. 393. The date of the final rupture of the negotiations was
July 13, 1575.—Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part IV. ch. iii.

[88] For a sketch of Mondragon’s life and character see Motley, _United
Netherlands_, iii. 342-3. The expedition which Busbecq mentions as
contemplated was carried out on September 27. See Motley, _Rise of the
Dutch Republic_, Part IV. ch. iii.

[89] ‘At the same time in the assembly of the Confederate States,
the question of asking the protection of some powerful neighbouring
Sovereign was long and hotly debated, as some were inclined to the
Empire, and the Princes and States of the Empire, others to the King of
France, and others again to the Queen of England. The side, however,
prevailed which was in favour of an English alliance.’—_Thuanus_, iii.
79. For a full account see _Meteren_, 153-155.

[90] See page 128, and note.

[91] Duke Eric of Brunswick succeeded his father the Duke of
Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, in the principalities of Gottingen and
Calenberg. Brought up as a Lutheran, he afterwards became a Roman
Catholic. He fought on the Spanish side at St. Quentin, and was
subsequently employed in the Netherlands and Portugal. He does not seem
to have taken his rejection much to heart, as in the following December
he married Dorothea, daughter of Christina, Duchess of Lorraine (see
note, page 63), and sister of Charles, the reigning Duke. Busbecq’s
Queen honoured the marriage of her rejected suitor with her presence
(see page 129). He died at Pavia in 1584. In the opinion of Thuanus
(iii. 703), he was ‘terribilis suis, neque tamen re ulla memorabili
gesta admodum clarus.’ His widow afterwards married the Marquis de
Varembon, the lover of Mademoiselle de Tournon, whose pathetic story is
told by her royal mistress. See _Mémoires de Marguerite_, 110-114.

[92] Bourg-la-Reine, near Sceaux.—_De l’Estoile_, i. 85.

[93] Marie Elizabeth (or Isabel) was born October 27, 1572, a few weeks
after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew; Queen Elizabeth of England
was her godmother. An interesting account of her is given by Brantôme,
whose aunt, Madame de Crissé, was her governess. According to him she
had a great idea of her own importance: ‘Une fois, elle estant malade,
le Roy son oncle (Henry III.) demeura trois jours sans l’aller voir;
au troisiesme il y alla. Lors qu’elle le sentit à la porte elle fit
semblant de dormir, et se tourna de l’autre costé; et, encore que le
Roy l’appellast par trois fois, elle fit de la sourde, jusques à ce que
madame de Crissé, ma tante et sa gouvernante, la fit tourner vers le
Roy, envers lequel elle fit de la froide, et ne luy dict pas deux mots:
et s’en estant departi d’avec elle, sa gouvernante se corrouçant contre
elle, luy demanda pourquoy elle avoit faict ce trait et cette mine.
Elle respondit: “Hé quoi! ma mere, comment me fust-il esté possible de
faire cas de luy, et luy faire bonne chere, que, despuis trois jours
que je suis malade, il ne m’a pas veue une fois, non pas seulement
envoyé visiter, moy qui suis sa niepce, et fille de son aisné, et qui
ne luy fais point de déshonneur.”’—_Brantôme_, v. 245.

She died before she completed her sixth year. The following touching
notice was written at the time of her death:—‘Ce jour (April 2, 1578),
mourust en l’Hostel d’Anjou, à Paris, Madame Marie Ysabel de France,
fille unique et légitime du feu Roy Charles IX^e, aagée de cinq à six
ans, qui fust pleurée et regrettée à cause de son gentil esprit et de
sa bonté et douceur, qu’elle retenoit de madame Ysabel d’Austriche,
fille de l’Empereur Maximilian d’Austriche, sa mère’.—_De l’Estoile_,
i. 239.

[94] According to Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, iii. 380, and Amyraut,
_Life of La Noue_, 166, his real name was Dianovitz, and he was a
Bohemian by birth (Bohesme, Boësme, Besme). He is, however, generally
called simply Besme. Brantôme, who knew him well, tells us he was a
page of the Cardinal de Guise, and married an illegitimate daughter
of the Cardinal de Lorraine, a former maid of honour to Elizabeth of
France, Queen of Philip II., who gave her a marriage portion. Two years
afterwards he was sent to Spain, by Guise, under the pretext of buying
horses, but in reality, it was said, to renew the secret alliance which
had existed between Philip and the late Cardinal de Lorraine. According
to Brantôme, he went ‘tant pour querir son mariage que pour braver
et se monstrer en piaffe devant le Roy et les Espagnols, et dire que
c’estoit luy qui avoit faict le coup de M. l’Admiral.’ On his return he
was taken prisoner between Barbezieux and Chasteauneuf, and brought to
the Castle of Bouteville. Being recognised, he offered a large sum for
his ransom, and to get Montbrun exchanged against himself. The Guises,
too, made great efforts to obtain his release. However, when news came
of Montbrun’s execution, the inhabitants of Rochelle, ‘qui le vouloient
acheter pour en faire faire justice exemplaire’ (_De l’Estoile_, i.
83), offered 1,000 crowns for him to Bertoville, the Governor of
Bouteville. The latter, for fear of reprisals against the Huguenot
prisoners, did not wish to put him to death openly, and, on the other
hand, had no intention of letting him go unpunished for the murder
of Coligny. He therefore had recourse to the following stratagem. He
caused one of his soldiers to enter into communication with Besme,
and to agree for a bribe to let him escape. The soldier then reported
Besme’s plans to the Governor, who posted an ambush where the fugitive
was to pass. He fell into their hands and was killed on the spot. For
an account of his murder of Coligny, see _Brantôme_, iii. 280.

[95] The English Ambassador—or more properly Minister—at that time was
Dr. Valentine Dale.

[96] Compare his sister Marguerite’s account. ‘Le soir venu, peu avant
le soupper du Roy, mon frere changeant de manteau, et le mettant
autour du nez, sort seulement suivy d’un des siens, qui n’estoit pas
recongneu, et s’en va à pied jusques à la porte de Saint-Honnoré, où
il trouve Simié (Jean de Seymer, master of Alençon’s Wardrobe) avec
le carrosse d’une dame, qu’il avoit emprunté pour cet effect, dans
lequel il se mit, et va jusques à quelques maisons à un quart de lieue
de Paris, où il trouva des chevaux qui l’attendoient, sur lesquels
montant, à quelques lieues de là il trouva deux ou trois cens chevaulx
de ses serviteurs qui l’attendoient au rendez-vous qu’il leur avoit
donné. L’on ne s’apperçoit point de son partement que sur les neuf
heures du soir. Le Roy et la Royne ma mere me demanderent pourquoy il
n’avoit point souppé avec eux, et s’il estoit malade. Je leur dis que
je ne l’avois point veu depuis l’apres-disnée. Ils envoyerent en sa
chambre voir ce qu’il faisoit; ou leur vinst dire qu’il n’y estoit pas.
Ils disent qu’on le cherche par toutes les chambres des dames, où il
avoit accoustumé d’aller. On cherche par le chasteau, on cherche par
la ville; on ne le trouve point. A cette heure l’allarme s’eschauffe;
le Roy se met en colere, se courrouce, menace, envoye querir tous les
princes et seigneurs de la cour, leur commande de monter à cheval,
et le luy ramener vif ou mort. . . . . Plusieurs de ces princes et
seigneurs refusent cette commission, remonstrans au Roy de quelle
importance elle estoit. . . . Quelques aultres accepterent, et se
preparerent pour monter à cheval. Ils ne peurent faire telle diligence
qu’ils peussent partir plustost que sur le poinct du jour, qui fut
cause qu’ils ne trouverent point mon frere, et furent contraincts
de revenir pour n’estre pas en esquipage de guerre.’—_Mémoires de
Marguerite_, p. 64.

[97] See note, p. 117.

[98] Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baron de Clervant, born at Metz, 1505.
He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France.

[99] See note 3, p. 124.

[100] Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in
her own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d’Aremberg who
died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch
Republic_, Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of
escorting Elizabeth, when she came to France as a bride. She visited
Marguerite de Valois when she went to Spa in 1577. ‘Plusieurs seigneurs
et dames d’Allemaigne y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres
madame la comtesse d’Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu l’honneur de
conduire la royne Elizabeth à ses nopces à Mezieres, lors qu’elle vint
espouser le roy Charles mon frere, et ma sœur aisnée au roy d’Espaigne
son mary), femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de l’imperatrice,
de l’empereur, et de tous les princes chrestiens.’—_Mémoires de
Marguerite_, p. 109.

[101] Du Guast was one of Henry III.’s favourites, and possessed
unbounded influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither
du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of Amiens
and Grenoble. The former ‘il vendit à une garse de la Cour la somme
de 30,000 francs: aiant vendu auparavant l’évesché de Grenoble 40,000
francs au fils du feu seingneur d’Avanson.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 39.
The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan
from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and Châtelet at
Paris (_De l’Estoile_, i. 54). De l’Estoile, i. 92, gives an account
of his murder. ‘Il fust tué dans sa maison à Paris, rue Saint-Honoré,
et avec lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains
hommes armés et masqués, qui l’assassinèrent à coups d’espées et de
dagues, sans estre congneus ne retenus. Il dit, mourant, que c’estoit
le baron de Viteaux, qui estoit à Monsieur, qui l’avoit tué: toutefois
cela ne fust point avéré, encores que la présumption en fust grande,
et que ce coup avoit esté fait soubs bon adveu et par commandement;
d’autant que ce mignon superbe et audacieux, enflé de la faveur de son
maistre, avoit bravé Monsieur jusques à estre passé un jour devant
lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le saluer ni faire semblant de le
congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois qu’il ne recongnoissoit
que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit commandé de tuer son propre
frère, qu’il le feroit.’ De l’Estoile makes the reflection that, as
he had shed much innocent blood at the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew,
so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he himself
was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as he used
to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months before the
murder, Brantôme, who was an intimate friend of both parties, had
made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to
the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for the murder of
Millaud. (See page 189 and notes.) He thus concludes his account of
the murder: ‘Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux après avoir fait son coup,
sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun
bruit, qu’on n’en soupçonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par
conjectures, tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres
bien prouver; mesmes à moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me l’a voulu
confesser.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious
duellist; his death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast
was hated by Alençon, and his sister Marguerite. The former’s income
depended on the favourite’s pleasure, ‘mon frere n’ayant eu jusques
alors son appennage, et s’entretenant seulement de certaines pensions
mal assignées, qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast’
(_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into
scrapes, and was the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d’Amboise. All
the evidence points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her
instigation. Not only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (_Histoire de
France_, iii. 391) give graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at
the monastery of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary,
and tell how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder,
but her friend Brantôme, while he praises her for not oftener availing
herself of this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she
never retaliated on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187):
‘Il est vray que lors qu’on l’eut tué, et qu’on luy vint annoncer,
elle estant malade’ (she had a bad cold, _Mémoires_, p. 66), ‘elle
dict seulement “Je suis bien marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour
de joye solemniser sa mort.”’ In her _Mémoires_ (p. 79), she alludes
to du Guast’s death only incidentally, but at the same time leaves on
record unmistakeable evidence of her feelings towards him. ‘Le Guast
lors estoit mort, ayant esté tué par un jugement de Dieu, pendant
qu’il suoit une diette, comme aussy c’estoit un corps gasté de toutes
sortes de villanies, qui fust donné à la pourriture qui des longtemps
le possedoit, et son ame aux dæmons, à qui il avoit faict hommage par
magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.’

[102] See note 2, p. 64.

[103] The word in the text is Casteldunum (Châteaudun), but this must
be a misprint or mistake, as Châteaudun is on the other side of the
Loire, and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat
of Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix Alençon at La Guerche,
which is close to Châtelherault, on October 1. Châtelherault is
therefore probably the place intended. See _Le Riche_, p. 238.

[104] The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he
acquired at the battle of Château Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and
1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked Thoré, whose troops did not number
more than 2,500; even of these some had been tampered with and went
over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound
which gave him the soubriquet of ‘le Balafré’ much to his credit as a
soldier. The struggle had been decided, and he was engaged in hunting
down one of the fugitives in a thicket of brambles, when the man turned
and shot him in the face. See _Thuanus_, iii. 105-6.

‘Le mardi 11^e octobre, le seingneur de Fervacques arriva á Paris, et
apporta nouvelles au Roy de deux mille, que Reistres, que François,
conduits par M. de Thoré, desfaits par le duc de Guise, près Fismes,
en passant la rivière de Marne au-dessus de Dormans. Dont le Roy
fait chanter le _Te Deum_ solennel. Ceste desfaite estoit avenue le
jour de devant 10^e octobre, entre Dameri et Dormans, dont le bruit
fust plus grand que l’effait; car il n’y mourust point cinquante
hommes de part et d’autre, et après que deux ou trois cornettes de
Reistres, prattiquées par argent, eurent fait semblant de se rendre à
la merci du duc de Guise, le seingneur de Thoré passa sain et sauf à
Nogent-sur-Seine avec mil ou douze cens chevaux, et s’alla rendre à
M. le Duc (d’Alençon) à Vatan. Le duc de Guise, en ceste rencontre,
par un simple soldat à pied qu’il attaqua, fut grièvement blessé d’une
harquebuzade, qui lui emporta une grande partie de la joue et de
l’aureille gauche.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 91.

[105] Giovanni Michel, the Venetian Ambassador, paid his respects to
Busbecq’s Queen, and has left an interesting notice of her appearance
in her white widow’s dress. ‘I was most cordially received by the
Queen, the wife of the late King, and daughter of the Emperor. She knew
me at once, and appeared delighted to see me. She looked very well in
her widow’s dress.’—_Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, ii. 220.

[106] John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92.
The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later
times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent château.

[107] ‘Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to
hunt the wild boar.’—_World of Words._

[108] Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a
German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562
he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side.
He afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at
Moncontour. He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes
to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied Henry
III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who persuaded
Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the negotiations
for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on several
occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for raising
German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to Paris with
Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain with the King
for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries.

The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the course of
his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some dealings
with Maximilian’s _protégé_.

[109] This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary
of a contemporary will show: ‘Le lundi 5^e décembre, la Roine veufve,
madame Ysabel d’Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s’en retourner à
Vienne, chés son père et sa mère: et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de
Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et l’évesque de Paris, pour l’accompagner:
qui la rendirent entre les mains des députés par l’Empereur son père,
pour la recevoir à Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aimée et honorée
par les François tant qu’elle demeura en France, nommément par le
peuple de Paris, lequel, plorant et gémissant à son départ, disoit
qu’elle emportoit avec elle le bonheur de la France.’—_De l’Estoile_,
i. 95.

Miss Freer (_Henry III._, vol. ii. p. 40), says ‘the Queen quitted
Paris during the first week of August, 1575.’ She was led into this
error by the description given by Godefroy (_Le Cérémonial François_,
i. 927) of Elizabeth’s entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has
confounded her journey to Amboise (see p. 96), with her return to
Germany.

[110] I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in
Swabia and Alsace.

[111] This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VIII. because she had
only one head! See note p. 63.

[112] The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted
with the character of his mistress, require some little additions in
order to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and
interesting lady. She was born June 5, 1554, and was consequently a
baby of a few months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was
married to Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but
sixteen. In her new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all
who knew her. Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth
of her daughter, came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that
awful night she was quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were
passing around her. Next morning she heard the news, ‘Hélas, dit-elle
soudain, le Roy mon mary, le sçait-il?—Ouy, madame, repondit-on: c’est
luy mesme qui le fait faire.—O mon Dieu! s’escria-t-elle, qu’est cecy?
et quels conseillers sont ceux-là qui luy ont donné tel advis? Mon
Dieu, je te supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner; car, si
tu n’en as pitié, j’ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas
pardonnée.’—_Brantôme_, v. 297.

During her husband’s last illness it was noticed that when she came to
see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the position
from which she could best gaze at the loved features; she did not
speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her
handkerchief to her face, and wiped away the silent tears; even the
hardened courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed.
After her husband’s death it was observed by one of the women of her
bedchamber that she constantly took the little silver candlestick,
which served as a night-light, inside the curtains of her bed, and as
soon as she thought her attendants were asleep, she knelt up to read
and pray. It is interesting to find that during her widowhood she
became a diligent reader of the Bible. After her return to Vienna she
founded the Nunnery of Santa Clara, where she resided till the time of
her death, which took place January 22, 1592, in the 38th year of her
age. See vol. i. p. 70.

One story yet remains to be told. She had known Marguerite de Valois
in the pride of her beauty; towards the end of her days she heard
of her as an outcast from her family, poor and desolate. If her own
relations deserted her, her sister-in-law was not forgetful of the
poor fallen woman. She not only sent her kind messages, but most
generously bestowed on her one half of her French revenues. It seems
strange that so warm and loving a nature should ever have been accused
of heartlessness (see note, p. 56). In spite of the silence and
reserve which marked her character she was, beyond all doubt, a most
affectionate daughter, a thoughtful mother, and a devoted wife.

[113] Cosmo Gienger, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the
Turks. He was at this time _vice-dominus_ of Austria. He died in 1592,
aged 77.

[114] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part V. ch. v.

[115] For the outrages committed by Alençon’s troops in French
territory see _De l’Estoile_, ii. 13-14.

[116] Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal
mistress to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. 67) may perhaps
partly account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had
been engaged in watching the Queen’s interests in France, and no doubt
also in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the
suggester. The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and
judges in the towns and districts from which her revenues were derived.
Such posts were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict
directions that no such traffic should be allowed with regard to the
appointments of which she had the patronage. See _Thuanus_, iii. 87.

[117] Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For
this letter see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. ch. v.
See also p. 66.

[118] A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish
cavalry, see _Strada_, and also Motley, _United Netherlands_, ii.
47-51, and iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned.

[119] In 1578 Sebastian, the boy King of Portugal (see p. 30, note),
was killed in battle against the Moors on the field of Alcazar.
By his death the crown devolved on his uncle Henry, the Cardinal,
who, though nearly seventy years old, at first thought of marrying;
this project was stopped by Philip of Spain; he then appointed a
council of regency to arrange the succession. The two most prominent
candidates were Philip of Spain, who had the best right by blood, but
who was most unpopular in Portugal, and Don Antonio, Prior of Crato,
the illegitimate son of Luis, Duke of Beja, brother of the reigning
King. Don Antonio received the support of the representatives of the
people, but, on the death of Henry in 1580, he was quickly driven
out of Portugal by Alva, and took refuge alternately in France and
England, where he received countenance and support from Henry III. and
Elizabeth. The French expedition to the Azores is frequently mentioned
in Busbecq’s letters. The importance of these islands consisted in
their affording a station for ships coming home either from America or
India. We learn from a contemporary historian (_Histoire de Portugal_,
1610), that Catherine de Medici had agreed with Antonio to accept
Brazil in settlement of her claims on the Portuguese throne (see note,
page 161), hence the interest which she took in this expedition, at
the head of which she placed her gallant cousin Philip Strozzi, with
de Brissac, son of the Maréchal de Brissac, as his lieutenant. They
were attacked off St. Michael’s by a greatly superior force of Spanish
ships under Santa Cruz; de Brissac cut his way through and escaped,
Don Antonio contrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don Antonio’s
Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. The latter,
being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died two days
later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was treated
with great barbarity; at any rate he was thrown overboard by the
orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of his
captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in
epigrams, of which the following is a specimen.

 ‘Qui a l’or et l’argent du ciel pour couverture
  Et du grand Océan le saphir pour tombeau,
  Embaumé d’un renom et los illustre et beau,
  Marrannes, n’a besoin de vostre sepulture.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 79.

An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ‘tumbeaux cizelez de la
plume,’ and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could
object.

[120] The Andalusian fleet under Martinez de Recalde, one of the chiefs
of the Spanish Armada.

[121] It is interesting to find Raleigh criticising Strozzi’s tactics
in fighting at close quarters with the huge galleons of Spain. It would
appear that the engagement supplied a warning to the captains who five
years later baffled the Armada. See _Historie of the World_, p. 791.

[122] Prince Dauphin of Auvergne, son of Louis de Bourbon, Duc de
Montpensier and Dauphin d’Auvergne. He distinguished himself at Jarnac,
Moncontour, and Ivry. Died in 1592.

[123] The brother of Admiral Coligny. His son succeeded to the County
of Laval in right of his mother, Claude de Rieux.

[124] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vi.
According to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us
that Norris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the
States’ troops had fled. _History of England_, chap. lxvi.

[125] The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a
charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Darnley. His ruin was
brought about by Comte d’Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of
Lennox. See Froude, _History of England_, chap. lxiii.

[126] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vi.

[127] See note 2, page 9.

