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diff --git a/old/53473-8.txt b/old/53473-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f0501ae..0000000 --- a/old/53473-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17069 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Stuarts and during the -Interregnum, Vol. I (of 3), 1603-1642, by Richard Bagwell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Ireland under the Stuarts and during the Interregnum, Vol. I (of 3), 1603-1642 - -Author: Richard Bagwell - -Release Date: November 7, 2016 [EBook #53473] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS, VOL 1 *** - - - - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - -IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS - -VOL. I. - - - - -_By the same Author_ - - -IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS - -Vols. I. and II.--From the First Invasion of the Northmen to the year -1578. - -8vo. 32_s._ - -Vol. III.--1578-1603. 8vo. 18_s._ - - LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. - London, New York, Bombay, and Calcutta - - - - -IRELAND -UNDER THE STUARTS - -AND - -DURING THE INTERREGNUM - -BY -RICHARD BAGWELL, M.A. -AUTHOR OF 'IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS' - -VOL. I. 1603-1642 - -_WITH MAP_ - -LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. -39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON -NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA -1909 - -All rights reserved - - - - -PREFACE - - -These volumes have been written at such times and seasons as could be -made available during an active life in Ireland, and this may induce -critics to take a merciful view of their many shortcomings. I have been -diligent, but there is still much extant manuscript material which I -have been unable to use. Ireland is the land of violent and persistent -party feeling, and no party will be pleased with the present work, for -I hold with an ancient critic that the true function of history is -to bring out the facts and not to maintain a thesis. If I am spared -to finish the third volume, it will bring the narrative down to the -Revolution, and will contain chapters on the Church or Churches and on -the social state of Ireland. - -The dates of all documents relied on have been given, and unless it is -otherwise stated they are among the Irish State Papers calendared from -1603 to 1660. Many papers, chiefly, but not exclusively, from the Carte -manuscripts, were printed by Sir J. T. Gilbert in the 'Contemporary -History of Affairs in Ireland,' or in the 'History of the Confederation -and War in Ireland.' As these collections are more generally accessible -than the Bodleian Library, I have referred to them as far as they -go. The 'Aphorismical Discovery,' which forms the nucleus of the -first, is cited under that title, and the narrative of Bellings in -the second under his name. The original Carte papers at Oxford have -been often consulted, as well as the transcripts in the Public Record -Office, while the manuscripts in the British Museum and in Trinity -College, Dublin, have not been neglected. In the case of old tracts and -newsletters, of which I have read a great many, dates and titles are -given. - -The late Lord Fitzwilliam did not consider it consistent with his -duty to let Dr. Gardiner see the Strafford correspondence preserved -at Wentworth Woodhouse, and my application to his successor has also -been refused. No restriction seems to have been imposed on the editors -of Laud's works, of which the last instalment was published as late -as 1860. All the Archbishop's letters are printed, Strafford's being -omitted only because they would have taken too much room. In 1739 Dr. -William Knowler, working under Lord Malton's directions, published the -well-known Strafford Letters, and Mr. Firth has thrown fresh light -upon them by printing some of the editor's correspondence in the ninth -volume of the 'Camden Miscellany.' 'There is,' Knowler wrote, 'four or -five times the number of letters uncopied for one transcribed, and yet -I believe those that shall glean them over again won't find many things -material omitted.' Yet Laud's editors thought it worth while to publish -a good deal of what had been left out, and probably there is still -something to be done. - -I have made some examination of the famous depositions in Trinity -College, Dublin, concerning the rebellion of 1641, but it is -unnecessary to repeat Miss Hickson's arguments, which appear to me -conclusive. The documents may be pronounced genuine in the sense that -they really are what they profess to be, but they are all more or less -_ex parte_ statements, and the witnesses were not cross-examined. -Deductions may be made on these grounds, especially in the case of -numerical estimates, but there is a vast mass of other evidence as to -the main facts. The matter is discussed pretty fully in Chapter XX. - -It is unnecessary to describe here the various contemporary histories -and memoirs referred to in the text and notes. Sir Richard Cox's -'Hibernia Anglicana' should be used with caution. Cox was a strong -partisan, but he was not a liar, and he wrote at a time when there were -still living witnesses. - -The maps at the beginning of each volume are intended as helps to the -reader, and make no pretension to completeness. Fuller details as -to the various colonies or plantations may be found in Mr. Dunlop's -map, No. 31 in the Oxford Historical Atlas. As to the short-lived -Cromwellian settlement much may be learned from the map in Gardiner's -'Commonwealth and Protectorate,' iii. 312, and from that in Lord -Fitzmaurice's 'Life of Petty.' The more lasting arrangements made after -1660 will be the subject of full discussion in my third volume. The -innumerable sieges, battles and skirmishes from 1641 to 1653 may be -traced in any large map of Ireland, and cannot be shown in a small one. -The state of affairs at the critical moment of the first truce in 1643 -is illustrated by the map in Gardiner's 'Great Civil War,' i. 264. - -My best thanks are due to Mrs. Shirley for lending me fourteen volumes -of tracts concerning the rebellion from the library at Lough Fea. They -have been very useful. - -I received some valuable hints from my friend, the late C. Litton -Falkiner, whose untimely death is a loss to Ireland. - - MARLFIELD, CLONMEL: - _December 26, 1908._ - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE FIRST VOLUME - - - CHAPTER I - - MOUNTJOY AND CAREY, 1603-1605 - - PAGE - Accession of James I. 1 - Agitation in Irish towns 2 - Insurrection at Cork 8 - Reform of the currency 14 - Chichester made Lord Deputy 15 - - - CHAPTER II - - CHICHESTER AND THE TOLERATION QUESTION, 1605-1607 - - The laws against Recusancy 17 - Proclamation against toleration 19 - Cases of Everard and Lalor 21 - Attempt to enforce uniformity--the Mandates 23 - Bacon on toleration--Sir P. Barnewall 27 - The Mandates given up 29 - - - CHAPTER III - - THE FLIGHT OF THE EARLS, 1607 - - Tyrone at Court 30 - O'Cahan's case 31 - Death of Devonshire 33 - Earldom of Tyrconnel created 34 - Departure of Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and Maguire 37 - The fugitives excluded from France and Spain 39 - Reasons for Tyrone's flight--Lord Howth 41 - Uncertainty as to the facts 42 - Lord Delvin's adventures 44 - Royal manifesto against the Earls 47 - Tyrone leaves the Netherlands 48 - He reaches Rome 49 - - - CHAPTER IV - - REBELLION OF O'DOGHERTY, 1608 - - The settlement at Derry 51 - O'Dogherty and Paulet 53 - Derry surprised and sacked 54 - Flight and death of O'Dogherty 56 - A 'thick and short' war 58 - A Donegal jury 60 - Forfeitures 61 - - - CHAPTER V - - THE SETTLEMENT OF ULSTER - - The tribal system 63 - Chichester's plan of colonisation 66 - Bacon on the settlement 67 - The Scots in Ulster--Bishop Montgomery 68 - Church and Crown 70 - Chichester and Davies 71 - British settlers invited 72 - The natives neglected 74 - The survey 75 - Londonderry and Coleraine 76 - Sir Thomas Phillips 77 - Slow progress 78 - English and Scots compared 79 - Carew's prophecy 81 - Settlers and natives 82 - Bodley's and Pynnar's surveys 85 - The Londoners' settlement 87 - English, Scotch, and Irish 88 - Optimism at Court 90 - - - CHAPTER VI - - CHICHESTER'S GOVERNMENT TO 1613 - - Sir John Davies on circuit 91 - Uniformity in Ulster--Bishop Knox 97 - Irish swordsmen deported to Sweden 99 - Piracy on the Irish coast 101 - - - CHAPTER VII - - THE PARLIAMENT OF 1613-1615 - - No Parliament for 27 years 108 - A Protestant majority 109 - Roman Catholic opposition 110 - Violent contest for the Speakership 112 - Sir John Davies on the constitution 114 - Patience of Chichester 116 - Royal commission on grievances 117 - Election petitions--new boroughs 118 - Opposition delegates in London 120 - Doctrines of Suarez: Talbot, Barnewall, and Luttrell 122 - Rival churches--neglect of religion 122 - Ploughing by the tail 124 - Chichester found upright by the Commissioners 126 - The King verbally promises toleration 127 - But tries to explain away his language 128 - Bacon as philosopher and Attorney-General 129 - The King's speech on parliamentary law 130 - Legislation 132 - The Protestant majority insufficient 134 - Taxes not easily collected 135 - Legislation against the Recusants abandoned 136 - James falls back upon prerogative 137 - - - CHAPTER VIII - - LAST YEARS OF CHICHESTER'S GOVERNMENT, 1613-1615 - - The Ormonde heritage 139 - The MacDonnells in Antrim 141 - Irish expedition to the Isles 142 - Plot to surprise the Ulster settlements 145 - Chichester recalled; his position and character 147 - Death of Tyrone and Tyrconnel 149 - - - CHAPTER IX - - ST. JOHN AND FALKLAND, 1616-1625 - - St. John tries to enforce uniformity 150 - Charter of Waterford forfeited 152 - Plantation of Wexford 153 - General dissatisfaction 156 - Bishop Rothe's strictures 160 - Plantation in Longford and King's County 162 - The new plantations not successful 164 - Plantation of Leitrim 166 - Irish swordsmen in Poland 167 - Unpopularity of St. John 168 - Lord Deputy Falkland 169 - Ussher and the civil power 170 - Effect of the Spanish match in Ireland 171 - Falkland's grievances 173 - Death and character of James I. 174 - - - CHAPTER X - - EARLY YEARS OF CHARLES I., 1625-1632 - - Accession of Charles I. 175 - Quarrel between Falkland and Loftus 175 - The case of the O'Byrnes 176 - Alleged plot of Lord Thurles 180 - The 'graces' 180 - The bishops declare toleration sinful 181 - Irish soldiers in England 182 - Poynings's law 183 - Falkland recalled 184 - Wentworth as a judge 185 - The religious orders attacked 186 - St. Patrick's Purgatory 188 - - - CHAPTER XI - - GOVERNMENT OF WENTWORTH, 1632-1634 - - Wentworth's antecedents 190 - His alliance with Laud--'thorough' 192 - His other friends 193 - Conditions of Wentworth's appointment 195 - His journey delayed by pirates 198 - His arrival in Ireland 199 - His opinion of the officials 201 - First appearance of Ormonde 203 - Reforms in the army 203 - Church and State--Bishop Bramhall 205 - Wentworth, Laud, and the Earl of Cork 206 - Algerine pirates--sack of Baltimore 207 - Wentworth suppresses piracy 209 - - - CHAPTER XII - - THE PARLIAMENT OF 1634 - - Wentworth's parliamentary policy 211 - Wentworth and the Irish nobility 213 - How to secure a majority 214 - Parliamentary forms and ceremonies 215 - Wentworth's speech 216 - Supply voted 219 - Wentworth refused an earldom 220 - The 'graces' not confirmed 221 - Parliamentary opposition overcome 222 - Judicial functions of Parliament--Gookin's case 223 - Taxation 226 - Parliament dissolved 227 - Convocation 227 - The Thirty-nine Articles adopted 228 - Wentworth successful in all directions 229 - - - CHAPTER XIII - - STRAFFORD AND THE ULSTER SCOTS - - Rise of Presbyterianism in Ulster 231 - Wentworth, Laud, and Bramhall 232 - Bishop Adair's case 233 - The Covenant 236 - The Black Oath 238 - Repression of the Presbyterians 239 - A 'desperate doctrine' 242 - Wentworth wishes to drive out the Scots 243 - - - CHAPTER XIV - - WENTWORTH'S PLANS OF FORFEITURE AND SETTLEMENT - - Defective titles 245 - Large colonisation schemes 246 - Roscommon, Sligo, and Mayo submit 247 - Resistance of Galway 249 - Treatment of the Galway people--Clanricarde 250 - Injustice of Wentworth's policy 251 - Attack on the Londoners' plantation 252 - - - CHAPTER XV - - CASES OF MOUNTNORRIS, LOFTUS, AND OTHERS - - Lord Wilmot's case 255 - The Mountnorris case 256 - Martial law in time of peace 257 - Hard treatment of Mountnorris 261 - Case of Lord Chancellor Loftus 264 - Judgment of Royalist contemporaries 267 - Wentworth and Lord Cork 268 - Vindictive action of Wentworth 270 - Sir Piers Crosbie's case 271 - Wentworth and Trinity College 273 - Provost Chappell 274 - The Irish lecture abandoned 275 - - - CHAPTER XVI - - STRAFFORD'S GOVERNMENT, 1638-1640 - - Wentworth's account of his services 276 - His power practically unchecked 278 - Country life and game laws 279 - Wentworth chief minister 281 - Made Lord Lieutenant and Earl of Strafford 282 - Meeting of an Irish Parliament 283 - Supply voted 283 - Declaration in praise of Strafford 284 - - - CHAPTER XVII - - STRAFFORD'S ARMY - - Lord Antrim's plot against Scotland 285 - Wentworth garrisons Carlisle 287 - The new Irish army 288 - Muster and disbanding 291 - Danger from disbanded soldiers 292 - Recruits for France and Spain 293 - Owen Roe O'Neill and Preston 295 - - - CHAPTER XVIII - - TRIAL AND DEATH OF STRAFFORD - - Wandesford as Strafford's Deputy 297 - The Irish Parliament refractory 298 - Strafford commander-in-chief 299 - Strafford at York 300 - His arrest 301 - The Irish Parliament repudiate Strafford 302 - Death of Wandesford 303 - Trial of Strafford 304 - Death and character of Strafford 308 - - - CHAPTER XIX - - THE REBELLION OF 1641 - - Parsons and Borlase Lords Justices 312 - Roman Catholic majority in Parliament 313 - Apprehensions of a rising 315 - Rory O'More, Lord Maguire, and others 317 - The plot to seize Dublin is frustrated 319 - Outbreak in Ulster 320 - The government weak 321 - Ulster fugitives in Dublin 323 - State of the Pale 326 - Ormonde made general--Sir H. Tichborne 327 - The Irish Parliament after the outbreak 329 - The news reaches the English Parliament 330 - And the King 330 - Relief comes slowly 331 - Monck, Grenville, Harcourt, and Coote 332 - - - CHAPTER XX - - PROGRESS OF THE REBELLION - - Savage character of the contest 333 - Conjectural estimates 334 - The rising in Tyrone 335 - In Armagh and Down 336 - In Fermanagh 337 - In Cavan--the O'Reillys 338 - In Monaghan 342 - The Portadown massacre 342 - Imprisonment and death of Bedell 344 - Irish victory at Julianstown 347 - Belfast and Carrickfergus 348 - The Pale joins the Ulster rebels 349 - Meeting at Tara 350 - Defence of Drogheda 351 - Fire and sword in the Pale 357 - - - - -MAP - - - Ireland in 1625, to illustrate colonization projects _to face p. 1_ - -[Illustration: IRELAND - -IN 1625 - - GEORGE PHILIP & SON LTD. - -_Longmans. Green & Co., London, New York, Bombay & Calcutta._] - - - - -IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS - - - - -CHAPTER I - -MOUNTJOY AND CAREY, 1603-1605 - - -[Sidenote: Accession of James. The new era.] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Tyrone.] - -The change from Elizabeth to James I. marks the transition from an -heroic age to one very much the reverse. The new court was scandalous, -and after the younger Cecil's death public affairs were administered by -a smaller race of men, not one of whom gained the love or admiration -of his countrymen. Raleigh, the typical Elizabethan, spent thirteen -years in the Tower, and died on the scaffold. But outside the sphere -of politics the first Stuart reign must be regarded with interest, for -it saw the production of Shakespeare's finest plays and of Bacon's -chief works. Meanwhile England had peace, and silently prepared for -the great struggle. Eliot and Pym, Wentworth and Cromwell, were all -young men, and Milton was born some three years before Prospero drowned -his book. The great Queen died at Richmond very early on March 24. By -nine o'clock Sir Robert Carey was spurring northwards with the news, -and King James was proclaimed in London the same morning. It was not -until the next day that Cecil found time to send Sir Henry Danvers to -Ireland, but the news had preceded the official messenger by a full -week, so that Mountjoy was quite prepared. Danvers landed at Dublin -on April 5, and within an hour after the delivery of his letters King -James was duly proclaimed. Oddly enough, Tyrone, who had reached Dublin -the day before, was the only peer of Ireland present, and he signed the -proclamation which was circulated in the country. Three days later he -made submission on his knees to the new sovereign, 'solemnly swearing -upon a book to perform every part thereof, as much as lay in his power; -and if he could not perform any part thereof he vowed to put his body -into the King's hands, to be disposed at his pleasure.' The earl's -submission was ample in substance, and humble enough in form; but Sir -William Godolphin, who had brought him to Dublin, warned the English -Government that he would not remain a good subject unless he were -treated reasonably.[1] - -[Sidenote: Excitement about the King's religion.] - -[Sidenote: Agitation in the towns.] - -Neither his relations with his own mother nor with Queen Elizabeth -had given any reason to suppose that the new king was attached to -the religion of Rome. Tyrone had offered his services to James years -before, and was told that he would be reminded of this when it should -please God 'to call our sister the Queen of England to death.' After -his raid in Munster Tyrone wrote in rather a triumphant strain, but -still obsequiously, to the King of Scots. This did not prevent James -from offering his help to Elizabeth when the Spaniards took Kinsale, -for which she thanked him. A rumour that his Majesty was a Catholic -was nevertheless widely circulated in Ireland, and caused a strange -ferment in the corporate towns. Much stress was also laid upon his -descent from ancient Irish kings. During the Queen's later years mass -had been freely celebrated in private houses, and a strong effort was -now generally made to celebrate it publicly in the churches. Jesuits, -seminaries, and friars, says the chronicler Farmer, 'now came abroad in -open show, bringing forth old rotten stocks and stones of images, &c.' -The agitation was strong in Kilkenny, Thomastown, Waterford, Limerick, -Cork, and in the smaller Munster towns; and even Drogheda, 'which since -the conquest was never spotted with the least jot of disloyalty,' did -not altogether escape the contagion. In the latter town a chapel had -long been connived at, but the municipal officers firmly repressed the -agitation and even committed a man who had ventured to express a hope -of open toleration. Mountjoy declared himself satisfied, but a note in -his hand shows that he was still suspicious. Probably he thought it -wiser not to have north and south upon his hands at the same time.[2] - -[Sidenote: Disturbances at Kilkenny and Thomastown.] - -[Sidenote: Kilkenny and other towns submit.] - -On the evening of March 26, Carey reached Holyrood with the news of -Queen Elizabeth's death, and on the 28th Mountjoy was appointed Lord -Deputy by Privy Seal. Before this was known in Ireland the Council -there had elected him Lord Justice according to ancient precedent; -so that practically there was no interregnum. Ulster was now almost -quiet, and the Viceroy could draw enough troops from thence to make -any resistance by the corporate towns quite hopeless. On April 27 -he marched southwards with about 1,200 foot, of whom one-third were -Irish, and 200 horse. At Leighlin he was joined by Ormonde, who had -been opposed by the Kilkenny people acting under the advice of Dr. -James White of Waterford, a Jesuit, and of a Dominican friar named -Edmund Barry, who was said to be James Fitzmaurice's son. Ormonde was -accompanied by Sir Richard Shee, the sovereign, who was an adherent of -his, and Mountjoy was easily induced to pardon the townsmen upon their -making humble submission. Dr. White was vicar-apostolic in Waterford, -and his authority seems to have been recognised in Ossory also, there -being at this time no papal bishop in either diocese. He forbade the -people to hear mass privately, and enjoined them to celebrate it -openly in the churches, some of which he reconsecrated. Barry went -so far as to head a mob in attacking the suppressed convent of his -order, which was used as a sessions-house. The benches and fittings -were broken up, and the conqueror said mass in the desecrated church. -This friar came to Mountjoy, said that he had believed himself to -be acting in a way agreeable to the King, and promised to offend no -further now that his Majesty's pleasure to the contrary was known. The -Lord Deputy did not enter Kilkenny, but went straight to Thomastown, -which had behaved in the same way. The town being small and penitent, -it was thought punishment enough that the army should halt there for -the night. Wexford had already fully submitted by letter, and Mountjoy -marched from Thomastown to within four miles of Waterford, and there he -encamped on the fourth day after leaving Dublin.[3] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy at Waterford.] - -[Sidenote: Odium theologicum] - -[Sidenote: An absolute monarch.] - -The Suir at Waterford was unbridged until 1794, and the citizens -doubtless thought that Mountjoy would be long delayed upon the left -bank. But Ormonde, who had proclaimed King James at Carrick some weeks -before, now brought enough boats from that place to carry over the -whole army. Mountjoy encamped at Gracedieu, about a mile and a half -above the city. There could now be no question of resistance, but some -of the citizens came out and pleaded that by King John's charter they -were not obliged to admit either English rebel or Irish enemy, though -they would receive the Deputy and his suite. As against a viceroy -this argument was in truth ridiculous, and the Lord Deputy had only -to say that his was the army which had suppressed both rebels and -enemies. If resistance were offered he would cut King John's charter -with King James's sword. It was then urged that the mayor had no force -to restrain the mob unless the popular leaders could be gained over. -Mountjoy consented to see Dr. White--who had just preached a sermon -at St. Patrick's, in which he called Queen Elizabeth Jezebel--and -a Dominican friar who had acted with him. Sir Nicholas Walsh the -recorder had been pulled down from the market cross when he attempted -to proclaim King James, and Sir Richard Aylward, who was a Protestant, -had escaped with difficulty, some citizens expressing regret that they -had not both lost their heads. Walsh thought he owed his preservation -more to having relations among the crowd than to any dregs of loyal -compunction. The Jesuit and the Dominican now came to the camp in full -canonicals and with a cross borne before them, which Mountjoy at once -ordered to be lowered. White fell on his knees, protesting his loyalty -and acknowledging the King's right. A discussion arose as to the -lawfulness of resistance to the royal authority, and the book learning -which Essex had made a reproach to Mountjoy now stood him in good -stead. According to one not very probable account, the Lord Deputy had -a copy of St. Augustine in his tent, and convicted White of misquoting -that great authority. 'My master,' he said, 'is by right of descent an -absolute King, subject to no prince or power upon the earth; and if it -be lawful for his subjects upon any cause to raise arms against him, -and deprive him of his regal authority, he is not then an absolute -King, but hath only _precarium imperium_. This is our opinion of the -Church of England, and in this point many of your own great doctors -agree with us.' James was of course no absolute king in our sense of -the word, for he had no power to impose taxes; but the long reign of -Elizabeth, the wisdom which had on the whole distinguished her, and -the terrible dangers from which she saved England, had taught men to -look upon the sceptre as the only protection against anarchy or foreign -rule. Experience of Stuart kingcraft was destined to modify public -opinion.[4] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Waterford.] - -White was allowed to return to Waterford, being plainly told that he -would be proclaimed a traitor unless he pronounced it unlawful for -subjects to resist their sovereign. The prospect of being hanged by -martial law quickened his theological perceptions, and he came back -after nightfall with the required declaration. Lord Power also came to -make peace for the townsmen, and Mountjoy promised to intercede for -them with the King. Next morning the gates were occupied, at one of -which the acting mayor surrendered the keys and the civic sword. The -latter was restored to the corporation, but the keys were handed to -the provost-martial. Sir Richard Aylward was brought back in triumph, -bearing the King's sword before the Viceroy, who grimly remarked that -he would leave a garrison of 150 men in one of the gate-towers so that -the mob might not again prove too strong for the mayor. An oath of -allegiance was generally taken even by the priests, but White and two -other Jesuits seem to have avoided putting their names to it. Mountjoy -notes with just pride that his soldiers, drawn out of the hungry north -and excited by the hope of plunder, did not do one pennyworth of -mischief in the city, though provisions were exorbitantly dear. The -place was at their mercy all day, but the whole force, except the 150 -men, evacuated it in perfect order before nightfall.[5] - -[Sidenote: Religious differences in the Pale and elsewhere.] - -The Irish Catholics were at this time more or less persecuted, and -toleration is so excellent a thing that the historical conscience -is likely to be in favour of those who claimed it. But in the then -state of Ireland it is doubtful whether the public exercise of both -religions was possible. The sovereign of Wexford said his fellow -townsmen would have been satisfied with the use of one church without -any meddling with tithes or other property of the Establishment. -But the ultramontane priests, though they might have provisionally -accepted this in some large towns, aimed at complete supremacy, and -they were the real popular guides. Mr. Pillsworth, the parson of Naas, -when he saw the people flocking to high mass, fled to Dublin and -thence to England. He may have been a timid man, but his terror was -not altogether unfounded. At Navan, another clergyman named Sotherne, -accompanied by several gentlemen, saw two friars in the dress of their -order and began to question them in the King's name. 'James, King of -Scotland,' said the elder of the two in Latin, 'is a heretic; may he -perish with thee and with all who have authority under him.' Sotherne -charged him with high treason, but the constable was foiled by the -mob who gathered round him. 'Thy companions,' said the friar, 'are no -Christians since they suffer thee among them,' and he repeated this -several times in Irish for the benefit of the bystanders. A Mr. Wafer, -who said he had known the friar for twenty years, and that he was an -honest man, rebuked Sotherne as a 'busy companion,' and pointedly -observed that he would get no witnesses to support his charge of -treason. As some of the crowd seemed bent on violence, Sotherne bade -the constable do nothing for this time, and so returned to his lodging. -He remonstrated afterwards with Wafer, who said that he 'thought -no less, but I would grow a promoter, and that was cousin-german -to a knave; wishing his curse upon all those that would assist in -apprehending either friar or priest.' And popular opinion was entirely -on Mr. Wafer's side.[6] - -[Sidenote: A Jesuit report on Ireland.] - -But perhaps the best testimony is that of two Irish Jesuits, writing -to their own general, and not intending that profane eyes should ever -see what they had written:--'From our country we learn for certain -that the Queen of England's death being known in Waterford, Cork, and -Clonmel, principal towns of the kingdom, the ministers' books were -burned and the ministers themselves hunted away, and that thereupon -masses and processions were celebrated as frequently and upon as grand -a scale as in Rome herself. The Viceroy did not like this, and sent -soldiers to garrison those towns, as he supposed, but the beauty of it -is that those very soldiers vied with each other in attending masses -and Catholic sermons. In the metropolitan city of Cashel, to which we -belong, there was one solitary English heretic, and, on the news of the -Queen's death being received, they threatened him with fire and every -other torment if he would not be converted. Fearing to be well scorched -he made himself a Catholic, whereupon the townsmen burned his house, so -that even a heretic's house should not remain in their city. But when -the Viceroy came near enough to threaten Cashel, and the Englishmen -came forward to accuse the townsmen, he merely ordered them to rebuild -the house at their own expense.... I only beg your Paternity to show -this letter to the most illustrious and most reverend Primate of -Armagh (Peter Lombard), and to excuse me for not having written to him -specially because I am unwilling to multiply letters in these dangerous -times.'[7] - -[Sidenote: Insurrectionary movement at Cork.] - -[Sidenote: Refusal to proclaim King James.] - -[Sidenote: Tardy submission] - -The mere approach of Mountjoy was enough to overawe Cashel, Clonmel, -and the other inland towns. Limerick was bridled by the castle, and the -disorders there did not come to much. But at Cork things took a much -more serious turn. When leaving Ireland Carew had left his presidential -authority in the hands of Commissioners, of whom Sir Charles Wilmot was -the chief. The corporation of Cork now declared that the Commissioners' -authority ceased on the demise of the Crown, and that they were -sovereign within their own liberties. Captain Robert Morgan arrived -at Cork on April 11 with a copy of the proclamation and orders for -the Commissioners from Mountjoy. Wilmot was in Kerry stamping out the -embers of Lord Fitzmaurice's insurrection, and Sir George Thornton, who -was next in rank, called upon the civic authorities to proclaim King -James. Thomas Sarsfield was mayor, and he might have obeyed but for the -advice of William Meade, the recorder, who defied Thornton to exercise -any authority within the city, reminding him that too great alacrity in -proclaiming Perkin Warbeck had brought great evils upon the kingdom. -Being rebuked by Boyle for breaking out into violent language, he -replied that there were thousands ready to break out. Power was claimed -under the charter to delay for some days, and Meade sent a messenger -to Waterford for information as though the Lord Deputy's letters were -unworthy of credit. Captain Morgan vainly urged that he had himself -been present when Ormonde, the most cautious of men, had proclaimed -the King at Carrick-on-Suir. Thornton and the other Commissioners, -including Chief Justice Walsh and Saxey the provincial Chief Justice, -were kept walking about in the streets while the corporation wasted -time, and at last they were told that no answer could be given until -next day. The mayor and recorder protested their loyalty, but pretended -among other things that time was necessary to enable them to make due -preparation. In vain did Thornton and his legal advisers insist on the -danger of delay, and upon the absurdity of Cork refusing to do what -London and Dublin had done instantly. Meade would listen to nothing; -and one clear day having elapsed since Morgan's arrival, Thornton -went with his colleagues and about 800 persons to the top of a hill -outside the town, where he solemnly proclaimed King James. Lord Roche -was present, and the country folk seemed quite satisfied. The mayor -soon followed suit at the market cross. The ceremonial of which the -corporation had made so much was only the drinking of a hogshead of -wine by the people, and no doubt that was a function which the citizens -were always ready to perform at the shortest notice.[8] - -[Sidenote: Cork in possession of the Recusants.] - -Mass was now openly celebrated, the churches reconsecrated in the -recorder's presence, and the Ten Commandments in the cathedral scraped -out so as to make some old pictures visible. The town was full of -priests and friars, one of whom claimed legatine authority, and -'they had the cross carried like a standard before them throughout -the streets,' every one being forced to reverence it. It was openly -preached that James was no perfect king until he had been confirmed -by the Pope, and that the Infanta's title was in any case better. -Gradually these tumultuary proceedings ripened into open insurrection, -and 200 young men in two companies were ordered to be armed and -maintained by the citizens. It was indeed proposed to arm the whole -population from twelve to twenty-four years, but there was not time -for this. Lieutenant Christopher Murrough, who had served the League -in France, was active during the whole disturbance. The mayor, who -vacillated between expressions of loyalty and acts of disrespect to the -new sovereign, had evidently the idea of a free city in his head, and -said he was 'like the slavish Duke of Venice and could not rule the -multitude.'[9] - -[Sidenote: A street procession.] - -'I myself,' says an eye-witness, 'saw in Cork on Good Friday a -procession wherein priests and friars came out of Christ's Church with -the mayor and aldermen, and best of citizens going along the streets -from gate to gate all singing, and about forty young men counterfeiting -to whip themselves. I must needs say counterfeiting because I saw them -(although bare-footed and bare-legged), yet their breeches and doublets -were upon them, and over that again fair white sheets, everyone having -a counterfeit whip in his hand--I say a counterfeit whip because -they are made of little white sticks, everyone having four or five -strings of soft white leather neither twisted nor knotted--and always -as their chief priest ended some verses which he sung in Latin these -counterfeits would answer _miserere mei_, and therewith lay about their -shoulders, sides, and backs with those counterfeit whips; but I never -saw one drop of blood drawn, therefore their superstition is far worse -than the Spaniards', who do use such whipping upon their bare skin, -that the blood doth follow in abundance, which they do in a blind zeal, -and yet it is far better than those counterfeits did.'[10] - -[Sidenote: The citizens arm themselves,] - -[Sidenote: And bombard Shandon.] - -Cork was then a walled town, but being commanded by high ground can -never have been strong. Outside the south gate and bridge and not far -from where the Passage railway station now stands Carew had begun to -build a fort with the double object of overawing the town and of -intercepting a foreign enemy. After the battle of Kinsale the work -had been discontinued, and no guns were mounted. The north gate was -commanded by Shandon Castle, which was in safe hands. The east and west -sides of the city were bounded by the river, which ran among marshy -islands. The approach from the open sea was partly protected by a -fort on Haulbowline Island, at the point where the Lee begins finally -to widen out into the great harbour, and the seditious citizens had -visions of destroying this stronghold, which the recorder pronounced -useless and hurtful to the corporation. Inside the town and near -the north gate was an old tower known as Skiddy's Castle, used as -a magazine for ammunition and provisions. The citizens refused to -allow stores to be carried out to the soldiers and at the same time -obliged them to remain outside. One alleged grievance was that two -guns belonging to the corporation were detained at Haulbowline, and -Thornton against Boyle's advice exchanged them for two in the town -which belonged to the King. Lieutenant Murrough was placed in charge -of Skiddy's Castle, every Englishman's house was searched for powder, -'a priest being forward in each of these several searches,' and the -inmates expected a general massacre. Sir George Thornton left the town, -Lady Carew took refuge in Shandon, and Lord Thomond's company was sent -for. Wilmot arrived with his men when the disturbances had lasted for -more than a week, but the townsmen would not listen to reason, and -began to demolish Carew's unfinished fort. The recorder admitted that -he had instigated this act of violence. Wilmot took forcible possession -of the work, but forbade firing into the town on pain of death. The -inhabitants then broke out into open war, sent round shot through the -Bishop's palace where the Commissioners lodged, and killed a clergyman -who was walking past. They severely cannonaded Shandon, but, as Lady -Carew reported, 'never did any harm to wall or creature in it,' and did -not frighten her in the least. - -On May 5 Thornton brought up a piece of Spanish artillery from -Haulbowline, and when three or four shots had pierced houses inside -the walls, a truce was made. Five days later Mountjoy arrived.[11] - -[Sidenote: Violent proceedings of the citizens.] - -The question of a legal toleration for the Roman Catholics and of -municipal freedom for the town had been carefully mixed up together, -and the possession of all Government stores by the citizens made the -rising troublesome for the moment if not actually formidable. The chief -commissary, Mr. Allen Apsley, was the mayor's prisoner from April 28 to -May 10, and his evidence fortunately exists. First there was an attempt -to get the troops out of the neighbourhood by refusing provisions which -were undoubtedly the King's property. At last it was agreed that the -stores should be removed by water to Kinsale, but the opportunity was -taken to extort an extravagant freight, and when the vessel was laden -she was not allowed to leave the quay. After Wilmot's arrival on April -20 or 21, it was pretended that he wished to get possession of the -town by treachery, and the mayor said he was 'as good a man and as -good a gentleman as Sir Charles Wilmot, if the King would but knight -him, and give him 200 men in pay, and the like idle comparisons.' Four -days later this valiant doge had guns mounted on the gates, and the -provisions and powder were disembarked again. The mayor first tried -to make Apsley swear to answer all his questions, and on his refusal -confined him to his own house. Two days later the recorder put him -into the common gaol, and bail was refused. There seems to have been -an attempt to make out that Apsley had committed treason by helping -Wilmot to get possession of the stores, but of this even there was no -proof.[12] - -[Sidenote: Cork garrisoned by Mountjoy.] - -[Sidenote: Meade acquitted by a jury.] - -Meade and his party strongly urged that Mountjoy should be forcibly -resisted, but more prudent counsels prevailed, and the town had to -receive a garrison of 1,000 men. The chief points having been occupied -by his soldiers, the Lord Deputy entered by the north gate, and -saw ploughs ranged on both sides of the street as if to show that -the extortion of the soldiers had made the land lie idle. The old -leaguer Murrough, a schoolmaster named Owen MacRedmond, who had openly -maintained the Infanta's title, and William Bowler, a brogue-maker, -were hanged by martial law. The recorder, who had land, was reserved -for trial, and was ultimately acquitted by a jury at Youghal, though he -was undoubtedly guilty of treason by levying war. The foreman was fined -200_l._ and the rest 100_l._ apiece, but it became evident that no -verdict could be expected in any case where matters of religion might -be supposed in question. Meade went abroad and remained in the Spanish -dominions for many years. He is heard of at Naples, too poor to buy -clothes for a servant, but in 1607 he was at Barcelona and receiving a -pension of 11_l._ per month. In 1611 he wrote a letter of advice to the -Catholics of Munster, grounded on the Act 2 Eliz., chap. 2, in which -he showed that they were not bound to go to church, but the attempt to -enforce attendance had then been practically abandoned.[13] - -[Sidenote: Departure of Mountjoy. Carey Deputy.] - -[Sidenote: Sir John Davies Solicitor-General.] - -Mountjoy left Ireland on June 2, 1604, after being sworn in as Lord -Lieutenant, and he never returned. He was created Earl of Devonshire, -and continued till his death to have a decisive voice in the affairs -of the country which he had reduced. Vice-Treasurer Sir George Carey -was made Deputy, and was at once engaged with the currency question, -for the state of the coinage had furnished a pretext to the Munster -malcontents, and may really have had something to do with their late -proceedings. He soon had the help of Sir John Davies, a native of -Wiltshire, whose name is inseparably connected with Irish history, but -who had been hitherto better known as a poet than as a statesman. It -was perhaps the striking example of Hatton's promotion that made the -young barrister sing of dancing, but it was a poem on the immortality -of the soul which attracted the King's attention. Devonshire wished him -to be made Solicitor-General for Ireland, and James readily complied. -He arrived in November, and found the country richer than he supposed -after all the wars, but suffering from the uncertainty caused by a base -coinage. - -[Sidenote: Reform of the currency.] - -The money issued in 1601 contained only 25 per cent. of silver, but -it was easily counterfeited with a much greater alloy, and interested -people gave out that it contained no silver at all. Soon after his -accession James consented to revert to the old practice of Ireland, and -to establish a currency containing 75 per cent. of silver; but this was -ordered by proclamation to be received as sterling. The name sterling -had hitherto been applied to the much purer coinage of England, and a -new element of confusion was thus introduced. The base coin of 1601 was -cried down at the same time, so that a shilling should be received for -fourpence of the new money. When Davies arrived he found that people -would not take the dross even at the reduced rate, and they were even -more unwilling to do so when another proclamation cried down the new -and comparatively pure shillings also from twelvepence to ninepence. -The King had granted 20,000 pardons in a few months, but Davies was -of opinion that he would gain more popularity by giving twopence for -every bad shilling and then recalling the whole issue than by all -his clemency. The Solicitor-General could speak feelingly, his fees -on all the pardons being paid in copper, while the royal revenue was -in the same way reduced almost to nothing. Soldiers and officials -were the greatest losers, for they had to take what the proclamations -allowed, while traders could not be forced to do so. A few were sent to -prison for refusing, but this only caused discontent without securing -obedience, and there was a riot at Galway. The matter was brought to a -crisis by a case decided in the summer of 1604.[14] - -[Sidenote: The case of mixed money.] - -[Sidenote: Inconvenience of separate Exchequers.] - -The bad money was proclaimed current in May 1601, and in April, while -the pure coin of England was still current in Ireland, one Brett of -Drogheda, merchant, having bought wares from one Gilbert, in London, -became bound to Gilbert for 200_l._ on condition to pay the said -Gilbert, his executors or assigns 100_l._ sterling current and lawful -money of England at the tomb of Earl Strongbow in Christchurch, Dublin, -on a certain future day, which day happened after the said proclamation -of mixed monies. On that day Brett tendered 100_l._ in mixed money of -the new standard. The question was whether this tender was good. Sir -George Carey, being Deputy and Vice-Treasurer, ordered the case to be -stated for the judges who were of the Privy Council, and they decided -after an immense display of learning that Brett had rightly tendered in -the only lawful money of Ireland, that Gilbert was worthy of punishment -for refusing to receive it, and that the Irish judges could take -cognisance of no money except what was established by proclamation. -The several courts of record in Dublin accepted this as law, and all -the cases pending were so decided. In other words, Ireland repudiated -the greater part of her debts. The situation created was intolerable, -for credit was destroyed; but it was not till the beginning of 1605 -that the English Government made up its mind that the various kinds of -coin in Ireland might be lawfully current for their true value. In 1607 -English money was made legal tender in Ireland at the rate of sixteen -pence Irish to the shilling. All who knew the country best wished to -have one coinage for England and Ireland, but official hindrances were -constantly interposed, and the difficulty was not got over until after -the unification of the two Exchequers in 1820. Some establishment -charges are still paid with deductions for the difference between old -Irish and sterling money.[15] - -[Sidenote: Sir Arthur Chichester Lord Deputy.] - -Carey retained the Vice-Treasurership along with the acting -Viceroyalty, the power of the sword and of the purse being thus held -in a single hand. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that -charges of extortion should have been brought against him, and that he -should be accused of having become very rich by unlawful means. He had -only one-third of the viceregal salary, two-thirds being reserved for -Devonshire as Lord-Lieutenant. There is no evidence that Salisbury or -Davies gave much credit to the charges against Carey, who was himself -anxious to be relieved, and who suggested that Sir Arthur Chichester -should fill his place. Chichester, who had gained his experience as -Governor of Carrickfergus, at first refused on the ground that he could -not live on one-third of the regular salary, and he was given an extra -1,000_l._ per annum with 500_l._ for immediate expenses. He remained at -the head of the Irish Government until 1616.[16] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, April 6; Tyrone to -Cecil, April 7; submission of Tyrone, April 8; Godolphin to Carew, -April 19. Farmer's chronicle of this reign begins at p. 40 of _MS. -Harl._ 3544 with a panegyric on 'Elizabeth the virgin Queen and flower -of Christendom that hath been feared for love and honoured for virtue, -beloved of her subjects and feared of her enemies, magnified among -princes and famozed through the world for justice and equity.' Since -these chapters were written Farmer's book has been printed by Mr. -Litton Falkiner in vol. xxii. of the _English Historical Review_. - -[2] In _Cambrensis Eversus_, published in 1662, John Lynch says 'the -Irish no longer wished to resist James (especially as they believed -that he would embrace the Catholic religion), and submitted not -unwillingly to his rule, as to one whom they knew to be of Irish royal -blood,' iii. 53. Lynch was a priest in 1622. Stephen Duff, Mayor of -Drogheda, to the Lord Deputy and Council, April 13; Mountjoy to Cecil, -April 19, 25 and 26; Francis Bryan, sovereign of Wexford, to Mountjoy, -April 23. James VI. to Tyrone, December 22, 1597, in _Lansdowne MSS._ -lxxxiv. Tyrone to James VI., April 1600 in the Elizabethan S.P. -_Scotland_. _Letters of Elizabeth and James_, Camden Society, p. 141. -Farmer's _Chronicle_. - -[3] Muster of the army, April 27; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy -Council, Mountjoy to Cecil, and Sir G. Carey to Cecil, May 4; Humphrey -May to Cecil, May 5. - -[4] Authorities last quoted; also Smith's _Waterford_. - -[5] Authorities last quoted; also Hogan's _Hibernia Ignatiana_, p. 121. - -[6] Hogan's _Hibernia Ignatiana_, p. 118; Declaration of Edward -Sotherne, June 16. - -[7] Barnabas Kearney and David Wale to Aquaviva (Italian), July 7, -1603, from London, in _Hibernia Ignatiana_, p. 117. The burning of the -service-book is mentioned in the official correspondence. - -[8] Brief Declaration in _Carew_, 1603, No. 5; account written by -Richard Boyle in _Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, i. 43. As clerk of the -Munster Council Boyle was an eye-witness of all these proceedings. -Moryson's _Itinerary_, part ii. book iii. chap. 2. - -[9] Brief Relation in _Carew_, 1603, No. 5; Irish State Papers -calendared from April 20 to May 14; _Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, i. -43-73; Mountjoy to the Mayor of Cork, May 4, in _Cox_, p. 7. The full -account in Smith's _Cork_ is mainly founded on the Lismore collection. -Lady Carew's letter of May 5, 1603, among the State Papers and Lady -Boyle's of March 18, 1609, in the Lismore Papers are both printed -verbatim, and are interesting to compare as specimens of ladies' -composition. - -[10] Farmer's Chronicle in _MS. Harl._ 3544. Farmer was a surgeon. - -[11] Authorities last quoted. - -[12] Apsley's account in _Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, i. 66. - -[13] Notices of Meade in the Calendars of State Papers, _Ireland_, -especially No. 355 of 1611, where his tract is entered as among the -Cotton MSS. There is another copy in the Bodleian, _Laudian MSS._ Misc. -612, f. 143. The proceedings at Meade's trial are calendared under -1603, No. 184. - -[14] Davies to Cecil, December 1, 1603; proclamations calendared at -October 11 and December 3. - -[15] _Le Case de Mixt Moneys_, Trin. 2 Jacobi in Davies' Reports, 1628; -State of the Irish coin, calendared at June 12, 1606; Lord Deputy -Chichester and Council to the Privy Council, calendared at March 2, -1607. - -[16] Chichester was sworn in February 3, 1604-5. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -CHICHESTER AND THE TOLERATION QUESTION, 1605-1607 - - -[Sidenote: The rival Churches.] - -The question of religious toleration was one of the first which -Chichester had to consider, for the movement in the Munster towns was -felt all over Ireland. Priests and Jesuits swarmed everywhere, and John -Skelton on being elected Mayor of Dublin refused after much fencing to -take the oath of supremacy. Sir John Davies, who had yet much to learn -in Ireland, thought that the people would quickly conform if only the -priests were banished by proclamation. Saxey, chief justice in Munster, -was much of the same opinion, but both these lawyers admitted the -insufficiency of the Established Church. The bishops, among whom there -were scarcely three good preachers, seemed to them more anxious about -their revenues than about the saving of souls. - -[Sidenote: The penal laws against Recusant] - -The experience of James's only Irish Parliament was to show it was -scarcely possible to legislate against the Roman Catholics even when -many new boroughs had been created for the express purpose of making -a Protestant majority. The Act of Uniformity passed at the beginning -of Elizabeth's reign remained in force, but little was done under it -as long as she lived. It only provided a fine of one shilling for not -attending church on Sundays and holidays, and could have little effect -except upon the poor, though it might give great annoyance. Another Act -prescribed an oath acknowledging the Queen's supremacy, both civil and -ecclesiastical, and denying that any 'foreign prince, person, prelate, -State, or potentate hath or ought to have any jurisdiction,' &c. This -oath might be administered to all ecclesiastical persons, to judges, -justices, and mayors, and to all others in the pay of the Crown on -pain of losing their offices. The open maintenance and advocacy of -foreign authority was more severely visited, the penalties being the -forfeiture of all goods and chattels, real and personal, with a year's -imprisonment in addition, for those not worth 20_l._ The second offence -was a præmunire, and the third high treason. And so the law remained -during the whole reign of James. The English oath of allegiance -prescribed after the Gunpowder Plot involved a repudiation of the -Pope's deposing power; but this was not extended to Ireland.[17] - -[Sidenote: Power of the priesthood.] - -[Sidenote: Case of the Jesuit Fitzsimon.] - -The repressive power in the hands of the Irish Government was weak -as against the population in general, but so far as law went it was -ample against the priests, who, of course, could not take the oath of -supremacy; and against officials who were of the same way of thinking. -Mountjoy was successful against the recalcitrant towns, but his back -was no sooner turned than Sir George Carey reported that the country -swarmed with 'priests, Jesuits, seminaries, friars, and Romish bishops; -if there be not speedy means to free this kingdom of this wicked -rabble, much mischief will burst forth in a very short time. There -are here so many of this wicked crew, as are able to disquiet four -of the greatest kingdoms in Christendom. It is high time they were -banished, and none to receive or aid them. Let the judges and officers -be sworn to the supremacy; let the lawyers go to the church and show -conformity, or not plead at the bar, and then the rest by degrees -will shortly follow.' Protestant bishops naturally agreed, though -Sir John Davies thought their own neglect had a good deal to say to -the matter; but he admitted that the Jesuits came 'not only to plant -their religion, but to withdraw the subject from his allegiance, and -so serve the turn of Tyrone and the King of Spain.' Now that Ireland -was at peace, he thought it probable that they would gladly go away, -and cites the case of Fitzsimon, a Jesuit who had petitioned to be -banished. Fitzsimon, however, had been five years a prisoner in the -Castle, during one month of which he had converted seven Protestants, -including the head warder. The King released him mainly on the -ground that he did not meddle in secular matters, and he was on the -Continent till 1630, when he returned to Ireland and lived there till -long after the great outbreak of 1641. About the time of Fitzsimon's -release the Protestant Bishop of Ossory was able to give the names of -thirty priests who haunted his diocese, including the famous Jesuit -James Archer, who was said to have legatine authority. Archer was -closely connected with Tyrone, and had been his frequent companion in -London, disguised as a courtier or as a farmer, and busy with Irish -prisoners in the Tower. Davies advised that priests and Jesuits should -be captured when possible and sent to England, where the penal laws -could take hold of them; and if this were done, he thought all Ireland -would go comfortably to church. Chief Justice Saxey gave much the -same advice in a more truculent form. The opinions of all Englishmen -officially concerned with Ireland are reflected in the King's famous -proclamation of July 4, 1605, which Chichester, who had then succeeded -to the government, found awaiting him in Dublin on his return from the -north.