[128] The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind
of de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father
Christopher de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected
when the ruffian was brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned
to death by the Parliament of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises,
who had need of his services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more
correctly perhaps, a suspension of his sentence, for his pardon was not
registered by the Parliament of Rouen, though granted by the King. His
mission, according to Motley, was to poison Alençon and Orange, but
according to Salceda’s own confession he was to join Alençon with some
troops, gain his confidence, and get himself appointed to the command
of Dunkirk or some other strong place, which he was to betray to the
Guises. These last were then to rise and compel the King to place them
at the head of his army which they intended to lead against Alençon and
Orange. On being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating
the Guises and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou,
President of the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was
tried, was convinced that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda’s
statements, and was most anxious that his life should be spared with
a view to bringing others to justice, but too many great people were
interested in stopping the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was
therefore executed. It is probable that the story of an attempt to
poison Alençon and Orange was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which
he was executed. The fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral
Egmont, cousin of the French Queen, and son of the famous general,
was concerned in Salceda’s plot, seems to point to the accuracy of de
Thou’s version. It is evident that Busbecq thought there was something
more in the matter than appeared on the surface. Compare _Thuanus_,
iii. 565-566, and especially the account in his life. _De vita suâ_,
27-31. Miss Freer gives a very full and interesting account of
Salceda’s conspiracy; see _Henry III._ vol. ii. pp. 304-319.

[129] The following note was made by one who was in all probability
an eye-witness: ‘Quand Tanchou, lieutenant de robbe courte, présent
à l’exécution avec ses archers, vinst dire au Roy que sur le bas
eschaffaut, sur lequel estoit son corps quand il fust tiré, il s’estoit
fait deslier les deux mains pour signer sa dernière confession, qui
estoit qu’il n’estoit rien de toutes les charges qu’il avoit mises sus
aux plus grands de ce roiaume, le Roy s’escria: “O le meschant homme!
voire le plus meschant dont j’aye onques ouï parler!” Ce disoit le
Roy, pource qu’à la dernière question qui luy avoit esté baillée (où
le Roy avoit assisté caché derrière une tapisserie), il lui avoit ouï
jurer et affermer, au milieu des tortures, que tout ce qu’il avoit dit
contre eux estoit vrai (comme beaucoup l’ont creu et le croient encores
aujourdhui, veu les tragœdies qui se sont jouées en France par les
accusés.)’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 75.

[130] See note 2, p. 152.

[131] See note 3, p. 124.

[132] La Noue. The famous _Bras de fer_. See note 2, p. 21. For an
interesting account of his captivity, see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch
Republic_, Part VI. chap. iv. Parma was offered Count Egmont and de
Selles (see Letter XLV.), in exchange for La Noue; his answer was
that he would not give a lion for two sheep. Philip expressed his
willingness to restore his illustrious captive to liberty if he would
consent to have his eyes put out. Busbecq must have felt some little
grudge against this gallant soldier, for three years before, 1579,
he had stormed Comines and established himself in the castle of the
Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by his troops. See Dalle,
_Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 247.

[133] The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages:
‘L’onziesme jour d’avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy
avec la Roine son espouse partirent de Paris à pied et allèrent à
Chartres, et de Chartres à Cleri, faire leurs prières et offrandes à la
Belle Dame révérée solemneilement ès églises desdits lieux, à ce que,
par son intercession, il pleust à Dieu leur donner la masle lignée que
tant ils désiroient. D’où ils furent de retour à Paris, le 24^e dudit
mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes des pieds bien ampoullés
d’avoir fait tant de chemin à pied.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 121.

[134] See Letter XXVII. and note.

[135] I.e., a son and heir.

[136] St. Luc had been one of the ‘mignons’ of Henry III. An amusing
story is told of his fall from favour. The King had procured him a
bride in the daughter of Maréchal de Brissac; when they were married
she objected to her husband’s taking part in the dissipations of the
Court. St. Luc, anxious to remain in the Court circle, and at the same
time desirous of gratifying his wife, determined to frighten Henry into
reforming his ways. Accordingly he had a secret passage cut through
the panels of the King’s bedchamber, and one night presented himself
dressed up in the character of an angel. With a piece of brass piping
he imitated the scene of Belshazzar’s feast, and threatened the King
with a most horrible fate if he did not reform his ways. The King was
completely taken in and thoroughly frightened. For sometime afterwards,
whenever it thundered, the King imagined it to be the sign of his
approaching doom, and took refuge under the beds, and in the cellars
of the palace. Unfortunately for St. Luc he could not keep the joke to
himself; at last the King heard of it, his fears were relieved, and his
favourite was dismissed.

[137] ‘Il arriva de mesme à M. de Sainct-Luc à Anvers, dans la chambre
de M. d’Alençon, luy estant en son cabinet; mais le prince d’Orange en
vit le jeu en sortant, qui fut contre le sieur de Gauville, où il y eut
quelques coups, dont le prince d’Orange s’en estonna, et dit que telles
choses ne furent jamais veues ny faites en la chambre, ny salle, ny
logis de l’Empereur son maistre; autrement il eust mal basté pour les
délinquants.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 136.

‘Il arriva de mesmes à M. de Sainct-Luc, brave et vaillant seigneur
certes. Ayant esté deffié et appellé par M. de Gauville, dont j’ay
parlé cy-devant, estans tous deux à Anvers au service de Monsieur,
ainsi qu’il alloit resolu au combat, et qu’il vouloit sortir hors la
ville, fut arresté par La Vergne, capitaine de la garde françoise de
Monsieur.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 182.

[138] Busbecq too received a gold chain from the King, which he
afterwards lost. See p. 132.

[139] See p. 158. The phrase ‘coining money’ is a joke.

[140] Catherine de Medici’s claim was through her mother, a lady of
the House of Auvergne and Boulogne; in order to establish it she had
to go back more than 300 years to the first marriage of Alphonso III.
to the widow of a Count of Boulogne. Catherine alleged there were
children of this marriage from one of whom she was descended. Some
have thought that her only object was to show that she came of royal
and ancient descent; this may have been the motive in part, but there
can be no doubt that she hoped to exchange her visionary claim for
some substantial advantage; thus, as has been already stated, she was
willing to sell her pretensions to Don Antonio for Brazil. (See note p.
146). She was eager also to get an offer from Philip in satisfaction
of her claims. ‘Je ne diray jamais ce que je demande, au contraire,
attendrai ses offres qu’il fault qui soient raisonnables, puis qu’il
est saisy et occupateur de ce que je pretendz m’appartenir.’—_Lettre de
la Reine Mère à Longlée_, January 16, 1585, quoted by Motley, _United
Netherlands_, i. 104. Henry threatened to retaliate by accepting the
sovereignty of the Netherlands, if Philip did not compromise the
matter. Catherine de Medici’s pretensions to the Crown of Portugal
were an important factor in the politics of the time. See _Histoire de
Portugal_, 1610, and Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 101-105.

[141] ‘The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called _Campine_,
and comprises the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-west of
Limburg.’ Mac Culloch, _Geographical Dictionary_.

[142] One of the steps in Alençon’s scheme for the seizure of Antwerp
not noticed by Motley.

[143] These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg,
Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love with Agnes Mansfeld. He
married her and became a Protestant, but tried notwithstanding to keep
his see and electorate. See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part
VI. ch. vi., and _United Netherlands_, i. 31, 32, and elsewhere. For a
full account, see _Thuanus_, iii. 582-8.

[144] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. ch. vi.

[145] Busbecq hesitates to accept what is now known to have been
Alençon’s version of the affair.

[146] It seems probable that Busbecq’s diplomacy was directed towards
securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the
Austrian house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters I.
and X.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in
1594.

[147] Jean Bodin was Alençon’s chancellor, and acted as his adviser
during the Prince’s stay in England and the Netherlands. After
Alençon’s death he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in
favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced
the citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a
treatise _On the Republic_ in six books, and other works.

[148] Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots; the latter, before
her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France.
See Froude, _History of England_, chap. lxix.

[149] See Letter XLIX, note.

[150] See note, p. 82.

[151] See _De l’Estoile_, ii. 29.

[152] We see from this notice of Busbecq’s that Alençon intended making
Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by Motley,
but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. See
_Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xx.

[153] Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip
William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.’s orders. She
eventually married Count Hohenlo.

[154] This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation,
because it was first instituted at that festival. The members of the
fraternity used on certain occasions to go in procession from church to
church, walking two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours,
the knights of the King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and
the rest white. They were distinguished from similar associations,
which were numerous at that time, by having their faces covered with
a mask, and a large whip hanging from their girdles. The cross was
generally carried by the Cardinal de Guise, who had as his acolytes the
Chancellor and the Keeper of the Seals (i.e. Birague and Cheverny.)

[155] Maurice Poncet. The King and his courtiers had gone in procession
on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French
proverb as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth.
He was rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of
St. Peter at Melun. See _Thuanus_, iii. 627.

[156] ‘Le 29^e mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques à six
vingts, que pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient
contrefait la procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs
devant leurs visages, avec des trous à l’endroit des yeux.’—_De
l’Estoile_., ii. 112.

[157] See Letter XXIX.

[158] Edmund Auger, the King’s confessor. He was not favourably
disposed towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his
superiors. See _Thuanus_, iii. 626. De l’Estoile, who detested him,
declares that he was originally a juggler, ‘basteleur.’

[159] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 342.

[160] See _Strada_, ii. 261-2.

[161] For his real object, see _Thuanus_, iii. 630-631. He tried to
obtain the Pope’s approval of a scheme for attacking Montmorency,
Governor of Languedoc, and met with a refusal and rebuke. See Letter
XXXII.

[162] See _Strada_, ii. 264.

[163] Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs
of the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of
Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter XLI.

[164] See Letter XXI., note.

[165] De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page 116. The duel
is described by Brantôme at great length; he had an account of it from
Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young
Millaud, de Viteaux’s antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut
tree in order to get a good view of the contest. Brantôme was a great
admirer of de Viteaux. ‘Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de
France, qu’on nommoit tel, à bien venger ses querelles par grandes et
determinées resolutions. Il n’estoit pas seulement estimé en France,
mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre; et
desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir; car je l’ay
veu, tant sa renommée volloit. Il estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort
grand de courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu’il ne tuoit pas bien ses
gens que par advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands
capitaines, et mesmes d’italiens, qui sont estez d’autresfois les
premiers vengeurs du monde, _in ogni modo_, disoient-ils, qui ont tenu
ceste maxime, qu’une supercherie ne se devoit payer que par semblable
monnoye, et n’y alloit point là de deshonneur.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 89.

[166] ‘Le mercredi 15^e febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur
le soir du Louvre, fut chargé, en la rue Saint-Germain, près le fort
l’Evesque, par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien montés et armés à
l’avantage. Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main à l’espée, et,
vaillamment se défendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf.... On eust
cette opinion que ceste charge avoit esté faicte par le jeune Millaud,
désirant venger la mort de son père.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 105.

[167] Brantôme gives a long list of de Viteaux’s achievements. He
adds—‘S’il eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je sçay
bien, qui, je croy, ne regrettérent guieres sa mort ... et possible
s’il eust eschappé de ce combat, il fust tumbé en une embuscade qu’on
luy avoit préparée, comme j’ay sceu despuis: car il commençoit à estre
plus craint qu’aymé de quelques très-grands et très-grandes: si que
ce trait du meurtre de M. du Guast fut estimé de grande résolution et
asseurance.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 86-95.

[168] In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne,
was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the
widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. ‘Cette Amazone,
l’une des merveilles de son siécle pour la beauté, mais encore plus
pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toûjours auprés d’elle soixante
jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon équipage, qui s’efforçant tous à l’envy de
meriter l’honneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe
l’échantillon de cette verité autrefois énoncée par un Ancien, Qu’une
armée composée d’Amans seroit invincible.’—_Mezeray_, iii. 375.

The Latin is _Montenellus_, and we have identified him with _Montal_
on the authority of de Foy; his case, however, hardly furnishes a
parallel to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel
(or Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the
son of a man he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been
like Besme (see p. 99) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered
the governor of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was
readmitted to his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With
this object he deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received
by Moüy, governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and
his purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral,
Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. Mezeray
draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least the
redeeming quality of courage. See _Mezeray_, iii. 224 and 555.

[169] Bussy d’Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for
instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of
embroidery, and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked
on it was X; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it
was Y. The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on
either side; at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which
Saint-Phal withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange
another meeting, but was prevented by the King.

His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Bussy’s
boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her
husband, the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a
lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting
him to visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band
of assassins as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him,
not even Alençon, to whom he had attached himself.—_Ambassadeurs
Vénetiens_, ii. 453.

Bussy’s sister Renée afterwards married Balagny (see Letter XXIX.)
on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never
fulfilled. She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, _United
Netherlands_, iii. 350, 351.

[170] For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters XXII. XXIX. The
King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his
messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or not,
she was capable of such acts. See note, p. 116.

[171] ‘La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.’—_De l’Estoile_,
ii. 130.

[172] Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father
of Marguerite’s son.

[173] One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz
to the Azores (see Letter VI.) was to provide for the safety of the
fleet which was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa
and the other Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched
a messenger, Jerome Lima, to Philip by an overland route, viâ Ormuz,
Bagdad, Aleppo, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans.
Matters appear to have been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly
after the defeat of Strozzi the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa
Cruz, after throwing a garrison into St. Michael, escorted the convoy
to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus left master of the other islands, but,
as has already been seen, he quickly decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva
in command. The following year the French sent their second expedition,
consisting of 600 men under de Chattes, Knight of Malta; on reaching
Terceira this gallant officer strongly urged the Portuguese commander
to concentrate his troops in some strong place, as he saw no hope of
preventing the Spaniards, who were shortly expected, from disembarking.
Silva refused to take his advice; Santa Cruz succeeded in landing,
and after a sharp engagement the French, who were deserted by their
Portuguese allies, were driven into the interior.

De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united
forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better
terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the
Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for
them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender
and betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral
forwarded to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at
Malta. De Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms
offered by Santa Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of
their keeping their side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was
quickly hunted down, tortured, and executed. The French who had been
taken prisoners before the surrender of the main body were sent to the
galleys. See _Thuanus_, iii. 637-642.

[174] The father of Casimir. See note, page 15.

[175] ‘Le 10^e septembre, vindrent à Paris, en forme de procession,
huict ou neuf cens, qu’hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles,
vestus de toile blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs
espaules, portans chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarrés de bandes de
toile, ou tous couvers de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains
les uns des cierges et chandelles de cire ardens, les autres des croix
de bois, et marchoient deux à deux, chantans en la forme des pénitens
ou pélerins allans en pélerinage. Ils estoient habitans des villages
de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d’Ussy, en Brie, près la Ferté Gaucher.
Et estoient conduis par les deux gentilshommes des deux villages
susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les suivoient à cheval, et leurs
damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans ung coche. Le peuple
de Paris accourut à grande foule pour les voir venans faire leurs
prières et offrandes en la grande église de Paris, esmeu de pitié et
commisération, leur voiant faire tels pénitenciaux et dévocieux voyages
pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. Ils disoient avoir
esté meus à faire ces pénitences et pélerinages pour quelque feux
apparans en l’air et autres signes, comme prodiges veus au ciel et en
la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d’où estoient venus
les premiers tels pélerins et pénitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou 12
mille, à Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.’—_De
l’Estoile_, ii. 134.

[176] Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends; see the end
of the 2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. 191). He will not have them
slighted! De Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground
that it has no historic interest. His real reason is evidently his
inability to reconcile its statements with his own notes on Letter
XII., in which he explains Busbecq’s appeal for a settlement as to
the Greek manuscripts, by supposing that they had been stopped at the
Venetian custom-house. For an account of these books see vol. i. p. 417.

[177] Their names are given, _Thuanus_, iii. 633. The King selected
three Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished
layman.

[178] Twenty-six of Busbecq’s miles (see vol. i. p. 82 note) are
equivalent to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of
Château Thierry from Paris.

[179] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, P. VI. ch. vi.

[180] To those who know the history of the times, it will not be
surprising that Alençon did not care to come to court. Henry III.
allowed and encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the
most insolent manner, mimicking him to his face, and pointing at
him. The following is the description of their behaviour at St.
Luc’s wedding:—‘Le duc d’Anjou (Alençon) ne voulut point assister à
la cérémonie; cependant, par complaisance pour la reine-mère, il se
présenta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu de s’en repentir.... Chacun
le montroit au doigt; on le regardoit en ricanant: on se parloit de lui
à l’oreille, assez haut cependant pour qu’il entendît que sa taille,
son air, sa démarche étoient la matière des plaisanteries.’—_Anquetil_,
viii. 77.

[181] The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation
with regard to Alençon, entering his room at night, searching his
bed for papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother
with clasped hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a
billet-doux!—See _Mémoires de Marguerite_, 136-7.

[182] See Letter XXII.

[183] Busbecq’s opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny’s subsequent
career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince.—See
_United Netherlands_, i. 8, 100; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227.
Balagny was the son of Busbecq’s friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop of
Valence (see p. 35, note 2), who considered himself married to his
mother. ‘Je croy qu’il ne prit point l’ordre de Prestrise, mais il se
donna la licence d’avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny;
car ayant fort pratiqué les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit
dans ce mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n’estoit pas une qualité
necessaire aux Ecclesiastiques.’—_Mezeray_, iii. 450.

[184] As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and Brantôme.

[185] ‘Le dimanche 13^e de novembre, le Prévost de l’Hostel et
ses archers prirent prisonnières 50 ou 60, que damoiselles, que
bourgeoises, contrevenant en habits et bagues à l’édit de la
réformation des habits, sept ou huit mois auparavant publié, et les
constituèrent prisonnières au fort l’Evesque et autres prisons fermées,
où elles couchèrent, quelque remonstrance et offre de les cautionner et
paier les amandes encourues que peussent faire les parens et amis: qui
fut une rigœur extraordinaire et excessive, veu que par l’édit il n’y
gissoit qu’une amande pécuniaire. Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit
commandement et consentement du Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes
qu’on en vouloit faire.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 139.

[186] Cardinal de Birague’s unpopularity with the Court may be partly
accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor
of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the
Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which
his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers.
Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say;
but to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said,
looking round on the royal favourites, ‘Really the causes of the King’s
poverty and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.’
He repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See
_Thuanus_, iii. 626. Compare also pp. 177, 178.

The following is the opinion of his fellow officials:—‘Ce chancelier
estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires
d’Estat, fort peu en la justice; de sçavoir, n’en avoit point à
revendre, mais seulement pour sa provision, encores bien petitement.
Au reste, libéral, voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des
volontés du Roy, aiant dit souvent qu’il n’estoit pas Chancelier de
France, mais Chancelier du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a
sceu encores mieux prattiquer que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour
un homme qui avoit longtemps servi les Roys de France, n’estant
aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses amis et serviteurs que pour
soi-mesmes. Il disoit, peu auparavant son décès, qu’il mouroit cardinal
sans tiltre, prebstre sans bénéfice, et chancelier sans seaux.’—_De
l’Estoile_, ii. 140.

[187] Philippe Hurault, Comte de Cheverny.

[188] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI., chap.
vi. It is interesting to compare the dates as given by Motley with
Busbecq’s letter. The latter throws a fresh light on the character
of the ‘roaring demagogue’ Imbize. It appears from _Thuanus_ (iii.
646) that Imbize, to gain the favour of the people, immediately on
becoming Senator, threw into prison certain citizens, whom he accused
of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having betrayed the Pays de Waes
to them. The trick succeeded; Imbize won the confidence of the people,
and, having attained his object, yielded to Champagny’s entreaties and
released the prisoners.

[189] The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of
1577:—‘Il faisoit jouxtes, tournois, ballets et force masquarades, où
il se trouvoit ordinairement habillé en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et
descouvroit sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets
de toile, deux à fraize et un renversé, ainsi que lors les portoient
les dames de sa Cour.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 180.

[190] When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, ‘there was a flight
of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.’—_Froude_,
chap. lxv.

[191] The Earl of Northumberland—a mistake of Busbecq’s.

[192] See _Froude_, chap. lxv.

[193] _Thuanus_, iii. 679.

[194] See p. 11, and note, p. 185.

[195] Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with
Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring
after Alençon’s sudden arrest and liberation in 1578: ‘Laquelle estant
finie de cette façon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit
baillé à mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu’elle prenoit
plaisir d’ouyr quelquesfois causer, pour estre d’humeur libre, et qui
disoit de bonne grace ce qu’il vouloit, tenant un peu de l’humeur d’un
philosophe cynique, se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: “Et
bien, monsieur de Seure, que dictes vous de tout cecy?” “C’est trop
peu,” dict-il, “pour faire à bon escient, et trop pour se jouer.” Et
se tournant vers moy, sans qu’elle le peust entendre, me dit: “Je
ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte de ce jeu; nostre homme
(voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit bien, s’il en demeuroit
là!”’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 148.

[196] ‘Le 6^e jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau
du Louvre, entra en grande colère contre le chevalier de Seure,
grand-prieur de Champaigne, jusques à lui donner des coups de poing
et de pied, pource que (comme il est haut à la main et furieux en
sa colère) il avoit dit à Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier
intendant des finances, qu’il estoit un larron et assassin du peuple de
France, d’ailleurs par trop affligé, l’aiant chargé de huit millions
d’escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, qu’il disoit monter
à ladite somme, combien qu’elles ne montassent qu’à cinq millions,
et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple de trois
millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire:
“Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est;” et lui aiant respondu le Roy
qu’il ne s’en souvenoit point, fust d’abondant si temeraire que de
répliquer hautement et superbement: “Si vous voulez mettre la main
sur la conscience, Sire, vous savez ce qui en est.” Ce que le Roy (ne
prenant pas d’ailleurs plaisir a ouïr de tels propos) print pour une
forme de démenti, et par une promte colère mist la main sur ledit
chevalier, l’excédant, ainsi que dit est.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 149.
Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners mentioned pp. 198, 201.
See _Thuanus_, iii. 633.

[197] Pierre de Gondi. See note, p. 40.

[198] See _Froude_, chap. lxvi.

[199] _Strada_, ii. 281.

[200] See Letter XXXII.

[201] ‘Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-mère s’en alla à Monsseaux
et de là à Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Duc son fils, grièvement
malade. Elle en revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les
plus précieux meubles de son dit fils, abandonné des médecins et de
tout humain secours.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 154.

[202] The secret is told us by a contemporary:—‘Le 16^e jour de may,
le duc Desparnon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy,
pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres
et créance de la part de Sa Majesté, par lesquelles elle l’ammonestoit,
enhortoit et prioit, pource que la vie du duc Dalençon, son frère,
estoit déplorée et n’en attendoit-on de jour à autre que nouvelles de
sa mort, de venir à la Cour près d’elle et d’aller à la Messe, parce
qu’il le vouloit faire recongnoistre son vrai héritier et successeur de
sa couronne, lui donner grade et dignité près de sa personne, tels que
méritoient les qualités de beau-frère et légitime successeur de ladite
couronne de France, et recevoir de lui tous les honneurs, avantages
et bons traitemens que telles qualités et la bonne amitié qu’il lui
portoit pouvoient requerir.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 153.

[203] This is evidently Busbecq’s verdict, which he cautiously assigns
to others. Compare Motley’s sketch of Alençon, _Rise of the Dutch
Republic_, Part V. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of Alençon
as follows:—‘Un cœur double, un esprit malin, et tourné comme son corps
mal bâti.’

[204] Navarre’s title to the succession was recognised in his marriage
contract with Marguerite.—See _Thuanus_, iv. 3.

[205] _I.e._ Monsieur. ‘A nul appartient d’estre appellé en France
simplement _Monsieur_, que le premier prince du sang ampres le
Roy.’—_Brantôme_, iii. 83.

[206] Compare _Thuanus_, iii. 680.

[207] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vii.

[208] See _Strada_, ii. 306, 307. Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 156.

[209] ‘Le 25^e juillet, le Roy, après avoir fait quelque séjour à
Vincennes, pour y establir ses Hiéronimites, retourna à Fontainebleau,
et de là prist le chemin de Lyon; où estant arrivé, osta le
gouvernement de la ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au
seingneur du Bouchage, frère du duc de Joieuse.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii.
164.

[210] Des Pruneaux. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 58 seq.

[211] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 31, where this passage is
quoted as Busbecq’s own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his
usual caution, he puts it in the mouth of others.

[212] A full account of Parma’s operations at Dendermonde is to be
found _Strada_, ii. 308-11. Busbecq’s brother-in-law, Jacques de
Yedeghem, had been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde
(Tenremonde) during 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those
troublous times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the
Netherlands.—Dalle, _Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 50.

[213] See Letter XXIX.

[214] See Letter XVIII., and note 3, p. 224.

[215] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 113, and note p. 7.

[216] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 21-23. _Strada_, ii. 317.

[217] ‘Le 19^e octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau,
partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la
Roine se trouvèrent frappées de peste; dont l’une, nommée Monmorin,
en mourut. Et se trouvant Ruscellaï à Fontainebleau, au disner du
Roy, et s’estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy
et les Roines en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy
“que Sa Majesté ne devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que
la Cour estoit une plus forte peste, sur laquelle l’autre ne pouvoit
mordre.”’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 172.

[218] Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip’s most able
diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545
was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Netherlands
by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a riding
post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Maximilian. To
his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for the first
regular system of posting in modern times—even down to 1866 the Princes
of Thurn and Taxis managed the posts of Würtemberg, Nassau, Hesse, the
Hanse towns, and some other German principalities. This is the point
of James I.’s complaint that ‘Spain sent him a postilion-ambassador.’
Motley seems to explain the remark by stating that Tassis was chief
courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great ambassador would
be employed in such an office. See also note, p. 28.

[219] The Kings of England claimed the same power. ‘The days on which
this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy
Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish
churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines
in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of
the royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth
chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, “They
shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover,” had been
pronounced, there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up
to the King. His Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung
round the patient’s neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold
coin.’—Macaulay, _History of England_, chap. xiv.

[220] Senlis.—_Thuanus_, iii. 714.

[221] The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the
cases of Montmorency and Damville. See pp. 68, 69, 77.

[222] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap, iv.,
and Letter IX, note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde,
Seneschal to the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard
of Archers. He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria
and the States-General to negotiate peace.—Tassis, _Mémoires_.

[223] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 95, note.

[224] Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular
French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen
Mary, always uses it. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 98, and
_Froude_, chap. lxvii.

[225] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 67.

[226] His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre,
and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his
Queen (Marguerite).—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 181.

[227] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 139.

[228] See Ranke, _History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap
xxi.

[229] See Ranke, _History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap.
xxi.

[230] ‘Ligue sainte, dy-je, pourpensée et inventée par défunct Charles,
Cardinal de Lorraine, voiant la lignée de Valois proche de son période,
et l’occasion se présenter, sous ce beau masque et saint prétexte de
religion, d’exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les
plus proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite
Religion Prétendue Réformée, et par ce moien empiéter la couronne
de France, qu’ils disoient avoir esté ravie à Lotaire, dernier
Roy de France de la race de Charlemagne, et à ses enfants, leurs
prédécesseurs, par Hugues Capet, qui n’y pouvoit prétendre aucun droit
que par la violente et injuste usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il
s’en estoit emparé.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 184.

[231] This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, _United
Netherlands_, i. 111.

[232] William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan
from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. ‘Le Roy, adverti de
tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et
mesmes par le duc de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande levée
de gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le duc de Guise, pendant qu’il
s’amusoit à baller et masquer, fist responce qu’il ne le croioit ni ne
craingnoit.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 185.

[233] See Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxi.

[234] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 117.

[235] They asked that the Estates should meet once every three
years.—Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxi.

[236] Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was
written. Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported
to have approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of
their religion (see Sismondi, xx. 150), yet refused to issue any Bull
in their favour. ‘Ce Pape n’avoit jamais adhéré à la levée des armes de
la Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d’Est,
que la Ligue n’auroit ni Bulle, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques à
ce qu’il vid plus clair en leurs brouilleries.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii.
190. The statement in the text must therefore be a _canard_ started by
the Leaguers.

[237] Compare vol. i. 219, 220. For the war between Turkey and Persia,
see Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap, xii, and Von Hammer,
bks. xxxviii. and xl. Peace was concluded in 1590, Persia ceding
Tabriz, Shirwan, and Georgia.

[238] Philippe Emmanuel, Marquis de Nomeny, son of Nicolas Comte de
Vaudemont and Duc de Mercœur, married Marie, daughter and heiress of
Sebastian de Luxembourg, Vicomte de Martigues and Duc de Penthièvre.
(See page 80.) He succeeded his father as Duc de Mercœur in 1577, and
was appointed Governor of Brittany in 1582. During the civil wars after
Henry III.’s death, he aspired to make himself independent. With this
view he negotiated with Philip II., and introduced Spanish troops into
Brittany. He maintained his position till 1598, when he was obliged
to surrender to Henry IV. He then entered the service of the Emperor
Rodolph, and fought in Hungary against the Turks. He died at Nuremberg
on his way home in 1602. His only daughter and heiress was married to
Cæsar, Duc de Vendôme, Henry IV.’s son by Gabrielle d’Estrées. In a
caricature described by de l’Estoile (ii. 230) representing the chiefs
of the League, the motto given to the Duc de Mercœur is ‘Symbolum
ingratitudinis.’

[239] See Letter XXXVII.

[240] For Lansac’s piracies, see _De l’Estoile_, ii. 361.

[241] Charles de Cossé-Brissac, nephew of Maréchal Cossé (p. 8). He
acted as Strozzi’s lieutenant (see note p 146). Froude in his account
of the French expedition to the Azores calls him ‘the Huguenot de
Brissac,’ whereas he was one of the chiefs of the League. For his
attempted seizure of Angers, see _Mezeray_, iii. 769, 770. He was
appointed Governor of Paris by Mayenne at the request of the Spanish
Ambassadors in 1594. _Mezeray_, iii. 1101-2.

[242] See note 1, p. 260.

[243] See Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxii.

[244] The Marquis of Richebourg and the Seigneur de Billy, a
distinguished Portuguese officer, were both killed. See Motley, _United
Netherlands_, i. 191-196.

[245] See _Thuanus_, iv. 10.

[246] See _Froude_, chap. lxvii.

[247] The grant was made by the deputies of the Clergy assembled at
the Abbey of Saint-Germain des Prés, on October 2, and on the 16th,
a second Edict against the Huguenots was published ordering them to
conform or leave the kingdom within fifteen days.—_De l’Estoile_, ii.
213.

[248] See _Thuanus_, iv. 50 seq.

[249] The Seigneur de Tavannes, appointed Governor by the League. See
_De l’Estoile_, ii. 216.

[250] Dated August 28, 1585. Published in Paris towards the end of
September.—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 210. See Motley, _United Netherlands_,
i. 132.

[251] Brother of the Prince de Condé. After his uncle’s death he
assumed the title of Cardinal de Bourbon, see note, page 7.

[252] M. Savary de Lancosme, nephew of M. de Villequier, one of the
King’s favourites.

[253] ‘Paris est divisé comme en trois villes par la riviere de Seine
qui passe au milieu.... L’autre partie, qui est à gauche de ladicte
riviere, est nommée l’Université.’—Palma Cayet, _Histoire de la Ligue_,
i. 251. The four faubourgs were those of St. Germain, St. Jacques, St.
Marceau, and St. Victor.

The famous La Noue on this occasion attempted to enter Paris by wading
along the side of the Seine immediately under the Tour de Nesle, so as
to land on the Quai des Augustins. Unfortunately, he rashly led the
way himself, and keeping too close to the foot of the tower, where the
water happened to be deepest, suddenly got out of his depth, and was
nearly drowned. The enterprise consequently proved a failure.

[254] The Cardinal de Bourbon, Henry IV.’s uncle, the Prince de
Joinville, son and successor to Henry, Duke of Guise, and the Duc
d’Elbœuf had been arrested by Henry III.’s orders, on December 23,
1588, the day of Guise’s assassination. Others, who had been arrested
at the same time, had been executed, had escaped, or had been released,
but these three still remained in close custody. The Cardinal was
confined at Fontenay, and the two Dukes at Tours.

[255] Between this letter and the last intervenes a period of nearly
four years. See vol. i. p. 69. From the purchase-deed of the Seigneury
of Bousbecque and Parma’s _Sauve-garde_ (see Appendix), we know that
Busbecq continued to reside in France as the agent of Elizabeth. This
letter was written three months after the assassination of Henry III.
After that event Navarre had been obliged to retreat to Normandy
pursued by the Duke of Mayenne. The latter, however, after his attack
on Henry at Arques had failed, retired to Amiens and left the way open
for his enemy to make a dash on Paris.

[256] The governor was de Maillé-Brezé, Seigneur de Benehart; and the
monk was a cordelier named Robert Chessé or Jessé. Thuanus (v. 32)
gives an account of their execution. The monk died like a brave man,
the governor like a coward.

[257] Philippe de Lenoncourt, Bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne, and
afterwards of Auxerre, Cardinal of San Onofrio. It is a disputed point
whether he ever actually became Archbishop of Rheims. See _Gallia
Christiana_, ix. 156.

[258] Henry, eldest son and successor of Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He
sometimes bears the title of Duke of Bar. He married in 1599 Catherine,
Henry IV.’s sister (see note, page 51). After her death he married
Margaret de Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. He died in 1624.
He had taken part in Mayenne’s autumn campaign against Henry, and was
now on his way home from Amiens, where he had been detained some time
by illness.

[259] ‘Mayenne exposa la nécessité d’établir un conseil général de
l’union, dont l’autorité seroit reconnue par toute la France. Des
désignations pour ce conseil suprême étoient déjà faites par le
conseil particulier de la ville. Il en donna le rôle; on y trouvoit
trois évêques, de Meaux, de Senlis et d’Agen, six curés de Paris, sept
gentilshommes, vingt deux bourgeois de Paris; ce qui, avec lui-même
pour président et un secrétaire, formoit quarante membres.’—_Sismondi_,
xx. 472.

[260] He was Cardinal Caietano, brother of the Duke of Sermoneta. He
arrived in Paris on January 5.

[261] The people of Dijon eleven years before had been desirous of
having a separate bishopric, but were prevented by the opposition
of the Bishop and Chapter of Langres, in which diocese Dijon was
situated.—_Gallia Christiana_, iv. 637.

[262] These reports were not unfounded. Sultan Amurath had in fact
written to Navarre promising protection against Spain, and offering to
send a fleet of 200 sail to Aigues-Mortes.—_Collection des Documents
Inédits sur l’Histoire de France, Lettres Missives de Henri IV._, iii.
364. Part of the letter is quoted by Motley, _United Netherlands_, iii.
48.

[263] The citadel of Rouen was actually betrayed to the Royalists on
February 19, but was recovered by Aumale four days afterwards.

[264] The siege began on January 9, and was raised in the middle of
February. _Aubigné, Histoire_, vol. iii. bk. iii. ch. iv; _Thuanus_, v.
41-3.

[265] This letter is not dated, but from the mention of the Legate’s
arrival and the siege of Meulan, it appears to have been written
towards the end of the first half of January 1590. Busbecq was
probably then at Mantes, the place from which the next letter was
written. Mantes is about twenty-five English miles from Evreux, which
corresponds roughly with ten of Busbecq’s miles. See vol. i. page 82,
note.

[266] Pierre d’Espinac was born in 1540, and became Archbishop of Lyons
in 1574. He was Speaker, or Prolocutor, of the States-General held at
Blois in 1576. Catherine de Medici, when the Leaguers first took up
arms, sent him to negotiate with them (see p. 246.) However, he went
over to that party, and was thenceforth one of the strongest partisans
of the League. According to his own account, he was forced to take this
step by the insults he received from Epernon, the King’s favourite; his
enemies, on the other hand, asserted that his motive was the hope of
gaining a Cardinal’s hat. After the assassination of Guise, at Blois,
in December 1588, the Archbishop was one of those arrested, and he
shared the prison of the Cardinal, the brother of the murdered duke.
Each expected to meet the same fate, and each confessed to the other,
and received absolution at his hands. The Cardinal was put to death
the following day without trial, but the Archbishop’s life was spared.
On his trial he refused to answer when interrogated by the judges, on
the ground that, as Archbishop and Primate, he was subject only to the
jurisdiction of the Pope, or of delegates appointed by him. He was then
imprisoned at Amboise. On his release he again joined the League, and
was Mayenne’s strongest partisan. He died in 1599, refusing to the last
to acknowledge Henry IV.—_Thuanus_, v. 855.

[267] Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, 49 kilometres, or about 31 English miles,
from Paris. Busbecq’s ‘French miles’ must therefore be leagues. The
château had been purchased by Schomberg from the Guises in 1578, and he
derived from it his title of Comte de Nanteuil.

[268] The appointment of these commissioners, and the seizure of
Mayenne’s letters, are mentioned by Busbecq, and, as far as we have
been able to discover, by Busbecq alone. These facts are not noticed by
Sismondi. As has been already remarked (vol. i. page 64, note), these
letters have apparently entirely escaped the notice of historians.

[269] Little more than two years intervened between the date of this
letter and the writer’s death. See vol. i. pp. 70, 71.

[270] See for example vol. i. p. 162, pp. 239-241, and p. 351.

[271] See vol. i. p. 94.

[272] See vol. i. pp. 94, 167, 407.

[273] Ferdinand and Louis had married each other’s sisters. Mary, the
wife of the latter, was afterwards Regent of the Netherlands for her
brother Charles V. See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part I.
chap. i.

[274] See vol. i. p. 410.

[275] See vol. i. p. 409.

[276] See vol. i. p. 166.

[277] See vol. i. pp. 78, 79.

[278] See vol. i. p. 301.

[279] See vol. i. pp. 79, 176.

[280] See vol. i. p. 80.

[281] See vol. i. p. 236.

[282] See vol. i. pp. 111-118.

[283] See vol. i. p. 80.

[284] See vol. i. p. 81.

[285] See vol. i. p. 190.

[286] See vol. i. p. 85.

[287] See vol. i. pp. 237-239.

[288] See p. 282.

[289] See vol. i. p. 236.

[290] See vol. i. p. 348, note.

[291] See vol. i. p. 297.

[292] See vol. i. p. 386.

[293] This summary of the treaty is taken from a Latin version of the
Turkish original made by John Spiegel, Ferdinand’s first interpreter,
which is usually printed with Busbecq’s letters.

[294] See note 2, p. 73.

[295] Nonsuch Park, at Cheam, was a favourite residence of Queen
Elizabeth.

[296] See pp. 271-2.

[297] The original of this patent of Knighthood is preserved in the
Imperial Archives at Vienna.

[298] The blank supplies the place of a foul epithet.




_INDEX TO THE LETTERS._


  _Aa_, John Van der, member of Ferdinand’s privy council, presents
     Busbecq to Ferdinand, i. 78

  _Abbot_ of Turkish Monastery—his alleged miracles, i. 363-365

  _Achmet_ Pasha, appointed Grand Vizier, i. 118;
       his character, 119;
       Busbecq and his colleagues visit, 152;
       strangled, 176;
       details of his execution, 189-190;
       many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275

  _Aconite_ or Napellus, used by Turkish pilgrim, i. 362

  _Acorus calamus_, plant sent by Busbecq to Mattioli, i. 415

  _Adrianople_, town of, i. 107;
       Solyman’s winter residence, 198;
       Busbecq summoned thither, 199;
       earthquake there, 200

  _Affenstein_, commander of German reiters, killed, ii. 104

  _Aga_ of the Janissaries, mentioned, i. 232, 285

  _Agiamoglans_, name of a class among the Christian tribute children,
     i. 306, and _note_

  _Aigues-Mortes_, seaport in Languedoc, surprised by the Huguenots,
    ii. 42, and _note_;
       Italian nobles captured by the Huguenots taken thither, 155

  _Akschehr_, town in Asia Minor taken by Bajazet, i. 273

  _Albacar_, Spanish physician sent by Busbecq to Lemnos, i. 416

  _Albanians_, a Georgian tribe, i. 246

  _Albanians or Epirotes_, ii. 143, and _note_

  _Aldegonde_, St., a prisoner in the hands of the Royalists, ii. 4;
       said to be sent by the States as envoy to Alençon, 198;
       made burgomaster of Antwerp, 210

  _Alençon_, Francis, Duke of, afterwards Duke of Anjou, waiting at Lyons
     for his brother, ii. 7;
       his constitution delicate, 43;
       at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46;
       at the ball given on the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 81;
       his restless spirit, 95;
       supposed to have dealings with the Huguenots, 96;
       accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, _ib._;
       his flight and his motives, 100-104, and _note_;
       expected to return to Blois, 105;
       demands that the negotiations be held at Blois instead of Poitiers,
         114;
       supposed to have instigated du Guast’s murder, 116;
       interferes in his quarrel with Thoré, 118;
       takes possession of Châtelherault, 120;
       demands Bourges and other towns, _ib._;
       will probably come to terms, 131;
       his expedition to the Netherlands, 141;
       intends ravaging Hainault, 143;
       sends to Italy to hire horse, _ib._;
       a champion of the Catholics, 144;
       reinforcements for him, 147;
       witnesses the battle at Ghent, 148;
       disposition of his troops, 149;
       expects to visit England 156;
       prevails on citizens of Antwerp to admit 300 French noblemen, 162;
       his attempt to seize Antwerp, 166;
       retreats to the monastery of St. Bernard, 167;
       and thence to Dendermonde, 168;
       his probable course of action, _ib._;
       blackness of his conduct, 170;
       excuses made for it, _ib._;
       complete breach with citizens of Antwerp, 173;
       his ill-regulated mind, 174;
       proposed compromise with him, 174-175;
       chooses Dunkirk as his residence, 179;
       reported to be concerned in fresh disturbances, 180;
       ill at Dunkirk, 181;
       presents Fervaques with an abbacy, _ib._;
       sends Pibrac to Antwerp, _ib._;
       writes to stop his mother from coming, 182;
       meets her at La Fère, 185;
       has lost everything in Netherlands but Cambrai, 186;
       returns to France, _ib._;
       said to be going to marry the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine,
         194;
       said to have handed over Cambrai to his brother, 195;
       his probable plans, _ib._;
       appointed by the king his Lieutenant with limited powers, 196;
       at Cambrai in great want of money, 198;
       envoys to him from the States, _ib._;
       likely to come to Paris, 199;
       goes to Château Thierry, 201;
       intends to winter at Angers, 202;
       goes to Laon, _ib._;
       will not come to court, 203;
       his rumoured negotiations with Spain for sale of Cambrai, 204;
       changes his plans, will winter at Château Thierry, 206;
       his humiliating position, _ib._;
       suspected attempt to murder, 209;
       about to receive an embassy from the Netherlands, 210;
       urges his claim to be made Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, 212;
       visits his mother, 213;
       by her advice approaches the king submissively, _ib._;
       advised to secure the favour of Joyeuse and Epernon, _ib._;
       returns to Château Thierry, 214;
       his serious illness, 216;
       reported to be in a decline, 217;
       given over, 218;
       confined to his bed, 219;
       importance of his death for France, _ib._;
       his death, 221;
       his character, _ib._;
       preparations for his funeral, _ib._;
       said to have bequeathed Cambrai to his mother, 222;
       his funeral, 223