[18] - -[Sidenote: Royal Proclamation against Toleration.] - -James begins by repudiating the idea prevailing in Ireland since the -Queen's death that he intended 'to give liberty of conscience or -toleration of religion to his subjects in that kingdom contrary to the -express laws and statutes therein enacted.' He insisted everywhere on -uniformity, resenting all rumours to the contrary as an imputation -on himself, and even, as was reported, declaring that he would fight -to his knees in blood rather than grant toleration. Owing to false -rumours, the Jesuits and other priests of foreign ordination had left -their lurking-places and presumptuously exercised their functions -without concealment. The King therefore announced that he would never -do any act to 'confirm the hopes of any creature that they should ever -have from him any toleration to exercise any other religion than that -which is agreeable to God's Word and is established by the laws of -the realm.' All subjects were therefore charged to attend church or to -suffer the penalties provided. As to the Jesuits and others who sought -to alienate their hearts from their sovereign, 'taking upon themselves -the ordering and deciding of causes, both before and after they have -received judgments in the King's courts of record ... all priests -whatsoever made and ordained by any authority derived or pretended to -be derived from the See of Rome shall, before the 10th day of December, -depart out of the kingdom of Ireland.' All officers were to apprehend -them and no one to harbour them, on pain of the punishments provided -by law. If, however, any such Jesuit or priest would come to the Lord -Lieutenant or Council, conform, and repair to church, he was to have -the same liberties and privileges as the rest of his Majesty's subjects. - -[Sidenote: The Proclamation fails.] - -Devonshire, however, who was still Lord Lieutenant, was opposed to -making any curious search for priests who did not ostentatiously -obstruct the Government, and his views prevailed with the English -Council. Chichester willingly acquiesced, and reported some weeks -after the appointed day that no priests, seminaries, or Jesuits of any -importance had left the country and that searches, even if desirable, -would be useless, 'for every town, hamlet, or house is to them a -sanctuary.' Just about Carrickfergus, where he was personally known, -some secular priests had conformed, and Davies, who thought Government -could do everything, believed the multitude would naturally follow. -'So it happened,' he said, 'in King Edward the Sixth's days, when more -than half the kingdom of England were Papists; and again in the time of -Queen Mary, when more than half the kingdom were Protestants; and again -in Queen Elizabeth's time, when they were turned Papists again.' He did -not see that the national sentiment of England was permanently hostile -to Roman aggression, while the authority of the Crown was accepted as -the only refuge against anarchy. The state of feeling which existed in -Ireland was just the opposite.[19] - -[Sidenote: Sir John Everard's case.] - -Sir John Everard, second justice of the King's Bench, was ordered to -conform or resign, though admitted to be a very honest and learned -man. It was so difficult to find a successor for this able judge that -he was continued in office for eighteen months after the King's order, -when he resigned rather than take the oath of supremacy. Of his loyalty -in civil matters there was no question, and he received a pension of -a hundred marks, which Chichester wished to make a hundred pounds. In -1608, when the Irish refugees in Spain contemplated a descent upon -Ireland, Everard refused to take part in the plot, and he lived to -contest the Speakership with Sir John Davies in the Parliament of -1613.[20] - -[Sidenote: Vacillation of Government.] - -December passed, and yet none of the priests had left the country. -The Gunpowder Plot was discovered in the meantime, but there was no -evidence of ramifications in Ireland, and the English Government -half drew back from the policy of the late royal proclamation. It -was decided, and apparently at Chichester's suggestion, that no -curious search should be made for clergymen of foreign ordination. -The immediate result of the severe measures taken in England was to -drive the Jesuits and other priests over to Ireland, where the law was -weaker and less perfectly enforced, and where they were sure of a good -reception. - -[Sidenote: Robert Lalor's case, 1606.] - -[Sidenote: Præmunire.] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Lalor.] - -Robert Lalor, who had for twelve years acted as Vicar-General in -Dublin, Kildare, and Ferns, was, however, arrested. He had powerful -connections in the Pale, and it was thought that his prosecution might -strike terror into others, more especially as he was a party to many -settlements of land. Lalor was convicted under the Irish Act of 1560 -as an upholder of foreign jurisdiction in matters ecclesiastical, and -remained in prison for some months. He then petitioned the Deputy for -his liberty, and was induced to confess in writing that he was not -a lawful Vicar-General, that the King was supreme governor, without -appeal, 'in all causes as well ecclesiastical and civil,' and that he -was ready to obey him 'either concerning his function of priesthood, -or any other duty belonging to a good subject.' After this his -imprisonment was greatly relaxed, and he was allowed to see visitors -freely, to whom he boasted that he had not allowed the King any power -in spiritual causes. It was then resolved to indict him under the -Statute of Præmunire (16 Richard II.), which was of undoubted force -in Ireland, for receiving a papal commission, for assuming the office -so conferred, and for exercising every kind of episcopal jurisdiction -under it, especially 'by instituting divers persons to benefices with -cure of souls, by granting dispensations in causes matrimonial, and -by pronouncing sentences of divorce between divers married persons.' -The case was tried by a Dublin city jury, and all the principal -gentlemen in town were present as spectators. Lalor tried to draw a -distinction between ecclesiastical and spiritual, but this was quickly -overruled, and his former confession was read out in open court. -Davies went into the legal argument at great length, and in the end -Lalor was fain to renounce the office of Vicar-General and to crave -the King's pardon. The jury then found the prisoner guilty, and in the -absence of Chief Justice Ley, Sir Dominick Sarsfield gave judgment -accordingly. Part of the penalty was the forfeiture of goods, and this -was important, because the Earl of Kildare and other great proprietors -had used the late Vicar-General's services as a trustee, and the Crown -lawyers had thus a powerful engine placed in their hands. Lalor was -probably banished according to law, as his name disappears from the -State correspondence. He had ceased to be of any importance, for his -confession destroyed his influence with the recusants.[21] - -[Sidenote: Enforced conformity.] - -[Sidenote: The Mandates.] - -[Sidenote: Effect of the Gunpowder Plot.] - -The Irish Statute of 1560 was the only one available for coercing the -laity, and its fine of one shilling, even when swelled by costs, was -altogether insufficient to impress the gentry or wealthier traders, -and it was resolved to eke it out by recourse to the prerogative pure -and simple. All men's eyes naturally turned to the seat of government, -and the first example was made there. Mandates under the Great Seal -were directed to sixteen aldermen and merchants, of whom Skelton, the -late mayor, was one, ordering them to go to church every Sunday and -holiday, 'and there to abide soberly and orderly during the time of -common prayer, preaching, or other service of God.' They refused upon -grounds of conscience, and the case was tried in the Castle Chamber. -During the proceedings and while the court was crowded, Salisbury's -dispatch arrived with the news of the Gunpowder Plot, and Chichester -ordered it to be read out by Bishop Jones, who had just been made Lord -Chancellor, and who took the opportunity to make a loyal speech. This -dramatic incident may or may not have influenced the decision which -imposed a fine of 100_l._ upon six aldermen and of 50_l._ each upon -three others, one of whom, being an Englishman, was ordered to return -to his own country. Five days later similar sentences were passed upon -three more, while three were reserved to try the effect of a conference -with Protestant theologians. One of the sixteen escaped altogether by -conforming to the established religion, and he was the only one who -did conform. This could not be thought a brilliant success, and the -mandates were soon subjected to a direct attack.[22] - -[Sidenote: The Act Uniformity in Munster. Sir H. Brouncker.] - -In the province of Munster, where Sir Henry Brouncker succeeded -Carew in the summer of 1604, a more energetic course was followed. -Brouncker had for many years farmed the customs of wine imported into -Ireland, and had probably in that way learned much of the underground -communications with Spain. He found Cork swarming with priests and -seminaries who said mass almost publicly in the best houses and -strenuously maintained that it was 'his Majesty's pleasure to tolerate -their idolatry.' For a time he was interrupted by the plague, but soon -resumed his efforts to fill the churches and to apprehend the priests -of Rome. His idea was to clear the towns while leaving the country -districts alone, but he had little success, for the proscribed clergy -were everywhere favoured and harboured in gentlemen's houses under -the name of surgeons and physicians. Brouncker maintained that he was -of a mild disposition, but that he was driven by the obstinacy of the -people to take sharp courses. In one circuit of his province he deposed -the chief magistrates in every town except Waterford, 'where the mayor -was conformable,' and he threatened them all with the loss of their -charters. He thought it possible to collect enough fines to make the -black sheep support the white. - -[Sidenote: Priest-hunting.] - -[Sidenote: The Mayor of Cork goes to church.] - -At Limerick he captured Dr. Cadame, a notable priest long resident -there, but at Carrick-on-Suir two of the worst priests in Ireland just -eluded him. William Sarsfield, mayor of Cork, had been fined 100_l._ -for disobedience to the mandates in the summer of 1606. The general -answer given by him and others in the same position was 'that their -forefathers had continued as they were in the Popish religion, and that -their consciences tied them to the same,' not one of them, according to -Brouncker's return, 'being able to define what conscience was.' Before -the year was out, the President was able to report that Sarsfield, in -spite of his Spanish education and his first stubbornness, had 'by -a little correction been brought to church, and so in love with the -word preached, and so well satisfied in conscience, that he offered to -communicate with him.' This sounds rather like a profane joke by a man -who had been brought up among the countrymen of Suarez and Escobar, and -in any case conformity so obtained was of little value. Bishop Lyon, -however, had done his duty in providing preachers in his diocese, and -perhaps some real progress might have been made if all bishops had been -like him. At all events there was a congregation of 600 at Youghal, and -some tendency to conformity was apparent even to Chichester's eyes. -Both President and Bishop received the thanks of the English Council, -and Salisbury encouraged Brouncker to persevere, but when he died -in the following spring James found that 'his zeal was more than was -required in a governor, however allowable in a private man.' It was -not easy to serve a sovereign who insisted on proclaiming the duty -of persecution while shrinking from the unpopularity which his own -words naturally produced. The fines imposed at Kinsale were altogether -remitted in regard to the poverty of the town, elsewhere they were much -reduced. The total, however, was considerable, while individuals were -'reasonably well contented' at escaping so easily.[23] - -[Sidenote: The Mandates in Connaught.] - -In Connaught Clanricarde had been made Lord President for his services -at Kinsale, and no doubt his influence had been increased by his -marriage to Essex's widow. He was in England at the end of 1605, and -Sir Robert Remington, the Vice-President, made some show of proceeding -like Brouncker. Mandates were issued and a few fines imposed upon -citizens of Galway, but these were not fully paid, and there is no -evidence that anything was done outside that single town.[24] - -[Sidenote: Opposition to the Mandates. Sir P. Barnewall.] - -[Sidenote: Barnewall and others imprisoned.] - -[Sidenote: Sowing the dragon's teeth.] - -A petition against interference 'with the private use of their religion -and conscience' was presented to the Lord Deputy, and signed by two -hundred and nineteen gentlemen of the Pale, of whom five were peers. -The principal framer of this document was probably Henry Burnell, the -lawyer, who was now very old, but who was still the same man who had -opposed Sidney thirty years before, and Richard Netterville, who had -then been his colleague. The chief promoter was Sir Patrick Barnewall, -who was Tyrone's brother-in-law, and from whose house of Turvey the -northern chief had eloped with Mabel Bagenal in 1591. According to -Carew, he was 'the first gentleman's son of quality that was ever put -out of Ireland to be brought up in learning beyond the seas.' The -petition was presented to Chichester by Sir James Dillon and others -during the last days of November, and an answer was soon pressed for. -The movement being evidently concerted, and Catesby's plot being very -recent, Burnell and Netterville were restrained in their own houses on -account of their infirmity, while Barnewall, Lord Gormanston, Dillon, -and others were imprisoned in the Castle. Gormanston and three other -peers forwarded a copy of the petition to Salisbury, and complained -bitterly of the severe measures which had been taken against the -aldermen for no offence but absence from the Protestant service. With -something of prophetic instinct Barnewall expressed a fear that the -Irish Government were laying the foundation of a rebellion, 'to which, -though twenty years be gone, the memory of those extremities may give -pretence.' Most of the prisoners were soon released on giving bonds to -appear when called upon, but Barnewall had to go to England.[25] - -[Sidenote: Toleration not understood.] - -[Sidenote: France.] - -[Sidenote: Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Germany.] - -[Sidenote: Italy.] - -[Sidenote: Bacon's advice.] - -What we mean by toleration was nowhere understood in the early part of -the seventeenth century. Even Bacon, who admired the edict of Nantes, -which had not wiped out the memory of St. Bartholomew, had no idea of -abrogating the Elizabethan penal code. Henry IV.'s famous edict was an -exception; it was one of the kind that proves the rule, for he saw no -way of securing the French Protestants but by giving them a kind of -local autonomy which could not last. Rochelle was an impossibility in -a modern state, and when that frail bulwark was destroyed persecution -gradually resumed its sway. Of Spain, the birthplace and fixed home -of the Inquisition, it is unnecessary to speak. In Germany neither -party practised any real toleration. In Italy Spanish interests were -dominant, and Elizabeth died an excommunicated Queen. Clement VIII. -abstained from treating her successor in the same way, but he had hopes -by mildness to obtain better terms for the faithful in England. Both -in England and Ireland any intention of forcing men's consciences was -always disclaimed, while outward conformity was insisted on. And in -the case of the Roman Catholics, who took their orders from a foreign -and hostile power, it was really very difficult to say exactly how -much belonged to Cæsar. Bacon was more liberal than anyone else, but -his ideas fell very far short of what is now generally accepted. In -Ireland, he advised Cecil, after the Spaniards had been foiled at -Kinsale, 'a toleration of religion (for a time not definite), except -it be in some principal towns and precincts, after the manner of some -French edicts, seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable by religion, -and in policy of absolute necessity. And the hesitation in this point -I think hath been a great casting back of the affairs there. Neither -if any English Papist or recusant shall for liberty of his conscience -transfer his person, family, and fortunes thither do I hold it a -matter of danger, but expedient to draw on undertaking and to further -population. Neither if Rome will cozen itself, by conceiving it may be -some degree to the like toleration in England, do I hold it a matter -of any moment, but rather a good mean to take off the fierceness and -eagerness of the humour of Rome, and to stay further excommunications -or interdictions for Ireland.' Bacon saw the difficulty clearly, and -perhaps he saw the working solution, but to persevere steadily in such -a course was not in James's nature, though Chichester might conceivably -have done so if he had had a free hand.[26] - -[Sidenote: Barnewall and Chichester.] - -[Sidenote: Barnewall puzzles the Council.] - -[Sidenote: Barnewall sent to England.] - -[Sidenote: Victory of Barnewall] - -Sir Patrick Barnewall was committed prisoner to the Castle on December -2, 1605. 'Well,' said he, 'we must endure as we have endured many -other things, and especially the miseries of the late war.' 'No, -sir,' answered Chichester, 'we have endured the misery of the war, we -have lost our blood and our friends, and have indeed endured extreme -miseries to suppress the late rebellion, whereof your priests, for -whom you make petition, and your wicked religion, was the principal -cause.' In writing to Salisbury afterwards Sir Patrick attributed the -invention of the mandates to Chief Justice Ley, but it is much more -likely that Davies was their author. After an imprisonment of three -months, Barnewall was again brought before the Irish Council, and -argued soundly in maintaining that recusancy was only an offence in so -far as it was made one by statute, and that therefore all prosecution -of it except that prescribed by Act of Parliament was illegal. At a -further examination when the Chancellor, who was a bishop and ought -to have known better, spoke of the King's religion, Barnewall saw -his advantage and exclaimed 'That is a profane speech.' He was not -sent to England till near the end of April, and at the end of May the -English Government had not yet found time to attend to him. At first -he was allowed to live under restraint at his own lodgings in the -Strand, but was afterwards sent to the Tower, probably with the idea -of making an impression upon the public mind in Ireland. It was found -impossible to answer his arguments, and the Privy Council asked the -Irish Government for information as to the 'law or precedent for the -course taken in issuing precepts under the Great Seal to compel men to -come to church.' They admitted that such authority was 'as yet unknown -to them,' but rather sarcastically supposed that the Lord Deputy and -Council were better informed. The Irish Government were acting entirely -by prerogative; but several of the judges in England pronounced the -mandates not contrary to precedent or authority. Barnewall was induced -to make some sort of submission more than a year after his original -arrest. Being called upon to make one in more regular form he refused, -and was then sent to the Fleet prison for a month. Having signed a bond -to appear within five days of his arrival, he was returned to Ireland -at the beginning of March, 1607, and Chichester at once saw that no -progress had been made. - -[Sidenote: The Mandates are abandoned.] - -Barnewall refused to make any submission in Dublin, and in the end it -was found necessary to drop all proceedings against him. His detention -in London was really a triumph, for the Irish recusants regarded him -as their agent, and subscribed largely for his support. Waterford -contributed 32_l._ and the collection was general all over Ireland. He -gained in fact a complete victory, and such progress as Brouncker had -made in procuring outward conformity was at once arrested. The mandates -were never again resorted to.[27] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[17] _Irish Statutes_, 2 Eliz. chaps. i. and ii. James I.'s Apology for -the Oath of Allegiance against the two breves of Pope Paulus Quintus, -&c., in his _Works_, 1616 (the oath is at p. 250). - -[18] Enclosure in letter of John Byrd to Devonshire, September 8, 1603. -Archbishop of Dublin and Bishop of Meath to the Privy Council, March 5, -1604. Davies to Cecil, April 19 and December 8. Bishop of Ossory to the -Deputy and Council, June 8, 1604. Chief Justice Saxey to Cranbourne, -1604, No. 397. Hogan's _Life of H. Fitzsimon_, pp. 58 _sqq._ - -[19] Proclamation of July 4, 1605; Davies to Salisbury, No. 603 in Cal. -Lords of the Council to Chichester, January 24, 1606; Chichester to -Salisbury and to Chichester, February 26; Roger Wilbraham's Diary, in -vol. x. of the _Camden Miscellany_. - -[20] Davies to Cecil, December 8, 1604, January 6, 1605; Saxey to -Cecil, 1604, No. 397; the King to Chichester, June 27, 1605; his -proclamation against toleration, July 4; Cornwallis to the Privy -Council, April 19, 1608, in _Winwood_. - -[21] _The Case of Præmunire_ in Sir John Davies's Reports, London, -1628. Lalor was arrested in March 1605-6, and finally convicted early -in the following year. - -[22] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, December 5, 1605; -Chichester to Salisbury, December 7. - -[23] Brouncker to Cecil, August 23 and October 17, 1604; Salisbury to -Brouncker, March 3, 1606; Brouncker's letter of September 12; Return -of fines imposed 4 James I. printed in _Irish Cal._ ii. 41; Brouncker -to the Privy Council, November 18; Chichester to Salisbury, December -1, 1606, and February 10, 1607; The King to Chichester, July 16, 1607; -Privy Council to Chichester, January 17, 1608-9; Davies to Salisbury, -June 10, 1609. - -[24] Brouncker to Cecil, August 23, 1604; observation by Sir John -Davies, May 4, 1606; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, -September 12, 1606; Brouncker to the Privy Council, February 10, -1606-7. For Connaught see preface to State Papers, _Ireland_, -1606-1608, p. 46. - -[25] Chichester to Salisbury, December 7 and 9, 1605; petition by the -nobility and gentry of the English Pale, No. 593; Lords Gormanston, -Trimleston, Killeen, and Howth to Salisbury, December 8; Davies to -Salisbury, No. 603; Barnewall to Salisbury, December 16. Carew's Brief -Relation of passages in the Parliament of 1613 in _Carew_. - -[26] Letter to Cecil, 1602, _Spedding_, iii. 49. - -[27] Calendar of State Papers, _Ireland_, from December 1605 to -September 1607. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE FLIGHT OF THE EARLS, 1607 - - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy leaves Ireland, 1603.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone in favour at Court.] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy created Earl of Devonshire.] - -[Sidenote: He supports Tyrone.] - -When Mountjoy left Ireland at the beginning of June 1603 he was -accompanied by Tyrone, and by Rory O'Donnell, whose brother's death -had made him head of the clan. The party, including Fynes Moryson the -historian, were nearly wrecked on the Skerries. On the journey through -Wales and England Tyrone was received with many hostile demonstrations, -mud and stones being often thrown at him; for there was scarcely a -village which had not given some victims to the Irish war. The chiefs -were entertained by Mountjoy at Wanstead, and after a few days were -presented to the King, who had declared by proclamation that they were -to be honourably received. Their reception was much too honourable to -please men who had fought and bled in Ireland. Sir John Harrington, who -had last seen Tyrone in his Ulster fastness sitting in the open air -upon a fern form and eating from a fern table, gave his sorrow words -in a letter to Bishop Still of Bath and Wells. 'How I did labour after -that knave's destruction! I adventured perils by sea and land, was near -starving, ate horse-flesh in Munster, and all to quell that man, who -now smileth in peace at those who did hazard their lives to destroy -him; and now doth Tyrone dare us old commanders with his presence and -protection.' Tyrone and O'Donnell were present at Hampton Court on July -21 when Mountjoy was made Earl of Devonshire. Before that date Tyrone -was in communication with Irish Jesuits in London, and among others -with the famous Archer. Devonshire's one idea seems to have been to -decide every point in his favour, and he was in a situation, so far -as Ulster was concerned, not very different from that which the Earls -of Kildare had formerly occupied in the Pale. He was made the King's -Lieutenant in Tyrone, and even obtained an order for 600_l._ on the -Irish treasury, which Carey hesitated to pay, since the result would -be to withhold their due from others whose claims were not founded on -rebellion, but on faithful service. When he went back to Ireland in -August, the sheriffs of the English and Welsh counties through which he -passed were ordered to convey him safely with troops of horse, for fear -of the people.[28] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone unpopular in Ireland, 1604.] - -After his return Tyrone lived some time at Drogheda, the gentry of the -Pale being unwilling to entertain him. The horrors of the late war -were remembered, and the beaten rebel was generally unpopular. He had -not means to stock or cultivate the twentieth part of his country, -yet he took leases of more to give him a pretext for interference. He -pretended that all fugitives from Tyrone should be forced to return, -and Sir John Davies thought it evident that he wished exceedingly to -'hold his greatness in his old barbarous manner.' Otherwise there -could be no object in his opposition to having a sheriff appointed for -Tyrone, and yet he could hardly hope to raise another rebellion, for he -was old and poor and his country extremely depopulated.[29] - -[Sidenote: Case of O'Cahan.] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy's promise to O'Cahan,] - -[Sidenote: which is not kept.] - -[Sidenote: O'Cahan's righteous indignation.] - -[Sidenote: Violence of Tyrone. 1606.] - -Donnell O'Cahan, chief of what is now Londonderry county, once known as -Iraght O'Cahan, and more lately as the county of Coleraine, submitted -to Sir Henry Docwra in July 1602. The lands had been in possession of -the clan for centuries, but certain fines and services were due to -the O'Neills. Tyrone was still in open rebellion for several months -afterwards, and it was thought that the loss of O'Cahan's district -had much to say to his final discomfiture. O'Cahan, whose hereditary -office it was to cast a shoe at the installation of an O'Neill, agreed -to give up the land between Lough Foyle and the Faughan water to the -Queen, and also land on the Bann for the support of the garrison at -Coleraine. The rest of his tribal territory was to be granted to him by -patent. This agreement was reduced to writing, signed by O'Cahan and -Docwra and ratified under his hand by Lord Deputy Mountjoy. Pending -the settlement of the question, O'Cahan was granted the custody of his -country under the Great Seal. When it afterwards seemed probable that -Tyrone would be received to mercy O'Cahan reminded Docwra that he had -been promised exemption from his sway. At O'Cahan's earnest request, -Docwra wrote to Mountjoy, who again solemnly declared that he should be -free and exempt from the greater chief's control. No sooner had Tyrone -been received to submission than he began to quarter men upon O'Cahan, -who pleaded the Lord Deputy's promise, and was strongly supported by -Docwra. 'My lord of Tyrone,' was Mountjoy's astonishing answer, 'is -taken in with promise to be restored, as well to all his lands, as his -honour of dignity, and O'Cahan's country is his and must be obedient -to his command.' Docwra reminded him that he had twice promised the -contrary in writing, to which he could only answer that O'Cahan was -a drunken fellow, and so base that he would probably rather be under -Tyrone than not, and that anyhow he certainly should be under him. -Tyrone's own contention was that O'Cahan was a mere tenant at will, and -without any estate in the lands which had borne his name for centuries. -Docwra reported Mountjoy's decision to O'Cahan, who 'bade the devil -take all Englishmen and as many as put their trust in them.' Docwra -thought this indignation justified, but realised that nothing could be -done with a hostile Viceroy, and advised O'Cahan to make the best terms -he could with Tyrone. Chichester was from the first inclined to favour -O'Cahan's claim, but the Earl managed to keep him in subjection until -1606, when the quarrel broke out again. Tyrone seized O'Cahan's cattle -by the strong hand, which Davies says was his first 'notorious violent -act' since his submission, and the whole question soon came up for the -consideration of the Government. Early in 1607 the two chiefs came to a -temporary agreement by which O'Cahan agreed to pay a certain tribute, -for which he pledged one-third of his territory, and in consideration -of which Tyrone gave him a grant of his lands. O'Cahan was inclined to -stand to this agreement, but Tyrone said it was voidable at the wish of -either party. A further cause of dispute arose from O'Cahan's proposal -to repudiate Tyrone's illegitimate daughter, with whom he had lately -gone through the marriage ceremony, and to take back a previous and -more lawful wife. His fear was lest he should have to give up the dowry -also, and especially lest his cattle should be seized to satisfy the -claim.[30] - -[Sidenote: Death of Devonshire, 1606.] - -[Sidenote: Claims O'Cahan and Tyrone.] - -[Sidenote: The Crown intervenes.] - -Devonshire died on April 3, 1606, and Tyrone thus lost his most -thoroughgoing supporter at court. It was in the following October that -O'Cahan's cattle were seized, and in May 1607 that chief petitioned -for leave to surrender his country to the King, receiving a fresh -grant of it free from Tyrone's interference. He afterwards expressed -his willingness to pay the old accustomed services to Tyrone. The two -chiefs were summoned before the Council, and Tyrone so far forgot -himself as to snatch a paper from O'Cahan's hand and tear it in the -Viceroy's presence; but for this he humbly apologised. The case was -remitted to the King, and it was afterwards arranged that both parties -should go over to plead their several causes; peace being kept in the -meantime on the basis of the late agreement. The Irish lawyers were of -opinion that O'Cahan's country was really at the mercy of the Crown on -the ground that, though it had been found by inquisition to be part of -Tyrone's, the Earl's jurisdiction only entitled him to certain fixed -services and not to the freehold. That they held to have been the -position of Con Bacagh O'Neill, and Tyrone's last grant only professed -to restore him to what his grandfather had.[31] - -[Sidenote: Assizes in Donegal.] - -[Sidenote: Rory O'Donnell created Earl of Tyrconnel.] - -[Sidenote: Extreme pretensions of Tyrconnel.] - -[Sidenote: His character.] - -[Sidenote: Discontent of Neill Garv.] - -While Rory O'Donnell was in England, Chief Baron Pelham was going -circuit in Donegal. The multitude, he told Davies, treated him as an -angel from heaven and prayed him upon their knees to return again to -minister justice to them; but many gentlemen refused the commission -of peace until they had Tyrone's approval. A sheriff was appointed, -but at first he had little to do. Rory O'Donnell was treated nearly as -well as Tyrone himself. On his return to Ireland in September 1603, he -was knighted in Christchurch, Dublin, by Sir George Carey, and at the -same time created Earl of Tyrconnel. He received a grant of the greater -part of Donegal, leaving Inishowen to O'Dogherty, the fort and fishery -of Ballyshannon to the Crown, and 13,000 acres of land near Lifford -to Sir Neill Garv O'Donnell. On the wording of the patent Lifford -itself was reserved to the Crown. Neill Garv's very strong claim to -the chiefry was passed over, he having assumed the name and style of -O'Donnell without the leave of the Government. Rory was also made the -King's Lieutenant in his own country, with a proviso that martial law -should not be executed except during actual war, nor at all upon his -Majesty's officers and soldiers. These ample possessions and honours -were, however, not enough for the new Earl, who aimed at everything -that his ancestors had ever had, and who was unwilling to leave a foot -of land to anyone else. Five years after the death of Queen Elizabeth -Chichester reported that the lands belonging to the Earldom of -Tyrconnel were so mortgaged that the margin of rent was not more than -300_l._ a year. Nor is this to be wondered at for the Four Masters, -who wrote in Donegal and who wished to praise its chief, said he was -'a generous, bounteous, munificent, and hospitable lord, to whom the -patrimony of his ancestors did not seem anything for his spending and -feasting parties.' The last O'Donnell being of this disposition, the -attempt to change him into the similitude of an English Earl was not -likely to succeed. O'Dogherty was for the time well satisfied; but Sir -Neill Garv, who had destroyed his chances by anticipating the King's -decision, was angry, for Docwra and Mountjoy had formerly promised that -he should have Tyrconnel in as ample a manner as the O'Donnells had -been accustomed to hold it. And by the word Tyrconnel he understood, -or pretended to understand, not only Donegal but 'Tyrone, Fermanagh, -yea and Connaught, wheresoever any of the O'Donnells had at any time -extended their power, he made account all was his: he acknowledged no -other kind of right or interest in any man else, yea the very persons -of the people he challenged to be his, and said he had wrong if any -foot of all that land, or any one of the persons of the people were -exempted from him.' - -Here we have the pretensions of an Irish chief stated in the most -extreme way, and they were evidently quite incompatible with the -existence of a modern government and with the personal rights of modern -subjects.[32] - -[Sidenote: Discontent of Tyrone.] - -[Sidenote: Secret service.] - -Tyrone was too wise to make claims like Neill Garv's, but he resented -all interference. He had disputes with the Bishop of Derry about Termon -lands, with English purchasers of abbeys, and with several chiefs of -his own name who had been made freeholders of the Crown. Curious points -of law were naturally hateful to one who had always ruled by the sword, -but he may have had real cause to complain of actions decided without -proper notice to him. He and his predecessors had enjoyed the fishery -of the Bann, which was now claimed by the Crown as being in navigable -waters. Queen Elizabeth had indeed let her rights, but no lessee had -been able to make anything out of the bargain. In his very last letter -to Devonshire Chichester said Tyrone was discontented and always would -be, but he could see no better reason for his discontent than that -he had lost 'the name of O'Neill, and some part of the tyrannical -jurisdiction over the subjects which his ancestors were wont to assume -to themselves.' Davies, however, admitted that his country was quiet -and free from thieves, while Tyrconnel was just the contrary. Tyrone -complained that officials of all kinds were his enemies, and that he -was harassed beyond bearing. His fourth wife, Catherine Magennis, was -known to be on bad terms with him, and he had threatened to repudiate -her. She 'recounted many violences which he had used and done to her -in his drunkenness,' and wished to leave him, but resisted any attempt -at an ecclesiastical divorce. Chichester admitted that it was 'a very -uncivil and uncommendable part to feed the humour of a woman to learn -the secrets of her husband,' but gunpowder plots were an exception to -every rule, and he thought himself justified in hunting for possible -Irish ramifications by equally exceptional means. James Nott, employed -by Tyrone as secretary or clerk, had a pension for bringing letters to -the Government. Sir Toby Caulfield was directed to see Lady Tyrone, -and to examine her on oath. She repeated her charges of ill-treatment -and declared that she was the last person in whom her husband would -confide, but that in any case she would do nothing to endanger his -life. She expressed her belief that Tyrone had no dealings with the -English recusants, but that he was discontented with the Government: -Tyrconnel depended on him, and that nearly all the Ulster chiefs were -on good terms with the two earls. Lady Tyrone continued to live, not -very happily, with her husband for many years, during which his habits -did not improve. Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at Venice, -reported in 1614 that 'Tyrone while he is his own man is always much -reserved, pretending ever his desire of your Majesty's grace, and by -that means only to adoperate his return into his country; but when he -is _vino plenus et irâ_ (as he is commonly once a night, and therein -is _veritas_) he doth then declare his resolute purpose to die in -Ireland; and both he and his company do usually in that mood dispose -of governments and provinces, and make new commonwealths.' Nothing -seriously affecting Tyrone's relations with the State happened until -August 1607, when Chichester informed him that both he and O'Cahan were -to go to England, where their differences would be decided by the King -himself. Sir John Davies was warned to be in readiness to accompany -them.[33] - -[Sidenote: The Maguires.] - -[Sidenote: Maguire at Brussels.] - -[Sidenote: A ship hired with Spanish money.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's farewell.] - -After the death of Hugh Maguire in 1600 his brother Cuconnaught, whom -Chichester describes as 'a desperate and dangerous young fellow,' was -elected chief in his stead. The English Government decided to divide -Fermanagh between him and his kinsman, Connor Roe, and to this he -agreed because he could not help it, but without any intention of -resting satisfied. Spanish ships often brought wine to the Donegal -coast, and communications were always open through these traders. In -August 1606 Tyrconnel and O'Boyle inquired of some Scotch sailors -as to the fitness of their little vessel for the voyage to Spain, -but Chichester could not believe that he had any idea of flight, and -supposed that he was only seeking a passage for Maguire. The latter -found a ship after some delay, and was at the Archduke Albert's court -by Whitsuntide in 1607. While at Brussels he associated with Tyrone's -son Henry, who commanded an Irish regiment 1,400 strong. Sir Thomas -Edmondes had tried to prevent this appointment two years before, but -the Archduke succeeded in getting it approved by James I. The Gunpowder -Plot had not then been discovered, and Devonshire's influence was -paramount in all that concerned Ireland. Tyrone sometimes professed -himself anxious to bring his son home, but in other company he boasted -of the young man's influence at the Spanish court and of his authority -over the Irish abroad. The Archduke now gave Maguire a considerable -sum of money, with which he went to Rouen, bought or hired a ship, of -which John Bath of Drogheda had the command, and put into Lough Swilly -about the end of August. The ship carried nets and was partly laden -with salt, under colour of fishing on the Irish coast. Tyrone was with -Chichester at Slane on Thursday, August 28 (old style), conferring -with him about his intended visit to England. Here he received a -letter telling him of Maguire's arrival, and on Saturday he went to -Mellifont, which he left next day after taking leave of his friend, Sir -Garrett Moore. He 'wept abundantly, giving a solemn farewell to every -child and every servant in the house, which made them all marvel, -because in general it was not his manner to use such compliments.' It -was afterwards remembered that his farewell to Chichester also was -'more sad and passionate than was usual with him.' On Monday he passed -through Armagh to a house of his own near Dungannon, and there rested -two nights. On Wednesday he crossed the Strabane mountains, and appears -to have remained in the open during the night. During this day's -journey, says Davies, 'it is reported that the Countess, his wife, -being exceedingly weary, slipped down from her horse, and, weeping, -said she could go no further; whereupon the Earl drew his sword, and -swore a great oath that he would kill her on the place if she would not -pass on with him, and put on a more cheerful countenance withal.' On -Thursday morning they reached Burndennet, near Lifford. The Governor -asked him and his son to dinner, but he perhaps feared detention, and -pushed on during the afternoon and night to Rathmullen, where the -French ship was lying. Tyrconnel had already arrived, and they appear -to have sailed the next morning. Chichester afterwards discovered that -O'Cahan wished to go too, but was unable to join the others in time.[34] - -[Sidenote: Departure of Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and Maguire.] - -Ninety-nine persons sailed in the vessel which carried Tyrone, -Tyrconnel, and Maguire. Among the O'Neills were Lady Tyrone, her three -sons Hugh, John, and Brian, and Art Oge, the son of Tyrone's brother -Cormac. Among the O'Donnells were Tyrconnel's brother Caffar, with his -wife Rose O'Dogherty, and his sister Nuala, who had left her husband -Neill Garv. What, the Irish annalists ask, might not the young in this -distinguished company have achieved if they had been allowed to grow -up in Ireland? 'Woe to the heart that meditated, woe to the mind that -conceived, woe to the council that decided the project of their setting -out on this voyage without knowing whether they should ever return to -their native principalities or patrimonies to the end of the world.' - -[Sidenote: Sir Cormac MacBaron.] - -[Sidenote: The fugitives reach France,] - -[Sidenote: but are not allowed to stay there.] - -Tyrone's brother, Sir Cormac MacBaron, waited until they were clear -gone and then hurried to Slane so as to be Chichester's first -informant. 'Withal,' says Davies, 'he was an earnest suitor to have -the _custodiam_ of his brother's country, which perhaps might be to -his brother's use by agreement betwixt them; and therefore, for this -and other causes of suspicion, the constable of the Castle of Dublin -has the _custodiam_ of him.' Chichester returned to Dublin at once, -and made arrangements for intercepting the fugitives should they -put into Galway or into any of the Munster harbours. A cruiser on -the Scotch coast was ordered to be on the look out, and the Earl of -Argyle was warned by letter. Bath kept well off the coast, and, after -sighting Croagh Patrick mountain, endeavoured to run for Corunna. After -thirteen days tossing he despaired of reaching Spain and tried to go to -Croisic in Brittany. Losing their bearings, the fugitives were driven -up channel nearly to the Straits of Dover, but escaped the English -cruisers and landed at Quilleboeuf in Normandy after being twenty-one -days at sea. They had but little provisions and were much crowded, but -in no pressing want of money, for Tyrone had taken up his rents in -advance. Boats were hired to convey the women and children to Rouen, -while Tyrone rode with seventeen companions to meet the Governor of -Normandy at Lisieux. Both parties were hospitably treated and supplied -with wine and provisions by the country people. An application for -their extradition was of course refused by Henry IV., but they were not -allowed to stay in France nor to visit Paris. A month after leaving -Lough Swilly they left Rouen, and made their way to Douai by Amiens and -Arras.[35] - -[Sidenote: The Earls in Flanders, Douai.] - -[Sidenote: Entertained by Spinola at Brussels.] - -[Sidenote: The Earls not allowed to go to Spain.] - -At Douai the Earls were met by Tyrone's son Henry, who commanded the -Irish regiment, and by all the captains serving under him. Among those -captains was Tyrone's nephew, Owen MacArt O'Neill, afterwards so famous -as Owen Roe, and Thomas Preston, scarcely less famous as his colleague, -rival, and at last enemy. The Irish students in the seminary feasted -them and greeted them in Latin or Greek odes and orations. Florence -Conry and Eugene MacMahon, titular archbishops of Tuam and Dublin, met -them also. At Tournai the whole population with the archbishop at their -head came out to meet them. They then went on to Hal, where they were -invited by Spinola and many of his officers. The captor of Ostend lent -his carriage to take them to the Archduke at Binche, where they were -received with much honour, and he afterwards entertained them at dinner -in Brussels. Tyrone occupied Spinola's own chair, with the nuncio and -Tyrconnel on his right hand, the Duke of Aumale, the Duke of Ossuna, -and the Marquis himself being on his left. The Earls left the city -immediately afterwards and withdrew to Louvain, where they remained -until the month of February. Edmondes remonstrated with the President -Richardot about the favour shown to rebels against his sovereign, but -that wily diplomatist gave him very little satisfaction. The greater -part of the Irish who came over with Tyrone or who had since repaired -to him were provided for by the creation of two new companies in Henry -O'Neill's regiment, but the Earls were not allowed to go to Spain, and -when they left Louvain in February 1608 they passed through Lorraine to -avoid French territory, and so by Switzerland into Italy. According to -information received by the English Privy Council, the Netherlanders -were glad to be rid of them, they having 'left so good a memory of -their barbarous life and drunkenness where they were.'[36] - -[Sidenote: Reasons for Tyrone's flight.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Howth.] - -[Sidenote: Howth gives information.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Delvin.] - -[Sidenote: Uncertainty as to the facts.] - -Though there is no reason to suppose that any treachery was intended, -Tyrone can hardly be blamed for mistrusting the English Government -and avoiding London. He told Sir Anthony Standen at Rome that it was -'better to be poor there than rich in a prison in England.' And yet -this may have only been a pretext, for his eldest son Henry told -Edmondes that he believed the principal grievances to be religion, -the denial of his jurisdiction over minor chiefs in Ulster, and the -supposed intention of erecting a presidency in that province. Many -obscure rumours preceded his flight. In February 1607 George St. -Lawrence or Howth gave evidence of a plot to surprise Dublin Castle and -to seek aid from Spain; but he incriminated no one except Art MacRory -MacMahon and Shane MacPhilip O'Reilly. He was probably a relation of -Sir Christopher St. Lawrence, who became twenty-second Baron of Howth -in the following May, but it does not appear how far they acted in -unison. The new Lord was a brave soldier, who had fought for Queen -Elizabeth at Kinsale and elsewhere, but was both unscrupulous and -indiscreet. In 1599, according to Camden, he had offered, should Essex -desire it, to murder Lord Grey de Wilton and Sir Robert Cecil. Under -Mountjoy he had done good service in command of a company, but the -gradual reduction of the forces after Tyrone's submission left him -unemployed, and he was very needy. Chichester wished to continue him -in pay, or at least to give him a small pension, so that he might be -saved from the necessity of seeking mercenary service abroad. Nothing -was done, and he went to Brussels in the autumn of 1606, but had little -success there. Chichester suggested that the Archduke's mind should -be poisoned against him, so that he might come home discontented and -thus dissuade other Irish gentlemen from seeking their bread in the -Spanish service. That Howth was known to be a Protestant, even though -he might occasionally hear a mass, was probably quite enough to prevent -the Archduke from employing him. Among the Irish residents there was -his uncle the historian, Richard Stanihurst, and another priest named -Cusack, also related to him, and from them he heard enough to make -him return to London and to give information to Salisbury. By the -latter's advice probably he returned to the Netherlands, where he met -Florence Conry, the head of the Irish Franciscans, who told him that -it was decided to make a descent on Ireland 'within twenty days after -the peace betwixt the King our master and the King of Spain should -be broken.' Spinola or some other great captain was to command the -expedition, Waterford and Galway to be the places of disembarkation. -Conry himself was to go to Ireland to sound the chief people, and it -appears from the evidence of a Franciscan that he was actually expected -to arrive in the summer of 1607, but that he did not go there. Howth -advised a descent near Dublin, and according to his own account he made -this suggestion so as to ensure failure. He said there was a large sum -ready for Tyrconnel's use at Brussels, and this was probably the very -money afterwards given to Maguire for the purchase of a ship. This -information was supplemented by that of Lord Delvin, and there was -doubtless a strong case against Tyrconnel. Against Tyrone there was -nothing but hearsay rumours as to his being involved with the others. -Tyrconnel divulged to Delvin a plan for seizing Dublin Castle with the -Lord Deputy and Council in it: 'out of them,' he said, 'I shall have -my lands and countries as I desire it'--that is, as they had been held -in Hugh Roe's time. His general discontent and his debts were quite -enough to make him fly from Ireland, and this disposition would be -hastened by the consciousness that he had been talking treason, and -perhaps by the knowledge that his words had been repeated. Spanish aid -could not be hoped for unless there was a breach between England and -Spain; and of that there was no likelihood. Tyrone must have understood -this perfectly well, but Chichester had long realised that he would -always be discontented at having lost the title of O'Neill and the -tyrannical jurisdiction exercised by his predecessors. Perhaps he -really believed there was an intention to arrest him in London. Some -sympathy may be felt for a man who had lived into an age that knew him -not, but the position which he sought to occupy could not possibly be -maintained.[37] - -[Sidenote: Rumoured plot to seize Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Chichester's surmises as to Tyrone's flight.] - -[Sidenote: The question involved in obscurity.] - -On May 18, 1607, an anonymous paper had been left at the door of the -Dublin council chamber, the writer of which professed his knowledge -of a plot to kill Chichester and others. According to this informer -the murders were to be followed by the seizure of the Castle and the -surprise of the small scattered garrisons. If James still refused to -grant religious toleration, the Spaniards were to be called in. Howth -was not in Ireland, but Chichester noticed that the anonymous paper was -very like his communications to Salisbury. He arrived in Ireland in -June, when he was at once subjected to frequent and close examinations. -Chichester was at first very little disposed to believe him, but the -sudden departure of the Earls went far to give the impression that he -had been telling the truth. 'The Earl of Tyrone,' said the Deputy when -announcing the flight, 'came to me oftentimes upon sundry artificial -occasions, as now it appears, and, by all his discourses, seemed to -intend nothing more than the preparation for his journey into England -against the time appointed, only he showed a discontent, and professed -to be much displeased with his fortune, in two respects: the one, for -that he conceived he had dealt, in some sort, unworthily with me, as -he said, to appeal from hence unto his Majesty and your lordships in -the cause between Sir Donald O'Cahan and him; the other because that -notwithstanding he held himself much bound unto his Majesty, that so -graciously would vouchsafe to hear, and finally to determine the same, -yet that it much grieved him to be called upon so suddenly, when, as -what with the strictness of time and his present poverty, he was not -able to furnish himself as became him for such a journey and for such -a presence. In all things else he seemed very moderate and reasonable, -albeit he never gave over to be a general solicitor in all causes -concerning his country and people, how criminal soever. But now I find -that he has been much abused by some that have cunningly terrified and -diverted him from coming to his Majesty, which, considering his nature, -I hardly believe, or else he had within him a thousand witnesses -testifying that he was as deeply engaged in those secret treasons as -any of the rest whom we knew or suspected.' There is here nothing to -show that any treachery was intended to Tyrone in England, but there -was a report in Scotland that he would never be allowed to return -into Ireland. And so the matter must rest. Tyrone was now old, his -nerves were not what they had been, and if he believed that he would -be imprisoned in London, that does not prove that any such thing was -intended.