  _Ali_ Pasha, second vizier, and afterwards Grand Vizier, his origin
     and character, i. 157, 342;
       banquet given by him to Persian ambassador, 157;
       his foolish speech, 234;
       becomes Grand Vizier, 334;
       grants Busbecq’s request to leave his house, _ib._;
       sends a cavasse to him, 342;
       contrasted with Roostem, 343-345;
       his interviews with Busbecq, 345;
       his policy, 346;
       his accident, _ib._;
       conversation with Busbecq about the invasion of Moldavia, 349-351;
       helps to procure the release of Busbecq’s servants, 368;
       sends him sweetmeats, 375;
       informs him of Bajazet’s death, 385;
       his presents to him on his departure, 388;
       what he wished in return, 391

  _Ali_ Pasha, the eunuch, appointed to the command in Hungary, i. 236;
       visited by Busbecq and his colleagues, 237;
       description of him, _ib._;
       his operations in Hungary, _ib._;
       his rashness checked by a Sanjak-bey, 238;
       his discomfiture and death, 239;
       his speech on the loss of Gran, 240

  _Alost_, taken by Alençon, ii. 143

  _Alva_, the Duke of, his death, ii. 162

  _Amasia_, capital of Cappadocia, description of, i. 150-151;
       Bajazet ordered thither, 267

  _Amber_, great quantities of it exported to Turkey and Persia, i. 257

  _Amiens_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88

  _Amurath I._, Sultan, his death, i. 153, and _note_

  _Ancyranum Monumentum_, account of the, i. 142-143, and _note_

  _Angers_, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120;
       Alençon going to winter there, 202

  _Angers_, citadel of, held by de Brissac, ii. 245;
       surprised by Huguenots, 248;
       its destruction ordered, 249

  _Angoulême_, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120

  _Angora_, town of, description of the, i. 142;
       Bajazet occupies and raises forced loan from merchants of, 275

  _Angora_ goats, i. 137, and _note_;
       manufacture of mohair from their hair, 143

  _Annonay_, town in the Vivarais, siege of, ii. 9, and _note_

  _Ant_, Indian, as large as a dog, sent as a present by the Shah to
     Solyman, i. 375, and _note_

  _Antonio_, Don, pretender to the crown of Portugal, his Constable
     killed, ii. 146;
       returns to France, 161;
       goes to Dieppe, _ib._;
       engaged in equipping a fleet, 178;
       expenses of his household at Ruel, 183;
       his new fleet reaches the Azores, 188;
       said to be intended as the commander of the French forces in the
         Netherlands, 235

  _Antwerp_, the French Fury at, ii. 164-168;
       tumult against Orange there, 176;
       strictly blockaded, 231;
       hard pressed, 236;
       equipment of fleet to relieve, 240;
       cutting the dykes near, _ib._;
       the bridge destroyed, 247;
       gunpowder sent to Paris from, 254

  _Antwerp_, inhabitants of, their kind treatment of the prisoners,
    ii. 169;
       their statement, 171;
       demand ransom, 173;
       complete breach between them and Alençon, _ib._;
       demand the execution of Fervaques, 175;
       their confidence in Orange diminished, 185, 186;
       ready to suffer the worst rather than submit, 217;
       resolved to hold out, 229

  _Archery_, Turkish skill in, i. 253

  _Aremberg_, the Countess of, ii. 113, _note_;
       writes to announce her arrival at Nancy, 114;
       notice sent to her of date of the Queen’s departure, 126;
       delayed in reaching Nancy by a mistake, 130

  _Arslan Bey_, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg, his feud with Veli Bey,
    i. 244

  _Arundel_, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth,
     ii. 212;
       will probably be pardoned, _ib._;
       again arrested, 247

  _Athenæus_, his statement as to the _pinna_ and _pinna guard_ referred
    to, i. 339

  _Aubigny_, Comte d’, and Duke of Lennox, reported to be besieged in
     Scotland, ii. 148, and _note_

  _Auger_, Edmund, the king’s confessor, rebuked by Catherine de Medici,
    ii. 182

  _Aumale_, the Duke of, accompanies the Queen to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96;
       a leader of the League, 241;
       seizes places in Normandy, 245

  _Aumont_, Maréchal d’, with Navarre, ii. 262

  _Auxonne_, town in Burgundy, its inhabitants charge their governor with
    treason and pull down the fortifications, ii. 248-249

  _Axylos_, woodless tract in Asia Minor, i. 215


  _Babocsa_, a Hungarian fortress, i. 237

  _Baden_, the Margrave of, meets the Queen, ii. 134

  _Bailen_, the Comte de, Spanish ambassador, starts for Lyons, ii. 11;
       arrives at Paris, 22;
       leaves Paris, 28

  _Baily_, title of the Venetian ambassador, i. 226, _note_;
       his interposition, 226;
       unable to help the imprisoned pilgrims, 352;
       his surprise at the release of Busbecq’s servants without a bribe,
         368

  _Bairam_, the feast of, parents allowed to see their married daughters
     at, i. 229, and _note_;
       description of its celebration by the Turkish army, 302-304

  _Bajazet I._, Sultan, indignities he and his wife received from
     Tamerlane, i. 112

  _Bajazet II._, Sultan, defeats his son Selim, i. 108

  _Bajazet_, son of Solyman, his mother’s favourite, i. 179;
       implicated in the rising of Mustapha, the Pretender, 180, 185;
       his interview with his father, 187-189;
       his story continued, 264-281;
       conspires against his brother, 265;
       removed from Kutaiah to Amasia, 267;
       complains of his new government, _ib._;
       accuses his brother, 268-269;
       prepares for war, 270;
       sends back Pertau Pasha, 271;
       his message to Solyman, 272;
       takes town of Akschehr, 273;
       occupies Angora, and raises a forced loan from the merchants, 275;
       his appearance and character, 275-276;
       marches on Koniah, 277;
       his speech to his army, 277-278;
       his gallant conduct, 278;
       defeated at Koniah, retreats to Amasia, 279;
       reputation acquired by him, 280;
       sounds his father’s disposition, 298;
       warned by his friends to beware of him, 301;
       one of his spies executed, _ib._;
       starts on his flight to Persia, 302;
       his rapidity, 304;
       his stratagems to deceive the Pashas of Siwas and Erzeroum,
         304-305;
       offers double pay to soldiers joining him, 306;
       crosses the Araxes and enters Persia, 306-307;
       his speech to the Shah’s envoys, 307;
       his reception by the Shah, 308;
       his message to his father, 309;
       atrocious speech of one of his officers, _ib._;
       is seized and thrown into prison, 311;
       conjectures as to his probable fate, 311-312;
       the end of his story, 375, 378-381;
       his execution, 381;
       his four sons share his fate, _ib._;
       execution of his infant son at Broussa, 382

  _Balagny_, Governor of Cambrai, ii. 205, and _note_;
       his tyrannical conduct there, 227

  _Baldi_, Philip, an Italian sent to Busbecq by the Emperor, i. 259;
       mentioned again, 263

  _Baldwin_, Count of Flanders and Latin Emperor of Romania—taken and
     killed by the Bulgarians, i. 105, and _note_;
       mentioned, 130, _note_

  _Balsam_, given by Ali Pasha to Busbecq, i. 388;
       its value, 389, and _note_;
       doubts thrown on its genuineness, 416

  _Balsam-tree_, not now to be found in Asia Minor, i. 142

  _Basilicus_, John, Greek adventurer—his story, i. 347, _note_;
       invades Moldavia, 347

  _Baths_, intrigues carried on in them by Turkish women, i. 231

  _Bavaria_, the Duke of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399,
     and _note_;
       his health, ii. 134;
       his handsome reception of the Queen, _ib._;
       thinks the Danube her best route, _ib._;
       presses her to remain, _ib._

  _Bavaria_, the Duchess of, sends messages and letters to the Queen,
    ii. 3

  _Bavaria_, Ferdinand, Duke of, meets the Queen, ii. 134

  _Bavaria_, William, Duke of, with his wife meets the Queen at Nancy,
     ii. 129;
       consulted as to her route, 133, 137;
       his kindness to her, 135;
       goes to Vienna, 137

  _Belgrade_, town of, described, i. 93;
       sieges and capture of, by the Turks, 94;
       fertility of the neighbourhood, 165

  _Bellegarde_, Roger de Saint-Lary de, Marshal, sent as ambassador to
     Poland, ii. 61, and _note_;
       said to have fallen sick, 66

  _Bellièvre_, Pomponne de, Ambassador of Charles IX. in Poland, ii. 49,
     and _note_;
       likely to be sent to the Netherlands, 169;
       sent to Alençon, 172;
       stays behind to arrange matters, 174;
       returns from Antwerp, 181;
       sent to King of Navarre, 203

  _Belon_ (_Bellonus_), Pierre, French traveller and physician, his
    mistake about the hyena, i. 140;
    referred to for figure of the _pinna_, 339

  _Bergen_, town in Brabant, taken by the Hollanders under their
     protection, ii. 217

  _Bernard_, Monastery of St., outpost established there by garrison
    of Lier, ii. 148;
       Alençon passes the night there after the French Fury, 167

  _Berry_, Duchy of, the Queen’s dower partly charged on it, ii. 109

  _Besançon_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88

  _Besme_, murderer of Coligny, taken prisoner by the Huguenots,
     ii. 99, and _note_

  _Beyler-bey of Greece_, the, sent to Selim’s assistance, i. 271;
       sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305;
       in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378

  _Billy_, Seigneur de, killed at the Antwerp bridge, ii. 247

  _Birague_, Cardinal de, Chancellor of France, ii. 39;
       Busbecq’s interview with him, 87;
       contributes to forced loan, 98;
       his death and character, 208, and _note_

  _Biron_, Marshal, the probable commander in the Netherlands, ii. 147;
       takes the command there, 149-150;
       asks for more cavalry, _ib._;
       halts on the Somme, 154;
       joins Alençon, 156;
       his army, 157;
       going to the Campine, 162;
       said to be the author of the attempt on Antwerp, 165;
       clears himself of all blame, 175;
       his letter pressing Alençon to abandon the scheme discovered, 181;
       retakes some small forts, 182;
       defeated at Steenbergen, and wounded, 184;
       at Antwerp pressing for money, 186;
       returns to France, 195;
       his attack on Cateau Cambrésis repulsed, 202;
       with Navarre, 262

  _Black Sea_, Busbecq’s visit to it, i. 129, 131;
       Polybius wrong in supposing it was silting up, 132

  _Blaye_, town near Bordeaux, garrisoned by the younger de Lansac,
     ii. 245

  _Blois_, Busbecq obliged to go thither, ii. 141;
       king there, 229;
       Busbecq goes thither to condole with him in the Queen’s name
         on Alençon’s death, 230

  _Blot_, Hugo de, recommended by Busbecq to Maximilian as librarian,
    ii. 73-74, and _note_

  _Bodin_, Jean, paper relating to French Fury attributed to him,
     ii. 171, and _note_

  _Bokhara_, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360

  _Bonnivet_, de, defends Endhoven, ii. 182

  _Bosphorus_, description of the Thracian, i. 129, 131;
       for distinction between it and the Cimmerian Bosphorus,
         see 111, _note_

  _Bouchain_, taken by Alençon, ii. 144

  _Bouillon_, Godfrey de, first King of Jerusalem, mentioned, i. 250

  _Bouillon_, the Duc de, warns the King of the Guises’ preparations,
    ii. 241, and _note_

  _Bourbon_, Charles, Cardinal de, claims to be successor to the throne,
     ii. 228;
       reported to intend to give up his orders and to marry the Duchesse
         de Montpensier, _ib._;
       joins the Guises, 239;
       nominally their chief leader, 241;
       claims the succession to the throne, 242;
       changes his cardinal’s robes for a soldier’s dress, 243;
       with the Duke of Guise, 246;
       a prisoner, 253, and _note_;
       Parliament issues decrees in his name as Charles X., 256;
       the Legate summons the people of Langres to acknowledge him as
         their king, 257

  _Bourbon_, House of, its position, ii. 40;
       will be heirs presumptive to the crown on Alençon’s death, 218

  _Bourges_, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120;
       likely to surrender to Navarre, 255

  _Brabant_, people of, pronounce _sevene_ differently from the Flemings,
    i. 358;
       arrival of ambassadors from them, ii. 214;
       all except Antwerp and Bergen likely to submit, 217

  _Breda_, peace negotiations opened there, ii. 54

  _Brissac_, de, a Leaguer, seizes the citadel of Angers, ii. 245,
     and _note_

  _Broussa_, execution of Bajazet’s infant son there, i. 382

  _Bruges_, obliged to call in garrison of Menin for its protection,
     ii. 194;
       said to have submitted, 219;
       receives a Spanish garrison, 222

  _Brussels_, to be Alençon’s residence, ii. 175;
       declined by him, 179;
       threatened by Parma, 182;
       inclined to go over to him, 183;
       thinking of surrendering, 229;
       surrenders, 236

  _Buda_, city of, description of the, i. 89;
       hot springs there, 90

  _Buda_, the Pasha of, Busbecq’s interviews with, i. 169, 396;
       see also _Touighoun_ Pasha

  _Bulgarians_, their bread, i. 103;
       dress of their women, _ib._;
       their origin, history, and language, 105, and _note_

  _Buren_, town in Gelderland, taken, ii. 90, and _note_

  _Burgundian_ secretary, letter from him to Busbecq, i. 233

  _Busbecq_, Ogier Ghiselin de, at marriage of Philip and Mary, i. 77;
       summoned to Vienna, _ib._;
       bids his family farewell, _ib._;
       sees Don Pedro at Brussels, _ib._;
       travels to Vienna, _ib._;
       interview with Ferdinand, 78;
       visits Malvezzi, _ib._;
       returns to Vienna, 82;
       prepares for journey and starts, _ib._;
       reaches Komorn, _ib._;
       Gran, 83;
       Buda, 85;
       makes acquaintance with the Janissaries, 86-87;
       his interview with the Pasha, 91;
       embarks for Belgrade, 92;
       collects coins, 93, 94, 139, 141;
       journeys through Servia, 95;
       disgusted with Turkish inns, 98;
       lodges in a stable, 99;
       how he got wine, 100;
       reaches Sophia, 102;
       Philippopolis, 106;
       Adrianople, 107;
       Constantinople, 111;
       visits the ex-vizier Roostem, _ib._;
       sees the sights of Constantinople, 122, _et seq._;
       has a dead giraffe dug up for examination, 128;
       visits the Bosphorus and Black Sea, 129, 131;
       starts for Amasia, 133;
       passes through Nicomedia, 134;
       Nicæa, 135;
       Angora, 139;
       enjoys sherbet and preserved grapes, 147;
       reaches Amasia, 150;
       visits Achmet Pasha and the other viziers, 152;
       his first audience of Solyman, 152-153;
       his second, 158;
       leaves Amasia, 159;
       ill of fever, 161;
       reaches Constantinople, _ib._;
       leaves, 162;
       finds _scordium_, 164;
       has another fever, 166;
       in danger from brigands, 167-8;
       visits Pasha of Buda, 169;
       compensates a Turk for his nose, 171;
       recovers from his fever, _ib._;
       reaches Vienna, _ib._;
       effects on him of his hardships, _ib._;
       sent back to Constantinople, 175;
       arrives there, 176;
       unfavourably received by the Pashas, 176-178;
       left alone at Constantinople, 193;
       his politic conduct, 194-197;
       summoned to Adrianople, 199;
       alarmed by an earthquake, 200;
       returns to Constantinople, 201;
       hires a house, _ib._;
       sent back to his former lodging, _ib._;
       his menagerie, 204;
       shoots kites, 212;
       his partridges, _ib._;
       his horses, 214;
       his camels, 218;
       complains of his letters being intercepted, 234;
       Roostem tries to convert him, 235;
       his interview with Ali Pasha, the eunuch, 237;
       his amusements and occupations, 252;
       practises the Turkish bow _ib._;
       his visitors, 257;
       his retort on Roostem, 264;
       sees the Sultan leave Constantinople, 281-287;
       his retorts on his cavasse, 287;
       summoned to the Turkish camp, _ib._;
       his sojourn and observations there, 287-297;
       presents Ferdinand’s gifts to the Sultan, 297;
       witnesses the celebration of the Bairam, 302-304;
       his policy influenced by Bajazet’s fortunes, 313;
       apologises for his long letter, 314;
       overwhelmed by the news of the Spanish defeat, 316;
       rescues the standard of the Neapolitan galleys, 322;
       becomes surety for Don Juan de Cardona, 325;
       his charity to the Spanish prisoners, 326-330;
       fears he will lose the money advanced to them, 329;
       good effects of his example, 330;
       the plague in his house, _ib._;
       allowed to import wine for his private use, 332;
       his request to leave his house on account of the plague refused
         by Roostem, 333;
       granted by Ali, 334;
       visits Quacquelben on his death-bed, 335-336;
       erects a monument to him, 337;
       goes to Prinkipo, _ib._;
       his fishing there, _ib._;
       his walk with the friar, 340;
       his acquaintance with the Metropolitan Metrophanes, 341-342;
       Pashas afraid he may escape, 342;
       returns to Constantinople, _ib._;
       interview with Roostem, 343;
       Ferdinand’s bounty to him, 344;
       his inquiries for Ali, 347;
       alarmed by the invasion of Moldavia, 349;
       interview with Ali on the subject, 349-351;
       sends home the released pilgrims, 353;
       accused by Lavigne as a Spanish spy, 354;
       his interview with Goths from the Crimea, 355-359;
       with Turkish pilgrims, 359-364;
       feats of a mountebank he saw at Venice, 365;
       his confinement relaxed, _ib._;
       refuses to appease the Cadi by a bribe, 368;
       writes to encourage de Sandé, 372;
       asks Ferdinand to intercede for the Spanish prisoners, 373;
       argues with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384;
       fears the effect of Bajazet’s death on his negotiations, 385;
       hears of his death from Ali, _ib._;
       makes inquiries of his friends, _ib._;
       his precautions in concluding peace, 387;
       his presents from Ali, 388-389;
       starts for home, 390;
       a good walker, 391;
       recovers his appetite, _ib._;
       his application to Ibrahim, 395;
       reaches Buda, 396;
       visits the Pasha, _ib._;
       reaches Gran and Vienna, 397;
       informs Ferdinand of his arrival, _ib._;
       is graciously received by him, 398;
       longs for home, 399;
       prefers retirement to a court, 399-400;
       his high opinion of Hannibal, 408;
       books, plants, animals, &c.,
       brought back by him, 414-417;
       sent a physician to Lemnos, 416;
       his journey to Paris, ii. 3;
       stays at Speyer from illness, _ib._;
       his second visit to Spain, 4, _note_;
       reaches Paris, 5;
       his interviews with Queen Elizabeth, 5-7;
       dissatisfied with the dower business, 14;
       asks for instructions, _ib._;
       his forecast of the future, 15;
       his conversation at Kaiserslautern, _ib._;
       complains of Paris prices, 19;
       intends going to the Netherlands, _ib._;
       his interview with Pibrac, 29;
       his conversation about the dower with the Bishop of Paris
         and others, 33;
       asks for credentials, 34;
       goes to Lyons and sees the Spanish ambassador, _ib._;
       sails to Avignon, 35;
       visited by Bishop Montluc at Valence, 36;
       his interviews with the King and Queen-Mother, 36, 37;
       with the Bishops of Orleans and Limoges, 37;
       sees the siege of Livron, 44;
       draws up ciphers, 48;
       asks for his salary, 50, 58, 93, 112;
       hopes Maximilian will pardon his being addressed as ambassador, 50;
       asks for instructions and a speedy answer, 51, 52;
       intends going to Brussels, 52;
       at Brussels, 53;
       returns to Paris and delivers Maximilian’s letter to the King, 55;
       his audiences of the Queen-Mother, the Queen and the King, 59;
       recommends Hugo de Blot as librarian, 73;
       asks Maximilian in the Queen’s name to intercede for Montmorency,
         75;
       his interview with the Portuguese ambassador, 76;
       suggests, if the Queen marries the King of Portugal, the economy
         of sending her direct from Paris, 78;
       suggests his recall, 83;
       asks for new credentials, 84;
       also for watches as presents, 84, 93;
       which are refused, 115;
       his audience of the King, 85;
       his interviews with Birague and de Morvilliers, 87;
       requested by Maximilian to remain in Paris, 93;
       his answer to the Duke of Brunswick’s envoy, 94;
       hopes the Queen will not be long in Paris, 97;
       his audiences of the King, 106, 107;
       is to accompany the Queen as her chief chamberlain, 128;
       complains of the non-payment of de Vulcob’s advances, 132;
       writes to Governor of Upper Austria, 136;
       obliged to go to Blois on the Queen’s business, 141;
       his audience of the King, _ib._;
       asks for settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, 163, 188,
         200;
       his account of the French Fury at Antwerp, 164-168;
       asks for St. Hilaire’s discharge, 188;
       goes to Blois to condole with the King in the Queen’s name on
         Alençon’s death, 230;
       fears his despatches will be stopped, 247;
       some actually missing, 250;
       seldom has opportunity of sending a letter, _ib._;
       fears the town where he will be attacked, 255;
       calls the Emperor’s attention to the Queen’s position, 256;
       his description of Navarre and Parma and their respective armies,
         261-264