[38] - -[Sidenote: Lord Delvin is suspected.] - -[Sidenote: Delvin escapes from the Castle.] - -Lord Howth was not the only magnate of the Pale who was concerned in -the intrigues which led to the flight of Tyrone and the plantation -of Ulster. Richard Nugent, tenth Baron of Delvin, a young man of -twenty-three, was son to the Delvin who wrote an Irish grammar for -Queen Elizabeth and nephew to William Nugent who had been in rebellion -against her. He had been knighted by Mountjoy in Christchurch, Dublin, -at the installation of Rory O'Donnell as Earl of Tyrconnel, and had -a patent for lands in Longford which the O'Farrells had asked him -to accept on the supposition that they were forfeited to the Crown. -It turned out that there had been no forfeiture, and he was forced -to surrender, Salisbury remarking that the O'Farrells were as good -subjects as either he or his father had been. The business had cost -him 3,000_l._, and he was naturally very angry. His mother was an Earl -of Kildare's daughter, and Sir Oliver St. John told Salisbury that -he was 'composed of the malice of the Nugents and the pride of the -Geraldines.' He became involved in Howth's schemes, and confessed that -he had 'put buzzes into the Earl of Tyrone's head,' telling him that -he had few friends at Court and that the King suspected his loyalty. -For his own part he was willing to join in an attack on the Castle, -provided a Spanish army landed, but he would not agree to the murder -of the Lord Deputy, 'for he hath ever been my good friend.' Delvin was -lodged in the Castle, but there was evidently no intention of dealing -harshly with him, for he was allowed the society of his secretary, -Alexander Aylmer, a good old name in the Pale, and of a servant called -Evers. Aylmer and Evers with some help from others managed to smuggle -in a rope thirty-five yards long, though the constable had been warned -that an escape was probable, and the young lord let himself down the -wall and fled to his castle of Cloughoughter on a lake in Cavan. The -constable, whose name was Eccleston, was afterwards acquitted by a -jury, but lost his place. From Cloughoughter Delvin wrote to Chichester -pleading his youth and his misfortune in being duped by Howth. He -had run away only to save his estate, which would surely have been -confiscated if he had been carried to England. Chichester was willing -to believe him, and offered to accept his submission if he would -surrender within five days and throw himself on the King's mercy. His -wife and his mother, who was supposed to have brought him up badly, -were restrained at a private house in Dublin, but were afterwards -allowed to go for a visit fourteen miles from Dublin.[39] - -[Sidenote: Delvin tires of his wanderings,] - -[Sidenote: submits,] - -[Sidenote: and is pardoned.] - -Being pressed by the troops Delvin stole out of Cloughoughter with -two companions, leaving his infant son to be captured and taken to -Dublin. He had married Jane Plunkett, and her brother Luke, afterwards -created Earl of Fingal, made matters worse by reporting that Delvin -had expressed a wish to kill Salisbury, a charge which was stoutly -denied. Howth was mixed up with this as with all the other intrigues. -Delvin was 'enforced as a wood kerne in mantle and trowsers to shift -for himself' in the mountains, and was doubtless miserable enough. -After wandering about for more than four months he appeared suddenly -one day in the Council chamber, and submitted unconditionally with many -expressions of repentance. Salisbury had already pardoned any offence -against himself, and the King was no less merciful. Delvin was sent -to England a prisoner, but the charge of complicity in O'Dogherty's -conspiracy was probably not believed, for he received a pardon under -the Great Seal of Ireland. He enjoyed a fair measure of favour at -Court, though he became a champion of the Recusants, and in 1621 he was -created Earl of Westmeath.[40] - -[Sidenote: Florence Conry.] - -When Hugh Roe O'Donnell died at Valladolid in 1602 he was attended by -friar Florence Conry, whom he recommended to Philip III. Conry, who was -Tyrone's emissary in Spain, became provincial of the Irish Franciscans -and later Archbishop of Tuam, but never ventured to visit his diocese. -He passed and repassed from Madrid to Brussels and employed Owen -Magrath, who acted as vice-provincial, to communicate with his friends -in Ireland. - -[Sidenote: Lady Tyrconnel.] - -[Sidenote: Delvin gives evidence against a friar.] - -[Sidenote: Lady Tyrconnel at Court] - -Magrath brought eighty-one gold pieces to Lady Tyrconnel and tried to -persuade her to follow her husband abroad. Other priests gave the same -advice, but the lady, who had been Lady Bridget Fitzgerald, had not the -least idea of identifying herself with rebellion. She was unwilling -to forswear the society of the clergy, but ready to give Chichester -any help in her power. She knew nothing of her husband's intention to -return as an invader, but 'prayed God to send him a fair death before -he undergo so wicked an enterprise as to rebel against his prince.' -Magrath was mixed up with Howth and Delvin; but Chichester, though he -succeeded in arresting the friar, could get little from him. He was -tried for high treason and actually found guilty, mainly upon Delvin's -evidence, who swore that he had disclosed to him a conspiracy for a -Spanish descent on Ireland. Philip indeed would not show himself, 'but -the Pope and Archduke will; at which the King of Spain will wink, and -perchance give some assistance under hand.' Chichester saw that Magrath -was old and not very clever, and advised that he should be allowed to -live in Ulster, for Delvin was repentant and would be glad to impart -anything that he learned from him. James readily pardoned Magrath, -the English Council shrewdly remarking that it was more important -that Delvin should have given evidence against a friar 'than to take -the life of one where there are so many.' Lady Tyrconnel was sent to -England and received a pension, and James is said to have wondered -that her husband could leave so fair a face behind him. She afterwards -married the first Lord Kingsland; her daughter by Tyrconnel had a -curiously adventurous career.[41] - -[Sidenote: Manifesto of James as to the flight of the Earls.] - -James thought it necessary to publish a declaration for the -enlightenment of foreign countries as to the true reason of the -Earls' departure, not in respect of any worth or value in those men's -persons, being base and rude in their original. They had no rights by -lineal descent, but were preferred by Queen Elizabeth for reasons of -State, and fled because inwardly conscious of their own guilt. The -King gave his word that there was no intention of proceeding against -them on account of religion. Their object was to oppress his subjects, -and the less said about their religion the better, 'such being their -condition and profession to think murder no fault, marriage of no use, -nor any man to be esteemed valiant that did not glory in rapine and -oppression.' They had laboured to extirpate the English race in Ireland -and could not deny their correspondence with foreign princes 'by divers -instruments as well priests as others.' James assured himself that his -declaration would 'disperse and discredit all such untruths as these -contemptible creatures, so full of infidelity and ingratitude, shall -disgorge against us and our just and moderate proceedings, and shall -procure unto them no better usage than they would should be offered to -any such pack of rebels born their subjects and bound unto them in so -many and such great obligations.'[42] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone and Tyrconnel expose their grievances.] - -While at Louvain, and no doubt by way of answer to the royal -declaration, both Tyrone and Tyrconnel caused expositions of their -grievances to be drawn up, and these documents are still preserved in -London, but do not appear to have been ever transmitted to the Irish -Government. No rejoinder to them or criticism of them is known to -exist, and they must be taken for what they are worth as _ex parte_ -statements. Religion is placed in the forefront of both manifestoes, -in general terms by Tyrconnel, but more specifically by Tyrone, the -proclamation of July 1605 having been promulgated by authority in his -manor of Dungannon. - -[Sidenote: Their position in Ulster was impossible.] - -But the case for the Earls mainly consists in an enumeration of their -difficulties with the Irish Government officials, and it may well -be believed that many underlings exercised their powers harshly and -corruptly. What appears most clearly is that the local domination of -an O'Neill or an O'Donnell, even though they wore earls' coronets, -was inconsistent with the modern spirit. They found the position of -subjects intolerable. By their flight they hastened the progress of -events, but their stay in Ireland could not very long have retarded -it.[43] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone and his company leave the Netherlands.] - -[Sidenote: The Duke of Lorraine.] - -[Sidenote: Arrival in Italy.] - -Tyrone and the rest left Louvain on February 17, the Spanish -authorities having with much difficulty and delay found money enough -to speed the parting guests. Edmondes wrote to Charles of Lorraine -reminding him of his near relationship to the King of England and -also of the fact that 'these fugitives and rebels had found the door -shut in Spain, where the King would not admit them out of respect and -friendship to King James.' The Duke let them pass through his country, -and afterwards appeared to have been greatly impressed in their -favour, as such a champion of the Roman Church would naturally be. -Their expenses were paid by him while in Lorraine, and he entertained -them sumptuously in his palace at Nancy. They travelled by Basel and -Lucerne to the St. Gothard, and one of O'Donnell's sumpter horses fell -over the Devil's Bridge and was lost, with a large sum of money. The -monks received them at the hospice, and on their descent into Italy -they were well received at Faido, Bellinzona, and Como. Fuentes, the -Governor of Milan, went out to meet them with his staff. They were -lodged at the hostelry of the Three Kings and handsomely entertained -there at the governor's expense. Cornwallis at Madrid and Wotton at -Venice complained loudly, and received soft answers. Salisbury told -Cornwallis to make little of the fugitive Earls and to describe them -as mere earthworms; and the ambassador bettered the instruction by -saying that he esteemed them and all their company as so many fleas. -The Spanish officials replied that Fuentes was generally hospitable to -strangers, but that the King's government had no idea of countenancing -the exiles. - -[Sidenote: The Earls are excluded from Venetian territory.] - -[Sidenote: They reach Rome.] - -Wotton easily persuaded the anti-Romanist and lately excommunicated -Doge to exclude the Irish party from Venetian territory, and a person -in his confidence followed Tyrone privately wherever he went. The -exiles received 1,000 crowns from Fuentes, of which they complained -as much below their expectations. They were well received at Parma -and Reggio, and reached papal territory at Bologna, where Cardinal -Barberini, afterwards Urban VIII., was then governor. From Ancona -they made a pilgrimage to Loretto, and travelling by Foligno, Assisi -and Narni, they came in sight of Rome on April 29. Several cardinals, -in much state and with great retinues, went out to meet them at the -Milvian bridge. One coach, which, according to Wotton's informant, -was borrowed by Parsons, contained Englishmen, and others came to see -Tyrone inside the city. The Salviati palace in the Borgo was assigned -to the exiles as a residence by Paul V. After this Tyrone sometimes -showed himself in a coach with Tyrconnel and Peter Lombard the titular -Primate of Ireland, who had never seen his see.[44] - -[Sidenote: The return of the Earls long expected.] - -'I know not,' said Chichester, 'what aid or supportation the fugitives -shall receive from the Spaniard or Archduke, but the kind entertainment -they have received compared with the multitude of pensions given to -base and discontented men of this nation, makes them there and their -associates and well wishers here to give out largely, and all wise -and good subjects to conceive the worst. I am many ways assured that -Tyrone and Tyrconnel will return if they live, albeit they should have -no other assistance nor supportation than a quantity of money, arms, -and munition, with which they will be sufficiently enabled to kindle -such a fire here (where so many hearts and actors affect and attend -alteration) as will take up much time with expense of men and treasure -to quench it.' These rumours continued while Tyrone lived, and after -his death his son was expected. Exiles are generally sanguine, and the -friars and Jesuits kept up constant communication with Spain and the -Netherlands; but the decadent Spanish monarchy could never make an -attempt on Ireland or give any serious trouble until England was at war -with herself.[45] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[28] John Byrd to Devonshire, September 8, 1603, with enclosure; -Meehan's _Tyrone and Tyrconnel_, p. 36; _Fynes Moryson_, book iii. -chap. 2; Harrington's _Nugæ Antiquæ_. - -[29] Davies to Cecil, April 10, 1604. - -[30] Docwra's _Narration_, pp. 260-277; Lord Deputy and Council to -the Privy Council, October 4, 1605; Davies to Salisbury, November 12, -1606; agreement between Tyrone and O'Cahan, February 17, 1606-7; Bishop -Montgomery of Derry to Chichester, March 4; Chichester's instructions -to Ley and Davies, October 14, 1608, p. 60. - -[31] Petition of O'Cahan, May 2, 1607; Chichester to Salisbury, June -8; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, June 26; Davies to -Salisbury July 1; Docwra's _Narration_, 284. - -[32] Docwra's _Narration_, p. 249; Davies to Cecil, December 1, 1603; -_Four Masters_, 1608. - -[33] Davies to Cecil, December 8, 1604; Chichester to Devonshire, -February 26, 1605-6, endorsing Caulfield's report; to Devonshire, April -23; to the Privy Council, August 4, 1607; examination of Sir Neill -O'Neill, August 7, 1606 (State Papers, _Ireland_); Carleton to James -I., March 18/28, 1614, in Hist. MSS. Comm. (_Buccleuch_), 1899. - -[34] Examination of Gawen Moore and William Kilmeny, mariners of -Glasgow, August 30, 1606; Chichester to Salisbury, September 12, with -enclosures; examination of John Loach, under 1607, No. 493; Davies to -Salisbury, September 12, 1607; notes to O'Donovan's _Four Masters_ -under 1607; _Meehan_, chap. iv. As to O'Cahan see Chichester's -statement calendared at 1608, No. 98. - -[35] _Four Masters_, 1607; James Loach's examination, 1607, No. 493; -Davies to Salisbury, September 12; _Meehan_, chap. iv. The latter -narrative is mainly founded on an Irish manuscript by Teig O'Keenan -written in 1608 and preserved at St. Isidore's, Rome, a specimen of -which was printed by O'Donovan in his notes to the _Four Masters_, 1607. - -[36] _Meehan_, chap. iv.; list of Irish captains in Archduke's -army, July 22, 1607; Letters of Sir Thomas Edmondes to the English -Government, October 1607 to the following March; Privy Council to -Chichester, March 8, 1607-8. 'A most lewd oration' spoken before the -Earls at Douai is calendared at January 25, 1608. - -[37] Statements made by Christopher Lord Howth between June 29 and -August 25, 1607, No. 336; Lord Delvin's confession, November 6, 1607; -examination of John Dunn, February 14, 1606-7; examination of the -Franciscan James Fitzgerald, October 3, 1607; secret information in -Wotton's handwriting, 1607, No. 897; Chichester to Devonshire, April -23, 1606, after the latter's death, but before it was known in Ireland. - -[38] State Papers, _Ireland_, 1607, especially Chichester to Salisbury, -May 27, September 8; Discourses with Lord Howth, No. 336; Chichester to -the Privy Council, September 7 and 17. - -[39] Lodge's _Peerage_ (Archdall), i. 237, and the State Papers, -_Ireland_, calendared from September 8 to November 27, 1607; Lords of -the Council to Chichester, May 11, 1611. - -[40] Instructions for Sir A. St. Leger, December 21, 1607; Chichester -to the Privy Council, June 3, 1608; Warrant for pardon, July 18. - -[41] Chichester to Salisbury with enclosure, October 2, 1607; -Examination of Father Fitzgerald, October 3; Chichester to Salisbury, -July 2, 1609, and the answer, August 3; Delvin's Confession, November -6, 1607. The account of Lady Tyrconnel at p. 235 of the _Earls of -Kildare_ is very incorrect. A short notice of Mary Stuart O'Donnell is -in the _Dict. of National Biography_, xli. 446 _b._ - -[42] Declaratio super fugam comitum de Tyrone et Tyrconnel, non -propter virtutes sed ob rationes status ad honores promotorum--Rymer's -_Foedera_, xvi. 664, November 15, 1607. Bacon probably had a hand in -this, having received a full account from Davies, which he answered on -October 23--Spedding's _Life_, iv. 5. - -[43] Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_, 1607, Nos. 501 and 503; James -Bathe to Salisbury, January 9, 1607-8. - -[44] Edmondes to the Duke of Lorraine, January 12, 1607-8; to -Salisbury, January 28, February 18 and March 30; Wotton's letters for -April and May, 1608; information in Wotton's hand, No. 897, State -Papers, _Ireland_; _Meehan_, chap. 7, with the Doge Donato's letter -at p. 270; Salisbury to Cornwallis, September 27, 1607, in Winwood's -_Memorials_, and Cornwallis to the Privy Council, April 19, 1608, _ib._ - -[45] Chichester to Northampton, February 7, 1607-8, printed in _Ulster -Journal of Archæology_, i. 180, from Cotton MS. Tit. B. x. 189. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -REBELLION OF O'DOGHERTY, 1608 - - -[Sidenote: Antecedents of Sir Cahir O'Dogherty.] - -[Sidenote: Docwra leaves Derry, 1606,] - -[Sidenote: and is succeeded by Sir George Paulet.] - -[Sidenote: O'Dogherty is suspected.] - -The wild territory of Inishowen between Lough Foyle and Lough Swilly -had been for ages in possession of the O'Dogherty clan, who were, -however, not quite independent either of O'Neill or O'Donnell. Sir -John O'Dogherty, who held Inishowen by patent, died in December -1600, and Hugh Roe O'Donnell set up his brother Phelim in his stead, -to the exclusion of his son Cahir, whom he kept in his own power. -Cahir's foster-brethren, the MacDavitts, appealed to Sir Henry -Docwra, and he persuaded O'Donnell to release the young man, whom -the Government then adopted as chief. After the accession of James, -though not with Devonshire's good will, Sir Cahir, who had been -knighted for good service in the field, was confirmed by the King in -his father's possessions. The island of Inch was leased to another, -but after Devonshire's death the King agreed to restore it. Tyrconnel -complained bitterly that Inishowen was excepted from his grant, and -Tyrone grumbled at losing an annual rent of sixty cows out of it, -'never before your Majesty's reign brought to any question.' Docwra -was Sir Cahir's steady friend, but Devonshire's extreme leaning to -Tyrone's side made his position intolerable, and he left Ireland in -1606, having sold his land at Derry to George Paulet, the Marquis -of Winchester's son. He was allowed to compound with Paulet for his -company of foot and the vice-provostship of Derry, and this was done -with Devonshire's approval on the ground that there was 'no longer use -for a man of war in that place.' The King's letter describes Paulet as -'of good sufficiency and of service in the wars,' but Chichester was -not of that opinion. He was established at Derry at the beginning of -1607, and was soon at daggers drawn, not only with the neighbouring -Irish chiefs, but with the Protestant bishop Montgomery. At the same -time he neglected, notwithstanding Chichester's repeated warnings, to -post sentries or to keep any regular look-out. His ill-temper made -him disliked by his own men, and they despised him for his evident -incompetence. After the flight of the Earls Sir Cahir O'Dogherty was -one of the commissioners especially appointed for the government of -Tyrone, Donegal, and Armagh, Paulet and Bishop Montgomery being among -his colleagues. His ambition at this time was a place at Court. He -excited suspicion by landing a few armed men upon Tory island, but -the inhabitants seem to have consented. Sir Richard Hansard, who -gave the first information, did not think that O'Dogherty meant much -harm, for he never had more than seventy men, armed only those of -Inishowen, and refused recruits from other districts. But Paulet took -a view of the case which made his want of preparation inexcusable. -He went with Captain Hart, the governor of Culmore, and others to -O'Dogherty's castle of Burt on Lough Swilly, where Lady O'Dogherty, -Lord Gormanston's sister, was living. He told O'Dogherty afterwards -that he only went on a friendly visit, but to Chichester he said that -he meant to seize the castle had he not found it well defended. - -[Sidenote: Paulet's violent behaviour.] - -O'Dogherty remonstrated in a temperate letter and subscribed himself -'your loving friend,' but Paulet retorted that he was a traitor and -that he left him to a provost-marshal and a halter. Three weeks later -O'Dogherty went to Dublin, and protested his loyalty; but he was on -good terms with O'Cahan, whose actions were also suspicious, and -Chichester hardly knew what to think. Sir Cahir was at last suffered to -depart after entering into a recognisance, himself in 1,000_l._ with -Lord Gormanston and Sir Thomas Fitzwilliam in 500 marks each, to appear -at all times upon twenty days' notice in writing, and not to leave -Ireland without licence before Easter 1609. About the close of the year -1607, Sir Cahir was foreman of the Grand Jury who found a true bill for -treason against Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and their chief adherents.[46] - -[Sidenote: Paulet insults O'Dogherty,] - -In February 1608 O'Dogherty wrote to the Prince of Wales protesting -his fidelity, and asking to be made one of the gentlemen of his privy -chamber. On April 18, the very day on which he plunged into rebellion, -an order was sent by the English Government to restore the island of -Inch, and all other lands withheld from Sir Cahir, excepting only the -fort of Culmore, which stood at the mouth of the Foyle, and thirty -acres of land with it. - -[Sidenote: who becomes an open rebel,] - -[Sidenote: and seizes a fort.] - -The Four Masters say, and this has often been repeated, that Paulet -struck O'Dogherty, and that the insult drove him into rebellion. Paulet -was certainly abusive, but a blow is not anywhere mentioned in the -State correspondence, though no Englishman then in Ireland had anything -to say in favour of the unfortunate governor, nor by Docwra, who could -scarcely be ignorant of so remarkable a fact. O'Sullivan Bere, who -published his history at Lisbon in 1621, says Paulet threatened to -have O'Dogherty hanged, but he had evidently not heard of any blow. -The Four Masters wrote in Donegal, between 1632 and 1636, but it is -not certain that any of them were in Ireland in 1608; at all events -there was time for the growth of a traditional addition to the facts. -Whatever may have been the immediate cause of his outbreak, O'Dogherty -behaved with so much treachery as to throw doubt upon all his recent -professions. He invited Captain Hart, the governor of Culmore fort, to -visit him at Buncrana. He complained that Lady O'Dogherty, who was of -the Pale and had English tastes, suffered from the want of society, and -therefore Mrs. Hart was pressed to accompany her husband. After dinner -O'Dogherty took Hart into an upper room under pretence of privacy, -spoke of Paulet's harsh conduct, and told his guest that he must die -or surrender Culmore. Being disarmed, and told to choose, Hart refused -to betray his trust. Lady O'Dogherty then entered the room in tears, -upbraided her husband and his accomplices, and called heaven to witness -that she was no party to the plot. O'Dogherty threatened to throw both -her and his prisoner over the walls, and told Mrs. Hart that she must -devise some means of seizing Culmore or die with her husband, her -children, and the whole garrison. He swore upon a book that not one -person should suffer if the fort were yielded quietly. At last she was -frightened into going with O'Dogherty to Culmore and calling out some -of the guard, saying that her husband lay hard by with a broken arm. -Once outside the gate they were seized by the Irish, who rushed in and -took the fort, surprising the rest of the garrison in their beds. Hart -and his family were ferried over the Foyle and told to go to Coleraine, -the soldiers escaping to Lifford during the confusion of that night.[47] - -[Sidenote: O'Dogherty surprises Derry.] - -[Sidenote: Treatment of the garrison.] - -O'Dogherty marched through the night and reached Derry at two o'clock -in the morning of Tuesday, April 19, with scarcely a hundred men, -not all of whom were armed. They divided at the bog-side, Sir Cahir -attacking the lower forts where the storehouses were, and Phelim Reagh -undertaking the governor's house on the high ground. Paulet escaped -into Ensign Corbet's house, and there a short stand was made. Corbet -fought with and wounded Phelim, but was struck down from behind. His -wife killed the man who had dealt the fatal blow, and was herself -slain. Paulet fell by the hand of Owen O'Dogherty. Lieutenant Gordon -jumped from his bed, seized a rapier and dagger and ran out naked, -killing two of the assailants and calling upon the soldiers to fight -for their lives. He also was overpowered and killed. Lieutenant Baker -gathered a few men together and attempted to retake the lower fort, but -was ill supported, and retired into Sheriff Babington's house. That -house and the bishop's were held till noon, but O'Dogherty's force was -constantly increasing, a piece of cannon was brought up from Culmore, -and Baker, who had no provisions or ammunition, thought it best to -make terms. A written undertaking was given that every man should -depart with his sword and clothes, and the women with their clothes. -Lady Paulet and Mrs. Susan Montgomery, the bishop's wife, remained -prisoners with O'Dogherty. According to O'Sullivan all Protestants were -slaughtered, and all Catholics safely dismissed, but the total number -killed did not exceed ten on either side. Lieutenant Baker, to use the -language of Sir Josiah Bodley, was in 'great grace and reputation,' -for he alone survived of those who had distinguished themselves on the -fatal morning. He settled in Ulster, and his namesake, perhaps his -descendant, was governor in that later siege which has made the name of -Derry for ever famous.[48] - -[Sidenote: The Bishop's library burned.] - -[Sidenote: Collapse of the insurrection.] - -[Sidenote: Derry re-occupied.] - -[Sidenote: The rebels abandon Culmore.] - -[Sidenote: Pursuit of O'Dogherty.] - -[Sidenote: Surrender of Burt Castle.] - -Before leaving Derry Phelim Reagh, who thought the place untenable -by a small force, deliberately burned Bishop Montgomery's library in -sight of his men. O'Sullivan says there were '2,000 heretical books,' -and that the bishop vainly offered a hundred pounds ransom for his -collection. Having set fire to the buildings and to two corn ships -which lay near, Phelim removed to Culmore, taking some guns with him -in two boats and throwing the rest into the sea. Doe Castle on Sheep -Haven was also surprised, and Captain Henry Vaughan taken prisoner. -Captain John Vaughan abandoned Dunalong and fled with his men to -Lifford, and a few Scotch settlers at Strabane did the same. There -O'Dogherty's successes ended. Sir Richard Hansard, who never ceased to -take the precautions which Paulet neglected, easily maintained himself -at Lifford, and help was not long in coming. At the beginning of May -Chichester sent all his available forces to Ulster. The officers in -charge were Sir Richard Wingfield, Marshal of the army since 1600, -and Sir Oliver Lambert, then more hated and feared than any English -soldier. Sir Thomas Ridgeway, an energetic man who had succeeded Carey -as vice-treasurer, accompanied them without Chichester's knowledge. -After inspecting the garrisons about Lough Neagh and the Blackwater, -and warning them to be on their guard, Wingfield and his colleagues -reached Derry on May 20. They found earthworks, walls and chimneys -not much damaged, but everything that would burn had been reduced -to ashes, except the wooden roof of the cathedral. Ridgeway was in -doubt whether they had found this roof too high to set fire to, or -whether they spared it out of respect to St. Columba, 'the patron -of that place, and whose name they use as their word of privity and -distinction in all their wicked and treacherous attempts.' According -to the terms of the recognisance in which he was bound, Chichester's -letter summoning O'Dogherty to appear before him was publicly read by -Ridgeway at 'the half-burned house of Master Babington' in Derry, and -at Sir Cahir's own castle of Ellagh not far off. Cabins were run up for -the inhabitants of Derry, who had already returned to their homes, and -enough cows and sheep to secure them against starvation were driven -in from O'Dogherty's country. Phelim Reagh declared that he would die -in defence of Culmore, but thought it more prudent to set the place -on fire and to escape by water. The fort was quickly refitted and -garrisoned. Parties were sent to scour the country as far as Dunaff and -Malin Head, and Inishowen was completely cleared, 2,000 cows, 2,000 -or 3,000 sheep and 300 or 400 horses were driven in, and Buncrana was -burned 'as well from anger as for example's sake.' Armed resistance -there was practically none. O'Dogherty had withdrawn into the territory -of the MacSwineys west of Lough Swilly, and thither did Ridgeway and -his colleagues pursue him. Even among the woods of Glenveagh he was -unable to make any sort of defence, and it was said that he fled -thirty-five miles in one march at the approach of the troops. Various -plots having been laid for his betrayal, the army returned by Raphoe -to Sir Cahir's principal castle of Burt on Lough Swilly. The garrison -were divided in opinion, some thinking that they held the place for -the King of Spain and others for O'Dogherty. They had but one life -each, they said, which they owed to God; if they surrendered they would -either be treated like dogs by the English or hanged by Sir Cahir, -and so they might as well do their duty. One Dowding, or Dowling, a -native of Drogheda, and presumably more civilised than the Inishowen -men, at last proposed a capitulation, involving a jointure for Lady -O'Dogherty and some provision of land for the rest. The answer of the -English officers, who thought it 'intolerable strange for a King's -army to make jointures for ladies with the cannon,' was to place two -pieces of artillery in position. The Irish, whose chief leader was a -monk, said they would put Mrs. Montgomery in the breach, but no breach -was made, and they all surrendered at discretion after the second -shot. Mrs. Montgomery and Captain Brookes' son were, in Ridgeway's -quaint language, 'returned to their owners.' Sir Neill Garv O'Donnell -and his two brothers, Lady O'Dogherty, her only daughter and her -husband's sister, with their female attendants, were taken on board his -Majesty's ship _Tramontana_, and Ridgeway went with them to Dublin, -partly to avoid weakening Wingfield's force, and partly because he -thought the enforced idleness of a voyage would make the ladies talk -freely. Lady O'Dogherty fulfilled his expectation by indulging in -ferocious invectives 'against Neill Garv for drawing her husband into -rebellion.'[49] - -[Sidenote: O'Dogherty in Tyrone,] - -[Sidenote: and Armagh,] - -[Sidenote: but is killed by Irish soldiers.] - -Unable to cope with Wingfield in Donegal, O'Dogherty made a descent -upon Tyrone in the middle of June. Chichester had ordered all -garrisons to keep close, and this policy was strictly adhered to. -O'Dogherty was afraid to do much damage lest he should alienate the -affections of Tyrone's late subjects, and he only took enough cattle -to feed his following of about 800 men. He penetrated into Armagh, -but soon wandered back into Donegal, making no attempt to relieve -Burt, and pretending that its loss did not signify. After Ridgeway's -departure Wingfield prepared to attack Doe Castle, and while he -waited at Kilmacrenan for his artillery, the enemy, about 700 strong, -unexpectedly came in sight. Neill Garv had warned O'Dogherty not to -fight, but he neglected this advice and was killed by Irish soldiers -who wanted his land. His head was sent to Dublin and stuck upon a -spike over the new gate. Within a few days Doe Castle succumbed to a -heavy cannonade, and Lough Eske was surrendered by O'Gallagher, who -was foster-father to Tyrconnel's son. Chichester received the news -of O'Dogherty's death at Dundalk, and at once issued a proclamation -warning the people of Ulster that those who received or protected any -of the late rebel's followers would be regarded as traitors themselves. -All who delivered up any of the delinquents dead or alive were promised -free pardons and the goods of the person so given up. Phelim Reagh -MacDavitt alone was excluded from all hope of pardon.[50] - -[Sidenote: Ruthless suppression of the rebellion,] - -[Sidenote: which is condemned by an Irish jury.] - -[Sidenote: Phelim Reagh MacDavitt.] - -Chichester had announced that the war should be made 'thick and -short,' and his proclamation was well suited for the purpose. About -fifty of the O'Hanlons were in arms near Mount Norris, but they were -quickly dispersed with great loss on his arrival at that fort, and -the prisoners hanged by martial law. O'Cahan's brother Shane Carragh -was soon afterwards brought in by the MacShane O'Neills to the post -at Mountjoy. At Armagh the grand jury, almost entirely Irish, found -a bill against all who were in rebellion. Being a man of importance -Shane Carragh was tried by jury at Dungannon and hanged, and it was -noted that the solemnity of the trial made a great impression upon -the natives, who were accustomed to see summary sentences carried -out at the nearest tree. The jurors were Irishmen, who attended as -readily as when Tyrone was present, and the monk who had commanded at -Burt voluntarily purchased life and liberty by renouncing the Pope -and conforming publicly. Chichester then marched through Glenconkein, -'where the wild inhabitants,' according to Davies, 'wondered as much to -see the King's Deputy as the ghosts in Virgil wondered to see Aeneas -alive in hell.' At Coleraine he heard of the capture of Sir Cahir's -illegitimate brother, whom the people wished to make O'Dogherty, of -Owen O'Dogherty who killed Paulet, and of Phelim Reagh MacDavitt, who -was regarded as the contriver of the whole rising. Phelim, who was -hunted into a wood and found there after long search, made a stout -resistance and was wounded, but great care was taken to keep him alive -for his trial. He was taken to Lifford, where he made statements -very damaging to Neill Garv, and was then hanged with twenty others. -Chichester returned to Dublin at the beginning of September, leaving -only the very dregs of a rebellion behind him.[51] - -[Sidenote: Severities in Tory Island.] - -[Sidenote: The rebels destroy each other.] - -Shane MacManus, Oge O'Donnell, who aspired to be the O'Donnell, was the -last to hold out with about 240 men in Tory and the adjacent smaller -islands. Sir Henry Ffolliott, the governor of Ballyshannon, finished -the business in a very ruthless manner. On his way he took the island -stronghold at Glenveagh, which was held by an O'Gallagher, 'one of -Tyrconnell's fosterers, who killed three or four of his best associates -after he yielded up the island, for which we took him into protection.' -Of armed resistance there was not much, but Ffolliott's task was made -difficult by foul winds upon that rough coast, and he failed to capture -Shane MacManus, who escaped with the bulk of his followers by boat into -Connaught, preferring to trust to Clanricarde's clemency, but leaving -eleven men in the castle on Tory island, where Ffolliott found them. -The constable called to Sir Mulmore MacSwiney, begging to be allowed to -see the English commander and promising service. MacSwiney let him come -out, and he was induced by Ffolliott to purchase his life by betraying -the castle and taking the lives of seven out of the ten men in it. A -MacSwiney who was one of the garrison was also admitted to a parley -and made the like promise, but the constable got back first, 'each of -them,' says Ffolliott, 'being well assured and resolved to cut the -other's throat.' He killed two of his followers and the rest scattered -into the rocks, where he shot one. Ffolliott kept him to his promise -of seven heads, which were to be taken without help from the soldiers. -One of the others turned and stabbed his late leader to the heart -and was then killed by one of his own companions. Three others were -killed in the scuffle. Shane MacManus's boat was found in the island of -Arran, while his mother with a boy of ten and a girl of eleven remained -prisoners. 'And so,' reported Ffolliott, 'there were but five that -escaped, three of them churls and the other two young boys.... Shane -MacManus is deprived of his mother and two children and his boat, which -I think he regards more than them all.'[52] - -[Sidenote: Fate of Neill Garv O'Donnell.] - -[Sidenote: Irish juries will not find verdicts for treason.] - -[Sidenote: Neill Garv is sent to the Tower,] - -[Sidenote: where he dies.] - -Sir Neill Garv O'Donnell gave no effectual help against O'Dogherty, -and he was really a fellow-conspirator. Lifford, Ballyshannon and -Donegal were to be seized by him and his friends, while Sir Cahir took -Derry and Culmore, and all plunder was to be divided equally between -them. Sir Neill was to have Burt Castle and whatever rights O'Donnell -had over Inishowen, as long as he could hold his own. He continued, -however, to profess loyalty and to urge his claims over the whole of -Tyrconnel. O'Dogherty's country he regained by special grant, but he -was an abettor, if not the principal contriver, of the Derry surprise, -gave advice about the mode of attack, sent sixteen men of his own -to help, and charged O'Dogherty to spare no one. All this was not -certainly known until later, and Sir Neill obtained protection from -Wingfield, whom he accompanied on his expedition into Donegal. He was -soon again in communication with the rebels, was arrested at Glenveagh -and sent a prisoner to Dublin, but it was not until June, 1609, that -a Donegal jury could be sworn in the King's Bench there. The jurors -were Irishmen and not of very high position, for the English settlers -and the principal natives had served on the grand jury which found -the bill. Davies offered no evidence as to Sir Neill's complicity -in the Derry affair, though there could be no doubt of the fact, -because it might be held that the treason was covered by Wingfield's -protection. There was good proof of the breach of that protection by -aiding and abetting the King's enemies, but the jury were shut up -from Friday till Monday and almost starved to death. They refused to -find a verdict of treason on the ground that Sir Neill had not been -actually in arms against the King, and it was believed that they had -bound themselves by mutual oath not to find the lord of their country -guilty. They were discharged 'in commiseration of their faintings and -for reasons concerning his Majesty's service.' 'The priests,' said -Davies, 'excommunicate the jurors who condemn a traitor. The Irish will -never condemn a principal traitor: therefore we have need of an English -colony, that we may have honest trials. They dare not condemn an Irish -lord of a country for fear of revenge, because we have not power enough -in the country to defend honest jurors. We must stay there till the -English and Scottish colonies be planted, and then make a jury of -them.' There being no hope of a verdict, the lawyers could only suggest -that Sir Neill should be tried by a Middlesex jury as O'Rourke had been -in 1591. In any case he should be sent to England, for Dublin Castle -was no safe place for a prisoner who was always trying to escape, and -who had already been found with a rope long enough to 'carry him over -the wall from the highest tower.' Sir Neill went to London in due -course, and died in the Tower in 1626.[53] - -[Sidenote: The effects of O'Dogherty's rising.] - -[Sidenote: Fate of O'Cahan.] - -The abortive rebellion of O'Dogherty made the fate of the six Ulster -counties harder than it might otherwise have been. It was, say the Four -Masters, 'from this rising and from the departure of the Earls that -their principalities, their territories, their estates, their lands, -their forts, their fruitful harbours, and their fishful bays were taken -from the Irish of the province of Ulster, and were given in their -presence to foreign tribes; and they were expelled and banished into -other countries, where most of them died.' Inishowen, which O'Dogherty -held by patent independently of Tyrone, was separately forfeited, and -the whole of it granted to Chichester himself. The failure of trial -by Jury in Neill Garv's case prevented Davies from running a fresh -risk with O'Cahan, who lay long in Dublin Castle, and was sent to the -Tower late in 1609 in charge of Francis Annesley, afterwards Lord -Mountnorris. Neill Garv and his son Naughton went in the same vessel. -'The boy,' said Chichester, 'has more wit than either of them,' and -he had been at Oxford and at Trinity College, Dublin. No charge was -made against him, but he was as proud as his father. O'Cahan remained -a prisoner, and no doubt there was plenty of evidence against him, -but Chichester, while carrying out the policy of the Home Government, -scarcely hides his opinion that he had been badly treated, and that he -had the reputation of a truth-telling man. As to the facts, the Lord -Deputy's story tallies closely with that of Docwra. Writing as late -as 1614, the latter says deliberately that 'O'Cahan, from the breach -of my promise with him, derives, as well he may, the cause of all -his miseries,' and he thought he would have done nothing rebellious -if faith had been kept with him. He was never tried, and spent years -in the Tower, where he probably died in 1628. A thousand acres of -his old territory was granted, or perhaps only promised, to his wife -Honora, with reversion to her son Donell, but the young man went to the -Netherlands, returned in 1642 with Owen Roe O'Neill, and was killed -at Clones. His elder brother Rory was hanged for his share in the -conspiracy of 1615.[54] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[46] Docwra's _Narration_; Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_, for 1607; -Recognisance in Chancery and Indictment of Tyrone, &c., calendared -under June 1608; O'Dogherty to the Prince of Wales, February 14, 1608. - -[47] Hart's narrative enclosed in Chichester's despatch of May -4, disproving Cox's statement that the garrison were murdered. -_O'Sullivan_, Tom. iv. Lib. 1, cap. 5: 'Georgius Paletus Luci (Derry) -præfectus Anglus eques auratus O'Dochartum conviciis onerat, minans se -facturum, ut ille laqueo suspendatur.' Cox, writing in 1690, mentions a -report that Paulet had given O'Dogherty a box on the ear. - -[48] Bodley's letter of May 3; Chichester's of May 4, enclosing Hart's -and Baker's own narratives; _Newes from Ireland, concerning the late -treacherous action_, &c., London, 1608; O'Sullivan Bere _ut sup._; -_Four Masters_, 1608. - -[49] Ridgeway's Journal, June 30, and his letter to Salisbury of July -3. O'Sullivan, _Compendium_, Lib. i. cap. 5. - -[50] Chichester to the Privy Council, July 6, and the proclamation -dated next day; _Four Masters_, 1608, with O'Donovan's notes; Sir -Donnell O'Cahan to his brother Manus (from the Tower), June 1, 1610. -Manus gave the letter to Chichester. - -[51] Davies to Salisbury, August 5, 1608; Chichester to the Privy -Council, September 12. - -[52] Chichester to the Privy Council, September 12 and 17, the latter -enclosing Ffolliott's narrative. - -[53] Davies on the juries, State Papers, _Ireland_, 1608, No. 801; -his and Chichester's accounts of the trial, June 27 and July 4, -1609; abstract of evidence calendared at October 1609, No. 514; -Letter to Bishop Montgomery from Ineen Duive, Hugh O'Donnell's mother -and Tyrconnel's aunt, printed from Carte MSS. in O'Donovan's _Four -Masters_, 2364. - -[54] Docwra's _Narration_, 283. Francis O'Cahan's petition calendared -with the papers of 1649, p. 278, but evidently of a much earlier date. -Hill's _Ulster Plantation_, 61, 235. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE SETTLEMENT OF ULSTER - - -[Sidenote: Ulster before the settlement.] - -The tribal system known to the writers of what are called the Brehon -laws survived much longer in Ulster than elsewhere. In the other three -provinces the Anglo-Norman invaders may not have made a complete -conquest, but they had military occupation and many of their leaders -took the position of Irish chiefs when the weakening power of the -Crown made it impossible to maintain themselves otherwise. Yet they -never forgot their origin, and were ready enough to acquiesce when -the Tudor sovereigns reasserted their authority. But there were no -Butlers, Fitzgeralds, or Barries in Ulster, while the Burkes withdrew -into Connaught and assumed Irish names. For a long time the native -clans were left almost to their own devices. Con Bacagh O'Neill, when -he accepted the earldom of Tyrone in 1543 and went to England to be -invested, took a long step towards a new state of things. Through -ignorance or inadvertence the remainder was given to Matthew Ferdoragh, -who was perhaps not an O'Neill at all. Shane O'Neill, the eldest -son of undoubted legitimacy, kept the leadership of his clan, while -insisting in dealing with the government that he was Con's lawful heir. -Even Shane admitted that Queen Elizabeth was his sovereign. When the -original limitation of the peerage took practical effect, and Hugh -O'Neill became Earl of Tyrone, the feudal honour was most useful on -one side while the tribal chiefry was still fully maintained on the -other. In two cases, decided by the Irish judges in 1605 and 1608 -respectively, gavelkind or inheritance by division among all males was -abolished as to lands not forming part of the chief's demesne, and -Tanistry as to the land of the elective chief. This purely judge-made -law was followed in the settlement of Ulster with far too little regard -to the actual state of things there.[55] - -[Sidenote: The tribal system.] - -[Sidenote: Backward state of the natives.] - -Without going into the technicalities of Celtic tenure it may be -assumed for historical purposes that the Ulster Irish consisted of -the free tribesmen who had a share in the ownership of the soil and -the mixed multitude of broken men who were not only tolerated but -welcomed by the great chiefs, but who were not joint proprietors though -they might till the land of others. A large part of the inferior -class consisted of the nomad herdsmen called _creaghts_, who were an -abomination to the English. There was always much more land than could -be cultivated in a civilised way, and the cattle wandered about, their -drivers living in huts and sheds till the grass was eaten down, and, -then removing to a similar shelter in another place. One main object -was to turn these nomads into stationary husbandmen, and it was not -at all easy to do. Still more troublesome were the 'swordsmen'--that -is, the men of free blood whose business had always been fighting and -who would never work. They formed the retinue of Tyrone and the rest, -and when the chiefs were gone they had nothing to do but to plunder -or to live at the expense of their more industrious but less noble -neighbours. 'Many natives,' says Chichester, 'have answered that it is -hard for them to alter their cause of living by herds of cattle and -creaghting; and as to building castles or strong bawns it is for them -impossible. None of them (the Neales and such principal names excepted) -affect above a ballybetoe, and most of them will be content with two or -three balliboes; and for the others, he knows whole counties will not -content the meanest of them, albeit they have but now their mantle and -a sword.' Some of these men owned land with or without such title as -the law acknowledged. The radical mistake of the English lawyers was -in ignoring the primary fact that land belonged to the tribe and not -to the individual. It is true that the idea of private property was -extending among the Irish, and that the hereditary principle tended -to become stronger, but the state of affairs was at best transitional, -and the decision in the case of gavelkind went far in advance of the -custom. Yet it might possibly have been accepted if Chichester's -original idea had been followed. He wished first to distribute among -the Irish as much land as they could cultivate, and to plant colonists -on the remainder. What really happened was that everything was done to -attract the undertakers, and as the rule of plantation allowed no Irish -tenants to have leases under them the natives who remained were reduced -to an altogether inferior position. The servitors were allowed to give -leases to the Irish, whom they might keep in order by their reputation -and by the possession of strong houses. But the amount of land assigned -for this purpose was inadequate, and the Irish tenants, who for the -most part were not given to regular agriculture, soon found themselves -poor and without much hope of bettering their condition. Very light -ploughs attached to the tails of ponies were not instruments by which -the wilderness could be made to blossom like the rose. This system of -ploughing certainly shows a low condition of agriculture, and it was -general wherever estates were allotted to native gentlemen. 'Tirlagh -O'Neale,' says Pynnar, 'hath 4,000 acres in Tyrone. Upon this he hath -made a piece of a bawn which is five feet high and hath been so a long -time. He hath made no estates to his tenants, and all of them do plough -after the Irish manner.' Mulmory Oge O'Reilly had 3,000 acres in Cavan, -lived in an old castle with a bawn of sods, and 'hath made no estates -to any of his tenants, and they do all plough by the tail.' Brian -Maguire, who had 2,500 acres in Fermanagh, lived in a good stone house -and gave leases to some of his tenants, but even they held to the Irish -manner of ploughing. A good many of the undertakers made no attempt to -build, and of course the lands were in the occupation of Irishmen who -were liable to be disturbed at any moment, and therefore very unlikely -to improve.[56] - -[Sidenote: First schemes of settlement.] - -The injustice of confiscating several counties for the default of -certain chiefs is obvious to us, even if we admit that their forfeiture -was just. But no Englishman at the time, not even Bacon, seems to have -had any misgivings. The packet in which the flight of the Earls was -announced contained a letter from Sir Geoffrey Fenton to Salisbury with -the first rough sketch of the Ulster settlement. The old secretary -pointed out that the opportunity had at last come for pulling down the -proud houses of O'Neill and O'Donnell, for vesting all in the Crown, -and for improving the revenue, 'besides that many well-deserving -servitors may be recompensed in the distribution, a matter to be taken -to heart, for that it reaches somewhat to his Majesty's conscience and -honour to see these poor servitors relieved, whom time and the wars -have spent even unto their later years, and now, by this commodity, -may be stayed and comforted without charge to his Majesty.' A few days -later Chichester wrote more in detail. His idea was to divide the land -among the inhabitants as far as they were able to cultivate it. After -that there would be plenty left for colonists, and to reward those -who had served the King in Ireland. This was the course he advised; -otherwise he saw nothing for it but to transplant all the people of -Tyrone, Donegal, and Fermanagh with their cattle into waste districts, -'leaving only such people behind as will dwell under the protection of -the garrisons and forts,' which were to be strengthened and multiplied. -Sir Oliver St. John advised some garrisons and corporations, but relied -rather upon making the Irish tenants of the Crown at high rents. The -Irish, he said, were more used to esteem a landlord whom they knew than -a king of whom they seldom heard. Make the King their landlord and they -will turn to him, neglecting 'their wonted tyrants whom naturally they -love not.' Salisbury had already turned his attention to the subject, -and the Privy Council in England lost no time in expressing their -general approval of Chichester's plan.[57] - -[Sidenote: Bacon on colonisation.] - -Bacon's attention was much drawn to Ireland at this critical time, and -Chichester's secretary, Henry Perse, kept him well informed. Davies -wrote to him at length about the flight of the Earls, and he saw that -the opportunity had come for making a fresh start. 'I see manifestly,' -he told Davies, 'the beginning of better or worse.' It may therefore be -assumed that he had some hand in the proceedings that followed. Both -he and Chichester were naturally thinking of the scheme of American -colonisation which had just so nearly failed, and were anxious that -the mistakes made should not be repeated. 'I had rather labour with my -hands,' said the Lord Deputy, 'in the plantation of Ulster than dance -or play in that of Virginia.' The American enterprise, said the Lord -Chancellor, 'differs as much from this, as Amadis de Gaul differs from -Cæsar's Commentaries.' Bacon warned the Government against sending -over needy broken-down gentlemen as settlers. Men of capital were -to be preferred, such as were fit to 'purchase dry reversions after -lives or years, or to put out money upon long returns.' They might -not go themselves, but they would send younger sons and cousins to -advance them, while retaining the property 'for the sweetness of the -expectation of a great bargain in the end.' He thought enough was not -done to encourage the growth of towns and fortified posts, and yet the -example of the Munster failure was ready to hand as to 'the danger -of any attempts of kernes and swordsmen.' The wisdom of this advice -was seen in 1641, when Londonderry alone stood out in all the planted -counties. Bacon discouraged facilities for making under-tenancies, for -the excluded natives would offer tempting rents and fines, the interest -of the grantee waning when he parted with actual possession. Here also -the advice was good. The undertakers took Irish tenants, in spite of -the rules, because they could get no others, and these tenants turned -against them when the day of trial came.[58] - -[Sidenote: Scots in Ulster. Bishop Montgomery] - -The Scottish element in the north of Ireland has played an important -part in history. One of James's first acts was to nominate Denis -Campbell, who had long been Dean of Limerick, to the sees of Derry, -Raphoe, and Clogher. Campbell died before consecration, and George -Montgomery was appointed instead. Montgomery was of the family of -Braidstane in Ayrshire, an offshoot of the House of Eglinton, who found -his way to the English Court and made himself useful both to Cecil and -to the King of Scots. His elder brother Hugh remained in Scotland and -retailed the news to his own sovereign. George received the living -of Chedzoy in Somerset, and the deanery of Norwich, and through life -he showed a remarkable aptitude for holding several preferments -together. Queen Elizabeth died, and the laird of Braidstane took part -in the great Scotch invasion. Having lodged himself at Westminster, -says the family historian, 'he met at Court with the said George (his -only then living brother), who had with long expectations waited for -those happy days. They enjoyed one the other's most loving companies, -and meditating of bettering and advancing their peculiar stations. -Foreseeing that Ireland must be the stage to act upon, it being -unsettled, and many forfeited lands thereon altogether wasted, they -concluded to push for fortunes in that kingdom.' The laird accordingly -devoted himself to acquiring an estate and a peerage in Down at the -expense of the O'Neills, and the parson to enriching the Church and -himself in other parts of Ulster.[59] - -[Sidenote: A lady colonist.] - -The idea that high Irish preferment involved corresponding duties seems -to have been very imperfectly understood at this time. Mrs. Montgomery, -writing from Chedzoy, informed her relations that the King had bestowed -on her husband three Irish bishoprics, 'the names of them I cannot -remember, they are so strange, except one which is Derye.' Fifteen -months later, on the eve of their departure from London, she reported -that the King had dismissed the Bishop with many gracious words. 'I -hope we shall not long stay in Ireland, but once he must needs go.' -They were met and escorted into Derry 'by a gallant company of captains -and aldermen,' and found it a much nicer place than they expected. -Their house was English built, small but very pretty and capable of -enlargement if Sister Peggy and her husband would come over. There were -several ladies and gentlemen 'as bravely apparelled as in England. The -most that we do mislike is that the Irish do often trouble our house, -and many times they doth lend to us a louse, which makes me many times -remember my daughter Jane, which told me that if I went into Ireland I -should be full of lice.' Excellent flax was to be bought at sixpence a -pound, and thread at one shilling, the land was good, and the tenants -were continually bringing in beeves and muttons. This lady, who thought -only of a short visit, was destined to have some very disagreeable -adventures and to remain in Ireland till her death, when her husband -wrote of 'the best gift I ever received, the greatest loss I ever had -in this world.'[60] - -[Sidenote: Episcopal property.] - -[Sidenote: A jury of Celtic experts.] - -Montgomery was at once admitted by the King's special order to the -Irish Council, and events soon showed that he enjoyed a good share of -royal favour. Chichester was directed to inquire by commission as to -the state of ecclesiastical property in his three dioceses. The King's -letter set forth that Church lands had long been usurped by temporal -lords, and until the legal tangle could be cleared no grants of Termon -or abbey lands were to be made in Monaghan and Fermanagh. Davies, who -at first accepted the Bishop's claim without question, took enormous -pains to understand the real nature of these Termon lands, and he seems -to have come near the truth. Montgomery claimed that they were rightly -the absolute property of the Church, while Tyrone and the other Irish -chiefs maintained that only rents were payable, the tribal ownership -with fixity of tenure belonging to the Erenachs, who had for ages -been in actual possession. Thus old Miler Magrath, who had jobbed -Church property so shamelessly, held Termon-Magrath, which included St. -Patrick Purgatory, in succession to his father. Davies felt that his -law was at fault, and after long controversies hit upon the plan of -swearing in a jury of clerks or scholars to find the facts, 'who gave -them more light than ever they had before touching the original and -estate of Erenachs and Termon lands.' Of these fifteen jurors thirteen -spoke Latin fluently. Their verdict was hostile to Montgomery, who -contended that the Termons were episcopal demesne lands; but James, on -his principle of 'no bishop, no king,' having asserted his claim to the -forfeited property, made it all over to the Church. This was after the -flight of Tyrone, but Montgomery's proceedings may have been one cause -of it. He claimed that his patent gave him everything that he or his -predecessors had enjoyed, but others were for construing it strictly, -and there were many suits against him upon colour of terming divers -parcels of his inheritance to be monasteries, friaries, and of abbey -land, and the Bishops of Clogher and Derry, where their predecessors -had only chief rent, would now have the land itself. And he besought -the King to stop such mean courses and make them rest content with what -their predecessors had enjoyed for many years.[61] - -[Sidenote: Church and Crown.] - -Chichester's expedition into the North in the summer of 1608 was a -military promenade and an assize circuit combined, an inquiry about -the escheated lands being added to the normal business. The commission -included no bishop, and Montgomery, who was present during part of -the circuit, made this a reason for objecting to anything being done. -Davies and Ridgeway found that the Termon lands were in 'possession -of certain scholars called Erenachs, and whereof they were in ancient -times true owners and proprietors, the Tyrone jury found to be vested -in the Crown by the statute 11th of Elizabeth, whereby Shane O'Neill -was attainted, and never since diverted by any grant from the late -Queen or his Majesty.' Montgomery claimed the Termons as demesne, and -hurried over to Court with his grievance, carrying a recommendation -from Chichester for the bishopric of Meath, which fell vacant at the -moment. Davies took care that all the Ulster bishops should be of -the next commission, but Chichester ventured to hint that Montgomery -affected worldly cares too much and thought too little of reforming his -clergy.[62] - -[Sidenote: Chichester's original plan.] - -On October 14, 1608, Ley and Davies left Ireland, carrying with them -Chichester's instructions as to the plantation of Ulster. He briefly -described the position of Tyrone, Fermanagh, Donegal, Cavan, Armagh, -and Coleraine or Londonderry, desiring them to note 'that many of the -natives in each county claim freehold in the lands they possess; and -albeit their demands are not justifiable by law, yet it is hard and -almost impossible to displant them.' Even those who were tainted by -rebellion should be considered, and only 'the rest of the land' passed -to undertakers or to well-chosen servitors. The oath of supremacy was -to be taken by all settlers, but some exceptions might be allowed -in the case of natives who were to build houses like those in the -Pale. The English and Scotch settlers were to build castles, thus -securing themselves against native aggression, and the poorer officers -were to be placed in the most dangerous places with small salaries -to enable them to keep armed men. The natives, as less outlay was -demanded from them, were required, and would be willing, to pay more -rent than the settlers. The committee appointed to make arrangements -in London consisted of Ley and Davies, Sir Anthony St. Leger, Sir -Henry Docwra, Sir Oliver St. John, and Sir James Fullerton, with whom -Bishop Montgomery was afterwards associated. They all had experience -of Ulster except St. Leger, who was Master of the Rolls in Ireland, -and had been a commissioner of the Munster settlement, and Fullerton, -who was doubtless expected to look after the Scotch element in the -business. Chichester thought it necessary to warn Salisbury about his -Majesty's partiality for his original subjects, being of opinion that -Highlanders or Islemen introduced into Ulster would be more troublesome -and less profitable than the Irish themselves. In about two months -the London committee had got so far as to produce a detailed plan for -the settlement of Tyrone, and a copy of this was sent to the Lord -Deputy.[63] - -[Sidenote: British settlers invited over.] - -At the beginning of 1609 the English Government printed and circulated -a sort of prospectus, whereby settlers might be induced to offer -themselves. Scotch and English undertakers were invited for tracts of -a thousand, fifteen hundred, and two thousand acres, paying quit-rents -to the Crown at the rate of six shillings and eightpence for every -sixty acres, but rent-free for the first two years. It was intended -that the largest grantees should hold by knight-service, but this -burdensome tenure was afterwards abandoned at Chichester's earnest -prayer and common socage was everywhere substituted. The undertakers, -whose portions were to be assigned by lot, were to build castles and -bawns or courtyards within two years, and to have access to the royal -forests for materials, being bound to keep, train and arm men enough -for their defence. Chichester said that two years was not long enough -to allow for the buildings, and the time was afterwards extended. Every -undertaker was to take the oath of supremacy before his patent could be -sealed; none might alienate to the Irish. They were to provide English -or Scotch tenants only, and were tied to five years personal residence. -Tenancies at will were prohibited. The servitors, generally men with -some military experience, were allowed to have Irish tenants, in which -case they were to pay 8_l._ for every thousand acres; but where they -established British tenants this was reduced to 5_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ -Alienations to the Irish were forbidden, or to any one who would not -take the oath of supremacy, the privileges and duties of the servitors -being for the rest much the same as in the first case. The native -Irish who formed the third class of grantees were subject, after the -first year, to quit-rents twice as large as the undertakers, being -subject to the same conditions as to tenures and building, but nothing -was said about the oath of supremacy. Chichester knew that the natives -could not as a rule build castles or bawns, and this part of the plan -turned out to be unworkable. He protested from first to last that too -little land was reserved to the Irish. There were further provisoes for -erecting market towns and corporations, for at least one free school -in every county and for a convenient number of parish churches with -incumbents supported by tithes.[64] - -[Sidenote: Chichester's criticisms.] - -All schemes of colonisation devised at a distance must necessarily be -modified when the actual work begins. Chichester at once objected to -the principle of division 'in the arithmetical proportion or popular -equality' proposed. The grants should, he thought, be larger or -smaller according to local circumstances, and to the qualifications of -particular settlers. A few eminent persons with means and reputation -might, if liberally treated, act as protectors to weaker men who would -be exposed to attacks from the natives. People coming from the same -part of Britain should be encouraged to settle near together, and this -could not be done if everything was left to the chances of a lottery. -Moses indeed was the wisest of law-givers, but 'the Hebrews were mighty -in number and rich in substance; compelled into the land of promise -by divine necessity, to extinguish the nations and to possess their -vineyards, cities, and towns already built, where, and not elsewhere, -they and their posterities were to remain. But in the present -plantation they have no armies on foot, they are but a few, without -means of plantation (as being separated by sea) and every man having -free will to take or leave. The country to be inhabited has no sign of -plantation, and yet is full of people and subject, but of no faith nor -truth in conversation, and yet hardly, or not at all, to be removed, -though they be thorns in the side of the English. The county of Tyrone, -with Coleraine, only has 5,000 able men.' - -[Sidenote: The natives neglected.] - -He objected altogether to tenure by knight-service, and that idea was -abandoned, and also to a strict limitation of time for building without -considering local difficulties. It was evident to him that too little -land was assigned to native freeholders, especially in Tyrone, the -result of which must be discontent, especially as it was intended to -remove the 'swordsmen or idle gentlemen who in effect are the greatest -part of men bearing credit and sway in that province.' And Chichester -begged that the greatest possible latitude should be given to the -commissioners who had to decide questions upon the spot.[65] - -[Sidenote: Survey of escheated lands.] - -Sir John Davies returned to Ireland at the beginning of May 1609, in -full possession of the King's mind on the subject of the plantation. -A commission was issued to Chichester and fifteen others, named for -the most part by him, to survey the escheated counties and to decide -as to the proportions to be allotted to the settlers and natives. In -order to meet difficulties about the rights of his see raised by Bishop -Montgomery, he was made a commissioner along with the Primate and the -Bishop of Kilmore. Davies thought seventeen too many, but the quorum -was five, and nothing was to be done without the consent of the Deputy, -the Chancellor, the Primate and the Bishop of Derry. The commissioners -left Dundalk on August 3 and remained in Ulster until Michaelmas. -Besides the business of surveying they prepared an abstract of the -King's title and held assizes for gaol delivery and other purposes in -each of the six escheated counties. Davies constantly reported progress -to Salisbury, not failing to point out that it was still necessary -to take military precautions everywhere. 'Our geographers,' he said, -'do not forget what entertainment the Irish of Tyrconnel gave to a -map-maker about the end of the late great rebellion; for one Barkeley -being appointed by the late Earl of Devonshire to draw a true and -perfect map of the north parts of Ulster, when he came into Tyrconnel, -the inhabitants took off his head, because they would not have their -country discovered.'[66] - -[Sidenote: The area underestimated.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Audley's proposals] - -The Commissioners depended on a survey in which the amount of land -available was enormously underrated, even if we suppose that all the -waste was omitted. Thus the area of Tyrone was stated as 98,187 acres, -whereas it really contains 806,650, of which more than a quarter is -waste and water. Well informed people no doubt suspected something of -this, and hoped in the scramble to get much more than the estimated -quantity. One ambitious undertaker accordingly offered to take charge -of 100,000 acres in Tyrone, which was more than the whole county was -supposed to contain. Upon this he proposed to bind himself in a penalty -of 1,000_l._ to build thirty-three castles with 600 acres attached to -each, and as many towns each with 2,400, and to settle at least 1,000 -families. There were further provisions for markets and fairs, and -for the erection of glass, iron, and dye works. The rent offered was -553_l._ and all was to be completed within five years, when this bond -might be cancelled. Upon this Chichester sarcastically remarks that he -is 'an ancient nobleman and apt to undertake much; but his manner of -life in Munster and the small cost he has bestowed to make his house -fit for him, or any room within the same, does not promise the building -of substantial castles or a convenient plantation in Ulster. Besides -which he is near to himself and loves not hospitality. Such an one will -be unwelcome to that people and will soon make himself contemptible, -and if the natives be not better provided for than I have yet heard -of they will kindle many a fire in his buildings before they be half -finished.' Davies, however, who had married Lord Audley's daughter, -was much comforted to hear that one whose ancestors had conquered -North Wales and had been among the first invaders of Ireland should -desire to be an undertaker 'in so large and frank a manner.' Possibly -Lord Audley's intention resembled that of a speculator who applies -for 10,000_l._ worth of stock on the chance of 500_l._ being allotted -to him. In consideration of his services at Kinsale and elsewhere, -3,000 acres in Tyrone were granted to him and his wife, 2,000 to his -eldest son Mervyn, and 2,000 to his second son Ferdinand. When Carew -visited these lands in 1611 he reported that nothing at all had been -done. Audley was created Earl of Castlehaven in 1616, and died in the -following year, but his infamous successor was not more active. Pynnar -reported in 1619 that the acreage was considerably larger than had been -expressed in the grant, and that upon it there was 'no building at -all, either of bawn or castle, neither freeholders.' There were a few -British tenants at will, but they were fast leaving the land, for the -tenants could not get leases without offering large fines for decreased -holdings. The younger Castlehaven had by some means got possession -of 2,000 acres more originally granted to Sir Edward Blunt, and upon -this a house had been built. The total result was that sixty-four -British tenants had sixty acres apiece, but they could lay out nothing -without leases, and were all going away. The rest, says Pynnar, 'is -let to twenty Irish gentlemen, as appeareth by the Rent-roll, which -is contrary to the articles of plantation; and these Irish gentlemen -have under them, as I was informed by the tenants and gentlemen in the -country, about 3,000 souls of all sorts.' Thus were sown the dragon's -teeth which in due time produced the rebellion of 1641.[67] - -[Sidenote: Londonderry and Coleraine.] - -The fate of Randolph's and Docwra's settlements, or perhaps the fear -that O'Cahan might yet be restored, prevented applications for grants -in the county of Coleraine or what is now known as Londonderry. It -occurred to James or to Salisbury that the difficulty could be got -over by offering the whole district to the city of London, whose -wealth might enable them to settle and defend it. The suggestion was -made to the Lord Mayor, who on July 1, 1609, directed each of the -City companies to name four representatives for the discussion of the -subject. In addition to the published papers a special document was -communicated to the City in which the advantages of the settlement were -duly set forth. Derry might be made impregnable, and probably Coleraine -also, and charters with great privileges were offered for each. The -negotiations which followed were not conducted by the Irish Government, -but between the Privy Council and the City direct. On January 28, 1610, -articles were agreed upon by which the Corporation bound themselves to -lay out 20,000_l._ and to build within two years 200 houses at Derry -and 100 at Coleraine, sites being provided for 300 more in the one -case and for 200 in the other. Afterwards they were allowed to finish -building at Coleraine before beginning at Derry, conditional on their -making the fortifications there defensible before the winter of 1611. -The whole county, with trifling exceptions, was granted to the City in -socage, and they had the ecclesiastical patronage within the two new -towns and the fisheries of the Foyle and the Bann. It was not intended -that there should be any delay in setting to work, and the Londoners -undertook to build sixty houses at Derry and forty at Coleraine before -November. On the other hand the King covenanted to protect them until -they were strong enough to protect themselves, and to give his consent -to such legislation as might be found necessary. Formal charters were -not, however, granted until 1613.[68] - -[Sidenote: Sir Thomas Phillips.] - -After O'Dogherty's sack some of the burned-out houses at Derry were -made habitable by Captain John Vaughan, and cabins were also built -among the ruins, so that the Londoners had some shelter. At Coleraine -they were better off. A lease of which there were still some years to -run had been granted to Captain, afterwards Sir Thomas, Phillips of -the Dominican monastery there, and he had bought other land in the -neighbourhood. Phillips had learned the art of war abroad, and quickly -fulfilled Chichester's prophecy that it would be safer in his hands -than 'left to the use of priests and friars, who to this time have ever -enjoyed it.' When O'Dogherty broke out, Phillips had only thirty-two -soldiers available, but many fled to him from Derry, and he armed the -men as they came in so that no attack was made by the Irish. When the -settlement of the Londoners was first mooted, Sir Thomas gave all -the help he could. He was bound to give up Coleraine to the King if -required for a garrison or corporate town, but received a grant of -Limavady in exchange for his other possessions. He went over to England -with a strong recommendation from Chichester, and enlarged there upon -the profits to be expected by the Londoners. When the agents of the -City arrived in Ulster he accompanied them in their tour and gave -all the help he could. 'At Toome,' he says, 'I caused some ore to be -sent for of which the smith made iron before their faces, and of the -iron made steel in less than one hour. Mr. Broad, one of the agents -for the City, who has skill in such things, says that this poor smith -has better satisfied him than Germans and others that presume much of -their skill.' He showed the agents the woods and fisheries. With the -exception of Phillips's lands and those belonging to the Church all the -country outside the liberties of the two corporations was divided among -the twelve City companies.[69] - -[Sidenote: Slow progress of the work.] - -[Sidenote: Activity of the Londoners.] - -Towards the close of 1610 it became evident that the settlement -of Ulster could not be completed for some time. It was scarcely, -Chichester said, 'a work for private men who expect a present profit, -or to be performed without blows or opposition.' Jesuits and friars -were busy in exciting the people and inducing them to expect Tyrone's -return, and they always found means to communicate with the fugitives -abroad. A still greater cause for discontent was the way in which the -land had been divided. Chichester 'conceived that one-half of each -county would have been left assigned to natives; but now they have but -one barony in a county and in some counties less.' He had protested -against this all along, but with little effect. The Irish, Davies -said, objected to be small freeholders, as they would be obliged to -serve on juries and spend double the value of their land at sessions -and assizes. They all preferred to be under a master, and they did -not much care what master provided he were on the spot with will and -power to protect them. They would live contentedly enough as tenants -under any one, even a Protestant bishop, 'as young pheasants do under -the wings of a home-hen though she be not their natural mother.' But -when the time came the natives found that half a loaf was better than -no bread, and accepted the lands allotted to them. The Londoners, -having more capital and better support than the other undertakers, had -got to work the quickest, and the Attorney-General was so struck by -the preparations at Coleraine, that he was reminded of 'Dido's colony -building of Carthage,' and quoted Virgil's description of the scene. -Four months later he reported that undertakers were coming over by -every passage, 'so that by the end of summer the wilderness of Ulster -will have a more civil form.' Barnaby Rich, who had written many books -about the country, was even more optimistic. Being asked sixteen times -in one week what he thought of the new plantation, he answered that -Ireland was now as safe as Cheapside: 'the rebels shall never more -stand out hereafter, as they have done in times past.'[70] - -[Sidenote: English and Scots compared.] - -Chichester was a good deal less sanguine than Davies both as to present -and future. The English undertakers were with few exceptions not quite -of the right kind. They were plain country gentlemen not apparently -possessed of much money, and not very willing to lay out what they -had. Many sought only for present advantage, and sold their claims to -anyone who would buy. The Scotch were perhaps poorer, but they came -with more followers and persuaded the natives to work for them by -promising to get the King's leave for them to remain as tenants. The -Irish were ready to do anything to avoid 'removing from the place of -their birth and education, hoping at one time or other to find an -opportunity to cut their landlords' throats; for they hate the Scottish -deadly, and out of their malice towards them they begin to affect the -English better than they have been accustomed.' In the meantime they -provided concealed arms. Three years later it was found that the Scotch -were very much inclined to marry Irish girls, for which reproof and -punishment were prescribed by the King lest the whole settlement should -degenerate into an Irish country. The best chance, Chichester thought, -was to induce as many old tried officers as possible to settle upon -the land. The natives had learned to obey them, and they knew what -could and what could not be done. There was, however, a tendency in -high quarters to provide for young Scotch gentlemen, and to neglect -'ancienter captains and of far better worth and desert' who knew the -country well. Sir Oliver Lambert was sent over to represent the case of -the veterans, not as the best orator but because he had 'long travelled -and bled in the business when it was at the worst, and had seen many -alterations since he first came into the land.'[71] - -[Sidenote: Mission of Carew, 1611.] - -James was puzzled by conflicting accounts, and reminded Chichester -that he had followed his guidance more closely than any king had ever -followed any governor. In order that he might have someone thoroughly -informed to apply to he sent over a special commissioner, who was to -view the plantation as far as it had got and advise generally as to how -the Irish Government might be made financially self-supporting. The -person chosen was the famous ex-president of Munster, now Lord Carew, -who as Vice-Chamberlain of the Queen's household would always be at -hand. Special letters were at the same time sent to Clanricarde and -Thomond, who were personal friends of Carew's. The King seems to have -been struck by Chichester's often reiterated opinion that sufficient -provision had not been made for the natives in the escheated counties, -and he directed Chichester and Carew to find out 'how his Majesty may -without breach of justice make use of the notorious omissions and -forfeitures made by the undertakers of Munster, for supply of some such -portion of land as may be necessary for transplanting the natives of -Ulster.'[72] - -[Sidenote: His prophecy,] - -Carew left Dublin on July 30 accompanied by Chichester, Ridgeway, -Wingfield, and Lambert. For three weeks there was unceasing rain, -and Carew was near being drowned in fording a flooded river. The -commissioners found large numbers of Irish still upon lands from which -they ought to have departed according to the theory of the plantation, -and at Ballyshannon they addressed a warrant to the sheriff of each -escheated county to remove them all by May 1 next. The work was, -however, being imperfectly done, and Carew's real opinions may best -be gathered from a paper drawn up by him three years later. Formerly, -he said, there was always a strong royalist party among the older -population of Ireland, but religious feeling had brought the old -English and the native Irish much nearer together. Many had learned -something of war abroad, and something also of policy, and they would -have the advantage of giving the first blow. They would 'rebel under -the veil of religion and liberty, than which nothing is esteemed so -precious in the hearts of men,' and even the inhabitants of the Pale -would be drawn in for the first time in history. 'For this cause, _in -odium tertii_, the slaughters and rivers of blood shed between them is -forgotten and the intrusions made by themselves or their ancestors on -either part for title of land is remitted.' - -[Sidenote: which was fulfilled.] - -[Sidenote: A settler's precautions.] - -Tyrone's return was still looked for, and if that were unlikely on -account of his age, there was always the chance of a foreign invasion. -If the King of Spain sent 10,000 men into Ireland 'armed with the -Pope's indulgences and excommunications,' all the modern English and -Scotch would be instantly massacred in their houses, 'which is not -difficult to execute in a moment by reason they are dispersed, and -the natives' swords will be in their throats in every part of the -realm like the Sicilian Vespers, before the cloud of mischief shall -disappear.' The reconquest would be a Herculean labour. Citadels at -Waterford, Cork, and some other places, and a small standing army -always ready to move were the chief precautions to be taken. Carew -was a true prophet, though the crisis did not come in his lifetime. -Officers from the Netherlands, indulgences and excommunications, with -occasional supplies of arms and ammunition, but without the 10,000 men -of Spain, were enough to maintain a ten years' war, and the labour of -ending it was indeed Herculean.[73] - -Chichester's long experience as governor of Carrickfergus before he -assumed the government, had not led him to think the Ulster Irish -irreclaimable. By giving them as much land as they could manage -properly, along with the example of better farmers from England and -Scotland, he hoped to make them into tolerably peaceful subjects. The -undertakers, however, were of course chiefly actuated by considerations -of profit, and at first regarded the natives as a mere hindrance, -though afterwards they learned to value their help and sometimes to be -on very good terms with them. Among the first adventurers was Thomas -Blenerhasset, of Horseford, in Norfolk, who was more or less joined -in the enterprise with several other East Anglians. He has left us -an account of how the thing struck him in 1610, and he was from the -first of opinion that the main point was to guard against 'the cruel -wood-kerne, the devouring wolf, and other suspicious Irish.' He had -been with Chichester at Lifford, and learned among other things that -Sir Toby Caulfield, who was not at all an unpopular man, had to drive -in his cattle every night, 'and do he and his what they can, the wolf -and the wood-kerne, within caliver shot of his fort, have often times a -share.' At first he had agreed with Bacon that isolated castles could -not be maintained so as to guard a settlement, but while modifying -this idea somewhat, he still held that a strong town was the best -guarantee for peace. He contemplated a state of things in which the -burghers of Lifford, Omagh, Enniskillen, Dungannon, and Coleraine -should frequently sally forth in bands of 100 at a time from each -place, join their forces when necessary, and discover every hole, cave, -and lurking place, 'and no doubt it will be a pleasant hunt and much -prey will fall to the followers.' Even the wolf would be scared by -these means, and 'those good fellows in trowzes' the wandering herdsmen -would no longer listen to revolutionary counsels or shelter the lurking -wood-kerne. Blenerhasset had a grant of 1,500 acres in Fermanagh on -the east side of Lough Erne. When Pynnar saw the place after eight -years' work he found the undertaker's wife and family living in a good -stone house with a defensible courtyard. Over 250 acres was leased to -tenants for life or years, and there were a few English cottages with -the beginnings of a church. It was supposed that twenty-six men were -available, 'but I saw them not, for the undertakers and many of the -tenants were absent.' - -[Sidenote: The settlers outnumbered.] - -In partnership with his kinsman Sir Edward, Blenerhasset had also an -adjacent property of 1,000 acres which had been originally granted -to John Thurston of Suffolk, and upon this Pynnar found 'nothing at -all built and all the land inhabited with Irish,' whose names as they -stood in 1629 have been preserved. Sir Edward Blenerhasset and his -son Francis had another lot upon which there were twenty-two British -families and no Irish, 'but the undertaker was in England.' The natives -upon one of these three portions were no doubt more numerous than the -English on the other two, and they were always there, and there is -evidence to show that even where Pynnar found none there were many ten -years later.[74] - -[Sidenote: Position of the natives.] - -If Chichester's plan of providing for the Ulster Irish first and giving -the surplus land to colonists had been carried out, there might have -been some chance of a peaceful settlement. Without much capital or -agricultural skill the natives would probably have remained poor, and -the remnant of the chiefs would have certainly gone on trying to live -in the old profuse way with diminished means; but there would have been -many conservative forces at work, for most men would have had something -to lose. As it was both gentlemen and kerne remained in considerable -numbers, and never ceased to hope for a return to the old system. They -felt themselves in an inferior position, but were never able to make -a serious move until the difficulties of Charles I. with Scotland and -with the English Parliament paralysed the central government. The -Munster precedent ought to have given warning enough, but the means -of defence possessed by the colonists were very inadequate, and the -army was small. The natives had still a great numerical preponderance -in Ulster, though they retained but a fraction of the land, and the -colonists were not so well armed as to make up the difference. A muster -taken after 1628 gives 13,092 as the total number of British men in -the province, and of these only 7,336, or not much more than half, -were in the escheated counties. Down, which was outside the plantation -scheme, contained 4,045. The province possessed but 1,920 stand of -firearms, muskets, calivers and snaphaunces, and there were not even -swords or pikes for all. Any smith could make a pike, and swords -were easily hidden, so that the colonists had but little advantage -if regular troops are left out of the account. Lord Conway saw the -necessity of protecting his property against the kerne, but the arms -which he provided were stopped in Lancashire, and he had to appeal -to the English Government for leave. Yet the Lord Deputy had already -received strict orders to see that the tenants of Ulster undertakers -were trained, and to take care that they were not fraudulently counted -in among the soldiers of paid regiments.[75] - -[Sidenote: Bodley's survey, 1615.] - -[Sidenote: Pynnar's survey, 1618-19.] - -To the end of his life James continued to take a great interest in the -Ulster settlement, and was impatient when slow progress was reported. -Sir Josiah Bodley, who had former experience to help him, made a -general survey or inspection, which was concluded early in 1615. The -result was disappointing, very few having carried out their engagements -to the full. Some had built without planting, others had planted -without building, and in general they retained the Irish style to avoid -which was a fundamental reason for the enterprise. The Londoners and -other defaulters were given till the end of August 1616 to make good -their shortcomings, and some advance was made in consequence of the -King's threats. The survey so well known as Pynnar's followed at the -end of 1618. Pynnar found that in the six counties there were 1,974 -British families, including 6,215 men having arms and being capable of -bearing them. One hundred and twenty-six castles had been built and -forty-two walled enclosures without houses. Of substantial unfortified -houses Pynnar saw 1,897, and he heard of a good many more, but he -thought it very doubtful whether the colony would endure. 'My reason,' -he says, 'is that many of the English tenants do not yet plough upon -the lands, neither use husbandry.' They had not confidence enough to -provide themselves with servants or cattle, and much of the land was -grazed by Irish stockholders, who contributed nothing to the general -security. There might be starvation but for the Scottish tenants, -who tilled a great deal. The Irish graziers were more immediately -profitable than English tenants, and their competition kept up the -rents. The Irish, though indispensable, were dangerous, and there were -more of them on the Londoners' lands than anywhere else. The agents -indeed discouraged British settlers, persuading their employers at home -that the land was bad, and so securing the higher rents which native -graziers were ready to give or at least to promise. 'Take it from me,' -said Bacon, 'that the bane of a plantation is when the undertakers -or planters make such haste to a little mechanical present profit, -as disturbeth the whole frame and nobleness of the work for times to -come.'[76] - -[Sidenote: Fresh survey in 1622.] - -Four years later there was yet another survey which may be taken to -describe the state of the colony at the end of James I.'s reign. The -commissioners, who divided the work among themselves, reported that -much had been done, but that the conditions insisted on by the King -had on the whole not been performed. Many of the undertakers were -non-resident, their agents retained native tenants and the British -settlers complained that 'the Irish were countenanced by their -landlords against them.' But few freeholders were made, rents were too -high, and covenants too stringent. Some promised leases informally -'which giveth such as are unconscionable power to put poor men out of -their holdings when they have builded with confidence of settlement.' -Much building was badly done, and instead of encouraging villages the -undertakers dispersed their tenants 'in woods and coverts subject to -the malice of any kerne to rob, kill, and burn them and their houses.' -Copies of the conditions to which undertakers were bound could not -be had, and so the humbler settlers were at their mercy and that of -their agents and lawyers. The servitors were rather better than the -undertakers, but their faults were of the same kind, and they also -were 'so dispersed that a few kerne might easily take victuals from -them by force if they gave it not willingly.' The Irish grantees -as a rule built nothing, and their enclosures made with sods were -valueless. They made no estate of any kind to their tenants, but kept -to the old Irish exactions, and they ploughed in the 'Irish barbarous -manner by the tails of their garrons.' The commissioners recommended -that the King should give new patents instead of those which deserve -to be forfeited. A full fourth part of the undertaken lands should -be leased for twenty-one years or lives to the Irish on condition -of living in villages, going to church, wearing English clothes, -ploughing in English fashion, bringing up their children to learning -an industry, and enclosing at least a fourth of their cultivated land. -Undertakers were to be fined if they took Irish tenants or graziers -on any other terms, and alienation for any longer term was to involve -forfeiture.[77] - -[Sidenote: The natives not transplanted.] - -Whether as tenants, graziers, or labourers, the Irish inhabitants -were found indispensable. Early in 1624 their stay was officially -sanctioned, pending inquiry, and in 1626 there was a further extension -to May 1628, and after that for another year; but neither then nor -later was the transplantation really carried out. The undertakers, or -some of them, had indeed their own grievances. Having been unable to -perform their covenants strictly, and being afraid of forfeiture, some -of them offered to submit to a double rent and other penalties, in -consideration of a fresh title, but this arrangement was not carried -out. The result of the uncertainty was that hundreds of British -families gave up the idea of settling and went away, while the Irish -held on desperately whether the legal landlords liked it or not.[78] - -[Sidenote: The Londoners criticised.] - -[Sidenote: The first school.] - -Sir Thomas Phillips, officially described as 'a brave soldier all -his life,' kept O'Cahan's castle at Limavady in good repair, with -drawbridge, moat, and two tiers of cannon. His two-storied residence, -slated, with garden, orchard, and dovecote, stood by, and a mile -from it he had built a village of eighteen small houses. He was thus -in a position to criticise both Londonderry and Coleraine, and was -much disgusted at the Londoners' proceedings. It seemed to him that -they cared only for present profit, and made very little attempt to -carry out the conditions of their grant. The new city was, indeed, -well walled when Pynnar saw it, but the gates were incomplete and -the inhabitants not nearly enough to defend so great a circuit. -Phillips was employed both by St. John and Falkland to superintend the -settlement, and in the survey of 1622 he was associated with Richard -Hadsor, a practised official who could speak Irish. Thomas Raven, -employed as surveyor by the Londoners, evidently thought Phillips right -in the main, but was shy about giving information, though anxious -to do so in obedience to actual orders. The number of inhabitants -in Londonderry had slightly increased, but 300 more houses would be -required ere the walls could be properly manned. There were actually -109 families living in stone houses, and about twelve more in cabins, -but not more than 110 armed men were available in the town, and about -half that number outside. There was no church except a corner of the -old monastery which had been repaired before O'Dogherty's rising, and -it would not hold half the people, few as they were. Near it, however, -was 'a fair free school of lime and stone, slated, with a base-court -of lime and stone about it built at the charges of Matthias Springham -of London, merchant, deceased.' Twelve guns were mounted on the fort -at Culmore. At Coleraine the number of men was nearly as great as at -Londonderry, but the walls or ramparts were of earth, not faced with -stones, and subject to frequent crumblings. There was a small church -with a bell. The great want at this place was a bridge, and it was -thought by some that the Londoners were unwilling to supply it, because -they made so much by the ferry. The estates of the twelve companies -were perhaps in proportion rather better managed than those of the city -of London itself, but there were the same complaints everywhere of -insufficient encouragement to settlers, of leases withheld or delayed, -and of Irish tenants who would promise any rent being preferred to -British colonists. Phillips thought there were about 4,000 adult males -in the whole county, of whom three-fourths were Irish. Of the remaining -quarter not two-thirds were capable of bearing arms effectively, and -in the last year of James's reign Phillips declared his belief that -the colonists were really at the mercy of the natives. The towns, such -as they were, seemed 'rather baits to ill-affected persons than places -of security,' and there were so many robberies and murders that fresh -settlers were hardly to be expected.[79] - -[Sidenote: English, Scotch and Irish.] - -The original idea of the plantation was to settle English and Scotch -undertakers in about equal numbers. The Scotch on the whole made the -best settlers, in spite of, or possibly in consequence of, their -tendency to intermarry with the Irish, and there can be no doubt -that the ecclesiastical policy of James and Charles drove many -Presbyterians from their own country to Ulster. The chiefs of the -Hamiltons and Montgomeries might favour the official Church, but -Strafford found his most determined enemies among the humbler Scots, -and he seriously thought of banishing them all. Even under Cromwell -they did not get on too well with the English, but in the long run -Anglicanism and Presbyterianism combined sufficiently to give a -permanently Protestant tone to the northern province. The rebellion of -1641 prevented the colonists from dividing their forces as they might -otherwise have done, and the alliance held good in 1688, and even, -after a very short hesitation, in 1798. By the partiality of James a -very great quantity of land was given to the Church, and especially to -the Bishops, most of whom did not do very much for the common defence. -Of the whole land granted in the six escheated counties, little more -than one-tenth was given as property to the natives; the rest of them -lived chiefly as dependants on the undertakers, and without legal -interest in the land which they were forced to till for a subsistence. -And there were a large number whose business had been fighting, and -who lived on those who worked when there was no longer any fighting to -be done. Thus very few of the Ulster Irish had anything to lose by a -successful revolt, and many might think they had a great deal to gain. -The acreage of the grants was far less than the actual contents of the -different counties, and thus there was still plenty of room for the -nomad herdsmen whose descendants flocked to Owen Roe's standard. - -[Sidenote: Distribution of land.] - -From what seems to be authentic abstracts it appears that out of a -nominal total of 511,465 acres in the escheated counties rather more -than two-fifths were assigned to British undertakers. Outside of the -Londoners' district at least, the shares of Scotch and English grantees -were about equal. Rather more than one-fifth went to the Church, -including 12,300 acres for education, and rather more than one-fifth to -servitors and natives combined, about 60,000 acres to patentees outside -the settlement, and something over 6,000 acres to individual Irishmen -of whom Connor Roe Maguire's share was the largest. To servitors -and natives about an equal area was given; but the latter were many -times as numerous, so that their lots were very small, often as little -as forty or fifty acres. 8,536 acres were devoted to schools at -Enniskillen and Mountnorris, and to sites for towns at those places, as -well as at Dungannon, Rathmullen, and Virginia. Many sales, exchanges, -and dispositions by will were made during the reign of James, but the -proportional distribution remained about the same.[80] - -[Sidenote: Results and expectations.] - -The permanent effects of the Ulster settlement have been very great, -though statesmen like Carew could see that there were many dangers -ahead. The tone of the Court and of all who wished to please the King -by prophesying smooth things may be gathered from the masque which Ben -Jonson produced at Somerset's marriage. Four Irishmen are brought on -the stage, who speak in an almost unintelligible jargon. An epilogue -in verse alludes to the plantation, whereby James was to raise Ireland -from barbarism and poverty, 'and in her all the fruits of blessing -plant.' The letter-writer Chamberlain says many people disliked the -performance, thinking it 'no time as the case stands to exasperate the -nation by making it ridiculous.' And most modern readers will be of the -same opinion.[81] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[55] _Le Case de Gavelkind_, 3 Jac., and _Le Case de Tanistry_, 5 Jac., -in Davies' reports, 1628. - -[56] A Ballyboe varied from sixty to 120 acres, and a Ballybetagh -was about 1,000. An introduction to the very large and complicated -question of Celtic tenures may be had through Maine's _Early History of -Institutions_ and Joyce's _Social History of Ancient Ireland_, 1903. - -[57] Fenton to Salisbury, September 9, 1607; Chichester to same, -September 17; St. John to same, October 9; Salisbury to Chichester and -Privy Council to same, September 27. - -[58] Chichester to Salisbury, October 2, 1605; to the King, October 31, -1610. Bacon to Davies, October 23, 1607, in Spedding's _Life_, iv. 5, -and his 'Considerations touching the plantation of Ireland, presented -to the King' on January 1, 1608-9, _ib._ pp. 123-125. - -[59] Hill's _Montgomery MSS._, p. 19. - -[60] Letters of Mrs. Susan Montgomery (_née_ Stayning) in Part III. of -_Trevelyan Papers_ (Camden Society), May 20, 1605; August 21, 1606; -October 8, 1606 (from Derry). Bishop Montgomery's letter of February -16, 1614, _ib._ - -[61] The King to Chichester, May 2, 1606; Bishop Montgomery to -Salisbury, July 1, 1607; Chichester to Salisbury, January 26, 1607; -Tyrone's petition calendared at 1606 No. 89 with the references there; -Davies to Salisbury, August 28, 1609; Todd's _St. Patrick_, p. 160. The -speculations of Ussher and Ware on this subject are obsolete. - -[62] Davies to Salisbury, August 5, 1608. - -[63] Instructions to Ley and Davies, October 14, 1608; Chichester to -the King, October 15, and to Salisbury, October 18; Project of the -Committee for the plantation of Tyrone, December 20. - -[64] 'Orders and Conditions of Plantation,' printed in Harris's -_Hibernica_, p. 63, and in Hill's _Plantation in Ulster_, p. 78. -Project for the Plantation in _Carew_, dated January 23, 1608, but -evidently belonging to 1608-9; it does for the other escheated counties -what was done for Tyrone only in the MS. dated December 20, 1608. - -[65] Chichester to the Privy Council, March 10, 1609, and to Davies, -March 31. - -[66] The Commission is calendared at July 19, 1609, and printed in -Harris's _Hibernica_, and by Hill. Davies to Salisbury, August 28, 1609. - -[67] The 'Project,' dated January 23, 1608-9, is printed in _Carew_, -vi. 13, in Harris's _Hibernica_, 53, and in Hill's _Plantation of -Ulster_, 90. The passages concerning Lord Audley and his family are -collected by Hill. - -[68] The negotiations are detailed in Hill's _Plantation_. Instructions -to Sir John Bourchier, May 1611. - -[69] Chichester to Cecil, June 8, 1604; Phillips to Salisbury, May 10, -1608, September 24, 1609; Chichester to Salisbury, April 7, 1609. A -tolerable understanding of the Ulster settlement generally, and of the -Londoners in particular, may be arrived at through Hill's _Plantation -in Ulster_, 1877, and J. C. Beresford's _Concise View of the Irish -Society_, 1842. - -[70] Davies to Salisbury, September 24, 1610. A more elaborate version, -intended probably for private circulation, is printed from a Harleian -MS. in Davies' _Tracts_ and dated November 8. Same to same, January -21, 1610-11. B. Rich's _New Description of Ireland_, London, 1610, -dedicated to Salisbury. - -[71] Chichester to Salisbury, November 1610 (No. 915 in _Cal._); the -King to Lord Chichester, June 5, 1614. - -[72] Chichester to the King and to Northampton, October 31, 1610; -Davies to Salisbury, September 24. The instructions to Carew with -the King's letter to Chichester, Clanricarde, and Thomond are all in -_Carew_, June 24, 1611. - -[73] Diary of Lord Carew's journey in 1611 in _Carew_, No. 126; _ib._ -No. 156; Carew to Salisbury, September 6, 1611. - -[74] Blenerhasset's 'Direction for the Plantation of Ulster', 1610, is -reprinted in _Contemporary History_, i. 317. - -[75] The Ulster muster-roll printed in _Contemp. Hist._, i. 332 from -Add. MS. 4770, mentions the Earldom of Fingal, which was not created -till 1628. Directions to the Lord Deputy, 1626, No. 521. Lord Conway to -the Lord Treasurer, January 4, 1628. - -[76] The King to Chichester, March 25, 1615; Pynnar's Survey, 1618-19, -printed by Hill and in Harris's _Hibernica_; Bacon's speech in 1617 in -Spedding's _Life_, vi. 206. - -[77] Brief return of the 1822 survey in _Sloane MS._ 4756. - -[78] _Proclamation_ of December 13, 1627, in the Irish R.O. - -[79] The last volume of Russell's and Prendergast's Calendar -_passim_, especially T. Raven to Phillips, June 24, 1621; Survey of -the Londoners' Plantation, August 10 to October 10, 1622; Phillips's -petition to the King, July 6, 1624, and his proposed remedies, -September 24. - -[80] Three papers among the _Carew MSS._ for 1611 calendared as Nos. -130, 131, and 132. - -[81] Nicoll's _Progresses of King James_, ii. 733, where Chamberlain's -letter to Carleton is dated January 5, 1513-14. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -CHICHESTER'S GOVERNMENT TO 1613 - - -[Sidenote: Optimism of Sir John Davies.] - -[Sidenote: Establishment of circuits] - -In the course of a very thorough investigation Carew found that -while much had been done by the settlers, much still remained to do. -There were indeed many surveys and inquiries yet to come, before the -outbreaks which he foresaw. He knew Ireland thoroughly, and was not -to be deceived by false appearances of quiet and contentment. Davies, -whose acquaintance with the island was of much later date, remained -optimistic. 'When this plantation,' he wrote in 1613, 'hath taken root, -and been fixed and settled but a few years ... it will secure the peace -of Ireland, assure it to the Crown of England for ever; and finally -make it a civil, and a rich, a mighty, and a flourishing kingdom.' -He had been one of the first commissioners of assize who ever sat in -Tyrone and Tyrconnel, and the justice which he administered, 'though -it was somewhat distasteful to the Irish lords, was sweet and most -welcome to the common people.' Davies has left a pretty full account of -some of his various circuits. He visited every part of Ireland, and as -his power of observation and description were unusually great it may -be as well to follow him in his journeys. General peace having been -made possible, first by arms and afterwards by an Act of Oblivion, it -was from the establishment of justice that the greatest good was to be -expected, and it was necessary to make it visible by regular assizes -held in every county. 'These progresses of the law,' Davies wrote, -'renew and confirm the conquest of Ireland every half year, and supply -the defect of the King's absence in every part of the Realm; in that -every judge sitting in the seat of justice, doth represent the person -of the King himself.'[82] - -[Sidenote: Leinster Assizes, 1604.] - -[Sidenote: King's and Queen's Counties.] - -[Sidenote: Carlow and Wexford.] - -[Sidenote: Churches in ruins.] - -[Sidenote: Poverty of priests and people.] - -Davies's first assize appears to have been in Leinster in the spring of -1604. The country was on the whole quiet, and the gaols only half full -of petty thieves. As for the King's and Queen's counties, the O'Mores -and O'Connors had been nearly rooted out by the war: 'the English -families there begin to govern the country, and such of the Irishry -as remain, such as M'Coghlan, O'Molloy, O'Doyn, O'Dempsey, they seem -to conform themselves to a civil life, and gave their attendance very -dutifully.' Carlow and Wexford, however, were infested by a band of 100 -kerne, Donnel Spaniagh Kavanagh and the sons of Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne -being at the bottom of the mischief. Pardons had always been granted -so easily that the outlaws had little to fear. At Carlow it appeared -that there had lately been a conference between Tyrone, Mountgarret, -Phelim and Redmond MacFeagh O'Byrne and Donnel Spaniagh. There was much -drinking and swords were drawn. Davies did not know the object of the -meeting, but dared affirm that it was not that religion and peace might -be established in this kingdom.' As for religion, indeed, there would -be good hope of filling the churches if they were first repaired. In -fact he found them everywhere in ruins, and the State clergy were lazy -and ignorant, which did more harm than could be done by the diligence -of priests and Jesuits whose object was political and not religious, -but only 'to serve the turn of Tyrone and the King of Spain. They would -be glad to be banished by proclamation, for they that go up and down -the Cross of Tipperary get nothing but bacon and oatmeal, the people -are so poor.'[83] - -[Sidenote: Justice in Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: In Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: In Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Assizes at Waterford] - -[Sidenote: At Cork, 1606]. - -Later in the year Davies was with Lord Clanricarde at Athlone, where -he held his presidential court. Clanricarde, though he had but a weak -council, not only did his business very well, but kept house in a very -honourable fashion. It had been reported on both sides of the Channel -that Lady Clanricarde, the daughter of Walsingham, the widow of -Sidney and Essex, was not satisfied with her position, but he found -her 'very well contented and every way as well served as ever he saw -her in England.' Davies was in London during part of the following -year. He was on circuit as commissioner of assize in Ulster before -leaving Ireland, and in the spring of 1606 after his appointment -as Attorney-General he was associated with Chief Justice Walshe as -circuit-judge in Munster. The arrangement was contrary to modern ideas, -but no doubt it was convenient to have a judge who could draw bills of -indictment himself and afterwards pronounce upon their validity. He -rightly thought Munster the finest province of the four, but it had one -thing in common with Ulster, and that was the readiness of the people -to accept the services of the judges. The poor northern people were -glad to escape from the lewd Brehons who knew no other law but the -will of the chief lords, and the Munster men, though not dissatisfied -with the President, felt that the local justices might have interested -motives, and were 'glad to see strangers joined with them, and seemed -to like the aspect of us that were planets, as well as that of their -own fixed stars.' At Waterford, where they held their first sittings, -the judges found very few prisoners that were not 'bastard imps of -the Powers and Geraldines of the Decies.' They always had cousins on -the jury, and no convictions could be had unless the evidence was -absolutely clear, when threats of the Star Chamber generally produced -a verdict. The 'promiscuous generation of bastards' he believed -due to slack government both civil and ecclesiastical. They were -considered just as good as the lawful children, and commonly shared -the inheritance as well as the name. 'I may truly affirm,' he said, -'that there are more able men of the surname of the Bourkes than of any -name whatsoever in Europe.' And so it was with all the great families, -whether Anglo-Norman or Celtic. To scatter and break up these clannish -combinations appeared to Davies an excellent policy. The judges slept -at Dungarvan and Youghal, where they saw the chief people, dined with -Lord Barrymore on their way to Cork, and found the gaols there pretty -full. They lectured the chief gentry upon their addiction to 'coshery -and other Irish occupations,' in spite of the King's proclamation.[84] - -[Sidenote: Assizes for Limerick] - -[Sidenote: and Clare.] - -At Mallow Davies stayed at Lady Norris's house 'by a fair river in a -fruitful soil, but yet much unrepaired and bearing many marks of the -late rebellion.' From Mallow the judges went by Kilmallock through 'a -sweet and fertile country to Limerick, where the walls, buildings, -and anchorage were all that could be wished; yet such is the sloth -of the inhabitants that all these fair structures have nothing but -sluttishness and poverty within.' They held first the assizes for -Clare, of which Lord Thomond was governor. He and Lord Bourke had -provided a large house on the right bank of the Shannon, so that -Limerick served as quarters for both counties. In Clare, said Davies, -'when I beheld the appearance and fashion of the people I would I had -been in Ulster again, for these are as much mere Irish as they, and in -their outward form not much unlike them,' but speaking good English -and understanding the proceedings well enough. He found the principal -gentry civilised, but the common people behind those of Munster, though -much might be hoped from Lord Thomond's example. Having delivered the -gaols, the judges considered how they might cut off Maurice McGibbon -Duff and Redmond Purcell, 'notorious thieves, or, as they term them, -rebels,' who were allied to and protected by the White Knight and by -Purcell of Loughmoe in Tipperary. Purcell was enticed into a private -house and given up to the Lord President, who promptly hanged him, as -well as 'many fat ones' who sheltered Maurice McGibbon, but the latter -seems to have escaped for the time, though snares were laid for him on -all sides.[85] - -[Sidenote: Assizes at Clonmel.] - -From Limerick by Cashel, 'over the most rich and delightful valley,' -the judges came to Clonmel, the capital of Ormonde's palatinate, and -'more haunted with Jesuits and priests' than any place in Munster. -There was evidence to show that some of them were privy to the -Gunpowder Plot, and yet all the principal inhabitants refused any -indulgence founded upon a promise to exclude them from their houses. -A true bill for recusancy was found with some difficulty against 200 -of the townsmen, and the chief of them were handed over to the Lord -President 'to be censured with good round fines and imprisonment.' From -Clonmel Davies went to rest on Easter Sunday at Ormonde's house at -Carrick-on-Suir. The old chief, who was blind and ill, insisted on his -staying over St. George's day, 'when he was not able to sit up, but had -his robes laid upon his bed, as the manner is.'[86] - -[Sidenote: Grand jury and petty juries at Monaghan] - -[Sidenote: How the gentry lived.] - -[Sidenote: Assizes for Fermanagh,] - -[Sidenote: and Cavan, 1606.] - -On July 21 Chichester, accompanied by the Lord Chancellor and the -Chief Justice, and by Davies, who was again joined in commission with -the judges, left Drogheda for Monaghan. Fifty or sixty horse and as -many foot soldiers were now considered escort enough where a thousand -were formerly necessary. At Monaghan, which was only a collection of -cabins, the grand jury found true bills without any difficulty, but -when it came to the trial of prisoners the petty juries 'did acquit -them as fast and found them not guilty, but whether it was done for -favour or for fear it is hard to judge.' The whole county was inhabited -by three or four clans, and every man was tried by his relations, who -were naturally very unwilling to serve as jurors. If they convicted -any one they were in danger of being killed or robbed, and of having -their houses burned. The only plan suggesting itself to the judges was -to fine and imprison those who had given verdicts manifestly against -the evidence, and two notorious thieves were then found guilty and -executed. The principal gentlemen of the district lived upon beef -stolen out of the Pale, 'for which purpose every one of them keepeth -a cunning thief, which he calleth his Cater.' Two of these gentlemen -were indicted as receivers, but were pardoned after confession upon -their knees, 'so that I believe stolen flesh will not be so sweet unto -them hereafter.' In Fermanagh, being further from the Pale, this system -of purveyance was not so perfectly established, but there was no lack -of malefactors. The assizes were held at Devenish near Enniskillen, -but all prisoners were acquitted, owing to the careless way in which -the evidence had been prepared by the sheriff and the local justices. -At Cavan better order was kept, and several civil suits were decided, -and the circuit through the three counties was completed in a month. -While the Chief Justice and the Attorney-General were delivering the -gaols and hearing causes, the Lord Deputy and the Lord Chancellor were -occupied with inquiries into the tenure of land. The inhabitants were -invited to say what lands they actually possessed, and to set forth all -their titles. The evidence thus collected was carried back to Dublin, -where it could be sifted and compared with the records.[87] - -[Sidenote: The Act of Supremacy at Waterford, 1606,] - -[Sidenote: at New Ross,] - -[Sidenote: at Wexford,] - -[Sidenote: and at Wicklow.] - -[Sidenote: Rival hierarchies.] - -In September, 1606, Davies accompanied the Chief Justice to Waterford, -where the chief business was to impose fines for recusancy. Aldermen -were prosecuted in the presidency court, the total sum exacted being -less than 400_l._ Others were indicted under the statute of Elizabeth -to recover the penalty of one shilling for absence from Church, and -about 240_l._ was raised in this way. A special jury was empanelled -and a sort of commission to inquire into the ecclesiastical state of -the county, and the judges then proceeded to New Ross, where they -found that occasional conformity was practised, and that there was -sometimes riotous brawling to 'disturb the poor minister from making -a sermon which he had prepared for his small auditory,' and even in -celebrating the Sacrament. The sovereign of the town was foremost on -these occasions. The leaders were cited before the Star Chamber, and -the common people were prosecuted for the shilling fine. At Wexford -there were many prisoners, and one was condemned and executed for -burning down the Protestant vicar's house. There were 300 civil bills, -and even Donell Spaniagh showed an inclination to substitute litigation -for cattle-stealing. At Wicklow assizes were held for the newly made -shire, and two 'notable thieves in the nature of rebels' were hanged. -Here, as at Wexford, there seemed a general inclination to accept the -new system, and Feagh McHugh's son was as litigious as Donell Spaniagh. -Here, as at Waterford, an inquisition was ordered into the state of -the church, but Davies could not see how fitting incumbents were to be -provided. The bishoprics were 'supplied double,' one by the King and -one by the Pope, but the result was not to advance religion.[88] - -[Sidenote: Compulsory church-going, 1607.] - -In the following summer Davies made a circuit in Meath, Westmeath, -Longford, King's County and Queen's County. The country was peaceful -and the relentless enforcement of the shilling fine for every Sunday's -and holiday's absence from service had the effect of filling the town -churches, but this reformation was 'principally effected by the civil -magistrate,' for ruined churches and absentee incumbents were general -throughout the country. The flight of Tyrone and Tyrconnel soon after -made no difference at all in the state of the country generally, and -the courts in Dublin were crowded with suitors from all parts of the -kingdom.[89] - -[Sidenote: The Act of Uniformity in Ulster, 1611.] - -[Sidenote: Andrew Knox.] - -[Sidenote: The rival churches in Dublin.] - -One of the most active promoters of uniformity was Andrew Knox, Bishop -of the Isles, who was appointed to Raphoe in the summer of 1610, but -without resigning the first see. After visiting his new diocese, he -went to Court and gave such an account of Ulster as to bring on one -of the King's hot fits in the matter of enforced conformity. In his -old age Knox learned that Protestants in Ireland could not afford -to be divided, and was ready to stretch a point so as to include -his Presbyterian fellow-countrymen in the ministry. But in his more -pugnacious days he was intent on the impossible task of driving the -Roman Catholic population to conform. The result of his representations -was an order from James himself directing that the Ulster bishops -should meet for the purpose of suppressing Papistry and enforcing -uniformity. Each prelate was to visit every parish in his diocese -annually, to administer the oath of allegiance to all persons of note, -whether spiritual or temporal, to have Jesuits, seminary priests, -and friars arrested and brought to the Lord Deputy, and to let no -ecclesiastic of foreign ordination enjoy benefice or cure unless he -would use the book of Common Prayer. The bishops were to be active -in teaching and catechising for the purpose of reclaiming recusants, -to repair ruined churches, and to appoint fit pastors, 'or at least -for the present such as can read the service of the Church of England -to the common people in the language which they understand'--that -is to say, for the most part in Irish. The exact method was left to -Chichester's discretion, and only four days after the date of James's -letter the Council informed the Lord Deputy that his Majesty had -considered how the people were blinded by the Jesuits, and that he -might introduce reforms gradually. The latter letter reached Chichester -long before the other, but a meeting of bishops not confined to -those of the northern province was held in Dublin in June, and while -waiting for the arrival of his brethren Knox preached in the Dublin -churches. He found that congregations of several hundreds had been -reduced to half a dozen, that the clergy of the Establishment, with -few exceptions, were careless and inefficient, and that the Papal -clergy were active and well supported. The cargoes of ships unloading -in Dublin harbour seemed to consist principally of 'books, clothes, -crosses, and ceremonies.' And still he had good hopes of banishing all -these things out of Ulster. Chichester, who was better informed and -therefore less sanguine, reported that he had carried out the King's -orders as far as possible, and he republished the proclamation of June -1605. The oath of allegiance he had no legal power to administer. The -only practical result of it all was the execution of Bishop O'Devany -and some other priests, which certainly did not help the cause of the -Reformation.[90] - -[Sidenote: Chichester deports Irishmen to Sweden, 1609-1613.] - -[Sidenote: The Swedish service unpopular.] - -[Sidenote: Others are sent to Poland.] - -When giving an account of his stewardship in 1614, Chichester took -credit for having sent 6,000 disaffected Irishmen to the wars in -Sweden. In the main these were the Ulster swordsmen, for whom it -was found impossible to find room in Ireland, but some masterless -Englishmen and not a few town idlers were included contrary to the -Lord Deputy's orders, and privates sought the ranks as an alternative -for the gallows. The majority were partly coaxed into going and partly -pressed, nor was the transfer effected without disorder. In the autumn -of 1609 three ships left Lough Foyle with 800 men, and another was -ready with a full cargo at Carlingford, but the Irish mutinied at the -instigation of Hugh Boy O'Neill, ran the vessel on a bank, smashed -the compasses, and would have done more mischief if troops had not -been soon at hand. Three or four mutineers were ordered for 'exemplary -punishment,' and were probably hanged, but Hugh Boy escaped and is no -more heard of. The ship was got off, but was still unlucky, losing all -her rigging in a storm and being with difficulty towed off the coast of -Man into a Scotch harbour. There another craft was hired and the voyage -continued, but it is not likely that all the men got to Sweden, for the -captain in charge wrote from Newcastle to describe their misdoings. -Chichester, however, was able to report that before the end of 1609 -900 of those who troubled the quiet of Ulster had been got rid of. For -example's sake he had begun with his own territory of Inishowen, and -sent away thirty tall fellows who had been in O'Dogherty's rebellion. -Many hundreds were also sent from Leinster who were either loafers in -the Pale or belonging to the Kavanaghs, O'Byrnes and O'Tooles, 'and -to speak generally they were all but an unprofitable burden of the -earth, cruel, wild, malefactors.' Among the penniless young men of -good Irish family who knew no trade but fighting some were willing -enough to serve Sweden as they or their fathers had served Queen -Elizabeth. Some had acquired a taste for camp life in Flanders, and -others volunteered with a wild idea of joining Tyrone on the Continent, -or because their position at home was desperate. Such men had their -personal followers, but there seems little doubt that the rank and -file were for the most part pressed. The Swedish service had not a good -name, perhaps because the discipline was too severe, and the priests -from abroad, 'all lusty able young men, always well armed,' did what -they could to make it unpopular. Some said that it was intended to -throw all the Irish swordsmen overboard; others with better reason -maintained that it was 'altogether unlawful to go to such a war, where -they should fight for a heretic and an usurper agains a Catholic and -a rightful King.' The description might apply to Charles of Sweden -first and later to the Elector Palatine. Chichester persevered, but -assuming that he actually sent off 6,000 there were still plenty left -in Ireland. Sir Robert Jacob, the Solicitor-General, said there were -2,000 idle men who had no means 'but to feed upon the gentlemen of the -country ... he is accounted the bravest man that comes attended with -most of those followers.' There were 4,000 of the same sort still in -Ulster, 3,000 in Leinster, and as many in Munster. In 1619, St. John -thought 10,000 might well be spared to any foreign prince. There are no -better soldiers than disciplined Irishmen, but there seem to have been -difficulties in Sweden with these wild men, for Gustavus Adolphus, the -year before his death, declined the services of an Irish regiment as -not being trustworthy. Irish friars dressed like soldiers were often -busy in persuading their comrades to desert Sweden or Denmark and join -the Spanish forces in the Netherlands. The King of Poland was, however, -allowed a little later to raise men in Ireland. The religious question -did not arise in this case, yet the Lord Deputy was ordered to watch -the recruits lest they should run away, 'as it has been ofttimes in -such case,' as soon as they had received their first pay. When the -Spanish match was broken off it was thought that the Poles would exert -themselves to prevent the northern powers from interfering in case the -Spaniards and their allies were to invade King James's dominions.[91] - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of piracy.] - -The preamble of the Act of 1614, against piracy, sets forth that -'traitors, pirates, thieves, robbers, murderers, and confederators -at sea' often escaped punishment through defects in the law, and -alterations were made which may have abated the evil but without curing -it. The weak and corrupt administration of the navy, which was long -sheltered by Nottingham's great name, had made the sea unsafe, and the -harbours of Munster lay open to the rovers. Before the end of 1605 a -pirate named Connello was imprisoned in England for robbing some Exeter -merchants, but was saved by the intercession of the Howard faction, -some of whom were very probably paid. Those who had been active in -apprehending him were threatened with vengeance, and Connello attacked -a Barnstaple vessel and carried the oil and wool which she contained -to the neighbourhood of Wexford, where he was captured. The captain, -master, and one other old offender were sent to England and there -hanged, though they hoped to escape through the same help as before; -but Devonshire, who was still Lord-Lieutenant, probably prevented this. -They could all read well, but Chichester begged that such offenders -might be deprived by law of 'the benefit of their book.'[92] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of the navy.] - -Chichester was willing to hang a thousand pirates if he could catch -them, but this was not at all easy. Englishmen and Flemings infested -the Spanish coast and fell back upon Ireland for provisions. In one -year they robbed more than 100 fishing boats on the Munster station, -and all trade was unsafe; but the Admiralty gave very little help. -Sometimes there was a King's ship at hand and sometimes there was -not, and the Irish Government had to do as best they could with the -help of private craft, or, Chichester wrote in the summer of 1607, -'to descend to such little acts and strategems as of late has been -done at Youghal.' There were two Bristol vessels in that harbour -together, one commanded by Captain Coward, who was supposed to be a -pirate. Captain Hampton, instigated by the acting vice-admiral, hid -eighty men under hatches, and seizing his opportunity, took possession -of Coward's and killed some of his crew. Coward's guns fell into the -hands of authority, and Chichester would have sent him over to England -for trial, but Lord Thomond 'found it more expedient to cherish him -for his better part, being a good seaman and an excellent pilot upon -this coast.' It is no wonder that the Privy Council found it hard to -understand such proceedings, and that they were at their wits' ends 'to -satisfy the ambassadors of foreign princes.' Coward naturally relapsed -into his old courses in the following year, but at last he was captured -with a scarcely less formidable comrade named Barrett, on the Connaught -coast, by fishermen under the command of a Dutch engineer in the -service of the Irish Government. These pirates appear to have been sent -to England for trial, but Chichester was now in favour of pardoning -them lest their allies should carry out their threat of burning the -Newfoundland fishing fleet. Hitherto they had attacked foreigners -chiefly, but if driven to desperation they would certainly not spare -Englishmen. Whether Coward and Barrett were hanged or not, they appear -no more in the Irish correspondence, but there were plenty of others to -do the work.[93] - -[Sidenote: Land thieves and water thieves.] - -[Sidenote: Settlement at Baltimore.] - -Baltimore, the scene of a terrible tragedy in the next reign, was at -first thought of as a suitable haven for the pirates, but the vigilance -of Mr. Thomas Crooke made it unsafe for them. Their many allies and -abettors on land accused Crooke of complicity in their misdeeds, but -of this there was no evidence at all. Were he never so guiltless, -the Privy Council wrote, his accusers would never believe it, and he -was therefore sent to London, where he was triumphantly acquitted. -Like other energetic men who have helped to root English power in -distant lands, Crooke had no want of detractors, but Lord Danvers, -the President of Munster, was instructed to help him, and he was very -willing to do so, being determined to prevent the coast of his province -from being 'like Barbary, common and free to all pirates.' He had been -specially charged by Salisbury and other ministers to look after a -Spanish ship which had been seized by some rovers and was likely to -reach Ireland. She was in fact brought or washed into Baltimore, and -Danvers, 'knowing she was no better than Drake's monument at Deptford,' -was ready to believe that she had gold hidden among her rotten timbers, -and undertook to save her from being broken up by the pirates or their -sympathisers on land, 'who would not leave the gates of hell unripped -open in hope of gain.' As to Crooke, the Lord President enclosed a -letter from the Bishop of Cork and others which shows how precarious -the position of the best English settlers was. The bishop was William -Lyon, a man of the highest character and a shining light among Irish -Reformation prelates, who knew the district thoroughly. In two years -Crooke had 'gathered out of England a whole town of English people, -larger and more civilly and religiously ordered than any town in this -province that began so lately, which has made him to be violently -opposed and accused by divers persons who would weaken him in his good -work.' He had been constantly employed against the pirates and both -Brouncker and Danvers had acknowledged the value of his services. When -Baltimore was incorporated with a view to the Parliament of 1613, -Crooke became a burgess, and was its first representative in the House -of Commons.[94] - -For long after the battle of Lepanto, the Spanish galleys had been -supreme in the western half of the Mediterranean. The Armada proved -that in a rough sea oars could do but little against sails, and in the -winter the rovers had it all their own way. In summer they sought the -Irish coast, where there were plenty of quiet harbours and of people -who were willing to receive stolen goods. - -[Sidenote: The Lord President blockaded by pirates.] - -[Sidenote: A penitent corsair.] - -At the beginning of 1609, Lord Danvers was afraid to leave Cork harbour -without the protection of a man of war, and after that date pirates -continued to multiply. Their principal resort was Long Island Sound, -to the west of Schull in the county of Cork. It was a fine anchorage -for the largest ships then afloat, and the estuary now called Croagh -harbour was available for careening. A squadron of eleven ships with a -thousand men appeared on the coast in command of Edward Bishop, whom -the pirates had chosen admiral, and as many more were expected to -join them. Bishop was an able man, who was perhaps sorry for having -chosen such a dirty trade, and it was thought possible to reclaim and -employ him. He did not like siding with Turks against Christians in -the Mediterranean, and he hated the ruffian John Ward, who had seduced -so many English sailors from their allegiance. The Venetians hung -thirty-six men at Scio, which may have increased Bishop's dislike to -the work. When his fleet appeared off Ireland negotiations were soon -opened, and after a while he submitted, and seemed really repentant, -for he twice refused to accept the very lucrative command of all the -corsairs in the Mediterranean at the Duke of Florence's hands, saying -'I will die a poor labourer in mine own country, rather than be the -richest pirate in the world.' He did some service, but was unable to -prevail with most of his late comrades, and incurred the enmity of the -more desperate. 'Our intent,' said Peter Easton, 'when we went hence -was not to rob any man, much less our countrymen, but only to find out -and fight with the Hollander ships of war, who had of late carried -themselves so insolently to his Majesty as to come into his harbour -and seize on Bishop and his ship, being then under his Majesty's -protection.' He had some quarrels with traders who did not understand -this reasoning, and lives were lost. 'I told the merchants,' Easton -added, 'that I would surrender up their ship and goods if I might have -any pardon; but now in respect of the Duke of Florence's offer and the -greatness of this wealth, I am otherwise resolved.' A little later -Easton and his consorts had nine ships with 500 men and 250 guns. Many -of them had wives and children living in comfort at Leamcon, and the -'land pirates' thereabouts supplied the rovers with provisions. Spanish -and Moorish money was current, and it was believed that treasure had -been buried on land. Quarrels among these rascals were frequent, and -Easton made away with a noted colleague named Salkeld or Sakewell, -but he himself continued to give trouble, though there were hopes of -reclaiming him at times. In the summer of 1613 he was surprised by the -Dutch at Crookhaven, and carried to Holland, where he was most likely -hanged. - -Bishop retired from business himself, but he did not altogether break -with the rovers, for one Fleming who had murdered a Dutch merchant was -taken in his house in 1617. St. John described him as 'an old pardoned -pirate that lives suspiciously near Leamcon and Schull haven, ever -plotting with and relieving of pirates.'[95] - -[Sidenote: Some notable pirates.] - -Another noted pirate was John Jennings, who came boldly into the -Shannon towards the end of 1609, his ship laden with spoil and with a -richly freighted Dutch prize which he had taken after losing sixty men -in action against a French man of war. Danvers tried to stamp out the -pirates by preventing the land carriage of corn, but he harassed honest -men without much hurting the thieves. He believed that the pirates -could always land 300 men at any point they thought fit, for it was -impossible to have a man of war everywhere, and the King's ships could -not keep the seas for more than three months without refitting, the -sailors being but too ready to go home on the least excuse. There were -several other piratical vessels at hand, the crews of which quarrelled -with Jennings about the division of the Dutchmen's goods. Under these -circumstances, and perhaps remembering Coward's case, Jennings applied -to Lord Thomond for a pardon, and offered to give up the ship, but -the latter had learned by experience, and preferred to surprise the -pirate with the help of his discontented comrades. They were all ready -to betray each other. Chichester was inclined to think that Jennings -really intended to reform, and at all events he had not plundered the -King's subjects. Some diamonds came into the hands of the Government, -but the valuable 'small ends' (perhaps of tobacco) had been 'carried -away in the shipmen's great breeches.' Both Thomond and Chichester were -inclined to mercy, but the English Council remembered its ill-success -in Coward's case, and Jennings was duly hanged.[96] - -[Sidenote: No part of the coast safe.] - -[Sidenote: French, Dutch, and Moors.] - -The south-west coast was the chief but by no means the only resort -of the pirates. Three were captured in Ulster in 1613, and three in -the following year, and executed 'upon the strand at low-water mark, -by Dublin.' In the latter case the pirates had stolen a Chester ship -lying off Dalkey and taken her to Lough Swilly, where they were -apprehended by the help of one called 'bishop O'Coffie,' but probably a -Roman Catholic vicar-general of Derry or Raphoe. In 1610 they waylaid -but failed to intercept the ship which brought the Londoners' money -to the new settlement at Coleraine. Blacksod Bay and other remote -harbours in Mayo were used by Jennings and his contemporaries, and -long afterwards the inhabitants were reported to be 'so much given to -idleness that their only dependence is upon the depredation and spoils -of pirates, brought in amongst them by reason of the convenience and -goodness of their harbours; for there is their common rendezvous.' -Even Carrickfergus sometimes served as an anchorage for rovers, who -robbed small vessels between Holyhead and Dublin. Dutch and French -merchants suffered more than the English, and the States Government, -with the King of England's sanction, sent a special squadron to -Ireland, whom the pirates seem to have dreaded much more than their own -sovereign's cruisers. The French sometimes acted against the pirates, -and there were negotiations with Spain, but the Government admitted -towards the close of 1612 that the evil could only be checked in the -West of Ireland 'by laying the island and sea coast waste and void of -inhabitants, or by placing a garrison in every port and creek, which -is impracticable.' In the autumn of 1611 nineteen sail of pirates -were sighted on the west coasts, most of whom drew towards Morocco at -the approach of winter, when the Spanish galleys were not much to be -feared. This was their constant practice, and in the then state of -European politics they were as sure to find employment on the sea, -as their congeners the 'bravi' were to find it on land. The pirates -continued to give trouble until Strafford's time.[97] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[82] Davies's _Discovery_, 1613. It appears, however, from his letter -to Salisbury, December 1, 1603, that Chief Baron Pelham held the first -assize in Donegal without his help, and before his arrival in Ireland. -The contemporary letter must prevail against the treatise written ten -years later. - -[83] Davies to Cecil, April 19, 1604. - -[84] Davies to Salisbury, December 8, 1604 and May 4, 1606. - -[85] Davies to Salisbury, May 4, 1606; Brouncker's letter of September -12, 1606. - -[86] Davies to Salisbury, May 4, 1606; Brouncker's letter of September -12, 1606. - -[87] Davies to Salisbury, written at Waterford in September 1606, and -printed in Davies's _Tracts_. - -[88] Davies to Salisbury, November 12, 1606. - -[89] Davies to Salisbury, August 7 and December 11, 1607. - -[90] The King to Chichester, April 26, 1611, sent by Knox and delivered -June 15; Lords of the Council to Chichester, April 30; Bishop Knox to -Abbot, July 4; Report by Chichester and Archbishop Jones, October 7. -O'Sullivan has a full account of Knox's proceedings, violent in tone -but not substantially disagreeing with the official correspondence. -He says the Catholics were bound to place in all parish churches at -their own expense 'biblias corruptæ, mendosæque versionis in vulgarem -sermonem traductas.'--_Compendium_, 221. - -[91] Jacob, S. G., to Salisbury, October 18, 1609; Davies to same, -October 19; Chichester to same, October 31; Captain Lichfield to same, -December 31, Lords of the Council to Chichester, June 8, 1610; Richard -Morres ('a poor soldier to my lord') to Salisbury, 1611, No. 353; -Note of Lord Chichester's services calendared at May 1614, No. 825; -Vice-Treasurer Ridgeway's minute, August 1615, No. 166; Lord Esmond to -Dorchester, June 20, 1631. _Court and Times of Charles I._, ii. 135. -For the Polish element in the matter see the State Papers, _Ireland_, -calendared at September 29, 1619, August 1621, No. 773, and June 17, -1624. - -[92] Chichester to Devonshire, January 2, 1606; to Salisbury, April 13, -1608. - -[93] Wilmot's letter, January 16, 1606; Chichester to the Council, -July 16, 1607; Lords of Council to Chichester, March 8, 1608, and his -answer, March 30; Chief Baron Winch to Chichester, April 2; Council to -Chichester, April 27, 1609; Chichester to Salisbury, July 19, 1610; to -Salisbury and Nottingham, September 21; Council to Chichester, July 31. - -[94] Lords of Council to Chichester, March 8, 1608, and his answer, -March 30; James Salmon (afterwards first Provost of Baltimore) to -Thomas Crooke, June 23; Danvers to Salisbury, November 20, enclosing -the letter from Bishop Lyon and others; Privy Council to Danvers, -November 20; _Liber Munerum Publicorum_, vii. 50, where Crooke is -described as 'armiger in legibus eruditus.' - -[95] Danvers to the Council, January 19, 1609; Sir R. Moryson to -Salisbury, August 22; Henry Pepwell to Salisbury, August 22; Chichester -to Salisbury and Nottingham, September 21, 1610; Captain Henry Skipwith -(deputy vice-admiral) to Chichester, July 25, 1611; Roger Myddleton -to Salisbury, August 23; Petition of Robert Bell to the King, July -1616, No. 277; Skipwith to Sir Dudley Carleton, August 24; St. John to -Winwood, April 4, 1617, in _Buccleuch Papers_, Hist. MSS. Comm. Leamcon -is now the name of a house and watch-tower opposite Long Island, but in -the time of James I. it was given to the whole of the sheltered water -between Castle Point and Schull Harbour. - -[96] Danvers to the Privy Council, January 19, 1609, and to Salisbury, -February 24; Chichester's letters of February 5 and April 7; the -Council to Chichester, April 27; Chichester to Salisbury, Northampton, -and Nottingham, April 11, 1611. - -[97] Chichester's letters of January 29 and June 27, 1610, _Desiderata -Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 206, 314; Lords of the Council to Chichester, -September 9, 1611, January 31, and November 18, 1612; Lord Carew to -Salisbury, September 6, 1611. The international importance of the -pirates will be best understood from the early chapters of Mr. Julian -Corbett's _England in the Mediterranean_. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE PARLIAMENT OF 1613-1615 - - -[Sidenote: The King determines to hold a Parliament, 1611.] - -Since the dissolution of Perrott's Parliament in 1586 none had been -held in Ireland, but James made up his mind to have one. Lord Carew was -instructed to obtain information as to how it had best be done, legal -sanction for the Ulster settlement and for the general establishment -of English law being mentioned as principal objects. There were but -four bishops and four temporal peers alive who had served on the last -occasion, and no perfect list of Perrott's House of Commons existed -in Ireland. The law and practice of Parliament were almost forgotten, -and William Bradley, Davies' agent in Ulster, was appointed clerk of -the proposed Lower House, and sent over to confer with the officials -in England, where he unearthed a journal of Perrott's Parliament. -Having received instruction in parliamentary forms, he brought back -a commission which enabled Chichester to decide all questions of -precedence. Robes and a cloth of estate for the Lord Deputy were sent -over by the same messenger.[98] - -[Sidenote: New constituencies are created.] - -[Sidenote: The counties.] - -[Sidenote: The boroughs.] - -[Sidenote: Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Leinster.] - -[Sidenote: Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Character of the new boroughs] - -[Sidenote: University representation.] - -[Sidenote: A Protestant majority secured.] - -In order to carry out the royal policy in Ireland it was evidently -necessary to secure a Protestant majority, and this could hardly be -done without creating new constituencies. The power of the King to make -boroughs was not seriously disputed, and it was exercised in England -as late as 1673. Thirty-three shires, counting the Cross of Tipperary, -returned two members each, and it was hoped that half of these might be -depended on. The cities and boroughs which received writs for Perrott's -Parliament were thirty-six in number, but of these Carrickfergus and -Downpatrick made no returns. Cavan, Derry, Gowran, and Athlone had -since become corporations, and were presumably entitled to their writs -in the ordinary way. James created thirty-nine new boroughs expressly -for parliamentary purposes, of which no less than nineteen were in -Ulster, where the late forfeitures had made the Government strong: -Belfast, Coleraine, Newry, Bangor, Newtownards, Armagh, Charlemont, -Dungannon, Agher, Strabane, Clogher, Derry, Lifford, Ballyshannon, -Donegal, Limavady, Enniskillen, Monaghan, Belturbet. The Munster -cities and towns were almost desperate, one member each from Youghal, -Dungarvan, and Dingle being the most that could be expected, and nine -new boroughs were created: Lismore, Tallow, Mallow, Baltimore, Bandon, -Clonakilty, Ennis, Tralee, and Askeaton. In Leinster the new creations -were Athy, Carlow, Newcastle (Dublin), Ballinakill, Fethard (Wexford), -Enniscorthy, Kilbeggan, and Wicklow. In Connaught the new boroughs were -Tuam ('the Archbishop's chief seat, which will send Protestants'), -Sligo, Roscommon, Boyle, Castlebar, and Carrick-on-Shannon. Care was -taken to select places which might at least be expected to grow into -good-sized towns. A few of them were, and have remained, mere villages, -but most of them are reasonably large country towns, while Belfast, -Londonderry, Coleraine and Sligo have become much more. The University -of Dublin returned two members for the first time; and there could -be no doubt that the Government would be able to command a majority. -In the House of Lords reliance was placed upon the bishops; but some -of the temporal peers were Protestants, and there was little danger -of accidents happening there. The Roman Catholic lords and principal -gentlemen of the Pale saw that they would be in a minority, and -suggested in a letter to the King that the Parliament should be held in -England.[99] - -[Sidenote: The oath of supremacy not exacted.] - -When it was decided to call a Parliament, Carew advised that every -member of the House of Commons should take the oath of supremacy, 'as -they do in England,' or be disqualified. 'But if that shall seem too -sharp to be offered, yet a rumour that it is required will be a means -to increase the number of Protestant burgesses and knights, and deter -the most spirited Recusants from being of the house.' The rumour was -spread about accordingly, though the sharp offer was not actually made, -and Davies thought it would have the desired effect. Ireland, he said, -was rich in saints, but had never produced a martyr, and the Recusants, -rather than suffer a repulse by refusing the oath, would 'make return -of such as will take it, and yet not easily yield to make sharp and -severe laws against them.' But the King decided to rely on the new -boroughs and not to have the oath administered, there being no law in -Ireland by which the members could be compelled to take it. It was at -first intended that the Parliament should meet in November 1612, but -things could not be got ready so soon, and it was postponed first to -February and then to May in the following year.[100] - -[Sidenote: Strong Roman Catholic opposition.] - -[Sidenote: Demand for toleration.] - -[Sidenote: The peers summoned.] - -Opposition on the part of the Recusants was soon found to be much more -determined than Davies had anticipated. As early as October 1612 Sir -Patrick Barnewall had written against it, and in the following month -lords Slane, Killeen, Trimleston, Dunsany, and Louth addressed a letter -to the King in which they complained of not being previously consulted -as to the measures to be laid before Parliament, and claimed to be the -Irish Council within the meaning of Poynings Act. This position was, -no doubt, unsustainable; but their other arguments were of more weight. -They protested against boroughs being made out of wretched villages, -by the votes of whose mock representatives 'extreme penal laws should -be imposed on the King's subjects.' Ecclesiastical disabilities had -been very sparingly and mildly pressed by Queen Elizabeth, but now the -fittest men were excluded from official positions even in the remotest -parts of the country. There were already plenty of Irish rebels on the -Continent, and it was undesirable to add to the number of those who -'displayed in all countries, kingdoms, and estates, and inculcated into -the ears of foreign kings and princes the foulness (as they will term -it) of such practices.' It was by 'withdrawing such laws as may tend to -the forcing of your subjects' conscience' that the King might settle -their minds and establish their fidelity. This letter had no immediate -effect; the manufacture of boroughs was proceeded with, and Chichester -was made a peer, an honour, said James, which had only been deferred so -that the meeting of Parliament might give it greater lustre. The King -directed him to call up by writ as peers certain persons distinguished -by their nobility of birth and by their estates in Ireland--namely, -the Earl of Abercorn, Henry Lord O'Brien, the Earl of Thomond's eldest -son, who was a sound Protestant, Lord Ochiltree and Lord Burghley; but -there was a majority without these, and they were not to come unless -their private affairs admitted. As a matter of fact, they do not seem -to have attended. All the old nobility, being of full age, received -their writs of summons, except Lord Castle Connell, whose title was -actually under litigation. Lord Barry's claim was allowed, as it had -never been disputed in fact, though he had an elder brother who was a -deaf mute.[101] - -[Sidenote: Renewed Roman Catholic complaints.] - -[Sidenote: Chichester's answer.] - -On the eve of the opening of Parliament eleven recusant lords addressed -a petition to the Lord Deputy in which they repeated the complaints -of the former letter. They further objected to peers of England -or Scotland being called by writ. A better-founded grievance was -the partiality shown by sheriffs and returning officers. They also -protested against the slur cast on their loyalty by the presence of -troops, and against the Castle as a place of meeting, especially as it -was over the powder magazine. The audacious allusion to the Gunpowder -Plot gave Chichester a fine opportunity of retort. The powder, he -said, had been removed to a safe place; 'but let it be remembered of -what religion they were of that placed the powder in England and gave -allowance to that damnable plot, and thought the act meritorious, if -it had taken effect, and would have canonised the actors.' As to the -boroughs, he could only stand upon the King's prerogative, the best -choice possible having been made; but disputed elections were for the -House of Commons and not for him. As for the soldiers, they were but -one hundred foot, brought into Dublin to protect the Government and -Parliament against the tumultuous outrages of the ruder part of the -citizens who lately drove their mayor from the tholsel and forbade him -to repair to the Lord Deputy for succour.[102] - -[Sidenote: Parliament meets.] - -[Sidenote: Contest for the Speakership.] - -[Sidenote: Violent proceedings in the Commons.] - -[Sidenote: Sir John Davies is elected.] - -Parliament met in the Castle on May 18. The discontented lords and -gentlemen had brought armed retinues with them, and the Government -thought that no open building would be safe. As the Recusant lords -refused to attend, nothing could happen in the Upper House; but in the -Commons there was an immediate trial of strength over the election -of Speaker. Sir John Davies had been returned for Fermanagh, and the -Protestant party at once accepted him as the Government candidate; -while the Opposition were for Sir John Everard, member for Tipperary. -Everard was a lawyer of high character who had been second Justice of -the King's Bench and had resigned early in 1607 rather than take the -oath of supremacy. Thomas Ridgeway, the Vice-Treasurer, who sat for -Tyrone, proposed Davies as the fittest person and as recommended by the -King himself, and the majority assented by acclamation; but Sir James -Gough, member for Waterford county, proposed Everard, and was seconded -by Sir Christopher Nugent, who represented Westmeath. Gough objected to -all the new boroughs and to all members who were not resident in the -places which returned them; and William Talbot, member for Kildare, -who had been removed from the recordership of Dublin for refusing the -oath of supremacy, moved that the House should be purged from unlawful -members before a Speaker was chosen. Sir Oliver St. John, Master of -the Ordnance, who had been returned for Roscommon, thereupon remarked -that he had sat in several English Parliaments, and that a Speaker must -be chosen before election committees could be appointed. The practice -in England was for the 'Ayes' to go out and for the 'Noes' to remain -within. 'All you,' he said, 'that would have Sir John Davies to be -Speaker come with me out of the House.' The Opposition, who stayed -inside, refused to name tellers, and Sir Walter Butler, his colleague -in the representation of Tipperary, placed Everard in the chair, -where he was held down by Sir Daniel O'Brien of Clare and Sir William -Burke of Galway. Ridgeway and Wingfield then offered to tell for both -sides, but the Opposition gathered together 'in a plumpe' so that they -could not be counted. As the majority returned the tellers called the -numbers out loud, and 127 were found to be for Davies, which was a -clear majority in a possible 232. St. John called upon Everard to leave -the chair, but he sat still; whereupon the tellers placed Davies in -his lap, and afterwards ejected him with some show of force. It was -pretended that great violence was used, but an eye-witness declared -that there was none--'not so much as his hat was removed on their -Speaker's head.' The defeated party then walked out, and Talbot said, -'Those within are no House; and Sir John Everard is our Speaker, and -therefore we will not join with you, but we will complain to my Lord -Deputy and the King, and the King shall hear of this.' The outer door -having been locked during the division, Burke and Nugent re-entered to -demand the keys. Davies invited them to take their seats; and when the -door was opened, Everard and all his party left the Castle, declaring -that they would return no more.[103] - -[Sidenote: Continued opposition of the Recusant Lords,] - -[Sidenote: and Commons,] - -[Sidenote: who refuse to attend the House.] - -[Sidenote: Speeches of Sir John Davies.] - -[Sidenote: The Tudors held Parliaments for special objects.] - -[Sidenote: King James I. to hold a real Parliament in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Davies praises Chichester.] - -[Sidenote: And flatters James.] - -On the following day the Roman Catholic lords wrote to the King -reiterating their arguments, avoiding the name of Parliament, which -they called an intended action, and repeating the thinly veiled threats -of their former letter. The Opposition in the House of Commons wrote -in somewhat the same strain to the English Council, maintaining that -Everard was the real Speaker, and that he had been forcibly put out. -During the next two days they sent three petitions to the Lord Deputy. -In the first they begged to be excused attendance for fear of their -lives, and asked to see the official documents relating to the late -elections. In the second they declared themselves ready to attend if -they might be assured that their lives were safe, and that they should -have an opportunity of questioning improper returns. Chichester granted -this, and said he would be ready in the House of Lords to receive their -Speaker. The Lower House met at nine on the morning of the 21st, but -the Opposition refused to attend, and demanded the exclusion of the -members to whose return they objected. Having exhausted all methods -of persuasion, Chichester came down to the Lords, and the House of -Commons were summoned to attend. Davies had in the meantime briefly -returned thanks for his election, modestly depreciating his own fitness -but enlarging upon the wisdom of those who had chosen a spokesman -to represent them; 'for the tower of Babel may be an example to all -assemblies that where there is a confusion of tongues, great works -can never go well forward.' After the Lord Deputy had approved him -as Speaker, Davies made a much longer speech, in which he traced the -history of Parliaments in Ireland, showing how partial their nature -and effects had hitherto been. During the later Middle Ages Ireland -outside the Pale had not been within the scope of the Constitution, and -since Henry VII. the few Parliaments summoned had been upon special -occasions. Henry VIII. had held two, one for attainting the Geraldines -and for abolishing the Pope's title, the other for turning the lordship -into a kingdom and for suppressing the abbeys. The object of Mary's -Parliament was to settle Leix and Offaly in the Crown, thus introducing -the policy which Elizabeth had followed up. The establishment of the -reformed Church, the declaration of the Crown's title to Ulster, and -the forfeitures which followed the attainder of Desmond and Baltinglas -had occupied the great Queen's three Parliaments. Now, under James, a -representation of the whole kingdom was attempted for the first time, -and general legislation would be taken in hand. As to the new boroughs, -Davies argued that, as Mary had created two and Elizabeth seventeen -counties, the right to make boroughs could hardly be denied to King -James. He had made about forty, and the proportion of boroughs to -counties was still less than it had been before Mary's creations. As to -the peers, there were now none who did not fully acknowledge the King; -and no see was without a bishop appointed by him. Davies concluded -his speech with some well-deserved praise of Chichester and with much -bare-faced flattery of James. He had sung the virtues of Elizabeth in -courtly verse; for he knew her weak point, in spite of which she was -one of the greatest and wisest sovereigns that the world has seen. That -might be excused, but a man of the Attorney-General's attainments ought -to have been above describing James as 'the greatest and best king that -now reigneth upon the face of the earth ... whose worthiness exceeds -all degrees of comparison.'