  _Busbecq’s house_ at Constantinople, description of, i. 201-203

  _Busbecq’s servants_, their first taste of Turkish luxury, i. 84;
       wine as good as feather-beds to them, 100;
       their practical joke, 124;
       quarrel between them and some Janissaries, 295-296;
       quarrel of two of them with the Cadi of Pera, 365-368;
       scuffle of one with a Janissary, 393

  _Bussy d’Amboise_, notorious duellist, his end, ii. 191, and _note_


  _Cadi_ of Pera, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, and its
     consequences, i. 365-368

  _Caen_, seaport in Normandy, held by the Marquis of Elbœuf, ii. 245

  _Cæsar._ See _Julius Cæsar_

  _Calloo_, fort of, near Antwerp, held by Parma, ii. 226

  _Calvi_, of Genoa, and _Capello_, of Milan, sent out of France on
     suspicion of sending money to Parma, ii. 151

  _Cambrai_, its restoration demanded by the States, ii. 173;
       besieged by Parma, 183;
       hard pressed, 186;
       said to be handed over to the King of France, 195;
       Alençon there, 198;
       its unsafe state, 202;
       reported disturbances there, 203;
       origin of reports, 204;
       Alençon thinks of selling it to Philip, _ib._;
       held by Balagny, 206 and 205, _note_;
       King about to take it under his protection, 214;
       said to be bequeathed by Alençon to his mother, 222;
       a thorn in the side of Artois and Hainault, _ib._;
       said to be made to swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, 225;
       its restoration to Spain one of the terms demanded by the League,
         246

  _Camelopard_, dead, dug up and described by Busbecq, i. 128

  _Camels_, description of, i. 218;
       numbers of them in the Sultan’s baggage-train, 219

  _Campine_, district in the Netherlands, Biron going to the, ii. 162

  _Cape Sheep_, i. 138, and _note_

  _Capello._ See _Calvi_

  _Caravanserai_, description of a, i. 97

  _Carestran_, the meeting-place between Bajazet and his father, i. 187

  _Cardona_, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, manages to get left at Chios,
     i. 323;
       is ransomed by his brother-in-law, with Busbecq’s help, 325

  _Casimir_, John, son of the Elector Palatine, sketch of him, ii. 15,
    _note_;
       king undertakes to pay him 500,000 francs, 127;
       his covenant for mutual defence with Condé, _ib._;
       sends one of his officers to Elizabeth, 130;
       will not hear of a truce, 131;
       sends to Queen of England about the Cologne business, 184;
       application to him suggested in congress of Middelburg, 202

  _Castella_, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, his gallant conduct, i. 320

  _Cat_, the, preferred by Turks to the dog, i. 225;
       Mahomet’s, _ib._

  _Cateau Cambrésis_, treaty of, Turks indignant at, i. 369

  _Cateau Cambrésis_, town of, taken by Parma, ii. 157;
       annoyance caused by its garrison, 162;
       Biron’s attempt on it repulsed by Parma, 202

  _Cathay_, or China, account of, given by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 359-362

  _Catherine de Medici_, Queen of France, waits for her son at Lyons,
     ii. 7;
       offended at Pibrac’s advice, 10;
       supposed to favour war in order to keep her power, 11, 50;
       threatens execution of Montmorency, if his brothers invade France,
         16;
       grants Busbecq an audience, 36;
       her power over the King, 37;
       given good advice by Maximilian, 38;
       her illness from walking in a procession at night, 45;
       fancies she sees the Cardinal’s ghost, 46, and _note_;
       offers the Queen her services, 55;
       her unpopularity, 57;
       her regard for Maximilian, 59;
       tries to keep Alençon quiet, 95;
       follows him, 102;
       interview between them, 103;
       regrets she cannot bid Elizabeth farewell, 122;
       concludes a six months’ truce with Alençon, 126;
       intends visiting certain towns to persuade them to admit him, 127;
       invested with the government in the King’s absence, 145, 183;
       grants Don Antonio an audience, 161;
       her claims on Portugal, _ib._ and _note_;
       her exclamation on hearing of the French Fury, 167;
       intends visiting Alençon, 180;
       indignant at his folly, 181;
       disgusted at the King’s neglect of his duties, 182;
       rebukes his confessor, _ib._;
       Alençon puts off her visit, _ib._;
       goes to Boulogne to see him, 184;
       meets him at La Fère, 185;
       incensed with her daughter for her conduct, 193;
       returns to La Fère, 194;
       goes to Alençon at Château Thierry, 202;
       and then to Laon, _ib._;
       returns to Paris, 203;
       again goes to Alençon, 209;
       visited by him, 213;
       her advice to him, _ib._;
       visits him, 217;
       said to be sick with grief, 218;
       her grief for Alençon genuine, 221;
       importuned by Netherland ambassadors, 224;
       strongly supports their appeal to the King, 225;
       resolved to keep Cambrai, 228;
       goes to the Loire, _ib._;
       her hatred of Spain, 235;
       her answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237;
       with the Duke of Guise, 246

  _Cavasses_, nature of their office, i. 85, 201;
       Busbecq’s cavasse induces the Pashas to confine him in his old
         quarters, 201;
       their general behaviour to Busbecq, 258;
       rudeness of one, and Busbecq’s retaliation, 259-260;
       one tries to prevent Busbecq seeing the Sultan’s departure, 281;
       Busbecq retorts on him, 287;
       Busbecq’s argument with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384.

  _Champagny_, M. de, brother of Cardinal Granvelle, in danger at Ghent
     on account of alleged conspiracy ii. 209

  _Chanvallon_, M. de, former favourite of Alençon, and lover of the
     Queen of Navarre, flies to Germany, ii. 193;
       his manners and appearance, _ib._

  _Charité_, La, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120

  _Charlemagne_, the Emperor, dispersed the Saxons, i. 359;
       House of Guise said to be descended from him, ii. 238

  _Charles V._, the Emperor, his truce with the Turks, i. 78;
       Turkish recollection of his victories, 318;
       standard with his arms rescued by Busbecq, 322-323;
       etiquette at his court, ii. 159-160

  _Charles IX._, King of France, questions as to his leaving a will,
     ii. 33;
       had appointed his brother Henry his Lieutenant, 104

  _Charlotte de Bourbon_, daughter of the Duke of Montpensier,
     her marriage with the Prince of Orange, ii. 66, and _note_;
       her death, 142

  _Chartres_, attempt on town of, ii. 98;
       Nevers’ head-quarters, 102;
       said to have gone over to Navarre, 255

  _Chattes_, M. de, a Knight of Malta, commanding Don Antonio’s fleet,
     ii. 188

  _Chederle_, fabulous hero identified by the Turks with St. George,
     legend of, i. 148-150

  _Chios_, tame partridges from, i. 212;
       how reared, 213;
       its Genoese inhabitants, and its form of government, 323,
         and _note_;
       Spanish officers left there, _ib._

  _Cicero_, his statements as to the _pinna_ and _pinna-guard_ referred
     to, i. 339

  _Ciphers_, Pashas puzzled by supposed, i. 233;
       Busbecq draws some up, ii. 48

  _Claudius_, the Emperor, the story of his murder alluded to, i. 172

  _Clervant_, M. de, Huguenot leader, taken prisoner, ii. 104, and _note_

  _Cocq_, Jerome de, Busbecq asks his salary to be paid to, ii. 50

  _Codignac_, M. de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, his quarrel
     with his successor, i. 370

  _Coins_, ancient, found by Busbecq, i. 94, 139, 141

  _Colchians._ See _Mingrelians_

  _Cologne_, disturbances at, ii. 162, and _note_;
       King hopes to profit by them, 185

  _Compiègne_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88

  _Condé_, Prince de, expected to take the field, ii. 32;
       messenger from him at Avignon, 41;
       some wish him sent to Hungary against the Turk, 49;
       likely to invade France, 68;
       terms of peace to be referred to him, 70;
       suggestion that he should go to assist Orange, 72;
       said to be coming with an army, 88;
       Mezières appointed as his residence, 127;
       his covenant for mutual defence with Casimir, _ib._;
       will not hear of a truce, 131;
       spoken of for the command in the Netherlands, 233;
       marriage reported between him and Navarre’s sister, _ib._;
       report of a bull declaring him disqualified to succeed to the
         throne, 243, 249;
       marches on Angers, but fails in his enterprise, 248

  _Constantinople_, description of, and its antiquities, &c., i. 122-127;
       the Sultan’s sons not allowed to enter, 187;
       entry of Turkish fleet into, 321

  _Cossé_, Maréchal de, imprisoned in the Bastile, ii. 8;
       sketch of him, _ib._, _note_;
       his illness, 19;
       will probably go with Montmorency to Alençon, 105

  _Crane_, story of a Balearic, i. 207

  _Cratevas_, a Greek herbalist, fragments of, in Busbecq’s MS. of
     Dioscorides, i. 417, and _note_


  _Dadian_, King of the Mingrelians, his appearance and character,
     i. 245;
       his capture and escape, 246-247;
       his presents to Solyman, 251-252

  _Dalmatian_ horseman, his objection to fire-arms, i. 241-242

  _Damville_, Comte de, afterwards Duc de Montmorency, sketch of him,
     ii. 11, _note_;
       summoned by the King, _ib._;
       said to have caused Montpellier to revolt, 22;
       to have made an attempt on Avignon, 23;
       prepares to defend himself, 32;
       carries war through Languedoc and Guienne, 56;
       report of his death, 68, and _note_;
       terms of peace to be referred to him, 70;
       comes to life again, 77;
       King wishes to deprive him of his government, 187;
       intended campaign against him, 214;
       pronounced contumacious by the Parliament, _ib._;
       campaign given up, 218;
       said to be appointed Constable of France by Navarre, 255.

  _Dantzic_, amber merchant of, at Constantinople, i. 257

  _Dauphin_, the Prince. See _Montpensier_

  _Delegates_ from the rebels expected in Paris, and their demands,
     ii. 57, 60;
       sent back with the King’s answer, 60

  _Dendermonde_, Alençon withdraws thither, ii. 168;
       attacked by Parma, 226

  _Denmark_, King of, application to the, suggested in Congress of
     Middelburg, ii. 202;
       his eldest daughter married to King James of Scotland, 258

  _Derby_, Earl of, comes to Paris as the bearer of the Order of the
     Garter from Queen Elizabeth to the King, ii. 234;
       his magnificent reception, 237;
       his departure, _ib._

  _Diest_, town belonging to Prince of Orange, blockaded by Parma,
     ii. 157;
       surrenders to him, 162;
       recovered by him, 183

  _Dietrichstein_, Adam von, Austrian Baron, i. 325, _note_;
       ransoms his brother-in-law, _ib._

  _Dijon_, the Pope’s legate summons people of Langres to, ii. 257;
       transfers their bishopric to, _ib._

  _Dioscorides_, famous MS. of, found by Busbecq at Constantinople,
     i. 417, and _note_

  _Divan_, custom of entertaining ambassadors on leaving in the,
     i. 159, 387;
       meaning of the word, 197;
       Busbecq and his colleagues summoned thither, _ib._;
       scene there, 232-234;
       de Sandé brought before, 325;
       debate there as to whether Busbecq should be allowed to bring wine
         into Constantinople, 332

  _Divorce_, Turkish laws about, i. 230

  _Dixmude_, hard pressed, ii. 194

  _Djerbé_, account of the Spanish defeat at, i. 317, _note_, and 317-321

  _Dodona_, the oak of, alluded to, i. 272

  _Dorothea_, sister of the Duke of Lorraine, her marriage, ii. 124, 129

  _Dower_, the Queen’s, Duchy of Berry said to be assigned as, ii. 20;
       further reports about it, 26;
       Pibrac’s statement about it, 30;
       impossible to get the whole charged on Crown Lands, 53, 56;
       two proposals as to settlement thereof, 85;
       valuation made of property assigned for it, 108;
       final arrangement about it, 109

  _Duck_, species of, whose cry was like a post horn, i. 139

  _Duel_, a, in France, ii. 188-191

  _Duelling_, Turkish opinion about, i. 244


  _Earthquake_, at Adrianople, i. 200;
       at Constantinople, _ib._

  _Egmont_, Count, Louise de Vaudemont his niece, ii. 51;
       his brother compromised by Salceda’s evidence, 154

  _Egypt_, eggs artificially hatched in, i. 214;
       disaffected to the Turks, 273

  _Elbœuf_, Marquis of, cousin of the Duke of Guise, one of the leaders
     of the League, ii. 241;
       seizes Caen, 245

  _Elephant_, that danced and played ball, i. 128

  _Elizabeth_, Queen of England, peace renewed between her and France,
     ii. 60;
       anecdote of her, 61;
       said to have sent Alençon money, 143;
       conspiracy against her, 212;
       sends the Garter to the King, 235;
       reported attempt on her life, 240;
       offers the King 6,000 horse, 246;
       fresh conspiracy against her, 247;
       openly takes Holland and Zealand under her protection, 251

  _Elizabeth_, daughter of Maximilian, widow of Charles IX., sends her
     carriages for Busbecq, ii. 5;
       her proposed marriage to Henry III., 6;
       the general topic of conversation, 11;
       her uncomfortable position in Paris, 14;
       difficulties about her dower, _ib._;
       her illness apprehended, 22;
       her recovery, 24;
       questions as to her future arrangements, 25;
       report of her marriage to Henry III. discredited, 27;
       her health, 29;
       marriage with King of Portugal talked of, 30, 77;
       arrangements as to her establishment and return, 31, 32;
       wishes Busbecq to go to the King, 33;
       her escort home, 47;
       consults Busbecq as to her conduct to the new Queen, 51;
       shows him the Queen-Mother’s letter, _ib._;
       suggested for the governorship of the Netherlands, 54;
       how her current expenses are to be provided, _ib._;
       intends going to Amboise after Easter, 58;
       anxious to see her daughter, but prevented by want of funds, 64;
       no money to pay her servants, 65;
       her position intolerable, 67;
       longs to return and also to see her daughter, 78;
       her poverty, _ib._;
       her illness caused by anxiety, 79;
       arrangements about her journey, 84, 115, 119, 123;
       the municipality of Paris inclined to defray her expenses, 91;
       requires money, 92;
       receives proposal from Duke Eric of Brunswick, 94;
       starts for Amboise, 96;
       arrives there, 97;
       the date of her departure, 109;
       questions about her route, 110-111;
       her anxiety to leave, 113;
       sends Orleans wine to her father, 124;
       starts from Paris, 128;
       arrives at Nancy, 129;
       present at the Duke of Brunswick’s wedding, _ib._;
       sends courier to Madame d’Aremberg, 130;
       arrives at Bâle, Augsburg, and Munich, 133, 134;
       whether her route is to be by land or water, 133;
       her health, 135; anxious to reach her father, 136;
       her life and character, _ib._ _note_;
       business relating to her, 141;
       her rights disregarded, 172;
       curtailment of her income from the troubles in France probable,
         256

  _Elizabeth_, daughter of the preceding, probably will not be allowed
     to leave France, ii. 56;
       is delicate, 58;
       description of her, 97, and _note_

  _Elkass_ Mirza, assisted by Solyman against his brother, Shah Tahmasp,
     i. 301

  _Endhoven_, town in Brabant, capitulates, ii. 182

  _English_ ambassador suspected of intriguing with Alençon, ii. 99-100.;
       See also _Derby_, Earl of

  _Epernon_, Duke of, favourite of the King, applies for governorship
     of Brittany, ii. 172;
       King wishes the Duke of Lorraine to give him his daughter, 176;
       description of him, 177;
       King wishes to make him governor of Metz, 184;
       Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213;
       escorts Alençon on his departure, 214;
       sent to the King of Navarre, 220;
       honourably received by him, 223;
       ill of scrofula, 230;
       his reported marriage to Navarre’s sister, 242;
       finds out where his hat is, 246;
       sent to his command at Metz, 251

  _Eric_, Duke of Brunswick, proposes for Elizabeth, ii. 94, and _note_;
       reported preparations for his marriage to Dorothea, the Duke of
         Lorraine’s sister, 124;
       his wedding, 129

  _Ernest_, the Archduke, suspected of being concerned in the affair
     of Antwerp, ii. 168;
       Philip II.’s daughter said to be betrothed to him, _ib._

  _Erzeroum_, the Pasha of, how deceived by Bajazet, i. 304-305;
       afterwards put to death by Selim, 305

  _Espinoy_, Prince of, accompanies the Netherland ambassadors to France,
     ii. 234

  _Essek_, town of, famous battle there, i. 166

  _Este_, the Cardinal of, applies for the honour of escorting the Queen,
     ii. 55, and _note_;
       accompanies her to Bourg-la-Reine, 96;
       appointed to escort her, 126;
       returns to Paris on account of plot to waylay him, 130

  _Estrées_, d’, family of, banished from Court, ii. 13

  _Etampes_, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 252

  _Eunuchs_ of Solyman’s bed-chamber, the chief of the, procures Pialé
     Pasha’s pardon, i. 324;
       de Sandé recalled at his wish, 326.
       See also _Hassan_ Aga

  _Evreux_, town of, threatened by Navarre, ii, 258


  _Fast_, the Turkish, how kept, i. 290-291

  _Ferdinand_, King of Hungary and Bohemia, King of the Romans
     and afterwards Emperor, summons Busbecq to Vienna, i. 77;
       Busbecq’s interview with him, 78;
       sends Malvezzi to the Porte, _ib._;
       recovers Transylvania, 79;
       sends Zay and Wranczy to the Porte, 80;
       engaged at the Imperial Diet, 172;
       sends Busbecq back to Constantinople, 175;
       his bounty to Busbecq, 344;
       at Frankfort, 397;
       receives Busbecq graciously, 398;
       panegyric on him, 401-414;
       his Fabian tactics, 409;
       his difficulties, 411

  _Ferdinand_, the Archduke, sees Busbecq at Vienna, i. 171-172;
       commands at the relief of Szigeth, 237;
       honour he thereby acquired, 239;
       declines to give Ibrahim an audience except _incognito_, 398

  _Ferrara_, the Duke of, a candidate for the Polish crown, ii. 43

  _Ferrier_, M. de, formerly Ambassador at Venice, sent by the King to
     the King of Navarre, ii. 182

  _Fervaques_, officer of Alençon, said to be the suggester of the French
     Fury, ii. 169;
       a prisoner, _ib._;
       his execution demanded by the Antwerp citizens, 175;
       presented by Alençon with an abbacy, 181;
       attempt to assassinate him, 209

  _Fiesco_, the Comte de, account of him, ii. 26, and _note_;
       mentioned 33;
       refuses to leave the Queen’s service, 52

  _Fire-arms_, objection of the Turks to, i. 242-243

  _Flagellants_, guilds of, ii. 45;
       new guild of, instituted by the King, 179;
       punishment of footmen who mocked, 180

  _Flushing_, town of, bought by Orange, ii. 183

  _Foix_, François de, Comte de Candale and Bishop of Aire, dedicates a
     translation of Hermes Trismegistus to Maximilian, ii. 17, and _note_

  _Fontenay_, town in Poitou, besieged, ii. 10;
       taken, 12

  _Forez_, county of Le, the Queen’s dower partly charged on, ii. 109

  _France_, M. de, the Queen’s first steward, ii. 33

  _France_, state of, ii. 38-42, 48-50, 67-68, 70-73, 77, 87-89;
       no money but French or Spanish allowed in, 151;
       dreadful weather in, 163;
       on the brink of war, 241

  _Francis I._, influences the Sorbonne to decide in Henry VIII.’s favour,
     ii. 27

  _Franciscan friar_, story of a, i. 340

  _Frederic III._, Emperor, his alliance with the House of Portugal,
     ii. 77, and _note_

  _Frederic III._, Elector Palatine, his reception of Henry III.,
     ii. 15 _note_

  _Fregosi_, a great Genoese family, ii. 89, and _note_

  _French gentlemen_, their characters, ii. 72, 92

  _Fünfkirchen_, Bishop of, defeated by Ali Pasha, i. 236


  _Gannat_, town in the Bourbonnais, added to the Queen’s dower, ii. 109

  _Gaston_, Don. See _Medina-Celi_, Duke of.