[104] - -[Sidenote: Patience of Chichester.] - -[Sidenote: The Opposition send delegates to the King,] - -[Sidenote: and the Deputy follows suit.] - -[Sidenote: Frequent prorogations follow.] - -If Chichester had chosen to take advantage of the refusal of the -Opposition to attend in either House, he might have made any laws -he pleased. As it was, he showed the greatest patience. The Lord -Chancellor, with the bishops and four temporal peers, came to the -Upper House, but no one else appeared; and eleven Recusants sent their -reasons in writing for staying away. Two days later the seceders were -summoned by proclamation in order to pass a Bill for the recognition -of the King's title. The Recusants acknowledged this in writing, but -refused to appear, though the Lord Deputy promised that no other -business should be taken in hand, and contented themselves with sending -delegates to represent their grievances to the King. A general levy -of money to defray expenses was made all over Ireland, 'whereunto -the Popish subjects did willingly condescend'; but when this came -to James's ears, he ordered it to be forbidden by proclamation. The -deputation, to whose departure Chichester made no objection, consisted -of Lords Gormanston and Dunboyne, with Sir Christopher Plunkett, Sir -James Gough, William Talbot, and Edward FitzHarris, the defeated -candidate for the county of Limerick. The Government sent out Lord -Thomond, Chief Justice Denham, and Sir Oliver St. John to explain -the situation in London; and they carried over all the declarations -and petitions of the Recusants. Parliament was adjourned until the -King should be in a position to make up his mind, and afterwards, by -special royal order prorogued to November 3. There were six successive -prorogations, and the Irish Houses did not assemble again until October -1614, during which time the addled Parliament had met and separated in -England. This may have been partly the consequence of Bacon's advice, -who saw the inconvenience of having two Parliaments going on at once. -The mere fact that things were unsettled in Ireland might, he thought, -be a good reason for expecting a liberal supply in England.[105] - -[Sidenote: Royal Commission for grievances.] - -Towards the end of August, when the King returned from his progress, -he issued a commission to Chichester himself, to Sir Humphry Winch, -late Chief Baron in Ireland and now a Judge of the Common Pleas; Sir -Charles Cornwallis, lately Ambassador in Spain; Sir Roger Wilbraham, -who had been Solicitor-General in Ireland; and George Calvert, clerk of -the Council. Two sets of instructions were given to them: by the first -they were to inquire into all matters concerning the Irish elections -and the proceedings in Parliament; by the second to report upon all -general and notorious grievances, of which a few were specially -mentioned. The English commissioners reached Dublin on September 11, -and immediately proceeded to inquire into parliamentary matters, at the -same time giving notice far and wide that they had come to inquire into -grievances generally. For a month there were no complaints, and it was -not until the return of some of the recusant petitioners from London -that any progress could be made in that direction. James had been very -careful to tell Chichester that he did not distrust or blame him, but -attributed the attacks on him to the priests and Jesuits. His great -object was to teach the Irish to seek redress by an orderly petition -to their Sovereign rather than 'after the old fashion of that country, -to run upon every occasion to the bog and wood, and seek their remedy -that way.' This inquiry would only strengthen the Deputy's government. -If the malcontents could be induced to get to work in Parliament by -taking unopposed business first, probably the rest would follow in good -time.[106] - -[Sidenote: Proceedings of the Commissioners.] - -[Sidenote: Disputed elections.] - -[Sidenote: Fermanagh.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone.] - -Having examined the officers of Chancery upon oath, the Commissioners -found that writs had been duly issued to 'all counties, ancient cities, -and boroughs,' and returns made. Where specific instances of wrongful -election had been alleged, each case was gone into upon its merits. -Nine of these were in counties and five in cities or boroughs. In -Fermanagh it was alleged that Connor Roe Maguire and Donnell Maguire -had been duly elected, notwithstanding which Sir Henry Ffolliot and -Sir John Davies had been returned; and that Captain Gore had pulled -out Brian Maguire's beard because he had voted for his namesake. In -this important case the defeated candidates were summoned before the -Commissioners, who reported that one who spoke no English had declined -to appear, and that the other, having been indicted for treason, had -broken prison and betaken himself to the woods. As for Brian Maguire, -he confessed that 'Captain Gore did shake him by the beard, but pulled -no part of it away, nor did him any other hurt.' In Tyrone the question -was between Sir Thomas Ridgeway, afterwards Earl of Londonderry, -who was returned, and Tirlagh O'Neill, who spoke no English. It -appeared that thirty-four British freeholders voted for the former and -twenty-eight for the latter--such were county elections in those days. -The result was that no knight of the shire was unseated; and in the -worst cases the evidence was certainly conflicting.[107] - -[Sidenote: Contest in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: The Commissioners find the facts.] - -The writ to the sheriffs of Dublin was issued on April 1, and on the -following day they gave their warrant to the mayor, Sir James Carrol, -to hold an election. On the 20th, when the sheriffs sat in their court, -they were persuaded by the Recusant citizens to come to an election -in the mayor's absence. Alderman Francis Taylor and Thomas Allen were -returned unopposed; but the mayor ignored the proceedings, and held a -fresh election seven days later on what is now College Green, outside -the walls but within the liberties of Dublin. Proclamation had been -made at ten that morning, and the nomination took place accordingly at -two. The Recusant party acknowledged the validity of the proceedings -by nominating Taylor and Barry, who had already been declared duly -elected; but the mayor proposed the recorder, Richard Bolton, and -Alderman Richard Barry. The voices appearing about equal, Carrol -ordered a division, and declared the majority to be for his nominees, -but without actually taking a poll. The beaten party petitioned on -the ground that the original election was good, that the second was -really held before two o'clock, and that the majority in fact was for -Allen and Taylor. The first question was left by the Commissioners to -the lawyers in England. Watches were perhaps not then very common in -Dublin, but the weight of evidence was in favour of the appointed hour -having been observed, and of the majority having been on the side of -Bolton and Barry. It was not denied that no poll had been taken.[108] - -[Sidenote: Contests in Boroughs.] - -[Sidenote: Cavan.] - -[Sidenote: Cavan members unseated.] - -[Sidenote: The Kildare case, and others.] - -Besides the general objection to the new boroughs special objection -had been taken in five cases, of which the most remarkable was that -of Cavan. It was alleged that Captain Culme, who brought a mandate -from the county sheriff, had proposed himself and the Lord Deputy's -secretary, George Sexton, but that the townsmen had refused to elect -them. Four or five days later the high sheriff, Sir Oliver Lambert, -held an election, and it was said that he behaved with great violence, -while his musketeers with matches burning excluded all but his -partisans. Thomas and Walter Brady were the opposition candidates, and -George Brady, who voted for his namesakes, was struck by Lambert. The -Commissioners found that this was after the election, that Brady had -used bad or irritating language, and that Sir Oliver had struck him -'with a little walking-stick, but his head was not broken,' as the -petitioners alleged. Culme and Sexton were declared duly elected, but -the Commissioners found upon the evidence that the two Bradys had the -majority. Later on the return was annulled, and in the end the two -Bradys were returned. Kildare was the only other borough where the -Commissioners found that an undue election had been made.[109] - -[Sidenote: The delegates in London.] - -[Sidenote: Barnewall and Talbot.] - -[Sidenote: Non-residence of members.] - -When the Irish Parliament was just about to meet the English Council -had sent for Sir Patrick Barnewall. He was known to have written -letters declaring that the assembly as constituted would reduce -Ireland to slavery, and that the new boroughs were erected only to pass -money votes. His abilities were known, and no doubt he was considered -formidable since his victory in the matter of the mandates. Barnewall -may have had influence with the delegates in London, but William Talbot -was the chief legal adviser of the Opposition, and their petition to -the King was drawn up under his guidance. Observers in London thought -him the real head of the deputation. Talbot afterwards had a son -Richard, who was destined as Earl and Duke of Tyrconnel to overthrow -for a moment the fabric raised by Elizabeth, James and Cromwell, and -grudgingly maintained by Charles II. Gormanston and his five companions -petitioned as agents for twenty-one counties and twenty-eight ancient -cities and boroughs, and a schedule was appended containing particulars -of electoral irregularities. They laid special stress upon an English -Act of Henry V. binding in Ireland by the operation of Poynings's -Law, which required that members of Parliament should be resident in -the counties for which they sat, and that knights of shires should be -natives of them. The statute as to residence has been long obsolete in -England, where attempts to revive it had deservedly failed, and it had -been disregarded in Ireland in Perrott's time; but in point of strict -law the petitioners were right, for the requirement of residence, which -had been abolished or suspended in Ireland in the time of Edward IV., -was clearly reaffirmed by St. Leger's Parliament under Henry VIII. -Boldly assuming that they were the majority, the petitioners asserted -that their speaker lawfully elected was ejected by violence, and that -they themselves were terrorised.[110] - -[Sidenote: Case for the Irish Government.] - -[Sidenote: Distinction between native and Anglo-Irish Catholics.] - -Thomond and his associates were instructed by Chichester to point out -that many of the Irish candidates for parliamentary honours had been -in actual rebellion, that some could speak no English, and that 'all -were elected by a general combination and practice of Jesuits and -priests, who charged all the people, upon pain of excommunication, not -to elect any of the King's religion.' They were to tell the Council -in the petitioners' presence that at a conference with Tyrone and his -Irish allies when they thought they were going to conquer Ireland, -'he and the rest of the Irish did solemnly declare and publish, that -no person of what quality or degree soever being descended of English -race, birth or blood, though they came in with the conquest, and were -since degenerated and become Irish by alteration of name and customs, -should inherit or possess a foot of land within the kingdom,' and that -Celtic owners could be found for all. When asked what was to happen -to their Anglo-Irish allies, they answered that they might stay as -vassals or labourers, 'and if they liked not thereof they might depart -the kingdom.' Among those elected, or by the petitioners supposed to -be elected, were a son-in-law of Tyrone's and many other rebels, and -among the candidates were another son-in-law and a half-brother of -the arch-traitor, with many more of the same wicked crew, 'for they -would have Barabbas and exclude Jesus.' Chichester saw clearly that -the position and interests of those who were English in everything but -religion differed fundamentally from those of the native Irish, and -in the wars of the next generation the distinction became apparent to -all.[111] - -[Sidenote: The King gives frequent audiences.] - -[Sidenote: Talbot in the Tower.] - -[Sidenote: Luttrell in the Fleet.] - -[Sidenote: Suarez repudiated.] - -The original deputation from the Irish Opposition consisted of six -persons, but James had declared his willingness to see twelve, and the -additional number who came was considerably greater, six peers and -fourteen commoners, including Everard, Barnewall and Thomas Luttrell. -The latter sat for the county of Dublin and had been prominent, or -in official language turbulent and seditious, during the late short -session. James heard the deputation in Council several times during -the month of July, 'while they did use daily to frequent their secret -conventicles and private meetings, to consult and devise how to frame -plaintive articles against the Lord Deputy.' Under these circumstances -it is not surprising that the King found it hard to come to a decision, -and when he went on progress to the west towards the end of the month -he reserved judgment. Before this, however, Talbot was sent to the -Tower for not condemning with sufficient clearness the opinions of the -Jesuit Suarez, as to the deposition and murder of kings. That murder -was not lawful he had no doubt, but thought that deposition might be, -and he said this in the King's presence. Luttrell lay for nearly three -months in the Fleet for the same reason, when he made submission in -writing. Sir Patrick Barnewall, whose loyalty was undisputed, and who -had had enough of the Tower, found no difficulty in repudiating the -doctrines of Suarez and Parsons as 'most profane, impious, wicked, and -detestable ... that His Majesty or any other sovereign prince, if he -were excommunicated by the Pope, might be massacred or done away with -by his subjects or any other.' As for his own king he firmly held that -all his Highness's subjects should spend their lives and properties to -defend him and his kingdoms, 'notwithstanding any excommunication or -any other act which is or may be pronounced or done by the Pope against -him.' Talbot's submission was less complete, and he remained in the -Tower for over a year.[112] - -[Sidenote: The rival Churches.] - -[Sidenote: Suggestions by the Commissioners.] - -[Sidenote: Military irregularities.] - -[Sidenote: Abuses by sheriffs.] - -The first thing that struck the Commissioners was the general neglect -of true religion, the ministers and preachers being insufficient both -in number and quality, and the churches for the most part ruinous. -There were, however 'a multitude of Popish schoolmasters, priests, -friars, Jesuits, seminaries of the adverse Church authorised by the -Pope and his subordinates for every diocese, ecclesiastical dignity, -and living of note,' who were resident, and who lost no opportunity -of execrating the reformed faith, being supported and countenanced by -the native nobility. Of the magistrates, sheriffs, and other officials -many were Roman Catholics, and the priesthood was constantly recruited -from seminaries in Spain and Belgium. The Commissioners could only -recommend the ruthless enforcement of ecclesiastical conformity. All -should be driven to church or punished, Popish schools suppressed, and -priests weeded out, able and religious schoolmasters being provided, -while 'idle and scandalous ministers' gave place to well paid and -conscientious successors. All this was neither very original nor very -practical, and the report is more to the purpose where remediable -evils are dealt with. Extortions by soldiers were loudly complained -of, and not altogether denied by Chichester, though he declared that -he had taken the greatest care to prevent them, and though he was -ready to pay three times the value if it could be proved that he had -taken 'of the value of a hen' wrongfully during his eight years' -government. The Commissioners found that billeted soldiers did exact -money from the people at the rate of about three shillings a night for -a footman besides meat and drink, and that they sometimes took cattle -or goods in default of payment, 'whereby breach of peace and affrays -are occasioned.' The viceregal warrant always required them to march -straight from point to point, but they sometimes went round on purpose -to gain more time at free quarters. There were many other similar -disorders and oppressions, yet it did not appear that applications were -often made to the Lord Deputy, 'who upon their complaints hath given -order for redress of such grievances as hath been manifested unto us.' -On the other hand aggrieved parties pleaded that they were afraid to -provoke the enmity of the soldiers by complaining, and that remedies -cost more than they were worth, though they admitted that Chichester -was 'swift of despatch and easy of access.' The Lord Deputy said no -sheriffs were made who had not property in their shires, 'and if such -who are of better estates are omitted it is for their recusancy,' but -the Commissioners found that many had none, either there or elsewhere, -that they gathered crown rents and taxes in an irregular manner, and -that they were guilty of other minor extortions, 'the reason whereof -being affirmed to be that in the civillest counties in the English Pale -and in other counties there are found very few Protestants that are -freeholders of quality fit to be sheriffs, and that will take the oath -of supremacy as by the laws they ought to do, and by the Lord Deputy's -order no sheriff is admitted till he enter into sufficient bond for -answering his accounts.'[113] - -[Sidenote: Ploughing by the tail.] - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of the practice.] - -[Sidenote: Its cruelty] - -[Sidenote: and long continuance.] - -One grievance there was which deserves special mention, because its -history shows how even the most obvious and reasonable reform may be -resented when it involves a change in the habits of country people. It -had long been the custom, especially in Ulster, to till rough ground by -attaching a very short plough, which might be lifted over an obstacle, -to the tails of ponies walking abreast. This was prohibited by Order -in Council in 1606, the penalty being the forfeiture of one animal for -the first year, two for the second, and for the third the whole team. -No attempt was made to enforce this until 1611, when Captain Paul -Gore, to whose company arrears were due since O'Dogherty's rebellion, -obtained leave to pay himself by realising the penalty for a year -in one or two counties. Chichester consented, but limited the fine -to ten shillings for each plough. The fine, smaller or greater, was -often paid, but did not have the desired effect. Gore no doubt made -a good bargain, for in the following year Chichester ordered the ten -shillings to be levied all over Ulster, spending most of the money -so raised upon roads, bridges, and the repairs of churches. James, -with his usual improvidence, granted this to Sir William Uvedale for -Ģ100 Irish, and it was admitted that he made Ģ800, while much more -was really collected from the people. Collections unauthorised by -Chichester had also been made in Connaught and even in the Pale. It was -not the short ploughs that had been prohibited but the ploughing by the -tail, and it had been particularly provided that no penalty attached -if traces of any kind were used. Perhaps the collectors stretched a -point, and the petitioners were at all events justified in pointing -out that there was no law to support the prohibition, and that the -peasants concerned had neither skill nor means to use better ploughs. -The English settlers who saw these ploughs at work thought them both -'uncivil' and unprofitable; and the cruelty was obvious, Chichester -stating that many hundred of beasts were killed or spoiled yearly. The -horses stopped when they felt the jar of a stump or boulder, and no -doubt the resulting tillage was of the poorest kind. In modern times -spade labour was used in rough places, and was much more efficient. It -was the intention of Chichester to pass an Act of Parliament against -ploughing by the tail, but this was not actually done until Strafford's -time. The statute sets forth that 'besides the cruelty used to the -beasts the breed of horses is much impaired in this kingdom to the -great prejudice thereof.' The repeal of this measure was actually made -a condition of peace between Charles I. and the Irish Confederates in -1646. The practice gradually ceased to be general after it had been -forbidden by law, but even near the end of Charles II.'s reign it still -prevailed in the rocky barony of Burren in Clare, where it was found -necessary to tolerate it. Arthur Young found the barbarous custom still -strong in Cavan, and in Connaught it was not quite extinct even in -Queen Victoria's reign. Its cheapness really recommended the practice, -which was even defended on the ground of humanity, because it shortened -the draught.[114] - -[Sidenote: Alleged legal extortion.] - -[Sidenote: Excessive fees.] - -[Sidenote: Chichester is absolved.] - -It had been complained--and in what age or country has there been no -such complaint?--that clerks in the law courts exacted excessive fees, -the fear of which prevented men from taking legal remedy. Chichester -was able to answer that all scales of charges had been twice carefully -overhauled, that they were now much less than in Queen Elizabeth's -time, and that those who had reason to complain well knew that he would -give them redress if required. The Commissioners found it very hard to -get the exact truth because both judges and officers were so frequently -changed, but they found abuse 'in some particular cases.' Chichester -had greatly increased the revenue, and, as he believed, without adding -to the burden of the people; but some new offices had been created -in the Exchequer, and it was not clear that this was always to the -advantage of either King or subject. Many clerks of courts sought 'to -make their fees equal both in number and value with the fees paid to -like officers in England, which seemeth heavy to the subjects of this -kingdom, being generally of much less ability.' The Commissioners made -arrangement for the preparation of accurate lists of fees, and they -unanimously exonerated Chichester from any malpractice. 'We found the -Deputy upright,' wrote one Commissioner in his diary. Another in a -letter, after hearing voluminous evidence, thought too much time was -taken up with trivialities. 'Whole heaps' of cases of oppression by -soldiers had nevertheless, he said, been established, and he seems to -have thought the military element in the Government much too strong. It -had been said by a man of good understanding, Cornwallis reported, that -'these Irish are a scurvy nation, and are as scurvily used,' and he -supposed that when he had heard the Commissioners on their return his -noble correspondent would be of the same opinion.[115] - -[Sidenote: Royal proclamation, Feb. 7, 1613-1614.] - -[Sidenote: Chichester is sent for.] - -Having received the report of the Commissioners, the King sent Sir -Richard Boyle to Ireland with 1,000 copies of a proclamation for -distribution all over the country. In it James announced that he -had vouchsafed in person to debate with the malcontents on several -occasions, that they had not met him in a proper spirit, and that -there was evidently a conspiracy among them to bring Chichester into -disfavour, whose conduct he had nevertheless found 'full of respect to -our honour, zeal to justice, and sufficiency in the execution of the -great charge committed unto him.' Inferior officers remained liable -to punishment for proved demerits. Boyle, who was sworn of the Privy -Council as soon as he reached Dublin, also carried a letter from the -King to Chichester expressing fuller confidence in him, and directing -him to come over and make arrangements for another session, while so -many Irish peers and members of Parliament were in London. He was not, -however, to leave Ireland if he thought that reasons of state required -his continued presence there. He started just a month after Boyle's -arrival, leaving the Government in the hands of Archbishop Jones and -Sir R. Wingfield as Lords Justices, narrowly escaped drowning near -Conway, and reached London in due course. Among those who accompanied -him were Sir John Davies and Sir Josiah Bodley.[116] - -[Sidenote: The King verbally promises toleration] - -[Sidenote: to all who disavow Suarez.] - -[Sidenote: Sir James Gough publishes the royal message,] - -[Sidenote: but is not believed.] - -While the Commissioners were still sitting in Dublin, Lords Gormanston -and Roche, Sir James Gough, and Mr. Patrick Hussy, member for Meath -and titular baron of Galtrim, took leave of the King at Royston. James -made a speech, which according to Gough's report contained the words: -'As for your religion, howbeit that the religion I profess be the -religion I will make the established religion among you, and that the -exercise of the religion which you use (which is no religion, indeed, -but a superstition) might be left off; yet will I not ensue or extort -any man's conscience, and do grant that all my subjects there (which -likewise upon your return thither I require you to make known) do -acknowledge and believe that it is not lawful to offer violence unto my -person, or to deprive me of my crown, or to take from me my kingdoms, -or that you harbour or receive any priest or seminary that would allow -such a doctrine. I do likewise require that none of your youth be -bred at Douai. Kings have long ears, and be assured that I will be -inquisitive of your behaviour therein.' There were plenty of witnesses, -and James was not able to deny the substantial correctness of Gough's -version, who took care to repeat it to Sir Francis Kingsmill, a -fellow-passenger across the channel. On landing Gough betook himself to -Munster, where he published the King's words at Youghal, Clonmel and -Dungarvan. Having given the report a fortnight's start in the part of -Ireland where he was best known, Sir James repaired to Dublin Castle -and delivered the royal message to numerous audiences in the Lord -Deputy's presence 'in the action and tone of an orator.' He was called -into a more private place, where he maintained his faithful rendering -of 'the most great and true King's words,' which he was ready at his -command to proclaim 'at Hercules' Posts.' He threw himself upon the -royal protection, professing that the Jesuit doctrine was a new thing -to him, and repudiating it for himself and his colleagues. They would, -he said, refuse the ministration of priests who held it, and also -discover them to the authorities. Chichester, who must have cursed the -garrulous monarch, declared his disbelief, and Gough was kept under -restraint in the Castle.[117] - -[Sidenote: The King cannot explain away his words,] - -[Sidenote: but Gough has to submit.] - -James admitted that he had used the language imputed to him, but -without intending thereby to claim a dispensing power or to promise -full toleration, and he sent over a proclamation to that effect for -circulation. Against Sir James Gough he made four points, that his -turbulent conduct to the Deputy must be taken as directed against the -King, that he had no warrant at all to make any report to his Lordship, -that he wilfully misrepresented the royal meaning, and that he had -cunningly reported only so much as suited him, which was a very small -part of what had been said. Gough was to be detained until he made -submission, and when he had made it the Deputy might release him as -an act of his own favour. In less than a month after the date of the -King's letter Gough made an ample apology. He now understood that his -Majesty intended the laws against recusancy to be enforced, 'but that -his subjects should be compelled by violence or other unlawful means -to resort to the Protestant churches I think it not his pleasure.' -Their consciences were to be left free. As this pretty nearly -represented Chichester's own ideas, the submission was accepted and Sir -James Gough released.[118] - -[Sidenote: Talbot before the Star-chamber.] - -[Sidenote: The law officers discourage severity] - -[Sidenote: Bacon nevertheless magnifies Talbot's offence,] - -[Sidenote: but he is ultimately released.] - -Talbot was brought before the Star-chamber in London on the same day -that Gough made his submission in Dublin. At a previous hearing before -the Council the English oath of allegiance was tendered to him, and -extracts from Suarez and Parsons were read, of which he was given a -copy to meditate upon during his imprisonment. Though the oath of -allegiance had no statutory force in Ireland the law officers, Hobart -and Bacon, had given a cautious opinion that it might be administered -to Irishmen in England, 'but whether it be convenient to minister it -unto them, not being persons commorant or settled there, but only -employed for the present business, we must leave it unto his Majesty's -and your Lordships' better judgments.' This is a plain hint that they -did not think it convenient, but they were overruled, and Bacon, who -had since become Attorney-General, had to conduct Talbot's prosecution. -The prisoner not unnaturally vacillated a good deal, but at last, -having studied Abbot's excerpts from the two Jesuits, he declared that -they involved matters of faith and must be submitted to the judgment -of the catholic Roman church, but, he added, 'for matter concerning -my loyalty, I do acknowledge my sovereign liege lord King James to be -lawful and undoubted King of all the kingdoms of England, Scotland, -and Ireland, and I will bear true faith and allegiance to his Highness -during my life.' The practical politician who was in Bacon along with -the lawyer, the theologian, and the philosopher would no doubt have -been satisfied with this; but officially he was bound to accuse Talbot -of maintaining a power in the Pope to depose and murder kings. He had -not merely refused the oath of allegiance, but had affirmed the power -of the Church over civil matters. 'It would astonish a man,' said -Bacon, 'to see the gulf of this implied belief. Is nothing exempted -from it? If a man should ask Mr. Talbot whether he do condemn murder, -or adultery, or rape, or the doctrine of Mahomet, or of Arius instead -of Zuarius; must the answer be with this exception, that if the -question concern matter of faith (as no question it does, for the moral -law is matter of faith) that therein he will submit himself to what the -Church will determine.' Talbot was fined Ģ10,000, but there does not -seem to have been any intention to make him pay, and he was allowed to -return to Ireland after spending several more months in the Tower. This -was euphemistically described by the Privy Council as 'attendance on -his Majesty's pleasure,' but they took care that his property should -not suffer in his absence. Clemency was shown, but a theoretical gulf -had been dug which made it more difficult than ever to reconcile the -discordant elements of Irish life.[119] - -[Sidenote: The King on the constitution of Parliaments,] - -[Sidenote: on Irish grievances,] - -[Sidenote: and on toleration.] - -On April 12 in the council chamber at Whitehall, and in the presence of -Chichester and of the recusant Irish peers and members of Parliament, -James delivered the memorable speech which foreshadowed the course -of Irish policy until the advent of Strafford. It manifests much -cleverness, combined with a characteristic want of dignity. The -parliamentary questions were of course decided against the petitioners, -who were lectured for their disrespectful bearing at the outset, -and for seceding when things went against them. 'The Lower House,' -he said, 'here in England doth stand upon its privileges as much as -any council in Christendom; yet if such a difference had risen here, -they would have gone on with my service notwithstanding. What,' he -exclaimed, 'if I had created 40 noblemen and 400 boroughs? The more -the merrier, the fewer the better cheer,' adding with a good deal of -truth that 'comparing Irish boroughs new with Irish boroughs old,' -there was not so very much to choose between them, and that for the -most part they were likely to increase. The legal point as to members -being non-resident he was entitled to pass over lightly, for the law -was obsolete in England. 'If you had said they had no interest,' he -remarked, 'it had been somewhat, but most have interest in the kingdom, -and are likely to be as careful as you for the weal thereof.' As to -civil grievances those complained of were such as were found in all -countries, and might be redressed on application to the Lord Deputy, -whom the recusants admitted to be the best governor that Ireland had -ever had. After full inquiry by an impartial commission the King had -'found nothing done by him but what is fit for an honourable gentleman -to do in his place.' As to the question of religion, he said the -recusants were but half-subjects, and entitled only to half privileges. -'The Pope is your father _in spiritualibus_, and I _in temporalibus_ -only, and so you have your bodies turned one way and your souls drawn -another way; you that send your children to the seminaries of treason. -Strive henceforth to become good subjects, that you may have _cor unum -et viam unam_, and then I shall respect you all alike. But your Irish -priests teach you such grounds of doctrine as you cannot follow them -with a safe conscience, but you must cast off your loyalty to the -King.' And he referred to an intercepted letter from one such priest, -which was much more to the purpose than extracts from Suarez and others -like him.[120] - -[Sidenote: Final award as to parliamentary difficulties, 1614.] - -[Sidenote: The Houses get to business at last.] - -[Sidenote: The Roman Catholics at first stay to prayers,] - -[Sidenote: but soon desist.] - -[Sidenote: Legislation proceeds smoothly,] - -[Sidenote: and Tyrone's attainder is passed unanimously.] - -Chichester left London on July 11, one week after the Irish Parliament -had been prorogued by the Lords Justices for the sixth time. A letter -from the King written at Belvoir Castle soon followed him, which -contained the final award as to Irish parliamentary matters. The -Protestant or Government party were pronounced generally to have been -in the right; but the Opposition were not to be any further questioned, -since there had been a certain amount of foundation for their -complaints. It had been proved that eight boroughs were erected after -the issue of the writs, and this disqualified their representatives -during the existing Parliament. Three other boroughs were pronounced -by the Commissioners to have no power by charter or prescription to -send burgesses, and this decision was confirmed. The rest of the -elections were declared to be duly made. Sir John Davies carried the -royal letter to Dublin along with the Bills finally agreed upon, which -did not include that against Jesuits, seminary priests, and other -disobedient persons. The prorogation expired on October 11, on which -day the Houses met, Chichester having undergone a surgical operation -in the interval. He was sufficiently recovered to open Parliament in -person, to make a short speech, and to see the effect of the King's -letter, which was read by the Lord Chancellor in his presence. Davies -made another speech to the Commons, with the usual classical allusions -and the usual appeals to history. James was the Esculapius who had -healed their differences, and now there was good hope that their wills -should be united. Differences of opinion there needs must be, and -sound conclusions could not be reached without them, for had not Ovid -said that nature could effect nothing without a struggle? At first all -went smoothly, and the Roman Catholics sat patiently through prayers, -which were offered up by the Speaker himself. The lawyers held that -prayers said by a layman could do them no harm, but the priests thought -otherwise, and attendance was discontinued after a week. In the Lords, -where a bishop officiated, it was from the first considered out of the -question. When the House of Commons came to business both Talbot and -Everard exerted themselves to prevent any disturbance. Three Bills -were passed without much difficulty, for acknowledgment of the King's -title, for the suppression of piracy, and for taking away benefit of -clergy in cases of rape, burglary, and horse-stealing. The English Act -of 28 Henry VIII. was never extended to Ireland, and the prevalence of -piracy was attributed mainly to that. Special commissions of admiralty -were now devised, pirates being denied both benefit of clergy and right -of sanctuary. If a jury were sworn there could be no challenge. The -Bill for the attainder of the northern chiefs was passed without a -single dissentient voice, and became law. Sir John Everard, who seems -to have had little sympathy with the Ulster Celts, spoke in favour of -it and made little of objections. 'No man,' he said, 'ought to arise -against the Prince for religion or justice,' adding that the many -favours bestowed on Tyrone by the late Queen and present King greatly -aggravated his offence. 'And now,' wrote Davies, 'all the states of -the kingdom have attainted Tyrone, the most notorious and dangerous -traitor that was in Ireland, whereof foreign nations will take notice, -because it has been given out that Tyrone had left many friends behind -him, and that only the Protestants wished his utter ruin. Besides, this -attainder settles the plantation of Ulster.'[121] - -[Sidenote: Finance.] - -[Sidenote: A free gift is asked for,] - -[Sidenote: but with little success.] - -[Sidenote: The Protestants have no working majority.] - -Our Tudor and Stuart sovereigns looked upon Parliament mainly as an -instrument for putting money in their purse. Ireland was a dependency, -and was generally a source of expense rather than of income until after -the Restoration, when inconvenient criticism was avoided by charging -pensions upon the Irish establishment. 'The King was never the richer -for Ireland,' though private adventurers sometimes made fortunes there. -Chichester had greatly improved the revenue, and as there was peace in -his time, except for the brief rebellion of O'Dogherty, there were good -hopes of making Ireland a paying concern. After his return from England -he issued letters asking for a free gift from the county of Dublin; -intending to do the same elsewhere if this first appeal was successful, -and hoping thus to raise 20,000_l._ A nest egg was provided by the -Archbishop and Lord Howth, who put their names down for 100_l._ apiece, -but the Roman Catholic majority hung back, and as soon as it was known -that a parliamentary subsidy would be asked for the chance of any -other contribution grew less and less. The Bill, which was the first -of the kind in Ireland, was duly forwarded to the English Council, but -there were many delays before it was remitted, and it did not reach -Ireland until two days after Parliament had been again prorogued. The -constituencies generally appear to have made their representatives -regular allowances, and this was found very burdensome. Chichester -had found it impossible to keep the Houses sitting with no business -before them. Moreover for want of occupation the members began to make -inconvenient inquiries into the general course of government, and they -rejected Bills for the confirmation of titles to lands acquired by -forfeiture in Elizabeth's time. The Papists, wrote Winwood's secretary, -had been in a majority during the whole session 'through their careful -attendance and the negligent attendance of the Protestants, and this -had given them such confidence of their own strength that they have -dared to mutter, not many days before the Parliament was prorogued, -that the new charters might yet be made void, that the Act of 2 -Elizabeth might be suspended, and that the recusant lawyers who were -put from pleading might be again admitted to the bar.'[122] - -[Sidenote: Last session of the Parliament, 1615.] - -[Sidenote: A subsidy cheerfully granted,] - -[Sidenote: but collected with difficulty.] - -[Sidenote: Optimism of Sir John Davies.] - -Parliament was again prorogued at the end of January 1615, and James, -seeing little chance of a supply, was on the point of directing a -dissolution. But he changed his mind, and decided to be guided by the -proceedings on the money Bill. The Houses met accordingly on April 18, -and the subsidy was granted without any difficulty. Vice-Treasurer -Ridgeway thought this a half-miracle, the House of Commons 'being -compounded of three several nations, besides a fourth, consisting of -old English Irelandised (who are not numbered among the mere Irish or -new English) and of two several blessed religions (whatsoever more), -besides the ignorance of almost all (they being at first more afraid -than hurt) concerning the name, nature, and sum of a subsidy.' Contrary -to the settled practice of later times the Bill was introduced first -in the House of Lords. Winwood's secretary, who sat for Lifford, was -allowed precedence in the debate, and was much struck by the readiness -of all parties. Many of the Irish assured Blundell that they would -willingly have given two subsidies if it had not been for the great -loss of cattle during the late severe winter. Nobody knew what the sum -raised was likely to amount to, but Ridgeway thought it might reach -30,000_l._ in money and cows. Chichester said it could not be got in -coin unless specie were sent from England to pay the officials, who -were all in debt; their creditors might then be enabled to meet the -tax. Former benevolences and cesses in Ireland had been raised on -land only, and there were many exemptions for waste and in favour of -influential people. Goods were now included, and taxed at 2_s._ 8_d._ -in the pound for natives and 5_s._ 4_d._ for aliens and denizens. The -imposition on realty was 4_s._ and 8_s._ English precedent was departed -from in so far that the clergy were taxed as well as the laity, but -this was changed in Strafford's time. Half the money was to be paid -in September 1615, and half in the following March. The preamble of -the first Irish subsidy Bill bears evident marks of Davies's hand, -setting forth that Ireland had been hitherto only a source of expense -to the Crown owing to continual disturbances. 'But forasmuch,' it -proceeds, 'as since the beginning of his Majesty's most happy reign -all the causes of war, dissension, and discontentment are taken away,' -principally by extirpating traitors and placing English and Scotch -colonies in Ulster, the King was now 'in full and peaceable possession -of his vineyard,' and entitled to expect some income from it. The -King's letter of thanks is an echo of this, but it was Carew and not -Davies that proved a true prophet when a worse war than Tyrone's broke -out in that very Ulster which was supposed to be 'cleared from the -thorns and briars of rebellion.'[123] - -[Sidenote: Proposed legislation, most of which is abandoned,] - -[Sidenote: against Recusants,] - -[Sidenote: for a fixed revenue,] - -[Sidenote: against Tanistry,] - -[Sidenote: and for many other purposes.] - -It was originally hoped or intended that there should be very -important legislation in this Irish Parliament. Bills were prepared -for repairing churches and preventing waste of Church property and -against pluralities and non-residence. On the other hand stringent -enactments were contemplated against Jesuits and seminary priests, -and in particular to make the English law enforceable against -Recusants who fled into Ireland to have more free exercise of their -religion there. No part of this programme was carried out, and it was -probably from a feeling of relief that the Irish majority were so -amenable in connection with the subsidy. The oath of allegiance had -not been imposed by law in Ireland, and it was proposed to legalise -its administration by commissioners, but this was not done. Several -Bills devised to give the King a fixed revenue were also abandoned. Of -twenty projected Acts 'concerning the common weal, or general good of -the subject,' only two became law, those against piracy and against -benefit of clergy in cases of felony. Of the other abortive bills that -of largest scope was for abolishing the Brehon Law and the custom of -gavelkind and for naturalising all the native Irish. Tanistry and -gavelkind had already been declared illegal by judicial decisions, -and probably it was not thought prudent to raise the question. But -an Act was passed repealing certain statutes in which Irishmen had -been treated as enemies or aliens, and declaring that all natives -and inhabitants of Ireland did in fact live under one law. Bills for -confirming royal grants to undertakers in Ulster and Munster came -to nothing, and probably it was thought wiser to keep the power of -forfeiture in reserve. A poor law was contemplated, but the machinery -for working the 43rd of Elizabeth did not exist in Ireland, and nothing -effectual was done until 1838. A Bill for the preservation of woods was -abandoned, and so was another, for the protection of hawks, pheasants, -and partridges, which may sound odd to modern sportsmen.'[124] - -[Sidenote: A highway system introduced.] - -[Sidenote: Legislation against Scots repealed.] - -[Sidenote: A general pardon.] - -To this Parliament Ireland owes the first establishment of a regular -highway system, the remote results of which delighted Arthur Young -when the roads of England were still very bad. The charge was placed -on the parishes, and compulsory powers were given to take small stones -out of quarries, and underwood when required, paying such compensation -as the supervisor thought reasonable. An Act of Mary against bringing -in Scots and marrying with them was repealed in consequence of the -union of England, Scotland, and Ireland 'under one imperial crown.' -The only other act of great importance passed was one for a general -pardon of all offences not specially excepted. But the list of -exceptions was a long one, including treason and misprision of treason, -piracy and murder, since the beginning of the reign. Burglary, arson, -horse-stealing, and rape were pardoned unless committed within one -year before the beginning of the session. Witchcraft, however, and -most offences against the revenue, were excepted if committed since -the King's accession. Outlaws were excepted until such satisfaction -was given as would lead to a reversal of the outlawry, and a special -Act was passed to restrict the power of private suitors to place their -adversaries in such a position. 'No kingdom or people,' said Davies, -'have more need of this Act for a general pardon than Ireland,' but it -was considered very insufficient. Nothing was done to abate extortion -in the Exchequer and other courts, and there were no words of 'pardon -of intrusions and alienations, which is the burden that lies heavy upon -all the gentlemen of the kingdom.'[125] - -[Sidenote: Parliament is dissolved October, 1615,] - -[Sidenote: and the King falls back on prerogative.] - -[Sidenote: Obsolete statutes.] - -The subsidy having been granted, Parliament was prorogued after -sitting four weeks, and it was intended to have another session in -October. Long before the recess was over James made up his mind that -there should be a dissolution, and that he would not receive another -deputation from the Irish Commons. The reasons given were that the -existence of Parliament interfered with the ordinary course of -justice, and that the luxury was too expensive both for the members -and for the constituents, who paid them more or less sufficiently. -That this was not the true reason may be inferred from the fact that -a dissolution was very unpopular. Probably the King thought Irish -Parliaments dangerous and unmanageable as he learned to regard English -ones, and he had no great appetite for legislation when the prerogative -was strong enough to carry out the most pressing reforms. Orders were -given to reduce the scale of legal fees and to have them hung up in -all the courts. If the clergy exacted excessive charges for burials -they were to modify them. Restraints on trade were to be removed by -proclamation, but the exportation of wool was forbidden except into -England. Finally the Statute of Kilkenny and all other Acts prohibiting -commerce between English and Irish were to be treated as obsolete until -the next Parliament, when they might be utterly repealed. As a matter -of fact no Parliament met until Strafford's time, and the system of -bureaucratic government without effective criticism was not destined to -be successful.[126] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[98] Instructions for Carew, June 24, 1611, in _Carew Papers_; -Chichester to Salisbury, February 17, 1611; Lords of Council to -Chichester, March 7, 1613; King to same, March 21; Lords of Council to -same, October 9, 1612. - -[99] List of Perrott's Parliament in _Tracts Relating to Ireland_, ii. -139; List of the Parliament of 1613 in _Liber mun. pub. Hiberniæ_, vii. -50; Remembrances touching the Parliament, No. 93 in vol. v. of _Carew -Papers_; as to Connaught and Munster, _ib._, Nos. 92, 87; Calculations -as to the votes of the nobility, _ib._ 86; Brief Relation of the -Passages in Parliament (part in Carew's hand), _ib._ 149. Counties and -boroughs sending burgesses to Parliament in State Papers, _Ireland_, -April 1, 1613. A letter written in 1612 by David Kearney, Archbishop of -Cashel, and others, to the Irish seminaries in Spain, says, 'What keeps -everyone in a state of intense suspense is the fear of the approaching -Parliament, in which the heretics intend to vomit out all their poison -and infect with it the purity of our holy religion, and it is expected -that things will take place in it such as have not been seen since the -schism of Henry VIII. began.'--_Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 122. - -[100] Carew's Remembrances to be thought of touching the Parliament in -_Carew Papers_, 1611, No. 93; Davies to Salisbury, October 14, 1611, -State Papers, _Ireland_; The King to Chichester, June 2 and September -26, 1612, in Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_; Brief Relation, etc., in -_Carew Papers_, 1613, No. 149. - -[101] Letter of Lords Gormanston, Slane, Killeen, Trimleston, Dunsany, -and Louth to the King, November 25, 1612, printed in _Leland_, ii. 443; -the King to Chichester, March 4 and 31, 1613, in Cal. of State Papers, -_Ireland_. - -[102] Petition of May 18, 1613, with Chichester's answer in _Carew -Papers_. The signatories are Lords Gormanston, Fermoy, Mountgarrett, -Buttevant, Delvin, Slane, Trimleston, Louth, Dunboyne, and Cahir. The -names of Lords Killeen and Dunsany, who signed the first letter, are -absent, but the former was active later. - -[103] Narratives in _Carew Papers_, 1613, Nos. 146, 147, 149, the last -paper being a detailed account signed by forty-one Protestant members. -Dr. Ryves to Dr. Dunn, May 29, in Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_. St. -John had been active in the English Parliament of 1593, and was M.P. -for Portsmouth 1604-1607. - -[104] Narratives _ut sup._ Davies's first speech is given in Grosart's -edition of his _Prose Works_, ii. 218 (Private Circulation, 1876); the -other in Davies's _Tracts_, 1787, from a copy in the British Museum, -formerly in Clarendon's possession, compared with one in the Commons -Journal, printed by Leland as an appendix. Both speeches are printed -in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_. Davies was well versed in English -history and legal antiquities, but he confounds the 'Parlement' of -Paris with the States General. - -[105] Petitions and declarations by the Recusants in Parliament -calendared in State Papers, _Ireland_, May 17-27, 1613; Lord Deputy and -Council to the King, _ib._ No. 685; the King to Chichester, _ib._ July -8. - -[106] The instructions to the Commissioners are in _Desiderata Curiosa -Hibernica_, omitting the first two which are now supplied by _Irish -Cal._, 1613, No. 781. Bacon to the King, January 1614, in _Spedding_, -v. 2; The King to Chichester, September 1613, _Cal._ No. 759. - -[107] Schedule of returns in _Irish Cal._, May 31, 1613, with the -Commissioners' awards at November 12, also printed in _Desiderata -Curiosa Hibernica_. The other disputed county elections were in Armagh, -Cavan, Down, King's County, Limerick, and Roscommon. - -[108] Schedule _ut sup._ - -[109] Schedule _ut sup._ - -[110] The petition is in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 212, the -names and constituencies in Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_, 1613, No. -692. _Irish Statutes_, 18 Edw. IV. cap. 2, 33 Henry VIII. sess. 2, cap. -1. Hallam's _Constitutional History_, chap. xiii. - -[111] Instructions to Thomond, Denham and St. John, June 6, 1613 in -_Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 208 (misprinted 280). - -[112] _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 231, 233; Barnewall's letters, -_ib._ 164; for Talbot, _ib._ 231, 234, 236, 321, and _Irish Cal._ 1614, -Nos. 852 and 969. - -[113] Complaints of Recusants with Chichester's answer, 1613, No. 709. - -[114] _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 369; _Irish Statutes_, 10 and -11 Car. I. cap. 15; Dineley's _Voyage_ in 1681, p. 162; _Confederation -and War_, v. 299. Cornwallis to Northampton, October 22, 1613, as -to 'what great sums of money have been drawn out of the supposed -commiseration of the hinder parts of these poor Irish garrans.' _Ulster -Journal of Archæology_, vi. 212. Uvedale ultimately surrendered his -grant for 1,250_l._, _Cal._, March 15, 1625. Cæsar Otway's _Erris and -Tyrawly_ (1841), p. 358. - -[115] Report of Commissioners in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. -359. Roger Wilbraham's _Diary_ (Camden Society's Miscellany, vol. -x.). Cornwallis to Northampton, October 22, 1613; Sir Robert Jacob to -same, November 30. Both letters show that Cornwallis was closely in -Northampton's confidence. - -[116] _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 291-301. Chichester left -Chester March 21, but a letter calendared at March 27, shows that the -Council were not then aware that he had left Ireland (he did not get it -till the following December). - -[117] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, November 24, 1613; -Sir James Gough's Discourse written and subscribed before the Lord -Deputy, Chancellor and others, No. 973; Report to the King of Spain, -_ib._ No. 969. 