  _Genoa_, a safety-valve for restless Frenchmen, ii. 89

  _George, St._, identified by the Turks with their hero, Chederle,
     i. 148;
       how painted by the Greeks, 150;
       greatly venerated by the Mingrelians, 251

  _Georgians_, their prudent answer when asked to attack the Shah, i. 377

  _Germain, St., en Laye_, King at, ii. 211;
       reforms of assembly at, _ib._;
       King returns thither, 230

  _German_ reiters, report that 2,000 are coming to join Damville,
     ii. 96;
       defeated by Guise, 104;
       more reported to be coming, 110, 113, 119;
       said to have crossed the Rhine, 127;
       scouring the country, 129;
       seen from the ramparts of Nancy, 131;
       1,500 hired by Alençon, near Cambrai, 143;
       Navarre said to be hiring, 212;
       rumours of some being brought to France, 239;
       much dreaded in France, 249

  _Ghent_, battle before, ii. 148;
       alleged conspiracy detected there, 209;
       Parma’s envoys courteously received there, 217;
       said to have come to terms with him, 219;
       admits the troops of Orange, 222;
       submits to Parma, 229

  _Ghourebas_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154,
     and _note_;
       mentioned, 283

  _Gienger_, Cosmo, governor of Upper Austria, ii. 138, and _note_

  _Gilles_, or _Gyllius_, Peter, French traveller, referred to, i. 132,
     and _note_

  _Goatsucker_, cruel treatment of a, by a Venetian goldsmith, i. 226,
     and _note_

  _Goigny_, Seigneur de, officer of King of Spain, seen at Cambrai,
     ii. 204

  _Goldfinches_, tricks of trained, i. 228

  _Goldsmith_, story of a Venetian goldsmith and a bird, i. 226

  _Goths_ remaining in the Crimea, i. 355-359, and 355 _note_;
       vocabulary of their language, 357-359

  _Gotzen_, Dr. Joachim, sent by Duke Eric of Brunswick to propose for
     the Queen, ii. 94

  _Gran_, city of, description of, i. 83;
       surprised by the Imperial troops, 239

  _Grapes_, Turkish mode of preserving, i. 147-148

  _Greeks_, their superstitions about unclean food, i. 124;
       test Solyman’s prohibition of wine, 332-333

  _Guadagni_, an Italian in the French service, seneschal of Lyons,
     ii. 40;
       sent to Maximilian, 31;
       his statement to him, 47

  _Guast_, Louis du, one of the King’s favourites, his murder, ii. 116.
     and _note_;
       his quarrel with Thoré, 117;
       his splendid mode of life, 118;
       debts left by him, 119

  _Guise_, Henry, Duke of, le Balafré, hostile to Alençon, ii. 95;
       accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96;
       appointed the King’s Lieutenant, 98;
       defeats the German reiters, 104;
       wounded, 105;
       his triumphal return to Paris, 121;
       offers to go to Alençon’s rescue, 167;
       one of the leaders of the League, 241;
       declares he is simply a private gentleman fighting for the League,
         246;
       takes Verdun, 247

  _Guise_, the young Duke of, a prisoner, ii. 253, and _note_

  _Guise_, House of, its position, ii. 40;
       its hereditary feuds with House of Navarre, 176-177;
       sets the League on foot, 238;
       its claims to the throne, _ib._;
       understanding with the Pope and the King of Spain, 239;
       prepares for a campaign, 241;
       its reasons for offence, 242

  _Guises_, their party striving to make themselves masters of France,
     ii. 224

  _Güns_, town in Styria, taken by Solyman, i. 409


  _Halys_ (Kizil Irmak), the river, fishing in, i. 145

  _Harrach_, Rodolph von, a minister of Ferdinand’s, i. 412

  _Hassan_ Aga, chief of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber, sent as
     ambassador to Persia, i. 380;
       and again as Bajazet’s executioner, 381

  _Havre de Grâce_, likely to surrender to Navarre, ii. 255

  _Hawking_, Solyman’s taste for it, i. 198

  _Hebrus_, or Maritza, the river, i. 106, 107

  _Henry_, one of Busbecq’s servants, his quarrel with the Janissary
     of Tolna, i. 392-396;
       does not take de Sandé’s remonstrance in good part, 394

  _Henry VIII._, King of England, decision of the Sorbonne on the
     validity of his marriage, ii. 27, and _note_

  _Henry III._, King of France, his obligations to Maximilian, ii, 6,
    _note_;
       expected at Lyons, 7;
       hires Swiss and other troops, 8;
       arrives at Lyons, 9;
       resolves to continue the war, 12;
       and begins it with a light heart, 13;
       offers an amnesty, _ib._;
       cedes certain towns to the Duke of Savoy, _ib._;
       his reception by the Elector Palatine, 15, _note_;
       his return to Paris uncertain, 20;
       publishes a second edict, 23;
       report of his marriage to his brother’s widow discredited and why,
         27;
       likely to go to Avignon, 28;
       said to have fallen in love with Louise de Vaudemont, 32;
       gives Busbecq an audience, 36, 55, 59, 85, 106, 107;
       under his mother’s influence, 37;
       sets out for Rheims, 38;
       his character, 43;
       wishes to keep Poland for one of his children, _ib._;
       at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46;
       orders his ambassador at Constantinople to support Maximilian’s
         interests, 49, and _note_;
       about to marry Louise de Vaudemont, 51;
       his unpopularity 57;
       gives away all Damville’s offices, 69;
       cannot digest the rebel demands, 70;
       suffering from influenza, 74;
       raises fresh cavalry, 81;
       promises an escort for Elizabeth, 84, 86;
       his goodwill to Maximilian, 86;
       hopes Montmorency is innocent, _ib._;
       convenes a mock States-General, 87;
       orders the crops in Languedoc to be burnt, 88;
       his amusements, 91;
       wishes to keep Poland, 92;
       accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96;
       his military preparations, 97;
       appoints Guise his lieutenant, 98;
       orders the ambassadors to move into Paris, 100;
       sends Nevers in pursuit of Alençon, 102;
       his remarks on Alençon’s conduct, 107;
       his interference in the quarrel between du Guast and Thoré, 118;
       regrets the Queen’s departure, 123;
       sends Maximilian a present of grey-hounds and lime-hounds, 124;
       undertakes to pay Casimir and his troops 500,000 francs, 127;
       pledges jewels to Duke of Lorraine, _ib._;
       his unwilling consent to the truce, 128;
       disclaims all responsibility for Alençon, 141;
       goes to Lyons, 145;
       his fondness for pilgrimages, 145, 156, and _note_;
       goes to Bourbon-les-Bains, 149;
       more favourable to Alençon’s enterprise, 150;
       witnesses Salceda’s execution, 153;
       his interview with him, 154;
       his reply to the Spanish ambassador, 155;
       makes a pilgrimage to Nôtre Dame de Liesse, 156;
       commands the Bretons to build fifty galleys, _ib._;
       orders money to be paid to Alençon, _ib._;
       expected in Paris, 158;
       sends commissioners through France, _ib._;
       who returned without success, 172;
       his financial expedients, 160;
       his extravagance, 172, 178;
       his conduct unfavourably criticised, 173;
       moves troops to the frontier, _ib._;
       presses the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter to Epernon,
         176;
       his affection for Joyeuse and Epernon, 178;
       institutes a new order of Flagellants, 179;
       orders footmen who mimicked the Flagellants to be whipped, 180;
       his devotion to religious observances, 182;
       sends M. de Ferrier to the King of Navarre, _ib._;
       going to Foullenbraye to drink the Spa waters, 183;
       in bad health, _ib._;
       urged by the Pope to accept and publish the decrees of the Council
         of Trent, 184;
       wishes to make Epernon governor of Metz, _ib._;
       hopes to profit by the troubles at Cologne, 185;
       will go to Lyons, _ib._;
       sends a courier with an autograph letter to Joyeuse, 187;
       hurries back to Paris, _ib._;
       going to Lyons, _ib._;
       his outbreak against his sister, 192;
       writes to Navarre accusing her, 193;
       sets out for Lyons to meet Joyeuse, 194;
       his demands from the Pope through Joyeuse, 197;
       refused, 198;
       goes to Saint-Germain en Laye on account of the plague, 201;
       his financial difficulties, _ib._;
       not sorry for Alençon’s absence, 203;
       regrets his outburst against his sister, _ib._;
       said to have written to Alençon cautioning him, 205;
       holding assemblies at Saint-Germain, 206;
       attempts to enforce his sumptuary laws about dress, 207;
       intends to reform, 210;
       in retirement at Saint-Germain, 211;
       returns to Paris, 213;
       meets Alençon, _ib._;
       going to take Cambrai under his protection, 214;
       resolved to make Joyeuse’s father governor of Languedoc, _ib._;
       his attack on the Prior of Champagne, 215-216, and _note_;
       gives up his campaign against Damville, 218;
       estranged from his wife, 219;
       said to be thinking of a divorce, 220;
       sends Epernon to Aquitaine, _ib._;
       intends going to Lyons, _ib._;
       wears black mourning for Alençon, 221;
       goes to Lyons, 224;
       asks Navarre to come to him, offering to make him
         Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, _ib._;
       returns from Lyons, 227;
       building a church for himself and his penitents, _ib._;
       his campaign against vice, _ib._;
       goes to the Loire, 228;
       is driven away from Blois by the plague and returns to
         Saint-Germain, 230;
       has a chance of trying his power of healing scrofula, 231;
       undecided as to assisting the Netherlanders, 232;
       grants their ambassadors a private audience, 234;
       invested with the Garter, 235;
       reluctant to take up the cause of the Netherlands, _ib._;
       distressed at attempt to assassinate Navarre, 236;
       his final answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237;
       suspected of secretly approving of the Guises’ plans, 240;
       neglects the Duke of Bouillon’s warning, 241;
       difficulties of his position, 244;
       sends deputies in vain, 246;
       on condition of receiving 100,000 crowns a month from the clergy,
         orders the Huguenots to leave France within fifteen days,
         247-248, and _note_;
       recalls his army, 248;
       sequestrates Navarre’s property, 249;
       resolves not to let a Huguenot remain in France, 250;
       sends some Huguenot women to England under his safe conduct,
        _ib._;
       given up to his devotions and living like a hermit, _ib._;
       Parliament removed to Tours by him, 256

  _Henry_, King of Navarre and Duke of Vendôme, afterwards King of
     France, his position and family, ii. 7, _note_;
       waits at Lyons for the King, 7;
       attends the Cardinal of Lorraine’s funeral, 46;
       accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96;
       receives his wife courteously, 203;
       demands her punishment if guilty, otherwise that of her accusers,
         204;
       said to have sent to Germany to hire reiters, 212;
       given the duchy of Alençon, 222;
       receives Epernon honourably, 223;
       well qualified to lead an army to the Netherlands, 233;
       likely to give his sister to Condé, _ib._;
       attempt to assassinate him, 235-236, and _note_;
       his accession dreaded by the Guises, 238;
       on his guard, 240;
       reported Bull declaring him disqualified for the throne, 243,
         and _note_;
       offers assistance to the King, 246;
       Bull declaring him and Condé disqualified to succeed, 249,
         and _note_;
       his property sequestrated by the king, _ib._;
       attacks the faubourgs of Paris, 251;
       retreats after offering battle, 252;
       retakes Etampes, _ib._;
       his plans for the winter, 253;
       takes Vendôme and Le Mans, 254;
       his reported coronation, _ib._;
       his declaration about religion, 255;
       said to have made Montmorency Constable, _ib._;
       convenes the States-General at Tours, 257;
       attacks Evreux, 258;
       summons Rouen, 259;
       besieges Paris, _ib._;
       Cardinal de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons sent to him, 260;
       threatens to break off negotiations, 261;
       places his cannon at St. Denis, _ib._;
       contrasted as a general with Parma and comparison of their armies,
         262-264

  _Hermes Trismegistus_, reputed work of, translated by François de Foix,
     ii. 18, and _note_

  _Heydons_, kind of banditti, i. 92;
       Busbecq escapes an attack from them, 167;
       their insolence inveighed against by Solyman, 390

  _Hilaire, St._, French cadet in Rodolph’s service, his discharge
     requested, ii. 188

  _Horses_, Busbecq’s, i. 214;
       account of Turkish, how they are reared, trained, &c., 215-217

  _Humayoum_, Mogul Emperor of Delhi, i. 299, and _note_

  _Hungarian_ nobles, certain, go over from the Voivode to Ferdinand,
     i. 386

  _Hungary_, its great fertility, i. 165;
       events there, 236-242

  _Hyena_, account of the, i. 140;
       used for love-charms, _ib._;
       story about it, 141


  _Ibrahim_ Pasha, a eunuch, governor of Constantinople, i. 111;
       sent to Ghemlik to execute Mustapha’s son, 120-121;
       his escape from the women of Ghemlik, 122

  _Ibrahim_, the interpreter, a Polish renegade, his notion of a cipher,
     i. 233;
       disgraced by Lavigne’s and restored by Busbecq’s influence, 370;
       his gratitude, _ib._;
       encourages Busbecq to ask for de Sandé’s release, 372;
       appointed to go to the Emperor with Busbecq, 387;
       rates the Janissary of Tolna for his conduct, 395;
       is to go to Frankfort, 398;
       wishes to visit the Archduke Ferdinand, _ib._;
       witnesses the coronation, has an audience of the Emperor, and is
         sent home, 399

  _Ilsing_, ii. 64, _note_;
       notice of the Queen’s departure to be given to him, 120;
       notice sent to him, 124

  _Imaret_, Turkish word for hostel, i. 110

  _Imbize_, accuses nobles at Ghent of conspiracy against the authorities
     of the city, ii. 209, and _note_

  _Imeritians_, a Georgian tribe, i. 246;
       their feuds with the Mingrelians 246-247

  _Isabella_, widow of John Zapolya, returns to Transylvania, i. 236

  _Ismael_, son of Shah Tahmasp, a deadly enemy of the Turks, i. 300-301

  _Italian merchants_ of Pisa, their charity to the Spanish prisoners,
     i. 330

  _Italian-Greek_, his reasons for refusing to help the prisoners, i. 330

  _Italian renegadoes_, i. 294-296

  _Italians_, strong feeling in France against Italians in the French
     service, ii. 39-40


  _Jackals_, i. 135

  _Jagodin_, Servian village, Busbecq sees a Servian funeral there, i. 95

  _James_, King of Scotland, said to be a prisoner, ii. 148;
       said to be about to attack England, and also to marry a Spanish
         princess, _ib._;
       marries daughter of the King of Denmark, 258

  _Janissaries_, account of the i. 86-87, and _note_;
       a few stationed in each town as police, 86, 392;
       employed as firemen, 151;
       suspected of incendiarism, _ib._;
       how Busbecq put his escort of Janissaries in good humour, 199;
       their tents, 222;
       their equipment and mode of fighting, 223;
       help Busbecq to get out, 282;
       procession of, 285;
       defend their conduct against Busbecq’s cavasse, 287;
       frugal dinner of one, 289;
       their punishments, 293;
       quarrel of some with Busbecq’s servants, 295-296;
       how they are regarded by the Sultan, 296;
       entitled to the Sultan’s dinner on the day of Bairam, 304.

  _Janissary stationed at Tolna_, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants,
     i. 392-396

  _Jehangir_, Solyman’s youngest son, his appearance, character,
     and death, i. 178-179

  _Jews_, Busbecq finds himself in a house full of, i. 282;
       two sent by Janissary of Tolna to Busbecq, 395

  _Jorneton_, mentioned, ii. 74

  _Joyeuse_, account of the Duke of, a favourite of the King,
     ii. 177-178;
       his pilgrimage to Loreto, and visit to the Pope, 185;
       given the governorship of Normandy, 188;
       his instructions on going to Italy, 197;
       Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213;
       escorts Alençon in his departure, 214;
       King wishes to make his father governor of Languedoc, _ib._;
       his quarrel with the Duc de Mercœur, 219;
       its origin, 220, 245;
       marches to recover places seized by the Duc d’Aumale, 245

  _Juliers_, Duke of, at the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, and _note_

  _Julius Cæsar_, his opinion of his soldiers, i. 223;
       his intention in mounting the tenth legion, 224;
       his despatch of _Veni, vidi, vici_, 408

  _Junius_, secretary to the late Elector Palatine, sent by the States
     to Alençon, ii. 198, and _note_

  _Juppenbier_ (spruce beer), a barrel of, presented to Busbecq, and its
     effect on his guests, i. 257-258


  _Kanûns_, or Turkish Domesday Book, i. 142, and _note_

  _Katzianer_, Austrian General, his defeat alluded to, i. 166

  _Kevi_, Island in the Danube, i. 167

  _Khodja_, story of a, at a Pasha’s table, i. 377-378

  _Khuen_, Don Rodolph, Master of Horse to Maximilian, Busbecq asks his
     salary to be paid to him, ii. 58, and _note_

  _Kinsky_, John, his business with Schomberg, ii. 112, 125

  _Kites_, the scavengers of Constantinople, i. 212;
       Busbecq shoots, _ib._

  _Kizilbash_, name given by Turks to the Shah, i. 219

  _Koniah_, the ancient Iconium, Selim ordered to, i. 267;
       its strategic importance, 273;
       Selim posts himself there, 274;
       battle of, 278-279

  _Koran_, any Christian sitting on a, punished with death, i. 111;
       copy of the, presented to the Sultan by the Persian Ambassador,
         157, 375

  _Kurds_, their origin, i. 275, and _note_;
       body of, hired by Bajazet, 274;
       their sham fight, 275


  _Langres_, Guise raises troops near, ii. 98;
       bishopric of, removed to Dijon, 257

  _Languedoc_ and _Guienne_, the chief Huguenot region, ii. 41;
       the crops in, ordered to be burnt, 88

  _Lansac_, de, seizes Blaye, ii. 245, and _note_

  _La Noue_, Huguenot leader, account of him, ii. 21, _note_;
       at Rochelle, 21;
       a prisoner, 155, and _note_;
       attempts to surprise Paris, 252, _note_;
       with Navarre before Paris, 262

  _Laon_, Alençon goes there, ii. 202

  _Lasso de Castilla_, Don Pedro, Ambassador of Ferdinand at the marriage
     of Philip and Mary, urges Busbecq to hasten to Vienna, i. 77, and
    _note_

  _Laval_, the Comte de, son of d’Andelot, and nephew of Coligny, goes
     to the Netherlands, ii. 147, and _note_;
       Orange intends giving him his daughter, 179;
       to be governor of Antwerp, _ib._

  _Lavigne_, the French Ambassador, procures the release of the Venetian
     prisoners, i. 353;
       had formerly calumniated Busbecq, _ib._;
       dreaded by Roostem on account of his bluntness, 354;
       story of an interview between them, _ib._;
       hates Ibrahim the interpreter, and procures his disgrace, 370;
       his quarrel with de Codignac, _ib._

  _Lazarus_, an Albanian chief, recaptured after escaping, and impaled,
     i. 131-132

  _Legate_, from the Pope (Cardinal Caietano), summons people of Langres
     to Dijon, ii. 257;
       lays them under an Interdict for refusing to acknowledge
         the Cardinal de Bourbon, _ib._;
       encourages the Parisians to hold out, 260

  _Le Mans_, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 254, 255

  _Lemnian Earth_, a medicine used by Quacquelben, i. 164;
       how procured, 256, and _note_;
       Busbecq sends a physician to Lemnos to make inquiries about it,
         416

  _Lenoncourt_, Cardinal de, said to have crowned Navarre at Tours,
     ii. 254, and _note_

  _Leonora_, sister of Charles V., widow of Francis I., difficulties
     about arranging the settlement of her dower, ii. 53, 83

  _Leyden_, reports about the siege of, ii. 4

  _Leyva_, Don Sancho de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Neapolitan
     galleys, brought prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321;
       imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326;
       how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373;
       hates de Sandé, 373;
       asks permission to return by Ragusa and Venice, 390

  _Lier_, its garrison erect an outpost at the monastery of St. Bernard,
     ii. 148

  _Lillo_, fort near Antwerp, besieged, ii. 224

  _Limoges_, de l’Aubespine, Bishop of, ii. 37

  _Listhius_, John, Hungarian noble, Bishop of Wessprim, ii. 73,
     and _note_

  _Livron_, siege of, ii. 44;
       turned into a blockade, 46

  _Livy_, thought Alexander would have been defeated if he had attacked
     Rome, i. 408

  _Lorraine_, Charles, Cardinal de, his illness, death, and character,
     ii. 45, and _note_;
       his funeral, 46;
       blamed as the cause of the war, 50;
       formerly absolute master of France, 53

  _Lorraine_, Cardinal de, brother of the Duke of Guise, one of the
     chiefs of the League, ii. 241

  _Lorraine_, Christina, Duchess Dowager of, her portrait taken for
     Henry VIII., ii. 63, _note_;
       sends a message to Maximilian, 132

  _Lorraine_, Duke of, expected in Paris, ii. 63, 70;
       at the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 80;
       asked to allow the passage of Spanish troops through Lorraine, 91;
       accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96;
       his conversation with Busbecq at dinner, _ib._;
       notice of the Queen’s departure sent to him, 124;
       jewels sent by Henry III. to induce him to be security to Casimir,
         127;
       comes to meet Elizabeth, 129;
       expected in Paris, 158;
       arrives, 163;
       demands Navarre’s sister for his son, _ib._;
       his horror at the notion of giving his daughter to Epernon, 176;
       his subterfuges, _ib._

  _Lorraine_, House of, King devoted to, ii. 32;
       its connection with Maximilian, 59, and _note_

  _Luc, St._, his outrageous behaviour in Alençon’s chamber, ii. 159,
     and _note_;
       his repartee to Orange, 160

  _Lusignan_, castle of, account of the, ii. 12, _note_;
       its siege expected, _ib._;
       commenced, 21;
       continues, 28;
       raised, 32;
       surrenders, 46

  _Luxembourg_, M. de, mentioned as likely to escort Elizabeth, ii. 126

  _Lynx_, story of an Assyrian, i. 206

  _Lyons_, inhabitants of, demolish their citadel, ii. 249

  _Lyons_, Pierre d’Espinac, Archbishop of, ii. 260, _note_;
       sent as ambassador to the Guises, 246;
       sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260



  _Mahomet_, story of and his cat, i. 225;
       why he forbade the use of wine, 292-294

  _Mahomet II._, Sultan, builder of the castle of Europe on the
     Bosphorus, i. 131

  _Mahomet_, son of Solyman, who died young, i. 178

  _Malvezzi_, John Maria, former ambassador to the Porte, Busbecq visits
     him, i. 78;
       his embassy and imprisonment, 79-80;
       his death, 81

  _Mamelukes_, their ancient dominion in Egypt, i. 273, and _note_

  _Mancup_, town of Goths in the Crimea, i. 356

  _MSS._, Greek, collected by Busbecq at Constantinople, i. 416-417

  _Marasch_, the Pasha of, sent as ambassador to Persia, i. 380

  _Marche, La_, the Queen’s Dower partly charged upon, ii. 109

  _Marguerite_ de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, catches cold when
     walking in procession of Flagellants, ii. 45;
       Alençon’s confidante and on bad terms with Henry III. and her
         husband, 96;
       as yet childless, 176;
       assailed by the King, 192;
       leaves Paris for Vendôme, _ib._;
       King said to intend to imprison her, 193;
       declares she and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings
         in the world, 194;
       joins her husband, 203;
       to live apart from him till her case has been investigated, _ib._;
       expected to revenge the insult, 204;
       said to be reconciled to her husband, 212;
       refuses to see Epernon, 223

  _Marseilles_, attempt to seize, ii. 245

  _Martigues_, the Vicomte de, his daughter about to marry the Marquis
     de Nomeny, ii. 64

  _Mary_, sister of Henry VIII. and widow of Louis XII., her marriage
     with the Duke of Suffolk, ii. 76

  _Mary_, Queen of England, her marriage, i. 77

  _Mary_, Queen of Scots, her pension so settled as to be worthless,
     ii. 34;
       expenses of her return home defrayed by Charles IX., 48;
       her whole dower not secured on crown lands, 53;
       remark of Marguerite de Valois about her, 194;
       in danger for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth, 212

  _Matarieh_, gardens of, near Cairo, the true balsam grown there, i. 416

  _Mattioli_, Italian physician and botanist, specimens sent him
     by Busbecq, i. 415, and _note_

  _Maximilian_, King of Bohemia, afterwards King of Hungary and Emperor,
     receives Busbecq graciously on his return to Vienna, i. 171;
       his election as King of the Romans, 397;
       his coronation, 399;
       his advice to Henry III., ii. 50;
       asked to intercede for Montmorency, 75;
       his views as to the settlement of the Dower, 85;
       wishes Busbecq to remain in Paris, 93

  _Mayenne_, the Duke of, accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96;
       likely to escort Elizabeth, 126;
       a Leaguer, 241;
       hurries to relieve Angers, 248;
       his troops in contact with the enemy, 250;
       enters Paris, 252;
       has large forces embodied but no means to pay them, _ib._;
       attacks the fort of Meulan, 258;
       arrives at Meaux, 259;
       his letters intercepted, 261;
       an unlucky general, 262

  _Medina Celi_, Duke of, commander of the expedition to Djerbé, retires
     to citadel and escapes by night, i. 319;
       his son Don Gaston a prisoner, 323;
       his agents search for Don Gaston unsuccessfully, 324;
       Don Gaston probably murdered by Pialé Pasha, _ib._

  _Medina de Rio Sicco_, Duke of, coming from King of Spain to
     congratulate Henry III. on his marriage, ii. 74

  _Mehemet_ Sokolli Pasha, third of the Vizierial Pashas, afterwards
     Grand Vizier, despatched by Solyman to Selim, i. 270;
       returns and is sent to Asia, 271;
       sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305;
       in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378

  _Melun_, town of, said to have surrendered to Navarre, ii. 255

  _Menagerie_, Busbecq’s, stories of animals in, i. 204-208

  _Mendoza_, Don Bernardino de, implicated in conspiracy against Queen
     Elizabeth, ii. 212;
       ordered to leave England, 213;
       arrives in Paris, 216;
       appointed Spanish ambassador to France, 230;
       induces the Parisians to hold out, 260

  _Menin_, evacuated, and then plundered and sacked, ii. 194

  _Meninx_, island of. See _Djerbé_

  _Mercœur_, Duc de and Marquis de Nomeny, the king’s brother-in-law,
     ii. 244, _note_;
       his approaching marriage, 64;
       his marriage, 80;
       accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96;
       governor of Brittany, 172;
       report of his death, _ib._;
       untrue, 173;
       his quarrel with the Duke of Joyeuse, 219;
       its cause, 220;
       a Leaguer, 241;
       his ingratitude, 244

  _Méru_, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, _note_

  _Metrophanes_, the Metropolitan, a friend of Busbecq’s, anxious for a
     union between the Greek and Latin churches, i. 341-342

  _Metz_, great Protestant disturbances at, ii. 251

  _Meulan_, fort on the Seine, attacked by Mayenne, ii. 258, 259

  _Mezières_, appointed as Condé’s residence, ii. 127

  _Michel_, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador, visits Busbecq, ii. 121,
     and _note_

  _Middelburg_, Congress of Netherland States at, ii. 202

  _Milan_, useful as a training school for French soldiers, ii. 72,
     and _note_

  _Minarets_, serve the purpose of our belfries, i. 291

  _Mingrelians_, account of the, i. 245-252;
       their monarch, 245;
       their feuds with the Imeritians, 246

  _Mirambeau_, brother of Lausac, sent to Alençon, ii. 171;
       thinks there is little hope of an arrangement, 173

  _Mohacz_, battle of, i. 167, 407, and _note_

  _Mohair_ goat. See _Angora_ goat

  _Mola_, of Augsburg, a courier, ii. 119

  _Mondragon_, Spanish officer, his projects, ii. 90, and _note_

  _Montal_, notorious bravo, his end, ii. 190, and _note_

  _Montbéliard_, Pibrac waylaid near, ii. 62, and _note_

  _Montbrun_, Vicomte de, Huguenot chieftain, said to be with Damville,
     ii. 23;
       seizes towns in Dauphiny, 41;
       throws reinforcements into Livron, 44;
       defeats Swiss in Dauphiny, 78, and _note_;
       wounded and taken prisoner, 79-80;
       his character, 80, and _note_;
       beheaded at Grenoble, 99

  _Montluc_, Jean de, Bishop of Valence, i. 389, _note_;
       ii. 35, and _note_

  _Montmorency_, Duc de, Marshal of France, his imprisonment in the
     Bastille, ii. 8;
       account of him, _ib._ _note_;
       his execution threatened, 16;
       guarded more strictly, 67, 68, and _note_;
       better treated, 77;
       offers to stand his trial, 86;
       considered innocent by Vaudemont, 91;
       his release decided on, 103;
       sets out to Alençon, 114;
       a notable instance of the fickleness of fortune, 115

  _Montmorency_, Madame de, asks Elizabeth to request Maximilian to
     intercede for her son, ii. 75;
       contributes to the forced loan, 98

  _Montpellier_, said to have revolted at Damville’s instigation, ii. 22

  _Montpensier_, Louis de Bourbon, Duc de, account of, ii. 9, _note_;
       besieges Fontenay, 10;
       and Lusignan, 21, 32;
       his son the Prince Dauphin, 147;
       his death, 152

  _Montpensier_, Duc de, son of the preceding, intends going to the
     Netherlands, ii. 147;
       in spite of his father’s death, 152;
       joins Alençon, 156

  _Morvilliers_, Jean de, Bishop of Orleans, ii. 37, _note_;
       his interview with Busbecq, 87;
       arrangement by which Busbecq receives his salary through him,
         93, 112, 122;
       contributes to the forced loan, 98

  _Mufti_, Turkish chief priest, consulted by Solyman, i. 116, 272, 374

  _Mustapha_, Solyman’s eldest son, his high character and popularity,
     i. 113;
       summoned to appear before his father, 115;
       his execution, 117-118;
       his only son shares his fate, 119-122;
       many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275

  _Mustapha_, the Pretender, his first appearance, i. 179;
       his story, 181-182;
       threatening aspect of his rising, 183;
       deserted by his followers, 184;
       taken prisoner and executed, 185


  _Nanteuil_, fortress of, appointed for the meeting of the Peace
     Commissioners, ii. 260

  _Napellus._ See _Aconite_

  _Napoli di Romania_, its surrender by the Venetians, i. 261-263

  _Navarre._ See _Henry IV._

  _Netherland_ Ambassadors with Alençon, ii. 212;
       try to gain the King’s support, 225;
       their offers, _ib._;
       come with fresh proposals to the King, 231;
       granted a private audience, 234;
       attend the investiture of the King with the Garter, 235;
       return home, 237;
       the King’s reply to them, _ib._

  _Netherlands_, news from the, ii. 4, 90, 195;
       dykes opened in the, 205

  _Nevers_, Louis Gonzaga, Duc de, ii. 82, _note_;
       suggestion of placing Elizabeth’s affairs under his protection,
         82;
       sent in pursuit of Alençon, 102;
       asks for governorship of Brittany, 172;
       indignant at being refused, 173;
       brings reinforcements to Navarre, 261

  _Nicæa_ (Isnik), description of, i. 136

  _Nicomedia_ (Ismid), ruins of, i. 134

  _Nicopolis_, battle of, i. 407, and _note_

  _Niort_, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126

  _Nissa_ or _Nisch_, town of, i. 96

  _Nocle_, Beauvois de la, deputy from Condé, ii. 89, and _note_

  _Nogarola_, Count, Commander of German horse, ii. 44;
       returns to Vienna, 58

  _Nomeny_, Marquis de. See _Mercœur_, Duc de

  _Northumberland_, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen
     Elizabeth, ii. 212, _note_


  _O_, Monsieur d’, holds the citadel of Caen for the League, ii. 245

  _Olympus_, Mount, in Asia, view of, from Constantinople, i. 123, 202;
       Busbecq travels along its slopes, 136;
       furnishes Constantinople with snow, 291

  _Orange_, William, Prince of, peace negotiations opened with him,
     ii. 4;
       his plan of misleading the Spanish fleet by false beacons, _ib._;
       his marriage to Mademoiselle de Bourbon, 66;
       suggestion that Condé should lead troops to his assistance, 72;
       if beaten, will hand over the Netherlands to a foreign power, 90;
       recovers from his wound, 142;
       likely to secure Holland and Zealand for himself, 145;
       rebukes St. Luc, 159;
       prayed for during his illness by the reformed churches in France,
         162;
       excused himself from going with Alençon to the camp, 169;
       to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, 175;
       mobbed in Antwerp, 176;
       intends to marry Teligny’s widow, and to give his own daughter to
         Laval, 179;
       buys Flushing, 183;
       his influence declining, 185, 196;
       tries to arouse the men of Antwerp, 186;
       crosses to Zealand, _ib._;
       reinforces Ostend, 194;
       in retirement at Flushing, 196;
       likely to be soon made Count of Holland and Zealand, 205;
       schemes to recover Zutphen, 208;
       Hollanders said to have sworn allegiance to him, 210;
       assassinated, 224

  _Orchan_, son of Bajazet, a marriage suggested between him and the
     Shah’s daughter, i. 308

  _Orleans_, declares for the Guises, ii. 245

  _Ostend_, resists Parma, ii. 194;
       said to have come to terms with him, 219

  _Othman_, founder of the Turkish royal family, i. 137

  _Oudenarde_, besieged, ii. 143;
       surrenders, 144

  _Ouloufedgi_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154,
     and _note_;
       mentioned, 283


  _Palyna_, Paul, fails to keep his appointment with Busbecq, i. 82;
       overtakes him at Buda, 86

  _Paper_, Turkish reverence for, and the reason of it, i. 110

  _Paris_, proposal in the municipality of Paris to defray Elizabeth’s
     expenses, ii. 91;
       regret of the inhabitants at her departure, 128, and _note_;
       _émeute_ there in consequence of the King’s enforcing his
          sumptuary law, 207;
       the faubourgs taken by Navarre, 251-252;
       besieged, 259-261;
       dreadful famine in, 259

  _Paris_, Pierre de Gondi, Bishop of, and Chancellor to Elizabeth,
     ii. 33;
       his views about the dower, 85;
       likely to escort the Queen, 126;
       starts home from Nancy with an escort, 130;
       wounded in the council-chamber, 216;
       sent as ambassador to Rome, 249;
       sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260

  _Parma_, Alexander Farnese, Prince of, besieges Oudenarde, ii. 143;
       takes it, 144;
       encamps at Arras, 149;
       threatens to attack St. Quentin in case of a French invasion, 150;
       sickness of his troops, 157;
       retakes Cateau Cambrésis, and blockades Diest, _ib._;
       takes Diest, 162;
       prepares to besiege Alost and threatens Brussels, 182;
       besieges Cambrai, 183;
       sends the governor of Namur to the King, 184;
       takes Dunkirk, 186;
       checked at Ostend, 194;
       relieves Cateau Cambrésis, 202;
       master of nearly all the country but Ghent and Antwerp, 205;
       receives overtures from Flanders, 217;
       removes to Dendermonde, 226;
       said to be dangerously ill, 256;
       in retirement, 258;
       comes to the relief of Paris, 260;
       he and his army contrasted with Navarre and his army, 262-264;
       his devices for encountering the French cavalry, 263

  _Partridges_, from Chios, i. 212;
       how reared, 213

  _Pashas_, keep open house before Ramazan, i. 376

  _Patriarch of Constantinople_, consulted in vain by the Pashas, i. 234

  _Pax_, John, commander at Komorn, i. 83

  _Pernantius_, of Lorraine, said to have reconciled the Queen of Navarre
     to her husband, ii. 212

  _Persia_, its barrenness, i. 219;
       creates a diversion in favour of Christendom, 221-222;
       account of the country and its monarchs, 298-301, and _note_

  _Persians_, their religious differences with the Turks, i. 161-162,
     and 236, _note_;
       complain of the violation of their territory, 307

  _Persian_ Ambassador, his arrival at Amasia, i. 156;
       peace concluded with, 157;
       and honours paid to him, _ib._;
       his departure from Amasia, 160

  _Persian_ Ambassadors bring presents to Solyman, i. 156-157, 375

  _Pertau_ Pasha, fourth Vizierial Pasha, and married to the widow
     of Mahomet, the Sultan’s son, i. 183;
       despatched by Solyman against Mustapha the Pretender, 183-184;
       despatched by Solyman to Bajazet, 270;
       sent back by him, 271

  _Pescara_, Marquis of, report of his brother’s capture by the
     Huguenots, ii. 155

  _Peter_, the courier, mentioned, ii. 58, 65, 67, 112, 119

  _Philip II._, King of Spain, his marriage, i. 77;
       Turkish reports of his power, 318;
       said to have promised his daughter to the King of Scotland,
         ii. 148;
       supports the League, 239;
       sends money to Paris, 254

  _Philippopolis_, town of, i. 106

  _Pialé_ Pasha, the admiral, sent in command of the Turkish fleet to
     Djerbé, i. 318;
       sends a galley to Constantinople to announce his victory, 319;
       conceals Don Gaston in hopes of a large ransom, 324;
       his consequent peril, _ib._;
       is forgiven by Solyman, _ib._

  _Pibrac_, Guy du Faur, Seigneur de, account of him, ii. 10, _note_;
       offends the Queen-Mother by advising the King to dismiss his
         Italian troops, 10;
       reported to be coming from Lyons, 23;
       arrives in Paris, 28;
       his conversation with Busbecq, 29;
       the advocate of peace, 50;
       starts for Poland as ambassador, 61;
       waylaid near Montbéliard, 62, and _note_;
       is to visit the Polish Palatines, 79;
       his opinion of Polish affairs, 81;
       his return expected, 122;
       his unpleasant position in Poland, _ib._;
       returns, 126;
       what he thinks the Poles have gained from France, 132;
       will probably be sent to the Netherlands as Alençon’s chancellor,
         169;
       sent to Antwerp by Alençon, 181

  _Pignerolo_, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to
     the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13

  _Pigs_, Turkish prejudice against them turned to account by Busbecq’s
     friend, i. 205

  _Pilgrimages_, fashion of making, in France, ii. 199

  _Pilgrims_ to Jerusalem, seized by the Syrians and imprisoned at
     Constantinople, i. 352;
       their release procured by the French ambassador, 353;
       sent home by Busbecq, _ib._

  _Pinnas_, a kind of mollusc, caught by Busbecq, i. 339;
       account of them and their guards, 339-340

  _Plague_, the, Busbecq’s suite attacked by, i. 163;
       outbreak of, in Busbecq’s house, 330-335;
       death-rate from, at Constantinople, 341;
       appears in France, ii. 183;
       spreading, 188;
       raging in Paris, 199;
       prevents the King entering Paris, 201;
       carries off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bed-chamber, 230

  _Plane-tree_, great, opposite Busbecq’s house, i. 227;
       the cavasse when shut out ties his horse to it, 260

  _Pliny_, his statements as to the _pinna_ and _pinna-guard_ referred
     to, i. 339

  _Poitiers_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88

  _Poland_, account of affairs in, ii. 29;
       French hope to keep, 78, 92;
       affairs there, 81

  _Pont-à-Musson_, Marquis of, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine, goes
     to Flanders on his way home, ii. 255-256

  _Pope_, the, offers the King 3,000 Swiss, ii. 122;
       urges him to accept the Tridentine Decrees, 184;
       visited by Joyeux, 185

  _Portugal_, Sebastian, King of, account of him, ii. 30, _note_;
       marriage between him and Elizabeth spoken of, ii. 30, 76-78

  _Portuguese Ambassador_ arrives in Paris, ii. 70;
       expected, 74;
       Busbecq’s interview with him, 76-77;
       suggests a marriage between Elizabeth and the King of Portugal,
        _ib._;
       takes a house in Paris, 82

  _Poussin_, Huguenot fortress, besieged, ii. 21;
       taken, 23

  _Predestination_, Turkish notions about, i. 341, 382-383

  _Prinkipo_, the largest of the Princes’ Islands in the sea of Marmora,
     Busbecq allowed to retire thither, i. 334;
       account of it, 337-340

  _Puygalliard_, M. de, acting governor at Cambrai for the King of
     France, ii. 195;
       leaves the town, 205


  _Quacquelben_, native of Courtrai, Busbecq’s physician, attends the
     Pasha of Buda, i. 86;
       shares Busbecq’s taste for ancient coins, 94;
       his treatment of intermittent fever, 161;
       of the plague, 164;
       is attacked by the plague, 335;
       his opinion of the plague, _ib._;
       Busbecq’s last visit to him, 335-336;
       his death, 336;
       his high character and abilities, _ib._;
       examines aconite brought by Turkish pilgrim, 362

  _Quesnoy_, Le, town in Hainault, failure of Alençon’s attempt on,
     ii. 198

  _Quentin, St._, town in Picardy, garrisoned against any attack by
     Parma, ii. 150;
       Marshal de Retz there, 227


  _Raab_, Busbecq’s escort attacked by soldiers from its garrison, i. 170

  _Rakos_, plain near Pesth, the former meeting-place of the Hungarian
     Diet, i. 168