'Hercules' Posts' was a tavern in Fleet Street. - -[118] The King to Chichester, January 4, 1614. The submission, dated -January 31, 1614, is in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 287. - -[119] Opinion of law officers in _Spedding_, iv. 388; Bacon's Speech, -January 31, 1614, _ib._ v. 5; Privy Council to Chichester, calendared -No. 798 under January 27, 1614, but perhaps of earlier date; same to -same, July 25, 1614. _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 321, 393. - -[120] James's speech is in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 302, -dated April 12, 1613, which is an obvious misprint. It is printed in -_Carew_ at April 20, 1614, the 'Thursday before Easter.' - -[121] The King to Chichester, August 7, 1614; St. John to Winwood, -October 23 and November 4; Davies to Somerset, October 31, enclosing -his speech of October 11, and to Winwood. - -[122] Chichester to the King, October 16, 1614; St. John to Winwood, -September 3 and 24 and October 23, 1614; Davies to Somerset, and also -to Winwood, October 31; to Winwood, November 28; and to Somerset, -December 2. Francis Blundell to Winwood, December 17; Chichester to -same, December 18. Parliament was prorogued on November 29. - -[123] Proposition for the increase of the Irish Revenue, September -1611, in _Carew_, No. 70, signed by Chichester, Carew, Vice-Treasurer -Ridgeway, Chief Baron Denham, and Davies; _Irish Statutes_, 11, 12, -and 13 James I., chap. 10; The King to Chichester, March 25, 1615; -Chichester to the King and F. Blundell to Winwood, April 28; Ridgeway -to Winwood, August 7; Chichester to Winwood, October 31; Council of War -for Ireland (Grandison, Carew, and Chichester) to Conway, February 8, -1625. - -[124] Abstract of Acts brought over by Sir H. Winch and Sir J. Davies -1812, No. 439. _Irish Statutes_, 11, 12, and 13 James I. _Le Case de -Gavelkind_, 3 Jac. I., and _Le Case de Tanistry_, 5 Jac. I. in Davies's -Reports, 1628. _Irish Statutes_ 1612, chap. 5. - -[125] _Irish Statutes_, 1612, chaps. 6-9. Titles of proposed Acts, -1612, No. 530 in Calendar of State Papers, _Ireland_. St. John to -Winwood. November 28, and December 9, 1614. - -[126] Parliament was dissolved October 24, 1615. The King to -Chichester, August 22, and October 17; Lords of Council to Chichester, -June 26; Chichester to Winwood, October 31. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -LAST YEARS OF CHICHESTER'S GOVERNMENT, 1613-1615 - - -[Sidenote: The Ormonde heritage.] - -[Sidenote: A new Earl of Desmond.] - -[Sidenote: The palatinate of Tipperary.] - -Interference with property was not limited to the ancient Irish, -but was extended by James to the greatest and most loyal of the -Anglo-Norman families. The tenth Earl of Ormonde, known as Black -Thomas, who played so great a part in Elizabeth's time, had been blind -ever since the King's accession. During these years his chief care was -to keep the estates and the title together, and he took every possible -precaution both by will and deed. Having no son living, he married -his only daughter Elizabeth to her cousin Theobald, Lord Tullophelim, -who was the nearest male heir, and who was in great favour both with -the King and Chichester, but not with the old Earl, who accused him -of ill-using his wife and of keeping bad company. Tullophelim died -childless early in 1613, and a son of Lord Thomond's immediately -sought the widow's hand; but the King insisted on her marrying Richard -Preston, a Scotch gentleman of the bedchamber, who, had been about him -from his childhood, accompanied him to England, and was knighted at the -coronation. The marriage took place, and the favourite, who in 1607 -had been created Lord Dingwall in Scotland, became Earl of Desmond in -Ireland in 1619. It was actually the intention of James to endow the -new coronet with everything that had belonged to the old Desmonds; but -little came of this, for the forfeited lands were already occupied by -others. Dingwall was with his father-in-law when he died in 1614, and -was immediately involved in litigation which lasted longer than his -life. In announcing Ormonde's death, Chichester pointed out that there -was now an opportunity of abolishing the palatinate of Tipperary 'so -long enjoyed by that house to the offence of most of the inhabitants -of that county and of the neighbouring counties adjoining.' No doubt -it was very desirable to get rid of such an anomaly, provided it were -done openly on public grounds, and with some reasonable compensation -for the financial loss. But that was not James's way of doing things. -The political advisability of dividing the great Ormonde heritage went -for something with him, but the really important matter was to secure a -large part of it for a Scotch courtier.[127] - -[Sidenote: Litigation about the Ormonde estates.] - -[Sidenote: James I. as an arbitrator.] - -[Sidenote: Harsh treatment of the Earl of Ormonde.] - -The heir to the late Earl's title was his nephew, known for his -devotion as 'Walter of the beads and rosaries,' and to make everything -safe this had been secured to him by fresh letters patent. He married -a daughter of Lord Mountgarret, and her brothers, after Earl Thomas's -death, plotted to carry off his widow and to secure her jointure by -marriage to one of themselves; but this plan was frustrated, and she -married Sir Thomas Somerset. The estates were all carefully entailed -upon the new Earl; but Lady Desmond was heir general, and lawyers in -those days could generally find flaws in titles if those in authority -wished it. In this case James did wish to give much of the property -to his favourite; but it was always possible that the courts of law -might act independently, and Earl Walter was induced to give a bond for -100,000_l._ to abide by the King's personal decision in the matter. -Perhaps he was forced to this by his difficulties for want of money, -or by an exaggerated belief in James's wisdom, or he may have been -simply a bad man of business. When James made his award, the Earl found -that he would not have enough to support his dignity, and declined -to submit. The result was that he spent eight years under restraint, -chiefly in the Fleet prison, where he endured extreme poverty and -misery. The King seized the revenues of that portion which he had -adjudged to the prisoner, as well as the palatinate of Tipperary, which -belonged to him as heir male. Taking advantage of his adversary's -distress, Desmond even set up a claimant to the Earldom of Ormonde, -but the imposture was too absurd to have any chance of success. After -his death his daughter and heiress married Earl Walter's grandson, the -future Duke of Ormonde, but this did not take place until the next -reign.[128] - -[Sidenote: The MacDonnells in Antrim. Sir Randal MacDonnell.] - -[Sidenote: MacDonnells and O'Neills.] - -[Sidenote: Tortuous policy of Sir Randal.] - -Randal MacDonnell, Sorley Boy's eldest surviving son, had accompanied -Tyrone to Kinsale; but deserted the falling cause in good time, -brought a useful contingent to Mountjoy, and was knighted by him. -While Elizabeth lived, the close connection between the MacDonnells -in the isles and in Ulster had always been a source of danger, and -one of James's first cares was to secure the allegiance of the Irish -branch. The northern part of Antrim, including the coast from Larne to -Portrush, was granted to Randal by patent. From this grant, estimated -to contain 333,907 acres, the castle of Dunluce was at first excepted, -but this was afterwards thrown in with the rest, as were the fishery -of the Bann and the island of Rathlin. MacDonnell married Tyrone's -daughter, which no doubt strengthened his position; but he realised -clearly that parchment, and not steel, would in future decide the -fortunes of families. He was in England in 1606, and Salisbury, when -saying good-bye, advised him not to be his own carver. Chichester -thought the grants to him were improvident, and was never quite -satisfied about his loyalty, but he was able to clear himself of all -complicity when Tyrone fled the country, and he took care not to -obstruct the settlement afterwards. Before O'Dogherty's outbreak he -was on equally good terms with that unfortunate chief and with his -opponent, Bishop Montgomery, and he was received at Court in 1608 -and 1610. In 1614 he was one of those who went security for Florence -MacCarthy in London.[129] - -[Sidenote: Sir Randal's schemes in the Hebrides.] - -[Sidenote: Macdonalds and Campbells.] - -While strengthening his position in Ireland, Sir Randal did not give -up all hold on the Western Islands, for he obtained a lease of Isla -and attempted to govern it along with, and according to the rules of, -his Irish estate. He was never able to make much out of it, for his -tenants disliked novelties, and so did the Scotch Privy Council. The -strong castle of Dunyveg was entrusted by the Government to Bishop -Knox of the Isles, but his weak garrison was surprised by one of the -bastard Macdonalds, who in his turn had to surrender it to Angus Oig, -brother of Sir James Macdonald, lord of Isla, who was a prisoner at -Edinburgh. Angus professed to hold the castle for the King; but refused -nevertheless to give it up to the Bishop, who had all the authority -that the Government could give him. Well informed people at Edinburgh -thought Argyle was at the bottom of the whole disturbance, 'and the -matter so carried that it was impossible to deprehend the plot.' -Bishop Knox, who was well versed in Highland politics, and who would -have liked to settle the Hebrides with lowlanders on the Ulster plan, -considered it 'neither good nor profitable to his Majesty, nor to this -realm, to make the name of Campbell greater in the Isles than they are -already; nor yet to root out one pestiferous clan, and plant in another -little better.' The offer of a good rent by Sir John Campbell of Calder -was nevertheless accepted, and Isla was granted to him, with the -authority of King's lieutenant, and orders to root out the Macdonalds. -No notice was apparently taken of Sir Randal's rights or claims. Sir -James Macdonald's proposals were disregarded, and in November 1614 Sir -John Campbell carried a strong force to Duntroon, where he awaited -assistance from Ireland. Archibald Campbell, Argyle's representative in -Cantire, was sent over to explain matters to Chichester.[130] - -[Sidenote: Irish expedition to the Isles.] - -[Sidenote: Siege of Dunyveg,] - -[Sidenote: which is taken,] - -[Sidenote: and given to the Campbells.] - -[Sidenote: Isla worth four times as much as Inishowen.] - -The King's orders to Chichester were to send 200 men, under an -experienced commander, to join the laird of Calder. He remembered -former trouble in Isla, and had heard that the walls were thirty-six -feet thick and would require the best cannon that Chichester could -get in any Irish forts, as well as petards, and a skilful engineer. -Sir Oliver Lambert, who had seen much fighting in Spain and the -Netherlands, as well as in Ireland, offered his services, which were -at once accepted. Archibald Campbell came to Dublin in November, and -accompanied Lambert when he sailed on December 7. The troops were -conveyed in two men of war, and a hoy carried the cannon and stores. -On December 14 the expedition reached the sound of Isla; but there was -no sign of Sir John Campbell, from whom Lambert was to take orders. -Letters came at last, but the weather was so bad that Sir John could -not come until January 1. It took another month to provide a platform -for the 'two whole cannon of brass, and one whole culverin of brass, -fair and precious pieces,' which composed Lambert's battery. Captain -Crawford, a brave officer, died from the effects of a chance shot, and -little or nothing could have been done without Captain Button and his -sailors. Button, who had been to Hudson's Bay, and was a discoverer as -well as a seaman, found the land-locked harbour now called Lodoms. The -walls of Dunyveg turned out to be eight feet thick and not thirty-six, -and three days' cannonade was enough for the defenders, who, however, -made their escape to a boat which they had hidden among the rocks, -and so got away by sea to another part of the island. Their leader, -Coll Keitach McGillespie, afterwards went to Ireland. The result of -the whole transaction was to give Isla to Sir John Campbell, and so -to increase the power of his clan. Sir Randal MacDonnell was strictly -forbidden by the King to go to Isla before July 1, when he might sue in -the courts at Edinburgh for anything that remained due to him. Lambert -gave James a very good account of Campbell, and advised that trained -soldiers should be assigned to him. 'One hundred such Irish as with -little charge we can bring are able to suppress island after island, -reckon what they will of their numbers. Your Majesty's ships will add a -great countenance with such business, being well acquainted now where -to harbour.' He praised Isla, which was free from snow when Cantire, -Jura, and the hills of Ireland were all white, and it was worth four -times as much as Inishowen 'that you gave my Lord Deputy of Ireland.' -... The Irish never readily answered your Majesty's laws till they -were disarmed, compelled to eat their own meat, and live by their own -labours.' The Highlanders were fine men, and might easily be made -soldiers if placed under proper government, their present rule being -'yet more barbarous than the rudest that ever I saw in Ireland.'[131] - -[Sidenote: Ulster affected by Highland politics.] - -[Sidenote: The Islanders conspire with the Irish,] - -[Sidenote: who are encouraged by a friar.] - -[Sidenote: A son of Tyrone's.] - -The last struggle of the Macdonalds to drive the Campbells from Isla -and Cantire had some connection with the movements of the discontented -in Ulster, but these intrigues are very obscure, and perhaps scarcely -worth unravelling. Sir James Macdonald escaped from Edinburgh in May -1615, and by the end of the year was a fugitive in Spain, his flight -having been facilitated by Jesuits in or about Galway. After evacuating -Dunyveg, Coll _Keitach_ wandered from island to island, and penetrated -in Ireland as far as Lough Neagh, whence he returned to Ballycastle -Bay, with Sir Randal's nephew Sorley and with other Macdonnells -and O'Cahans. At first he merely intended to hide from the Scotch -Government in Isla and Cantire, but after conference with his Irish -friends he took to piracy, in which Sorley MacJames was his active -abettor. In the meantime the Irish Government detected a conspiracy -which had been brewing for two years among the landless men unprovided -for in the settlement, who were always a source of danger. Alexander -Macdonnell, Sir Randal's nephew, was to head the insurrection, with his -brother Sorley, and an illegitimate cousin named Lother or Ludar. In -their case the grievance was that Sir Randal had obtained too much and -his kinsmen too little, but there were plenty of O'Neills, O'Donnells, -O'Cahans and others who were ready to join, and some of them for the -sake of religion as well as for land. Cormac Maguire, acting as a -sheriff's officer in Fermanagh, was charged by a friar named Edmund -Mullarkey to join Brian Crossagh and Art Oge O'Neill, who were among -the chief conspirators. 'And though thou shouldst die in this service,' -he added, 'thy soul shall be sure to go to heaven; and as many men as -shall be killed in this service all their souls shall go to heaven. All -those that were killed in O'Dogherty's war are in heaven.' The friars -great object was to get possession of Tyrone's illegitimate son Con, a -boy of fourteen, who was in Sir Toby Caulfield's charge. The eyes of -the Irish being upon him, he was sent to Eton for safety, and in 1622 -to the Tower, where he may have died, for nothing more appears to be -recorded of him.[132] - -[Sidenote: Rory O'Cahan's plot to surprise Coleraine,] 1615. - -[Sidenote: Londonderry,] - -[Sidenote: and all the settlement towns.] - -[Sidenote: The plot is frustrated.] - -One of the ringleaders, and perhaps the originator of this hopeless -plot, was Rory Oge O'Cahan, Sir Donnell's eldest son, who hated Sir -Thomas Phillips for apprehending his father and hoped to win Limavady -from him. A witness swore that he had seen a written plan signed by all -the conspirators, and that the undertaking was to this effect: that -first they were to attack Coleraine, where Rory Oge and others would -be drinking all day, and that he by a friend could 'command the guard -to betray the town, as by letting them in, and that then, being in, -they would burn the town and only take Mr. Beresford and Mr. Rowley -prisoners, and to burn and kill all the rest, and to take the spoil -of the town, and so if they were able to put all the Derry to death -by fire and sword.' Lifford, where Sir Richard Hansard alone was to -be saved, would come next, a like fate being intended for Massereene, -Carrickfergus, Mountjoy and all other English settlements. They -proposed to hold the three gentlemen as hostages for the restoration -of Neil Garv and his son, of O'Cahan, and of Sir Cormac MacBaron. Help -was to be expected from Spain and the Hebrides, until which they could -hold out and 'not do as O'Dogherty did.' Rory O'Cahan drank freely and -bragged of his intentions, and the whole affair is important mainly -as showing that the Ulster Irish were anxious to do then what they -actually did do in 1641, and what Carew foretold they would do much -sooner. The evidence of informers is never satisfactory, but in this -case there is a mass of evidence which cannot be resisted. Winwood's -correspondents Blundell and Jacob made light of the plot, and they -may have known that the secretary thought Chichester had been viceroy -long enough. Six or seven of those implicated were executed, including -the friar Mullarkey and a priest named Laughlin O'Laverty, with Rory -O'Cahan and Brian Crossagh O'Neill, who was an illegitimate son of Sir -Cormac MacBaron; Alexander MacDonnell was acquitted.[133] - -[Sidenote: Chichester recalled,] - -[Sidenote: and made Lord Treasurer.] - -[Sidenote: Jones and Denham, Lords Justices, 1616.] - -There seems to be no evidence as to any special reason for recalling -Chichester, and perhaps we may take the King's words as the whole -truth. He had been Lord Deputy for over eleven years, which was -unprecedented, and James, declaring that he had no wish to wear out -good subjects in such hard service, gave him leave to retire to his -government at Carrickfergus or to go to court, whichever seemed best to -him. And there were many expressions of gratitude and good will. The -Lord Treasurership of Ireland was vacant by the death of the old Earl -of Ormonde, and it was conferred as a mark of honour upon the retiring -viceroy. Chichester might probably have been an earl had he been -willing to pay court to Somerset, but he excused himself to Humphrey -May on the ground that his estate would only support a barony. James -admired his letters so much that he advised the favourite to model his -style upon them. Somerset's fall does not seem, however, to have had -anything to do with Chichester's recall. The Chancellor-Archbishop, -Thomas Jones, and Chief Justice Sir John Denham were appointed Lords -Justices, and were instructed to report either to Winwood or Lake, but -matters directly concerning the King were to be referred to Winwood -only, 'because it is likely that he will more usually attend his person -than his colleague.' They had the customary powers of a viceroy, except -that they were forbidden to meddle with wardships or intrusions, or -to make knights without direct orders from his Majesty, 'because -former Deputies have taken to themselves such liberty as to confer -that honour upon needy and unworthy persons, and thereby have done the -King's authority and that calling too much wrong.' The interregnum -lasted nearly six months without any incident of importance, but -Bacon afterwards declared that Denham had done good service as Lord -Justice. About six weeks after surrendering the sword, Chichester went -to England and joined the King at Newmarket. Ellesmere had warned him -that he had ill-wishers among the Council, and he had answered that he -desired to be judged by his actions rather than by vague and malicious -detractors.[134] - -[Sidenote: Chichester's position in Irish history.] - -[Sidenote: In principle a persecutor,] - -[Sidenote: but tolerant in practice.] - -[Sidenote: Vacillation of the English Government.] - -[Sidenote: Chichester made few mistakes.] - -Experience teaches most men, whether statesmen or not, the value of -Walpole's _quieta non movere_, and they learn to let sleeping dogs -lie. There are always plenty of things which will not wait. One of -Chichester's first acts as Lord Deputy was to advise a proclamation to -'cut off by martial law seminaries, Jesuits, and such hedge priests -as have neither goods nor living, and do daily flock hither.' He must -therefore be taken as a consenting party to the famous proclamation -issued less than four months later, in which James indignantly -repudiated the idea that he could be guilty of toleration, and ordered -the whole population of Ireland to attend church on Sundays and -holidays according to the tenor and intent of the laws and statutes, -upon the pains and penalties contained therein, which he will have -from henceforth duly put in execution.' As to the numerous 'Jesuits, -seminary priests, or other priests whatsoever made and ordained by any -authority derived or pretended to be derived from the See of Rome' who -ranged about seducing the people, they were to leave Ireland before -the end of the year on pain of incurring all statutory penalties, or -to conform openly. It is just conceivable that this drastic treatment -might have succeeded if it had been ruthlessly and consistently -applied, but Chichester had neither the wish nor the power to do -so, and in less than six months the English Government had veered -completely round. Toleration, indeed, was not to be thought of, but -admonition, persuasion, and instruction were to be tried before the law -was enforced, and as to the priests the Lord Deputy was to 'forbear to -make a curious and particular search for them.' After a decade of this -vacillating policy Chichester may well have given up the enforcement of -conformity as hopeless. He was succeeded by a money-making Archbishop, -who would naturally magnify his office in a persecuting direction, and -an English judge who was likely to care more for the letter of the law -than for political considerations. After them came a new Deputy, who -was a soldier like his predecessor, but with much less ability and -without his long training in civil affairs. Chichester's character may -be estimated from his actions. He was not more tolerant in principle -than other public men in his time, but in practice was as little of a -persecutor as possible. His integrity is unquestionable. He has been -blamed for acquiring Inishowen; but it was clearly forfeited, and might -easily have been put into much worse hands. If his advice had been -taken, O'Dogherty would never have risen, and perhaps the rebellion -of 1641 would have been averted. On the whole he must be considered -one of the greatest viceroys that Ireland has had, and if he was less -brilliant than Strafford, at least his work lasted longer.[135] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone and Tyrconnel in exile.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Tyrconnel, 1608.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Tyrone, 1616.] - -Tyrone and Tyrconnel deserted Ireland in September 1607, and their -return was for a long time hoped and feared. Chichester thought they -might return and make trouble with very little foreign help. Tyrone -himself was not quite so sanguine, but he thought he could drive all -the English out of Ireland with 12,000 Spanish troops. But Philip -III. remembered Kinsale too well, and even Paul V. sometimes tired of -the expense of supporting the exiles, and was fain to believe, much -to Parsons' disgust, that James no longer persecuted the Catholics. -Tyrconnel and others died within a year of leaving Ireland. It was said -that they were poisoned, but the real cause of death was doubtless -Roman fever contracted during a riotous excursion to Ostia in the hot -season. The settlement of Ulster was for a time delayed by rumours -of Tyrone's return, but gradually they ceased to frighten tolerably -well-informed people. A mysterious Italian proposed to poison the chief -of the Irish exiles, and Wotton, though he gave him no encouragement, -expressed no indignation, merely saying that his King was less given -to such practices than other monarchs. Late in 1613 a Franciscan friar -found his account in telling the Ulster Irish that Tyrconnel was about -to return with 18,000 men from the King of Spain, and that there was -a prophecy in a book at Rome that the English should rule Ireland for -only two years more. Similar rumours about Tyrone were circulated in -the summer of 1615, and he sometimes used to brag himself of what he -would do. Except for a short visit to Naples he never left the papal -territory; neither France, Spain, nor Flanders would receive him, and -Cosmo II. of Florence, who wished to stand well with England, would not -even allow him to come as far as Monte Pulciano. He died on July 20, -1616, and was buried near Tyrconnel in San Pietro in Montorio, but it -is doubtful whether their bones still lie there.[136] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[127] St. John to Winwood, October 23, 1614; Chichester to the King, -November 25. Ormonde died on November 22 at Carrick-on-Suir. Lady -Desmond died October 10, 1628, and her husband eighteen days later; -he was drowned between Dublin and Holyhead. Their daughter Elizabeth, -afterwards Duchess of Ormonde and Lady Dingwall in her own right, was -born in 1615. - -[128] Introduction to Carte's _Ormonde_; Lodge's _Peerage of Ireland_ -(Archdall), art. Mountgarret; Morrin's _Calendar of Patent Rolls_, Car. -I. p. 12 &c.; Fourteenth _Report_ of Historical MSS. Commission, Appx. -vii. p. 6; several notices in the last vol. of the Calendar of State -Papers, _Ireland_, Jac. I. - -[129] James's first and chief grant was of date May 28, 1603. Hill's -_MacDonnells of Antrim_, State Papers, _Ireland_, 1603-1614, and Erck's -_Patent Rolls_. - -[130] Gregory's _Western Highlands_, chap. viii.; Burton's _History -of Scotland_, chap. lxiv. Avoiding the mazes of Celtic nomenclature, -I have called the Scottish clansmen Macdonald, as Burton and Gregory -do. The Irish branch of the same tribe I have called MacDonnell, as is -usual in Ulster. - -[131] The King to Chichester, October 14, 1614; St. John to Winwood, -November 28; Lambert to Somerset, and to the King, February 7, 1615, -the latter in _Carew_. Gregory's _Western Highlands_, _ut sup._ - -[132] The Friar Mullarkey's part is detailed in State Papers, _Ireland_ -1615, Nos. 70-72. For young Con O'Neill see Meehan's _Earls of Tyrone -and Tyrconnel_, and for the Scotch element see Gregory's _Western -Highlands_ and Hill's _Macdonnells_, p. 226 _sqq._ See also Chichester -to Winwood, November 22, 1615. - -[133] The evidence of witnesses is in the _Irish Cal._, 1615, April to -June, pp. 29-82. Chichester's report is No. 69, Blundell's and Jacob's -89 and 91, Teig O'Lennar's examination, 71. No. 144 shows that torture -was used in one case, being headed 'The _voluntary_ confession of -Cowconnaght O'Kennan upon the rack ... by virtue of the Lord Deputy's -commission.' O'Kennan, whom Lodder MacDonnell calls Maguire's rhymer, -was a priest according to O'Sullivan Bere, who wrongly asserts that -there was only one witness, whom he calls 'lusor' and 'aleator.' This -may have been suggested by the fact that, according to Brian Crossagh -(No. 143), a _carrow_, or professional gambler, was mixed up in the -plot. O'Sullivan also says that the jury consisted of English and -Scotch heretics, who had property in Ulster, and therefore desired the -death of native gentlemen.--_Hist. Cath._ IV., iii. 2. - -[134] The King to Chichester, November 27-29, 1615; instructions to -the Lords Justices, December 19; Chichester to Ellesmere, January 12, -1616; Winwood to the Lords Justices, March 1. Both Gardiner (ii. 302) -and Spedding (_Life of Bacon_, v. 376) suggest that Chichester was -superseded because he was disinclined to be hard on the Recusants, but -of this there is no evidence. - -[135] Chichester to Cranbourne, March 12, 1605; Proclamation against -toleration, July 4; Lords of Council (including Bancroft, Ellesmere, -and Salisbury) to Chichester, January 24, 1606. - -[136] Chichester to Northampton, February 7, 1608 (printed in _Ulster -Journal of Archæology_, i. 181); to Salisbury, April 15, 1609; to -Winwood, June 15 and November 22, 1615; Wotton to Salisbury, July 11 -and August 8, 1608; Wotton to James I., April 24 (calendared as No. -902), giving an account of the poisoning project. Examination of Shane -O'Donnelly, October 22, 1613. See Mr. Dunlop's article on Tyrone in -_Dict. of Nat. Biography_. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -ST. JOHN AND FALKLAND, 1616-1625 - - -[Sidenote: St. John becomes viceroy,] - -[Sidenote: with an empty treasury,] - -[Sidenote: but tries to enforce uniformity.] - -Sir Oliver St. John, who had been ten years Master of the Ordnance -in Ireland, owed his appointment in part to the rising influence of -Villiers; but the advice of Chichester is likely to have been in his -favour. His competence was not disputed, and Bacon was satisfied of -his 'great sufficiency,' but many people thought he was hardly a man -of sufficient eminence. He landed at Skerries on August 26, 1616, but -his Irish troubles began before he reached Chester. The soldiers who -were to accompany him ran away when they could, and a Welsh company -broke into open mutiny. He was sworn in on the 30th, after a learned -sermon by Ussher in St. Patrick's Cathedral, and then handed the Lord -Treasurer's white staff to Chichester, 'who with all humility upon -his knees received the same.' The new Lord Deputy found that there -were many pirates on the coast who had friends in remote harbours, -and that there was not money enough to pay the soldiers. Worse than -this was the case of the corporate towns, where no magistrates could -be found to take the obligatory oath of supremacy or the milder oath -of allegiance which was voluntary in Ireland. St. John proceeded to -carry out the law. Carew, who was not a violent man, and who was well -informed as to Irish affairs, reported that 'over eighty' of the best -sort of 'citizens' in Dublin and elsewhere were in prison. Jurors who -refused to present known and obstinate Recusants were treated in the -same way, and the prisons were filled to overflowing. Carew hoped that -this course might be persevered in and the towns reduced to villages -by revoking their charters. 'God,' he said, 'I hope will prosper these -good beginnings, which tend only to his praise and glory, and to the -assurance of obedience unto his Majesty.'[137] - -[Sidenote: Bacon advises a wary policy,] - -[Sidenote: but does not persuade St. John,] - -[Sidenote: who tries to enforce the oath of supremacy.] - -Bacon was of a different opinion from Carew. The late Lords Justices -had been mainly concerned with Limerick and Kilkenny, where they saw -the difficulty but suggested no remedy, 'rather warily for themselves -than agreeably to their duties and place.' Bacon himself was for -proceeding very warily. He was against tendering the oath of supremacy -to these town magistrates at all, and in favour of trusting to gradual -remedies. The plantation of Protestant settlers, he said, 'cannot but -mate the other party in time' if accompanied by the establishment -of good bishops and preachers, by improvement of the new college, -and by the education of wards. These were the natural means, and if -anything stronger was necessary it should be done by law and not by -force. And only one town should be taken in hand at a time so as not -to cause panic. St. John himself was in favour of a general attack on -the municipalities who refused to elect mayors or recorders, and of -carrying this policy out to its logical consequences, otherwise he -said the State would only spin and unspin. It was resolved to proceed -in the case of Waterford by legal process as Bacon had advised. Before -the end of 1615 a decree was obtained in Chancery for forfeiture of the -charter, unless the corporation surrendered under seal by a certain -day. In July 1616, over six months after the appointed time, Alexander -Cuffe refused to take the oath of supremacy as mayor, and at the end -of the year this matter was referred to the English Privy Council. In -the dearth of magistrates there was no regular gaol delivery and the -criminal law was at a standstill; but it was not till October 1617 -that the Earl of Thomond and Chief Justice Jones, sitting as special -commissioners, obtained a verdict from a county of Waterford jury 'even -as the King's counsel drew it.' As late as May 1618 the forfeiture was -not complete, and the citizens were allowed to send agents to England. -The charter was surrendered in the following year, and Waterford, 'of -whose antiquity and fidelity,' in Docwra's language, 'the citizens were -wont to brag, reduced to be a mere disfranchised village.' And so it -remained until the end of the reign.[138] - -[Sidenote: The Waterford charter is forfeited,] - -[Sidenote: but a Protestant corporation is unobtainable.] - -The citizens of Waterford valued their charter, but the oath of -supremacy was too high a price to pay, and they refused to make even a -show of conformity, 'preferring to sit still and attend whatever course -the King directs.' Local magistrates were therefore unobtainable, -and James suggested that fitting persons should be imported from -England. The Irish Government liked the idea, and suggested that thirty -families, worth at least 500_l._ each, should be induced to settle. -They were not to be violent or turbulent folk but able to furnish -magistrates, and two ruined abbeys near the river might be assigned for -their reception. If the owners took advantage of the situation to exact -high prices, the Government would reduce them to reason. The mayor -and aldermen of Bristol were accordingly invited by the English Privy -Council to fill the gap, but after a month's inquiry they were unable -to find anyone who was willing to inhabit Waterford upon the terms -proposed.[139] - -[Sidenote: Fresh plantations undertaken.] - -[Sidenote: The Wexford case.] - -[Sidenote: The people weary of Irish tenures.] - -When Sir William Jones was made Chief Justice of Ireland in the spring -of 1617, Lord Keeper Bacon advised him to 'have special care of the -three plantations, that of the North which is in part acted, that -of Wexford which is now in distribution, and that of Longford and -Leitrim which is now in survey. And take it from me that the bane -of a plantation is, when the undertakers or planters make such haste -to a little mechanical present profit, as disturbeth the whole frame -and nobleness of the work for times to come. Therefore hold them to -their covenants, and the strict ordinances of plantation.' Seven years -had then passed since the Wexford project had been first mooted, and -many difficulties had arisen. The lands in question comprised the -northern part of Wexford county, with a small strip in Carlow and -Wicklow, partly inhabited by representatives of ancient settlers or -modern grantees, but more largely by Kinsellaghs, Kavanaghs, Murroes, -Macdamores, and Macvadocks, who, as Chichester said, 'when the chief -of the English retired themselves upon the discord of the houses of -Lancaster and York crept into the woody and strong parts of the same.' -The most important person among the English was Sir Richard Masterson -of Ferns, whose family had been long connected with the district, and -who had an annuity of 90_l._ out of it by Queen Elizabeth's grant. -Walter Synnott had a similar charge of 20_l._, and both received -some other chief rents. The Commissioners who visited Ireland in -1613 reported that the tract contained 66,800 acres in the baronies -of Gorey, Ballaghkeen, and Scarawalsh stretching from the borders of -Carlow to the sea and from Arklow to somewhere near Enniscorthy, along -the left bank of the Slaney, besides much wood, bog, and mountain. -Many of the inhabitants were tired of disorder, though they had -been followers of 'the Kavanaghs and other lewd persons in time of -rebellion,' and were willing to give up lands of which they had but -an uncertain tenure, and to receive them back in more regular form. -They claimed their lands by descent, and not by tanistry, but the -descent was in Irish gavelkind and the subdivision had therefore been -infinite. The investigation of their titles followed, during which it -was discovered that the whole territory was legally vested in the King. -Art MacMurrough Kavanagh and other chiefs surrendered their proprietary -rights to Richard II. who undertook to employ them in his wars, and to -give them an estate of inheritance in all lands they could conquer -from rebels. Art himself was to receive an annuity of 80 marks, which -was actually paid for some years. The chiefs did homage, and then the -King granted the whole territory in question to Sir John Beaumont, -excepting any property belonging to the Earl of Ormonde and certain -other grantees, and to the Church. Beaumont's interest became vested in -Francis Lord Lovel, who disappeared at the battle of Stoke and whose -attainder brought all his possessions to the Crown.[140] - -[Sidenote: Opposition of Wexford landowners.] - -[Sidenote: The dissatisfaction is general.] - -The lively proceedings in Parliament during the spring of 1613 drew -attention to Ireland and to the Wexford plantation, among other things -there. Walter Synnott took the lead among the petitioners who visited -London, and the result was a particular reference of the Wexford case -to the Commissioners sent over to inquire into Irish grievances. Even -with their report before us it is not easy to understand all the -details. The Commissioners say that 35,210 acres, or more than half of -the whole territory, were assigned to Sir Richard Masterson, but in -the schedule the figure is only 16,529. The general result was that -12,000 acres were declared without owners, and these it was intended -to divide among certain military officers. Fifty-seven natives became -freeholders under the scheme, of which only twenty-one retained their -'ancient houses and habitations, some of the remoter lands being given -to new undertakers, and in exchange they are to have others nearer to -their dwellings, at which they are discontented, saying that they are -not sufficiently recompensed.' Even the lucky ones had to give up part -of their land, while 390, who claimed small freeholds, got nothing, -and all the other inhabitants, amounting to 14,500 men, women, and -children, were left at the will of the patentees, 'though few are yet -removed.' The new undertakers declared that they would disturb no one -except in so far as was necessary to make demesnes about the castles -which they were bound to build, Masterson, Synnott and others being -ready to let lands to them at rates merely sufficient to satisfy the -crown rents.[141] - -[Sidenote: The more the plan is known,] - -[Sidenote: the less it is liked.] - -[Sidenote: The scheme is revised.] - -[Sidenote: But few are satisfied.] - -Chichester's original project was not covetous on the part of the -Crown, for it aimed at no greater revenue than 400_l._ instead of -279_l._ 3_s._ 4_d._ which had hitherto been the highest annual revenue. -In consideration of being bound to build castles and to inhabit -mountainous regions, the rent demanded from the undertakers, who -were to be all Protestants, was somewhat less than that of the Irish -freeholders. Whatever might be thought of the plan no one was satisfied -with the way in which it worked out. Many such of the natives, say -the Commissioners, as formerly 'agreed to this new plantation now -absolutely dislike thereof, and of their proportions assigned them in -lieu of their other possessions taken from them, for that, as they -affirm, their proportions assigned are not so many acres as they are -rated to them, and because the acres taken from them are far more in -number than they be surveyed at, which difference cannot be decided -without a new survey, which some of the natives desire.' If the case of -the newly-made freeholder stood thus, what must have been the feelings -of men who were made altogether landless? Most of the Irish had been -concerned in Tyrone's rebellion, but some had been always loyal, like -the old English inhabitants. As for Walter Synnott and others in his -position, they professed themselves willing to pay the King as much as -the new undertakers, but not in any way to contribute to the expenses -incurred by them. After receiving the report of the Commissioners, -James agreed to a revised plan which was very favourable to the Irish, -or at least to some of them. The new undertakers were to receive only -16,500 acres in all and those the least fertile, the rest, after -satisfying Masterson, Synnott, and another, was to be divided among -the Irish. When Chichester ceased to be Lord Deputy at the end of 1615, -nothing had been finally settled, and recriminations continued for -some time. On a fresh survey it was discovered that 'half the country -was before distributed under the name of a quarter only.' Eighty Irish -freeholders were then made in addition to the first fifty-seven, which -still left 530 claimants unprovided for according to their own account, -or 303 according to the official view. The fortunate ones were of -course overjoyed, but by far the greater number were not fortunate. The -patentees whose titles had been clearly made surrendered and received -fresh grants on a somewhat reduced scale. Of the undertakers whose -patents had not been fully perfected Blundell alone secured 500 acres -by the King's especial wish, and 1,000 were assigned to the Bishop of -Waterford. The royal revenue was increased by about 300_l._ a year, and -the expenses of the settlement were defrayed by the country.[142] - -[Sidenote: Report of Commissioners on the plantation.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish inhabitants willing to make some concessions,] - -[Sidenote: but are dissatisfied with the terms given.] - -The Commissioners above mentioned were instructed to inform themselves -minutely as to the proceedings in the proposed plantation, which at -the time of their inquiry had been going on for more than three years; -they were to find out how many families were to be displaced, of what -condition they were, whether they had been good subjects or not, and -whether they held by descent or by tanistry. Similar particulars were -to be given about the undertakers or settlers who were to take their -places and 'whether any of them be of the Irish and namely of the -Kavanaghs.' The Commissioners were ordered to discover whether the -evictions had been so managed as to deprive the people of their growing -crops, and as to the houses available for them on ejectment; and also -whether they were capable of making the same improvements as the -undertakers were bound to, and of paying the same rents. As Chichester -was himself a member of the Commission, the report may be taken as a -fair or perhaps as a favourable account of what was actually done. -Most of the Irish inhabitants realised that their position as tenants -in gavelkind was weak, and they were ready in 1609 to surrender on -condition of getting an indefeasible title to three-fourths of their -land, leaving the remainder for English settlers. They said there -were 667 of them in this position, but the official record only -mentioned 440: probably the discrepancy was owing to many of them -not having put in their claims by the appointed day. Fourteen out of -the whole number had patents from the Crown to show. Before anything -was actually done the discovery of the King's title was made, but at -first this seemed to make little difference, and the Irish people were -almost persuaded that nothing was intended but their good. They were -told that the King would be satisfied with a small increase in his -revenue, 'and that the civilising of the country was the chief thing -aimed at'; but that those who thwarted his Majesty's excellent plans -'should have justice, which is the benefit of subjects, but were to -look for no favour.' The general idea was that freeholds should not be -less than 100 acres, or sixty in some rare cases, and that the rest -of the peasants should become leasehold tenants to them or to English -undertakers. The freeholders alone would have to serve on juries, and -it was desirable not to have too large a panel, as the difficulty of -getting verdicts would be increased thereby. Fifty-seven freeholders -were accordingly made, of whom twenty-one were not disturbed, the -others were shifted about and were not content, declaring that the land -given in compensation was insufficient. 'To the residue,' the report -continues, 'which claim to be freeholders, being for the most part -possessed of but small portions, no allowance of land or recompense is -assigned or given.' There were 390 of these and 14,500 persons besides -remained in the country 'at the will of the patentees.' It was not -proposed actually to remove them from their houses or holdings unless -they interfered with a demesne, but for this forbearance there was no -adequate security. - -[Sidenote: A Wexford jury will not find the King's title,] - -[Sidenote: and strong measures are taken.] - -These people, or many of them, had not been unwilling to see English -gentlemen come among them, and even to give up some land in order to -secure the remainder, but the wind changed when it was discovered -that only something like one in ten would have any estate at all. The -King's title had been found by the lawyers, but it was necessary that -there should be a verdict also, and in December 1611 a Wexford jury -refused to find one. The case was removed into the Exchequer with the -same jury, and after much argument eleven were ready to find for the -King and five against him. The minority were sent to prison and fined -in the Castle Chamber, and the case was remitted to Wexford, where the -eleven obedient jurors were reinforced by Sir Thomas Colclough and -John Murchoe or Murphy, 'now a patentee in the new plantation,' and -therefore an interested party, and the King's title by Lord Lovel's -attainder was thus found.[143] - -[Sidenote: Indecision of the King.] - -[Sidenote: People who benefited by the settlement.] - -[Sidenote: The King is convinced by the complainants,] - -[Sidenote: but soon changes his mind.] - -[Sidenote: The King approves of the plantation.] - -The tendency of James I. to give decisions upon one-sided evidence, -and to veer round when he heard the other side, is well illustrated -by his dealings with the Wexford settlement. The case for the Irish -inhabitants, as matters stood at the end of 1611, may be taken as -sufficiently stated in the petition presented by Henry Walsh on their -behalf. Walsh seems to have been a lawyer, but he was in possession of -220 acres as a freeholder, which were reduced to 130 by the plan of -settlement. He stated that he and his fellows had surrendered upon the -faith of a regrant in common socage 'reduced from gavelkind and other -uncertain tenures' in consideration of paying a head rent of 90_l._ -to the Castle of Ferns and of 60_l._ into the Exchequer. The regrants -were delayed, but on the King's title being set up he was induced -to grant patents to several undertakers, 1,500 acres apiece being -assigned to Sir Laurence Esmond, 'servitor, and a native of Wexford,' -and Sir Edward Fisher, also a servitor. It afterwards appeared that -19,900 acres were disposed of in this way, 500 to Nicholas Kenny the -escheator, 1,000 to William Parsons the surveyor and future Lord -Justice, 600 to Conway Brady, the Queen's footman, 1,000 to Francis -Blundell, afterwards Vice-Treasurer, 1,000 to Sir Robert Jacob the -Solicitor-General, and so forth. Some of these were put into possession -by the sheriff even before the issue of their patents, military force -being employed. Walsh said a hundred thousand people were affected by -these transactions, which was no doubt a great exaggeration, but he -could state with some truth that the interests of Sir Richard Masterson -and other old English settlers were threatened by the assertion of a -title 'dormant and not heard of time out of mind.' The Commissioners -for Irish causes in London so far supported the petition that they -advised the revocation of all patents granted since the surrender -of the native landowners, and that no advantage should be taken of -them except to exact a moderate increase of the Crown rent. The King -thereupon ordered Chichester to revoke the patents to Fisher and -Esmond, to raise the rent from 45_l._ to 50_l._, and not to allow Henry -Walsh to be molested. The petitioners, said the King, had been denied -the benefit of the Commission of defective titles, and 'advantage -taken of their surrender to their own disherison.' Chichester objected -that the Commissioners for Irish causes had been misled by false -statements, and that he would suspend all action until he had fresh -orders. Whereupon the King, who had been having some talk with Sir John -Davies, declared that Walsh's petition was 'full of false and cautelous -surmises,' and ordered him to be summoned before the Irish Council and -punished in an exemplary manner if he failed to prove his statements. -Chichester was directed to go on with the plantation, assured of his -Majesty's continued approbation, and encouraged to make the work his -own by visiting the district in person.[144] - -[Sidenote: The critics to be punished.] - -The preparations for holding a Parliament may have hindered -Chichester's activity, but the King's vacillations would have caused -delay in any case. At the end of 1612 James revoked all former letters -on the subject except that of May 7, 1611, by which the Lord Deputy had -been authorised to receive the surrender of the natives and to make -'regrants to such of them as he should think fit such quantities of -land and at such rent and upon such conditions as he should think fit.' -There might then be made such an intermixture of English settlers as -would civilise the country and 'annoy the mountain neighbours if they -should thereafter stir.' Henry Walsh and Thomas Hoare, who had held -public indignation meetings and 'endeavoured seditiously to stir up -the inhabitants' against the King's title and against his good work of -plantation, were ordered to be duly punished for their 'inordinate and -contemptuous behaviour.'[145] - -[Sidenote: Nullum Tempus occurrit Regi.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Rothe's view of the plantation.] - -[Sidenote: He foretells future trouble.] - -It is a well-known maxim of our law that the Crown cannot lose its -rights through lapse of time. In modern practice this doctrine has been -somewhat modified by statute and by the decisions of judges; but in the -time of James I. it was accepted literally, and no lawyer or official -seems to have thought that there was anything extraordinary in setting -up a title for the King which had not been heard of for generations. -Those who suffered by the transaction pleaded that Art MacMurrough had -no right to the country in the feudal sense, and could not therefore -surrender it; and even if the effect of Lord Lovel's attainder were -admitted, there had been no attempt to act upon it for 120 years. The -official correspondence has hitherto been followed here, but it is -fair to append the criticism of a thoroughly competent observer who -lived not far off and who understood the subject. The learned David -Rothe, who was a very honest and by no means extreme man, appealed -like Bacon to foreign countries and the next age, and published the -story of the Wexford settlement in Latin. He showed how little chance -rude and illiterate peasants had against lawyers, and he foresaw the -consequences of driving them to desperation. 