  _Rambouillet_, family of, ordered to leave the Court, ii. 13,
     and _note_

  _Ramée_, Pierre de la, his method, i. 99, _note_

  _Rascians_, their language, i. 105;
       extent of their country, 166;
       their character, _ib._

  _Remorantin_, a château, suggested by Busbecq as a residence for
     Elizabeth, ii. 25;
       assigned as part of her dower, 109

  _Requesens_, Don Berenguer de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the
     Sicilian galleys, brought a prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321;
       imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326;
       how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373;
       asks leave to return by Ragusa, 390;
       his death, _ib._

  _Retz_, Comte de, Marshal of France, ii. 39, _note_;
       some of his troops cut to pieces by Damville, 32;
       supports Elizabeth’s interests, 82;
       attends the Queen-Mother to Boulogne, 184;
       commands in Picardy, 223;
       makes the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother,
         225;
       at St. Quentin negotiating with Balagny, 227;
       still in Picardy, 228

  _Retz_, Comtesse de, likely to be one of Elizabeth’s escort, ii. 126

  _Rhodope_, Mount, i. 106

  _Richardot_, Councillor, sent to King of Spain, on account of Parma’s
     conduct, ii. 258

  _Richebourg_, Marquis of, formerly resident at the Court of Maximilian,
     ii. 234;
       killed at the Antwerp bridge, 247

  _Rimini_, the Bishop of, the Apostolic Nuncio, his death, ii. 198

  _Rochefoucauld_, goes to the Netherlands, ii. 147

  _Rodolph II._, Emperor, suspected of being concerned in the affair of
     Antwerp, ii. 168;
       said to be betrothed to Philip II.’s daughter, _ib._

  _Roland_, mythic Carlovingian hero, the legend said to be known to the
     Mingrelians, i. 250, and _note_

  _Roostem_, Grand Vizier, Busbecq and his colleagues visit him, i. 111;
       his origin, character, and abilities, 113-114, 343;
       sent in command against the Shah, 115;
       his dismissal from office, 118;
       restored to office, 176, 190;
       urges Busbecq to remain, 196;
       complains of Hungarian raids, 199;
       his opinion of Busbecq, 234;
       tries to convert him, 235;
       his orthodoxy suspected, _ib._;
       his conversation with Busbecq, 235-236;
       his exultation at his kinsman’s raid, and sorrow at his death,
         240-241;
       raises a troop of dragoons from his household servants, 242;
       failure of the experiment, 243;
       his remarks on Busbecq’s obstinacy, 261;
       his emblematic present, 263-264;
       warns Busbecq not to quarrel with the Janissaries, 296;
       excites Solyman’s wrath against Pialé, 324;
       his conversation with de Sandé in the Divan, 325;
       refuses to let Busbecq leave his house on account of the plague,
         333;
       his death, 334;
       contrasted with Ali, 343, 345;
       story of him and Busbecq, 344;
       dreaded interviews with Lavigne, 354;
       scene at one, 355;
       his conduct towards Busbecq’s servants when falsely accused,
         367-368

  _Rouen_, threatened by Navarre, ii. 257, 259

  _Roxolana_, Solyman’s wife, her real name Khourrem, account of her,
     i. 111-112, and _note_;
       her intrigues against Mustapha, 113;
       and his only son, 119;
       her affection for Bajazet, 179;
       appeases his angry father, 185;
       encourages him, 187;
       how she induced Solyman to marry her, 229, and 112, _note_;
       her death, 265

  _Ryhove_, Flemish noble, accused by Imbize of conspiracy, ii. 209


  _Salceda_, implicated in a plot, ii. 148;
       a prisoner, 149;
       his terrible execution, 152-153, and _notes_;
       his wickedness and audacity, 154;
       his head sent to Antwerp and stuck on the highest pinnacle,
         154, 155

  _Saluzzo_, the marquisate of, proposal to sell or pawn, ii. 61;
       200,000 crowns borrowed on security of it, 79

  _Salviati_, his mission to procure de Sandé’s release, and its failure,
     i. 371, 374, _note_

  _Samarcand_, city of, visited by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 360

  _Sandé_, Don Alvaro de, commander of the citadel at Djerbé, attempts
     to escape and is captured, i. 320;
       exhibited on Pialé’s galley, 321;
       before the Divan, 325;
       imprisoned in the fortress of Caradenis, 326;
       how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373;
       his hatred of Leyva, 373;
       his speech to the steward of the French representative, _ib._;
       his journey home with Busbecq, 390-397;
       his jokes, 391;
       fears he will be sent back to Constantinople, 393;
       chides Busbecq’s servant for his temper, 394;
       his gratitude to Busbecq, 397

  _Sanjak-bey_, derivation of the word, i. 84, and _note_;
       Turkish army preserved by the advice of a Sanjak-bey, and his
         subsequent treatment, 238-239;
       story of a Sanjak-bey and a Khodja, 377-378

  _Sanjak-bey of Gran_, Busbecq’s interviews with the, i. 84, 170

  _Saumur_, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126

  _Savigliano_, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to
     the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13

  _Savona_, reported capture of, by the Duke of Savoy, ii. 74

  _Savoy_, Emanuel Philibert, Duke of, receives Savigliano, and Pignerolo
     from Henry III., ii. 13 and 14, _note_;
       death of his wife, 14;
       said to have taken Savona, 74;
       lends 200,000 crowns on security of Saluzzo, 79

  _Savoy_, Charles Emmanuel, Duke of, son of the preceding, said to be
     estranged from Spain, and likely to marry Navarre’s sister, ii. 148;
       about to be betrothed to the Duke of Lorraine’s daughter, 163

  _Saxon_ colonists in Transylvania, i. 359

  _Saxony_, the Elector of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i 399,
     and _note_

  _Schomberg_, Gaspard de, Comte de Nanteuil, ii. 124, _note_;
       his dealings with Kinsky, 112, 125;
       going to Germany, 155;
       his château of Nanteuil mentioned, 260, and _note_

  _Schwartzenberg_, Count von, meets Elizabeth at Nancy, ii. 129;
       consulted by Busbecq about her route, 133, 137

  _Schwendi_, Lazarus von, an Alsatian seigneur, a scholar and a soldier,
     ii. 73, and _note_;
       prevented by illness from coming to Nancy, 129

  _Scivarin_, Gothic town in the Crimea, i. 356

  _Scordium_, or water germander, a remedy for the plague, i. 164,
     and _note_

  _Scotland_, news of disturbances in, ii. 148;
       King of Scotland. See _James_, King of Scotland

  _Scutari_, town of, i. 133

  _Scuter_, Lawrence, a courier, ii. 119

  _Sebastian_, King of Portugal. See _Portugal_, Sebastian, King of

  _Selim I._, the father of Solyman, his defeat by his father at
     Tchourlou, i. 108, and _note_;
       picture of his defeat of the Persians at Tschaldiran, 129;
       referred to, 299;
       his conduct alluded to, 276-277, 279, 383

  _Selim_, Solyman’s son, afterwards Sultan Selim II., destined by his
     father as his successor, i. 179;
       warns his father against Bajazet, 265;
       removed to Koniah from Magnesia, 267;
       marches on Ghemlik, 268;
       occupies Koniah, 273;
       his appearance and character, 275-276;
       awaits his brother’s attack, 277;
       puts the Pasha of Erzeroum to death, 305;
       his succession advantageous to the Shah, 312;
       procures Pialé Pasha’s pardon, 324

  _Selimbria_, town of, i. 109

  _Selles_, M. de, a prisoner in Zealand, ii. 233, and _note_

  _Semendria_, formerly a fortress of the despots of Servia, i. 95

  _Servians_, the, their funeral customs, i. 95;
       their marriage customs, 96;
       their language, 105;
       extent of their country, 165

  _Seure_, Michel de, Prior of Champagne, his quarrel with the King,
     ii. 215-216, and _note_

  _Sforzia Palavicini_, defeated by Ali Pasha at Fülek, i. 236

  _Shad_, the common Danube, found also in the Halys, i. 145

  _Sherbet_, mode of making, i. 147

  _Silihdars_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 153, _note_;
       mentioned, 283

  _Siwas_, the Pasha of, deceived by Bajazet, i. 304

  _Slavery_, its advantages discussed, i. 210-211, and _note_

  _Slaves_, Christian, met by Busbecq, i. 162

  _Slaves_, use made by the Turks of the numerous slaves captured by
     them, i. 209-211

  _Sluys_, town of, holds out against Parma, ii. 219

  _Snakes_, in Busbecq’s house, i. 203-204

  _Solyman_, Sultan, takes Belgrade, i. 94;
       induced by Roxolana to marry her, 112;
       goes to the army and summons Mustapha, 115;
       consults the mufti, 116;
       rebukes the mutes for their slackness, 117;
       mohair his usual dress, 144;
       Busbecq’s first and second interviews with him, 152, 158;
       his appearance and character, 159-160;
       avenges an insult, 162;
       sends Pertau Pasha against the false Mustapha, 183;
       his anger against Bajazet appeased by Roxolana, 185-186;
       interview with Bajazet, 187-188;
       goes to Adrianople, 198;
       remonstrates with Bajazet, 266;
       changes his sons’ governments, 267;
       refuses to listen to Bajazet’s complaints, 270;
       consults the mufti about him, 272;
       his appearance, 285;
       his opinion of the Janissaries, 296;
       is presented by Busbecq with Ferdinand’s gifts, 297;
       pretends to be inclined to pardon Bajazet, 298;
       orders the execution of one of his spies, 301;
       orders his army to return to Constantinople, 302;
       orders Bajazet’s child to be brought up at Broussa, _ib._;
       sends Pashas and Sanjak-beys in pursuit of Bajazet, 305;
       removes Pasha of Erzeroum from office, _ib._;
       alarmed at Bajazet’s flight to Persia, _ib._;
       wishes to pursue him, but is restrained by the Pashas, 306;
       deeply hurt at the loss of Djerbé, 318;
       sends an armament thither, _ib._;
       sees the triumphal entry of his fleet, 321;
       his demeanour, 322;
       his increasing superstition, 331;
       his prohibition of wine tested by some Greeks, 332-333;
       his reply to Busbecq’s request to leave his house, 333;
       releases pilgrims at Lavigne’s request, 353;
       his letter to the King of France, 369;
       tries to induce the Shah to surrender Bajazet, 378;
       sends messages to the Georgians and Turkomans, 379;
       persuades the Shah to permit Bajazet to be executed, 380-381;
       orders Bajazet’s child to be executed at Broussa, 382;
       his parting speech to Busbecq, 390;
       a terrible enemy, 405-407;
       his attacks on Hungary and Austria, 409;
       his three wishes, 410

  _Sophia_, town of, i. 102

  _Sorbonne_, decision of the, about Henry VIII.’s marriage, ii. 27,
     and _note_

  _Spahis_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, and _note_;
       mentioned, 283

  _Spain_, the posts to, stopped, ii. 151;
       threatens the liberties of Europe, 226

  _Spaniards_, the, take Djerbé, i. 317-318;
       their fleet defeated by the Turks, 318;
       their sufferings during the siege, 320-321;
       their sufferings in prison alleviated by Busbecq, 326-328

  _Spanish_ ambassador, his remonstrances about Salceda’s head, ii. 155

  _Spanish_ officer employed as gooseherd, i. 209

  _Stag_, fierceness of a, i. 208

  _Standing armies_, dangers of, i. 296-297

  _States-General_, their meeting demanded, ii. 57;
       mock States-General convened, 87;
       summoned, 257

  _Sterckenburg_, officer sent by Casimir to Elizabeth, ii. 130

  _Strasburg_, the Bishop of, notice of Elizabeth’s departure sent to
     him, ii. 124, and _note_;
       prevented from coming to Nancy by fear of the German reiters, 129;
       his return home, 133;
       remains at Bâle, 135

  _Strozzi_, Philippe, Marshal of France, ii. 39;
       killed at the Azores, 146

  _Sunnites_ and Schiis, the two great sects of Mohammedans, i. 161,
    _note_

  _Sweden_, marriage between the daughter of the King of, and Henry III.
     spoken of, ii. 43;
       her portrait, 63

  _Swiss_ Ambassadors at Paris, ii. 63;
       entertainments and presents to them, 158, 160

  _Swiss_ troops defeated by Montbrun, ii. 78

  _Symplegades_ or floating islands at the mouth of the Bosphorus, i. 132

  _Szigeth_, fortress in Hungary, attacked by Ali Pasha, i. 236;
       relieved by the Archduke Ferdinand, 237-238


  _Tahmasp_, Shah, at war with Solyman, i. 115;
       his character and mode of life, 300;
       sends envoys to Bajazet, 307;
       invites him to visit him, 308;
       his treachery towards him, _ib._;
       and his motives, 309;
       causes him to be arrested at his table and his followers to be
         murdered, 311;
       prefers that Selim should succeed to the throne, 312;
       his treacherous conduct, 378;
       consents to Bajazet’s execution, 381

  _Tamerlane_, indignities inflicted by him on Bajazet and his wife,
     i. 112;
       his descendants, 379

  _Tartar, a_, his hair his only head covering, i. 85

  _Tartars_ in the Crimea, account of the, i. 356

  _Tashkend_, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360

  _Tassis_ (_or Taxis_), _J. B._, Spanish ambassador in Paris, superseded
     and sent to the Netherlands, ii. 230, and _note_

  _Taxis_, Leonhard de, Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, ii. 28,
     and _note_

  _Tchekmedjé_, Buyuk and Kutchuk, bays near Constantinople, i. 109,
    _note_

  _Tchourlou_, town of, famous for the defeat of Selim, i. 108

  _Thoré_, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16,
    _note_;
       escapes from the defeat of Germans and reaches the Loire, 106;
       joins Alençon, 115;
       his quarrel with du Guast, 117

  _Tolna_, a Hungarian town, its good wine and civil inhabitants, i. 93;
        quarrel between the Janissary there and Busbecq’s servant,
          392-396

  _Tortoises_, i. 134

  _Touighoun_, Pasha of Buda, meaning of the name, i. 85;
       his illness and reputation, 85, 86;
       Busbecq’s interview with him, 91

  _Tours_, attempt on, ii. 98;
       reported coronation of Navarre there, 254;
       Parliament removed thither by Henry III., 256;
       the States-General convened there by Navarre, 257

  _Trajan’s Bridge_, remains of, i. 95

  _Trajan’s Gate_, or pass of Ichtiman, i. 106, and _note_

  _Transylvania_, recovered by Ferdinand, i. 79, 80;
       Hungarian nobles revolt from the Voivode of, 386;
       the Voivode’s ambassadors try to hinder the conclusion of peace,
         387

  _Transylvanian_, the most popular candidate for the Polish crown,
     ii. 43, and _note_

  _Trautson_, John von, Ferdinand’s minister, i. 412

  _Tschaldiran_, battle of, alluded to, i. 299

  _Tulips_, i. 107

  _Turenne_, the Vicomte de, brings reinforcements to Navarre, ii. 261

  _Turkish_ ambassador intervenes at the Polish Diet. ii. 29

  — army at Amasia, described, i. 155-156

  — beggars, i. 209

  — camp, described, i. 288, 289

  _Turkish_ cavalry, Busbecq’s first sight of, i. 83

  — commissariat, i. 219-221, 289

  — fanatics at Buda, i. 396

  — fleet, reported arrival of a, ii. 257

  — horseman, a, described, i. 283-284

  — horses, their rearing, training, &c., i. 215-217

  — hostels, described, i. 98

  — inns. See _Caravanserai_

  — military punishments, i. 293-294

  — officer induced by Busbecq to give up the royal standard of the
      Neapolitan galleys, i. 322

  — old woman, her romantic story, 231-232

  — pilgrim gives Busbecq an account of his journey to Cathay and of that
      country, i. 359-362;
       feats performed by another, 362-363

  — soldiers contrasted with Christian, i. 221;
       their clothing and its distribution, 222

  — women, their treatment and mode of life, i. 228-229

  _Turkoman_ chiefs invited to attack the Shah, i. 379

  _Turks_, their notions about wine-drinking, i. 88;
       about houses, 90;
       consider the left-hand the place of honour, 92;
       their methods of dividing time, 101;
       attach no distinction to birth, i. 104, 154;
       their fondness for flowers, 108;
       and money, _ib._;
       their reverence for paper and the reasons for it, 110;
       their superstitions as to unclean food, 124, 134;
       their favourite colours, 144;
       their notions about omens, _ib._, 269;
       surprised at the Germans’ fishing, 145;
       their frugal fare, 146;
       their notions of chronology, 149;
       how promotion is regulated among them, 155;
       their dress, _ib._;
       their horror of pigs, 205;
       slavery among them, 209-211;
       their kindness to animals, 224;
       prefer cats to dogs and why, 225;
       ransom birds from bird-catchers, 227;
       some think it wrong to keep birds in cages, _ib._;
       their marriage laws, 229;
       do not inquire closely into crimes, but punish them severely if
         detected, 232;
       think it their duty to make one offer to a Christian of conversion
         to their religion, 235;
       their religious differences with the Persians, _ib._;
       their skill in archery and mode of shooting and practising,
         253-255;
       their readiness to accept foreign inventions and to adopt various
         Christian customs, 255-256;
       their Parthian tactics, 257;
       their treatment of ambassadors, 261;
       believe that the souls of those killed in battle ascend to heaven,
         289;
       their notions of the Carnival, 290;
       their fast, _ib._;
       dislike to eat or drink standing, 291;
       their endurance under the bastinado, 294;
       their reverent behaviour at their prayers, 303;
       impression made on them by the Spanish successes, 318;
       their exultation at their victory, 319;
       their taunts of the prisoners, 322;
       how they treat prisoners, 326;
       their recklessness about infection, 341;
       disturbed at Basilicus’ invasion of Moldavia, 349;
       at dinners carry off things for their wives and children, 375;
       their notions about predestination, 341, 382-383;
       pray for Busbecq’s conversion, 384;
       league against them suggested to divert the restless spirits of
         France, ii. 49;
       their victories over the Persians render them formidable, 243-244,
         and _note_;
       offer to assist Navarre, 257, and _note_


  _Uzes_, Duc de, commands for the King at Aigues-Mortes, ii. 42


  _Varna_, battle of, i. 407, and _note_

  _Vaudemont_, Louise de, afterwards Queen of France, Henry III. in love
     with her, ii. 32;
       about to marry her, 51;
       is a niece of Count Egmont, _ib._;
       Elizabeth’s attendants ordered to enter her service, 52,
         and _note_;
       no favourite with the Queen-Mother, 57;
       congratulated by Busbecq in Maximilian’s name, 59;
       estranged from her husband, 219

  _Vaudemont_, Nicolas, Comte de, the King’s father-in-law, a probable
     peacemaker, ii. 63;
       his arrival expected, 63, 70;
       at his son’s marriage, 80;
       visits Montmorency and thinks him innocent, 91

  _Veli Bey_, Sanjak-bey of Hatwan, his feud with Arslan Bey, i. 244

  _Veltwick_ or _Velduvic_, Gerard, ambassador of Charles V. to the
     Porte, i. 79, and _note_;
       his detention by the Turks referred to, 263

  _Vendôme_, Cardinal de, brother of Condé, Navarre’s sequestrated
     property placed in his hands, ii. 249

  _Vendôme_, Duc de. See _Henry IV._

  _Vendôme_, House of, its position, ii. 40

  _Vendôme_, retaken by Navarre and the governor executed, ii. 254

  _Vendôme’s_ sister Catherine, rumours of her intended marriage to
     Alençon, ii. 51, and _note_;
       to the Duke of Savoy, 148, 194;
       to the Duke of Lorraine’s son, 163;
       to Condé, 233;
       to Duke of Epernon, 242;
       her great prospects, 176

  _Venetian_ Baily. See _Baily_

  _Venetian_ goldsmith, adventure of a, i. 224

  _Verdun_, town of, taken by Guise, ii. 247

  _Vimioso_, the Count of, Don Antonio’s Constable, killed off the
     Azores, ii. 146

  _Viteaux_, the Baron de, a famous duellist, murders du Guast, ii. 116,
    _note_;
       account of his death, 189-191, and _notes_

  _Vopiscus_, quoted, i. 214

  _Vulcob_, M. de, French Ambassador at Vienna, ii. 36, and _note_, 85;
       arrangement by which Busbecq received his salary through him, 112,
         122


  _Weasels_, stories of, i. 203

  _Wranczy_ or _Verantius_, Antony, Bishop of Fünfkirchen, afterwards
     of Erlau and finally Archbishop of Gran, sent as ambassador to the
     Porte, i. 80;
       Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111

  _Wyss_, Albert de, comes with presents from Ferdinand to the Sultan,
     i. 297


  _Ypres_, given up for lost, ii. 194;
       still blockaded by Parma, 199


  _Zay_, Francis, commander of the Danube flotilla known as _Nassades_,
     afterwards governor of Kaschau, sent as ambassador to the Porte,
     i. 80;
       Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111;
       his fishing in the Halys, 145

  _Zutphen_, town in Gelderland, taken by the Spaniards, ii. 208

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End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin
de Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2), by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster

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