'The Viceroy,' he wrote, -'ought to have looked closer before he suggested an imperfect and shaky -title to the King, as a solid foundation for his new right, and before -he drove from their well established and ancient possession harmless -poor natives encumbered with many children and with no powerful -friends. They have no wealth but flocks and herds, they know no trade -but agriculture or pasture, they are unlearned men without human help -or protection. Yet though unarmed they are so active in mind and body -that it is dangerous to drive them from their ancestral seats, to -forbid them fire and water; thus driving the desperate to revenge and -even the more moderate to think of taking arms. They have been deprived -of weapons, but are in a temper to fight with nails and heels and to -tear their oppressors with their teeth. Necessity gives the greatest -strength and courage, nor is there any sharper spur than that of -despair. Since these Leinster men, and others like them, see themselves -excluded from all hopes of restitution or compensation, and are so -constituted that they would rather starve upon husks at home than fare -sumptuously elsewhere, they will fight for their altars and hearths, -and rather seek a bloody death near the sepulchres of their fathers -than be buried as exiles in unknown earth or inhospitable sand.'[146] - -[Sidenote: Outlaws about the plantations.] - -In the autumn of 1619 St. John reported that 300 outlaws had been -killed, most of them doubtless in the hills between Tyrone and -Londonderry, but many also near the Wexford plantation, where small -bands of ten to twenty escaped detection and punishment for a long -time. Their own countrymen and neighbours proved the most efficient -tools of the Government, and a grandson of Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne, whom -St. John addressed as his loving friend, took money for this service. -Means were found to satisfy a very few more native claimants, raising -the number to 150, which was considered too many, since the really -suitable cases had long been dealt with. Some of the Kavanaghs who -boasted themselves the descendants of kings, but whom St. John was -never tired of describing as bastards and rebels, 'with a crew of -wicked rogues gathered out of the bordering parts, entered into the -plantation, surprised Sir James Carrol's and Mr. Marwood's houses, -murdered their servants, burned their towns, and committed many -outrages in those parts in all likelihood upon a conspiracy among -themselves to disturb the settlement of those countries. For which -outrage most of the malefactors have since been slain or executed -by law.' In London a tenant of Blundell's, who was perhaps crazy -and certainly drunken, asked him for a drink, after taking which he -proposed to go to Ireland and help to burn his landlord's house. -Petitioners continued to bring their complaints both to London and -Dublin, and in the summer of 1622 Mr. Hadsor, who knew Irish, looked -into the matter and begged them to return to their own countries on the -understanding that well-founded grievances should be reported to the -King. - -[Sidenote: The undertakers settle down on the land.] - -By the time of Hadsor's survey things had gone too far to be altered, -and the undertakers had laid out large sums, though in many cases less -than they were bound to do. St. John reported in 1621 that 130 strong -castles had then been built. But Hadsor retained his opinion as to -the injustice attendant on the Wexford plantation far into the next -reign, and other able officials agreed with him. And so the grievance -slumbered or rather smouldered until 1641.[147] - -[Sidenote: Plantation in Longford and King's County.] - -[Sidenote: The plan better than the execution] - -[Sidenote: Persistence of tribal ideas.] - -The territory of Annaly, mainly possessed by the O'Ferralls and -their dependents, had been made into the county of Longford by Sir -Henry Sidney. Chichester marked it as a good field for plantation -in 1610, but there were many difficulties, and nothing was actually -done until St. John's time. In this, as in other cases, the general -idea was to respect the rights of all who held by legal title, to -give one-fourth of the remaining land to English undertakers and to -leave three-fourths to the Irish, converting their tribal tenures into -freeholds where the portions were large enough, and settling the rest -as tenants. There can be no doubt that the new comers on the whole -improved the country, and much might be said for these schemes of -colonisation if they had been always fairly carried out. The intentions -of the King and his ministers were undoubtedly good, but many causes -conspired against them. Not a few of the undertakers in each plantation -thought only of making money, and were ready to evade the conditions as -to building, and above all as to giving proper leases to their tenants -whether English or Irish. And among the natives there were many who -hated regular labour, and preferred brigandage to agriculture. The old -tribal system was incompatible with modern progress, but the people -were attached to it, and their priests were of course opposed to the -influx of Protestants. - -In the early part of 1615 James gave his deliberate decision that -plantations of some kind offered the best chance for civilising -Ireland. In this way only could the local tyranny of native chiefs -be got rid of, and the people improved by an intermixture of British -accustomed to keep order and qualified to show a good example. The turn -of Longford came next to that of Wexford, and with it was joined Ely -O'Carroll, comprising the baronies of Clonlisk and Ballybritt in King's -County not contiguous to the rest of the plantation. In Ely there were -no chief-rents or other legal incumbrances, but 200_l._ a year were -due to the heirs of Sir Nicholas Malby out of the whole county of -Longford and 120 beeves to Sir Richard Shaen the grantee of Granard -Castle. These rent-charges were irregularly paid, and were the source -of constant bickerings. There were no similar incumbrances in Ely, and -neither there nor in Longford was there any pre-eminent chief at the -moment, which made the task somewhat easier. It was part of the plan -that there should in future be no O'Ferrall or O'Carroll with claims to -tribal sovereignty.[148] - -[Sidenote: Attempt to apply the Wexford lesson.] - -[Sidenote: The O'Ferralls.] - -[Sidenote: A careful survey.] - -[Sidenote: Ely O'Carroll] - -[Sidenote: Cases of hardship.] - -[Sidenote: Troubles from landless men.] - -It was not till towards the end of 1618 that the conditions of the -plantation were at last settled. The correspondence and notes of the -survey were submitted to a committee of the Privy Council consisting of -Archbishop Abbot, Sir George Carew, the Earl of Arundel, and Secretary -Naunton, and their report was acted upon; but a commission to carry out -the scheme was not appointed until the following autumn. Chichester as -well as St. John were members, and the great care which was taken seems -to have made the plantation less unpopular than that of Wexford. Many -objections indeed were made to acting upon such an old title as the -King had to Longford, and to ignoring grants made in the late reign; -though perhaps the lawyers could show that they had for the most part -been nullified by the non-performance of conditions. The O'Ferralls had -on the whole been loyal, and promises had been made to them. Whatever -the arrangements were, it was evident that many natives would have no -land, and it was urged that they would be better subjects it if was all -given to them. Having no other means of living they would be driven -to desperation and commit all manner of villanies, as the tribesmen -of Ulster were ready to do if they got the chance. The King, however, -was determined to carry out his plan, and the O'Ferralls yielded with -a tolerably good grace, objecting not so much to giving up one-fourth -of the country to settlers as to having to redeem Shaen's and Malby's -rents out of the remainder. The Wexford misunderstanding was avoided -by having a careful survey taken from actual measurements, and it -was found that in Longford 57,803 acres of arable and pasture were -available for the purposes of the plantation, the remainder, amounting -to over 72,000 acres, being occupied by old grantees or by bogs and -woods. Ely was better, 32,000 acres out of 54,000 being described as -arable and pasture. The general order was that no freeholder should -have less than 100 acres, and those who had less were to have leases -for three lives or forty-one years under a planter or some more -fortunate native. The unlucky ones generally and naturally complained -that the measurements were inaccurate, and that they were thus -unfairly reduced to 'fractions.' The undertakers, whether English or -Irish, were to keep 300 acres in demesne about their houses. There seem -to have been some cases of hardship even in the opinion of the Irish -Government. Of these the most important was that of Sir John MacCoghlan -in King's County, who had fought bravely on the side of Government, but -who, nevertheless, lost part of his property. As late as 1632 he was -noted as a discontented man who ought to be watched, and his clansmen -generally joined in the rebellion of 1641. As in the case of Wexford -trouble came from those who were excluded from freehold grants. They -were to have taken up the position of tenants, but could get no land -at reasonable rates, and in 1622, after St. John had left Ireland, the -Lords Justices reported that they were preparing to come to Dublin in -multitudes. The discontent never died out, and Longford was infested -with rebels or outlaws so that a rising was feared in 1827 and in 1832. -Hadsor, who knew all about the matter, attributed the failure of the -plantation to the way in which the natives had been treated, the ideas -of King James not having been carried out in practice. Strafford's -strong hand kept things quiet for a time, but in 1641 Longford was the -first county in Leinster to take part in the great rebellion.[149] - -[Sidenote: The undertakers non-resident.] - -[Sidenote: The natives not attracted by short leases,] - -[Sidenote: with stringent covenants.] - -A survey of the plantations hitherto made was taken in 1622, and the -Commissioners reported that some of the undertakers in Wexford were -sometimes resident, and that they had built strongly, though not within -the specified time. Their colleague, Sir Francis Annesley, had his -demesne stocked and servants on the spot; and it was suggested that he -should be enjoined to reside. Some natives complained that they had -been cheated, but the patentees had been long in quiet possession, and -the Commissioners prudently refused to meddle. In Longford and Ely no -undertakers were resident, 'Henry Haynes and the widow Medhope only -excepted.' In Ely there was no actual provision for town, fort, or free -school, though lands had been assigned; but Longford was better off in -these respects. Twenty-acre glebes were assigned by the articles to -sixteen parishes in Ely, but these had not been properly secured to -the incumbents. In Longford the King made large grants to Lord Aungier -and Sir George Calvert, which were satisfied out of the three-quarters -supposed to be reserved for the natives. Those of the old inhabitants -whose interest was too small for a freehold were expected to take -leases from the undertakers, 'but we do not find that they have any -desire to settle in that kind.' They were not attracted by the maximum -term of three lives or twenty-one years, at a rent fixed by agreement -or arbitration, distrainable within fifteen days, and with a right of -re-entry after forty days; nor by covenants to build and enclose within -four years.[150] - -[Sidenote: Plantation of Leitrim.] - -[Sidenote: General ill-success of the smaller plantations.] - -[Sidenote: The land unfairly divided.] - -The whole county of Leitrim was declared escheated, and in this case -there were no settlers either from England or from the Pale. Mac -Glannathy or Mac Clancy, head of the clan among whom Captain Cuellar -suffered so much in the Armada year, was independent in the northern -district, represented by the modern barony of Rossclogher. The rest of -the county was dependent on the O'Rourkes. Some two hundred landholders -declared themselves anxious to become the King's tenants and submit -to a settlement. Lord Gormanston claimed to hold large estates as -representative of the Nangle family, who had been grantees in former -days; but this title had been too long in abeyance. Leitrim was not a -very inviting country, and the undertakers were very slow to settle; so -that the business was not done until far into the new reign, and was -never done thoroughly at all. Carrigdrumrusk, now Carrick-on-Shannon, -had been made a borough for the Parliament of 1613, and the castle -there was held for the King, but was of little use in preventing -outlaws and cattle-drivers from passing between Leitrim and Roscommon. -A more vigorous attempt was made at Tullagh, a little lower down the -Shannon, where a corporation was founded and called Jamestown. The -buildings were erected by Sir Charles Coote at his own expense, and -he undertook to wall the place as an assize town for Leitrim. It was -further arranged that the assizes for Roscommon should be held on the -opposite bank, and the spot was christened Charlestown. But as a whole -the settlement of Leitrim was not successful. At the end of 1629 Sir -Thomas Dutton, the Scoutmaster-General, who had ample opportunities -for forming an opinion, declared that the Ulster settlement only had -prospered, and that the rest of Ireland was more addicted to Popery -than in Queen Elizabeth's time. The Jesuits and other propagandists -had increased twentyfold. In Wexford, King's County, Longford, and -Leitrim corruption among the officials had vitiated the whole scheme -of plantation and made it worse than nothing. Hadsor, who thoroughly -understood the subject, said much injustice had been done to the -natives, and that the Irish gentlemen appointed to distribute the lands -had helped themselves to what they ought to have divided among others. -Carrick and Jamestown returned Protestant members to Strafford's -Parliaments, but the large grant to Sir Frederick Hamilton was the most -important gain to the English interest. When the hour of trial came, -Manor Hamilton was able to take care of itself.[151] - -[Sidenote: Irish soldiers in Poland.] - -Chichester's policy of sending Irishmen to serve in Sweden had been -only partially successful, many of them finding their way home or -into the service of the Archdukes. St. John reported in 1619 that -the country was full of 'the younger sons of gentlemen, who have no -means of living and will not work,' and he favoured the recruiting -enterprise of Captain James Butler, who was already in the Polish -service. Protestantism was repressed to the utmost by Sigismund, but -it was possible to represent him as a bulwark of Europe against the -Turks. Later on, when the Prince of Wales and Buckingham had returned -in dudgeon from Madrid, Poland was at peace with the infidel and allied -with Spain against Sweden, and it was considered doubtful policy to -encourage the formation of Irish regiments who would be used to crush -Protestant interests on the Continent.[152] - -[Sidenote: Unpopularity of St. John.] - -[Sidenote: He is praised by the King,] - -[Sidenote: and by Bacon,] - -[Sidenote: but is nevertheless recalled,] - -[Sidenote: leaving a starving army in Ireland.] - -The Spanish match affected all public transactions during the later -years of James's reign. Before his departure for Madrid in 1617 Digby -warned Buckingham that all the Irish towns were watching the Waterford -case in hopes of getting better terms for the Recusants, and that -Spain 'relied upon no advantage against England but by Ireland.' At -this period he himself wished that the King would proceed roundly and -dash all such expectations. St. John was willing enough so to proceed, -but was constantly checked by diplomatic considerations; while the -priests gave out that a Spanish invasion might be expected at any time. -The Lord Deputy seems always to have satisfied the King, but he was -evidently unpopular with the official class, and it was perhaps more -to opposition of this kind that he owed his recall than to his too -great Protestant zeal, as Cox and many other writers have assumed. He -told Buckingham that there was a strong combination against him in the -Irish Council, and that Sir Roger Jones, the late Chancellor's son, -openly flouted him. Jones was ordered to apologise and forbidden to -attend the Council until he had done so; but the opposition were not -silenced, and the Privy Council in England sided with them. It was -reported that he had disarmed the Irish Protestants, for which there -can have been no foundation. The pay of the army was heavily in arrear, -but that was not his fault, though it must certainly have contributed -to make his government unpopular. He had forwarded the plantation -system largely, making more enemies than friends thereby, but James -thought colonisation the only plan for Ireland, and appreciated his -exertions in that way. In August 1621 the King declared that it was a -glory to have such a servant, who had done nothing wrong so far as he -could see. He had already created him Viscount Grandison with remainder -to the issue of his niece, who had married Buckingham's brother. It -is possible that the support of the favourite may have been less -determined when that honour had been secured to one of his family. The -fall of Bacon, who thought St. John 'a man ordained of God to do great -good to that kingdom,' may have lessened his credit. By the end of the -year it had been decided to send a Commission to Ireland with large -powers, and the Privy Council maintained that their inquiries could be -better conducted in the Deputy's absence. James said he had never been -in the habit of disgracing any absent minister before he were heard; -but in the end it was decided to recall Grandison. He left Ireland on -May 4, 1622, and the Commissioners arrived about the same time. He had -never ceased to call attention to the miserable state of the army and -to the 'tottered carcasses, lean cheeks, and broken hearts' of the -soldiers, whose pay was two years and a half in arrear and who had -nevertheless retained their discipline and harmed no one. They were -almost starving, 'and I know,' he said 'that I shall be followed with a -thousand curses and leave behind me an opinion that my unworthiness or -want of credit has been the cause of leaving the army in worse estate -than ever any of my predecessors before have done.'[153] - -[Sidenote: Lord Falkland made Viceroy, Feb. 1621-2.] - -[Sidenote: Sermon by Bishop Ussher,] - -[Sidenote: who wished to enforce the Act of Supremacy,] - -[Sidenote: but is rebuked by the Primate.] - -The King's, or Buckingham's, choice fell upon Henry Cary, lately -created Viscount Falkland in Scotland and best known as the father of -Clarendon's hero. Falkland was Controller of the Household, and sold -his place to Sir John Suckling, the poet's father, who paid a high -price. The money may not all have gone to the new Lord Deputy, but his -departure was delayed for seven months by the long haggling about it, -Sir Adam Loftus and Lord Powerscourt acting as Lords Justices. He was -sworn in on September 8, 1622, after hearing Bishop Ussher preach a -learned sermon in Christchurch on the text, 'He beareth not the sword -in vain.' This sermon, which is not extant, was looked upon by some -as a signal for persecution; and no doubt the reports of it were much -exaggerated. Ussher found it necessary to write an explanatory letter -to Grandison summarising the argument he had used. It rested, he had -said, with the King to have the recusancy laws executed more or less -mildly, but the Established Church had a right to protection from open -insult. He had alluded, without giving names, to the case of 'Mr. John -Ankers, preacher, of Athlone, a man well known unto your lordship,' -who had found the church at Kilkenny in Westmeath occupied by a -congregation of forty, headed by an old priest, who bade him begone -'until he had done his business.' The Franciscans who were driven -out of Multifernham by Grandison had retaken it, and were collecting -subscriptions to build another house 'for the entertaining of another -swarm of locusts.' He asked that the recusancy laws should be strictly -executed against all who left the Establishment for the Church of Rome, -but deprecated violence and 'wished that effusion of blood might be -held rather the badge of the whore of Babylon than of the Church of -God,' which is a little too like the common form of the Inquisition. -On the day after this letter was penned, Primate Hampton wrote a mild -rebuke from Drogheda. He thought it very unwise to trouble the waters, -and suggested that Ussher should explain away what he had said about -the sword, for his proper weapons were not carnal but spiritual. He -also advised the Bishop of Meath to leave Dublin and spend more time -in his own diocese, of which the condition, by his own showing, was -unsatisfactory, and to make himself loved and respected there even if -his doctrine was disliked. According to Cox, Ussher preached such a -sermon as the Primate advised; but there seems to be no trace of it -anywhere else.[154] - -[Sidenote: Effects of the Spanish marriage negotiations.] - -[Sidenote: The King of Spain treated as sovereign.] - -Whatever may have been the Bishop of Meath's exact meaning, Falkland -was well inclined to use his authority for the support of the -Establishment. But the Spanish match was in the ascendant, and not -much was done until the Prince of Wales came back without his bride. -While the prospect was still held out of having an Infanta as Queen of -England, the priests became bolder than ever. A clergyman was attacked -by a mob of eighty women when trying to perform the funeral service for -Lady Killeen. At Cavan and Granard thousands assembled for worship, and -Captain Arthur Forbes reported that, unless he knew for certain that -the King wished for toleration, he would 'make the antiphonie of their -mass be sung with sound of musket.' Some priests went so far as to pray -openly for 'Philip our king.' At Kells fair it was publicly announced -that the Prince of Wales was married and that the Duke of Buckingham -had carried the cross before him. The return of the royal adventurer -came as a surprise, and the Roman Catholics of the Pale proposed to -send agents to London to congratulate him upon it, and to make it clear -that they had no hand in obstructing the marriage. The newly made Earl -of Westmeath and Sir William Talbot took the lead and proposed to -raise a sum of money which seemed to Falkland quite disproportioned -to the necessity of the case. Earls were expected to contribute ten -pounds, and there was a graduated scale down to ten shillings for small -freeholders, 'beside what addition every man will please to give.' -Falkland was very suspicious, and it is clear enough that a general -redress of grievances was part of the plan; but Westmeath and his -friends were probably too loyal to excite much enthusiasm, and the -whole scheme was given up because subscriptions did not come in. - -[Sidenote: Proclamation against the priests, Jan. 1624,] - -[Sidenote: which takes little effect.] - -Charles reached England in October, and early in 1624 a proclamation -was printed and published, apparently by the King's orders, banishing -on pain of imprisonment all Roman Catholic priests of every kind and -rank. They were to be gone within forty days, and to be arrested -if they came back. The only way of escape was by submitting to the -authorities and going to church. The reason set forth for this drastic -treatment was that the country was overrun by great numbers of -'titulary popish archbishops, bishops, vicars-general, abbots, priors, -deans, Jesuits, friars, seminary priests, and others of that sect,' -in spite of proclamations still in force against them. But the King, -or Buckingham, wavered, and not much was done towards getting rid of -the recusant clergy. An informer who started the absurd rumour that -Westmeath was to be king of Ireland, acknowledged that he had lied; -but Falkland was not satisfied, because on Friday in Easter week there -was a great gathering some miles from the Earl's house, 'made by two -titulary bishops under the title of visiting a holy anchorite residing -therabouts.' In the end, Westmeath went to England, where he was able -to clear himself completely, the prosecution of his detractors was -ordered, and Falkland was persuaded that his chief fault was too great -a love of popularity.[155] - -[Sidenote: Alarmist rumours.] - -The tendency of the official mind in the days before the Long -Parliament was to stretch the prerogative. Ministers were responsible -only to the King. It was therefore natural for Irish viceroys to -magnify their office and to claim within their sphere of action -powers as great as those of the sovereign himself. Being of a -querulous disposition, Falkland was even more than usually jealous -of any restraint. During the early part of his government the Lord -Treasurer Middlesex turned his attention to Irish finance, effecting -economies which may or may not have been wise, but which were certainly -distasteful to the Lord Deputy, who lost perquisites and patronage. -Rumours that there was to be a general massacre of English were rife -throughout Ireland, but Falkland admitted that there was never such -universal tranquillity, though his pessimism led him to fear that this -was only the lull before a storm. Not more than 750 effective men would -be available in case of insurrection which might be encouraged from -Spain after the marriage treaty was broken off. The English Government -thought the danger real enough to order the execution of the late -proclamation against Jesuits and others who 'picked the purses of his -Majesty's subjects by indulgences, absolutions, and pardons from Rome.' -The number of horsemen was to be increased from 230 to 400, and of foot -from 1,450 to 3,600; arrangements were made as to supplies, and the -forts were to be put in better order. The scare continued until the end -of the reign, but Olivares, though perhaps very willing to wound, had -not the means for an attack on Ireland.[156] - -[Sidenote: Falkland's grievances.] - -The Lord Deputy complained that his letters were not answered, but the -home Government were occupied with the English Parliament, which was -prorogued May 29, 1624; and it was also thought desirable to hear what -Sir Francis Annesley had to say. Falkland did not get on either with -him or with Lord Chancellor Loftus, who were also Strafford's chief -opponents. He granted certain licences for tanning and for selling -spirits, which required the Great Seal to make them valid, but Loftus -hesitated to affix it, saying that one was void in law and the other in -equity. If the judges decided against him he would submit. Falkland's -contention was that the Chancellor must seal anything he wished, but -Loftus said his oath would in that case be broken and his office made -superfluous. An angry correspondence ended by a reference to the King, -and Loftus was called upon to explain. He was able to show that he also -had suffered by Middlesex's economies, and that his official income was -much smaller than that of his archiepiscopal predecessor's had been. A -considerable increase was granted. And so the matter rested when James -I. died.[157] - -[Sidenote: Death of James I.] - -Henry IV. is reported to have said that his brother of England was -the wisest fool in Christendom. Macaulay thought him like the Emperor -Claudius. Gardiner tried to be fair, but admitted that the popular -estimate of James is based upon the 'Fortunes of Nigel'; and therefore -it is not likely to be soon altered. He has been more praised for -his Irish policy than for anything else, and perhaps with truth; for -there is such a thing as political long sight, clear for objects at a -distance and clouded for those which are near at hand. The settlement -has preserved one province to the English connection, and has thus done -much to secure the rest; but it may be doubted whether the unfairness -of it was not the chief cause of the outbreak in 1641, and so to a -great degree of the bitterness which has permeated Irish life ever -since. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[137] Chamberlain to Carleton, April 6, 1616, in _Court and Times_; -Bacon to Sir George Villiers, July 1, 1616 (_Spedding_, v. 375). -Installation of St. John in _Liber Munerum_, ii. 6. St. John to -Winwood, August 1616 (No. 289); Lord Carew to Sir Thomas Roe (Camden -Society) December. - -[138] Bacon to Sir George Villiers, July 5, 1616, in _Spedding_, v. -378; Davies to Lake, December 20, 1615; St. John to Winwood, December -31, 1616, and October 11, 1617; Licence to send agents, May 18, 1618; -return of the Commissioners, 1618, No. 431; surrender of charter -announced, August 4, 1619. Histories of Waterford by Smith and Ryland. -Bacon had recommended procedure by _Quo warranto_ or _Scire facias_, -and St. John, doubtless prompted by Chief Justice Jones, says the same -in his letter to the Privy Council, April 1618, No. 406. - -[139] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, August 4, 1619; -St. John to the same, November 9; Corporation of Bristol to the same, -January 31, 1620. There were no mayors or sheriffs of Waterford from -1618 to 1625, both inclusive. - -[140] Chichester to Salisbury, June 27, 1610. Report of Commissioners, -November 12, 1613, p. 449. The latter is more fully given in -_Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, ii. 372. In Chichester's project -(_Irish Cal._, 1614, No. 859) the escheated territory is described as -'the Kinsellaghs, and Bracknagh, and McDamore's country, McVadock's -country, the Murrowes, Kilhobuck, Farrenhamon and Kilcooleneleyer, and -a small part of Farren Neale,' to which Rothe adds 'Clanhanrick.' In -1606 the judges had declared that 'Les terres de nature de gavelkind ne -fueront partible enter les procheins heires males del cesty que morust -seisie, mais enter touts les males de son sept.' Davies's _Reports_, -1628. - -[141] Report of Commissioners in 1613, _ut sup._ - -[142] Report of Commissioners in 1613, _ut sup._ Sir Henry Docwra's -letters of December 23, 1617, and March 3, 1618. Chichester's original -project and the English Council's criticisms are calendared under 1612, -Nos. 600-602. - -[143] Report of 1613 Commissioners _ut sup._ - -[144] Walsh's petition followed by certificate, December 5, 1611; the -King to Chichester, January 21 and March 22 and 31, 1612; Chichester -to Salisbury, March 5. As to the intruding patentees see State Papers -calendared under 1613, p. 452 _sqq._ A petition of Redmond MacDamore -and others calendared under 1616, No. 248, is substantially the same -as Walsh's, and probably belongs to 1611. The sheriff gave possession -to the patentees on May 7, 1613, forcing the doors where necessary and -turning out the inmates. - -[145] The King to Chichester, April 16, 1613. - -[146] Rothe's _Analecta Sacra_, iii. art. 19, Cologne, 1617. The text -was evidently composed before Chichester had ceased to be viceroy, and -therefore before the work of the Wexford settlement was quite finished. - -[147] St. John to the Privy Council, September 29, 1619, on which -Gardiner mistakenly states that 300 outlaws were slain in connection -with the Wexford plantation only. Same to same, November 9. Grant of -100_l._ to Hugh MacPhelim O'Byrne, _ib._ No. 602, and St. John's letter -to him, June 18, 1620; Sir Francis Blundell to the Council (written in -London) July 20, 1620; Lord Deputy and Council to the Council, December -6, 1620 and May 25, 1621; Sir Thomas Dutton to Charles I., December -20, 1629; and Hadsor's opinion calendared under 1632, 2190, 7. Donnell -Spaniagh of Clonmullen and thirty-five other Kavanaghs, with many -Wexford neighbours, were pardoned in 1602. Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, -Eliz. p. 607. Hadsor in _Sloane MS._ 4756. - -[148] The King to Chichester, April 12, 1615. Ely O'Carroll comprised -the baronies of Clonlisk and Ballybritt, the southern portion of King's -County. - -[149] Certificate of survey, November 20, 1618; Lord Deputy and Council -to the Privy Council, November 8, 1619; Commissions for settling the -plantation, September 30, 1619 and April 10, 1620; Lords Justices and -Council to the Privy Council, June 22, 1622; Lord Wilmot's discourse, -1627, No. 534; Richard Hadsor's propositions, 1632, No. 2190; Lords -Justices to Vane, November 13, 1641. - -[150] Brief return of survey in _Sloane MS._ 4756. - -[151] St. John's description of Connaught, 1614, in _Carew_, p. 295. -St. John to Lords of Council, December 31, 1620, in Cal. of State -Papers, _Ireland_; Sir Thomas Dutton to the King, December 20, 1629, -_ib._; Hadsor's propositions, _ib._, 1632, p. 681. The final grant -to Sir Frederick Hamilton is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, Car. I. p. -541. In a letter to Wentworth of February 12, 1634-5, Viscount Wilmot -suggests that Coote should be asked 'what became of the 5,000_l._ -allotted to be disbursed upon the town and wall of Jamestown,' -_Melbourne Hall Papers_, ii. 175. - -[152] St. John to the Privy Council, September 29, 1619; Privy Council -to St. John, August 1621; extract of a letter calendared at June 17, -1624. - -[153] Sir John Digby to Buckingham, June 4, 1617, in _Fortescue Papers_ -(Camden Society); St. John to Buckingham, _ib._, November 24, 1618 and -August 17, 1620; the King to St. John, concerning Sir Roger Jones, -October 6, 1620. For the report as to disarming Protestants see _Court -and Times_, ii. 304; communications between King and Privy Council -calendared January 28 to February 3, 1622; St. John to the Privy -Council, October 13, 1621 and April 8, 1622. - -[154] _Court and Times_, ii. 327; Ussher to Grandison, October 16, -1622, _Works_, xv. 180 and Hampton to Ussher, _ib._ 183; Cox's -_Hibernia Anglicana_, ii. 39. - -[155] Proclamation of January 21, 1623-4, _Carew_; Falkland to Calvert -(with enclosures), October 20, 1623; to Conway (sent with Westmeath), -April 27, 1624; Archbishop Abbot to Conway, September 10, 1623, Cal. of -State Papers, _Ireland_, June 4, 1625. - -[156] Falkland to Conway, April 24, 1624; to Privy Council, March 16, -1625; Council of War for Ireland (Grandison, Carew, Chichester, etc.) -to the Privy Council, July 6, 1624. - -[157] Lord Deputy to Lord Chancellor, October 22 and 28, 1624, and -Loftus's answer to the first; Conway to Grandison and others, November -24; Loftus to the Privy Council, January 10, 1625; Privy Council to the -King, March 21. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -EARLY YEARS OF CHARLES I., 1625-1632 - - -[Sidenote: Accession of Charles I., March, 1625.] - -The death of James I. made little immediate difference to Ireland. -King Charles was proclaimed in Dublin, and a new commission was -issued to Falkland as Lord Deputy. An attack from Spain was thought -likely, and the Irish Government were in no condition to resist it, -for the pay of the troops was in arrear--nine months in the case of -old soldiers and seven in the case of recent levies. Being hungry -they sometimes mutinied, and were more dangerous to the country than -to foreign invaders. The fortifications of the seaports were decayed, -and ships of war were unable to sail for want of provisions. Pirates -continued to infest the coast, and this evil was aggravated by constant -friction between the Irish Government and the Admiralty of England. -Falkland continued viceroy for more than six years after the accession -of Charles I., constantly complaining that he was neglected and that -his official powers and privileges were unfairly curtailed. With Lord -Chancellor Loftus he continued to be on the worst of terms, and the -King was at last driven to place the Great Seal in commission. Loftus -was sent for to England.[158] - -[Sidenote: Quarrel between Falkland and Loftus.] - -The suspended Chancellor was accused of seeking popularity for himself -and intriguing against the King, especially with regard to the expenses -of recruiting and maintaining soldiers. There were charges, all denied, -of hearing cases in private and making money by extortion; and Loftus -openly claimed the right to eke out his salary of 360_l._ by exacting -certain fees. After a long inquiry by King and Council, Loftus, who -could keep his temper, was completely exonerated, and was granted the -unusual privilege of quitting Ireland whenever he pleased without -forfeiting his place. Prosecutions in the Castle Chambers were ordered -against those who had accused him falsely. Loftus was at war with Lord -Cork as well as with the Deputy, and Cork sustained the charges against -him before the King and Council.[159] - -[Sidenote: The case of the O'Byrnes.] - -[Sidenote: The English Government tired of plantations.] - -Like his two predecessors, Falkland believed that plantations were the -best things for Ireland, and he had not been many months in the country -before he proposed to settle the lower part of Wicklow and some strips -of the adjoining counties. In the days of Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne the -district had been constantly disturbed, and his son Phelim trod for a -time in his footsteps; but he made his peace with Queen Elizabeth and -held a considerable part of the tribal territory, though by a rather -uncertain tenure. The Queen perhaps intended to secure him by patent, -but this was not done during her lifetime, and James issued letters to -the same effect, which Grandison managed to avoid acting on. The reason -given for delay was that much of the land in question had been granted -to individuals by patent, and that the whole territory belonged in -fact to the King. Middlesex, for some reason not now evident, opposed -Falkland's scheme of a plantation, and the London Commissioners for -Irish causes did the same. Plantations, said the latter, were very good -things in themselves; but they were the cause of much exasperation in -those concerned, and in several cases but little progress had been -made, so that it was unreasonable to break fresh ground. Falkland would -do well if he could break off the dependence of the people on their -chiefs, and induce them to hold their lands by some civilised tenure -and at reasonable rents. From this we may perhaps infer that some of -the O'Byrne clansmen were not at all anxious to submit to Phelim's -yoke. Falkland, however, endeavoured to get Buckingham's support for a -plantation. If the matter were taken out of his hand he would apply -for 6,000 acres, but if the arrangements were left to him he would ask -for nothing.[160] - -[Sidenote: Falkland wishes to colonise Wicklow,] - -[Sidenote: but the plan is disliked in London.] - -[Sidenote: Arrest of Phelim O'Byrne.] - -[Sidenote: A royal commission on the Wicklow case,] - -[Sidenote: whose report is unfavourable to Falkland.] - -Falkland soon returned to the charge. He found, or thought he found, -a widespread conspiracy in that part of Leinster which contained -O'Byrne's country, and he reiterated his opinion that a plantation -commanded by a strong fort was the only way to break up the dependency -of the clansmen on their chief. Two of Phelim's sons were arrested -and shut up in the Castle. All official delays, said Falkland, were -attributed to fear; but there would be no cause for it if money were -provided to pay the soldiers. The London Commissioners were, however, -still bent upon making Phelim a great man with a court leet, court -baron, fairs and markets, provided he would make his sons freeholders -with 200 acres of good land apiece. Nothing decisive was done, but -after three years' watching Falkland announced that he had really got -the threads of the conspiracy. Phelim O'Byrne and five of his sons -were arrested, Butlers, Kavanaghs and O'Tooles being also implicated -as well as some in Munster. By this time Buckingham was dead, and -this may have turned the scale against Falkland. Bills of indictment -were found against Phelim and his sons, and at that stage proceedings -were stopped by peremptory orders from England. The King declared -his intention of appointing a special commission to inquire into the -whole matter, and the Archbishops of Armagh and Dublin, the Lord -Chancellor, Chief Justice Shirley, Lord Wilmot, Sir Francis Annesley -and Sir Arthur Savage were named for the purpose. Falkland bitterly -complained that Loftus, Annesley and Savage were his personal enemies; -with Ussher and Shirley he declared himself thoroughly satisfied. -Wilmot and Annesley do not seem to have acted, but the others took -their share of the work. The Commissioners proposed to examine some -Irish-speaking prisoners, but Falkland refused to allow this unless -he might name the interpreter. It was stated by some witnesses that -he had previously used the services of Sir Henry Bellings and William -Graham, both of whom were interested in the O'Byrne lands. Under these -circumstances the inquiry was not satisfactory, but the Commissioners -examined thirty-six witnesses and sent over the whole mass of evidence -without any comments of their own. There was no cross-examination, and -the facts were not properly sifted; but the whole story can scarcely -be false. Some witnesses declared that their evidence before the grand -jury was extorted by threats and others that they had been tortured. -They were not witnesses of the best sort, for one said that he would -do service against his father to save his own life, and another that -after being chained in a dungeon for five weeks without fire or candle, -he was ready to swear anything, 'and he thinketh there is no man but -would do so.' A witness of a higher class was William Eustace of -Castlemartin in Kildare, who testified that the foreman of the grand -jury had been Sir James Fitzgerald, whose father Sir Piers, with his -wife and daughter, had been burned to death in cold blood by a party -which included Phelim MacFeagh. He swore that the majority of the grand -jurors had not the legal freehold qualification, and that the sheriff -appointed through Lord Esmond's influence was likewise unqualified. -Esmond had an interest in the lands, and so had Sir Henry Bellings, -who was also a grand juror. As a result of the inquiry, the O'Byrnes -were released, and no doubt this contributed to Falkland's recall, -though Ussher was most anxious to shield him. Phelim McFeagh and his -sons retained some of the territory in question, but it would seem that -Esmond, Graham, and others got shares, as well as Sir William Parsons -and Lord Chancellor Loftus.[161] - -[Sidenote: Remarks on the O'Byrne case.] - -[Sidenote: Falkland's defence.] - -Carte's account of the O'Byrne affair has been generally accepted, -but it is not impartial. He suppresses facts unfavourable to Phelim -MacFeagh, and he exaggerates the part taken by Sir William Parsons, -whose later proceedings after Strafford's death were distasteful to -him. Moreover, he gives his reader to understand that the O'Byrnes -were deprived of all their property, which was certainly not the case. -Phelim died early in 1631 and his sons retained the land which they -held by patent; what was considered to be in the King's hands being -granted to the Earl of Carlisle. The Irish Council were on the whole -favourable to Falkland, whom they knew to have no personal interest -in the matter. Phelim they declared to be a notorious rebel, whose -intrigues had engaged the attention of three deputies; and he had -compassed the death of a magistrate named Pont. Falkland had only -taken part in the trial because the witnesses were so overawed by -their priests that they refused to give evidence before any inferior -minister. Lord Cork, who seems to have had no interest in the Wicklow -lands, had the worst opinion of Phelim. Falkland himself was very -indignant at having his conduct questioned by Commissioners who -were subordinate to him as long as he was Deputy. They did not, he -complained, hear both sides, and their behaviour, always excepting -Ussher and Shirley, was partial and spiteful. For himself he was 'a -gentleman born of such descent as the blood of most of your honourable -lordships who sit at the Council table runs in my veins,' and he ought -to be believed 'in spite of the malicious backbitings of scandals -by men of no generation or kindred, whose beginning has been either -mercenary or sordid, though perchance advanced by fortune above their -merit, and not understanding more of honour than the title they have -obtained (I will not say how).' This was directed against Loftus, and -there is much more to the same effect.[162] - -[Sidenote: Charge against Lord Thurles,] - -Falkland believed that the plots in Leinster originated with Lord -Thurles, Ormonde's eldest son, whose proceedings were suspected in -1619. This young man, who was the great Duke of Ormonde's father, was -drowned at the end of that year near the Skerries during his passage -to England. Nine years later an adherent of his house gave particulars -as to Lord Thurles's intentions not long before his death. Feeling -that his family were likely to be ruined, he proposed to raise a force -of 1,500 men, and he was in correspondence with Spain. He went from -house to house swearing people to follow him, and one of his adherents -was Sir John McCoghlan, who was discontented about the King's County -plantation. Suspicion having been aroused, Lord Thurles was summoned -to England and was lost on his way over. The whole story is of very -doubtful credibility, but there was enough to justify measures upon -Falkland's part.[163] - -[Sidenote: Financial difficulties.] - -[Sidenote: An assembly of Notables. The 'graces.'] - -[Sidenote: Toleration a grievous sin.] - -From the very beginning of his reign Charles I. was in want of money, -and he longed to make Ireland self-supporting. Some popularity was -gained by restoring the charter of Waterford early in 1626, but the -King's quarrels both with France and Spain made it necessary to -increase the army in Ireland at the expense of the country. It was -decided to have 5,000 foot and 500 horse, but in the meantime the small -existing force was unpaid and worse than useless. Falkland was directed -to convene an assembly of Irish notables, and induce them to provide -funds by the promise of certain privileges or 'graces.' The peers and -bishops accordingly met in the middle of November 1626, and sat in the -same room with the Council, who occupied a long table in the middle. -Some delegates from the Commons were afterwards added, but neither -with them nor without them could the assembly come to any decision. -The negotiations went on for nine months, and ended in the appointment -of agents for the different provinces who were to go to England and -state their case before the King. Westmeath took an active part -against the Government. The eighth of the original graces offered by -Charles provided that the shilling fine for non-attendance at church on -Sundays and holidays should not be exacted except in special cases. A -limited toleration would thus be the consideration for a grant towards -the payment of the army. Twelve bishops, with Ussher at their head, -met and declared that 'the religion of the Papists is superstitious -and heretical,' and its toleration a grievous sin. 'To grant them -toleration in respect of any money to be given or contribution to be -made by them is to set religion to sale and with it the souls of the -people.' - -[Sidenote: Ussher on the things that are Cæsar's.] - -This was not published for some time, but while the negotiations were -still in progress George Downham, bishop of Derry, a Cambridge man and -a strong Calvinist, preached at Christ Church before the Lord Deputy -and Council. Having read the judgment of the twelve prelates, he called -upon the congregation to say Amen, and 'suddenly the whole church -almost shaked with the great sound their loud Amens made.' Ussher -himself preached next Sunday to the same effect, saying much of Judas -and the thirty pieces of silver. He was, however, strongly in favour -of a grant being made for the army, and his speech to the assembled -notables a few days later urged the duty of contributing to the public -defence. 'We are,' he said, 'now at odds with two of the most potent -princes in Christendom; to both which in former times the discontented -persons in Ireland have had recourse heretofore, proffering the kingdom -itself unto them, if they would undertake the conquest of it.' Desmond -had offered the island to France in Henry VIII.'s time, and after that -the Spaniards had never ceased to give trouble. Nor were matters much -improved by the late plantations; for while other colonising states had -'removed the ancient inhabitants to other dwellings, we have brought -new planters into the land, and have left the old inhabitants to shift -for themselves,' who would undoubtedly give trouble as soon as they had -the chance. The burden of the public defence lay on the King, and it -was the business of subjects to render Cæsar his due.[164] - -[Sidenote: Irish soldiers in England.] - -[Sidenote: The Act of Supremacy defied.] - -[Sidenote: Bargain between the King and the Irish agents.] - -The Irish agents did not leave Dublin until very near the end of -1627, and on reaching London found that toleration was by no means -popular. Considerable bodies of Irish troops were billeted in England, -sometimes coming into collision with the people and causing universal -irritation. The famous third Parliament of Charles I. met on March -17, and one of their first proceedings was to petition the King for -a stricter administration of the recusancy laws. A little later the -Commons in their remonstrance against Buckingham complained of the -miserable condition of Ireland, where Popery was openly professed and -practised. Superstitious houses had been repaired or newly erected, and -'replenished with men and women of several orders' in Dublin and all -large towns. A few months later a committee reported that Ireland was -swarming with friars, priests, and Jesuits who devoted themselves to -undermining the allegiance of the people. Formerly very few had refused -to attend church in Dublin; but that was now given up, and there were -thirteen mass houses, more in number than the parish churches. Papists -were trusted with the command of soldiers of their own creed, and the -Irish generally were being trained to arms, 'which heretofore hath -not been permitted, even in times of greatest security.' The agents -no doubt found that they had a better chance with the King than with -anyone else, and they consented to waive the promise not to enforce the -shilling fine for non-attendance at church, being perhaps privately -satisfied that such enforcement would not take place. The agents were -of course all landowners or lawyers nearly related to them, and they -procured the much more important undertaking that a sixty years' title -should be good against the Crown. They agreed to pay 120,000_l._ in -three years for the support of the army, but there were complaints that -this was too burdensome, and the time for completing the payment was -afterwards extended to four years.[165] - -[Sidenote: A Parliament is promised,] - -[Sidenote: but not held.] - -[Sidenote: Proclamation against regular clergy, April 1, 1629.] - -[Sidenote: Recall of Falkland, Aug. 1629.] - -It was provided by the graces that the limitation of the King's title -to land and other important concessions should be secured by law, and -the opening of Parliament was fixed for November 1. Roman Catholics who -had formerly practised in Ireland or who had spent five years at the -English inns of court were to be admitted to practise as barristers -on taking a simple oath of allegiance, without any abjuration of the -papal authority, and this was a considerable step towards toleration. -A Parliament had been promised by the original graces in 1626 and -clamoured for by the assembly of notables in 1627, but it soon appeared -that it would be impossible to hold it by the beginning of November -1628, and people in Ireland were sceptical as to there being any -real intention to hold one at all. Falkland issued writs, however, -and it appears that some elections actually took place, when it was -discovered in London that the provisions of Poynings' Act had not been -complied with. The measures proposed to be passed should have been -first sent from the Irish Government, and an answer returned under -the Great Seal of England authorising or amending them. The objection -proved fatal, and no Parliament was held, while the Irish nobility -and gentry complained that even the purely administrative part of -the Graces had not been acted upon. The Government required that the -120,000_l._ already granted should be paid into the Exchequer, but -there would then be no security for the troops being paid, and the -Irish gentry, with good reason, feared that they might pay their money -without escaping the extortion and disorder of the soldiers. In the -meantime the English Government suggested that more activity might be -shown against the religious orders in Ireland, and Falkland gladly -issued a proclamation forbidding the exercise of all ecclesiastical -jurisdiction derived from Rome, and ordering all monasteries and -colleges to dissolve themselves. It was not intended to interfere -with the secular clergy nor with the laity. According to Falkland the -immediate effect of this proclamation was very great. The Jesuits and -Franciscans blamed each other, and there was no resistance in Dublin. -But at Drogheda, the residence of Ussher, who was a party to the -proclamation, it was treated with contempt, 'a drunken soldier being -first set up to read it, and then a drunken serjeant of the town, both -being made, by too much drink, incapable of that task, and perhaps -purposely put to it, made the same seem like a May game,' and mass was -celebrated as regularly, if not quite so openly, as before. It was at -this moment that Falkland's recall was decided on, though he did not -actually surrender the government for six months, the King declaring -his unabated confidence and his wish to employ him about his person. No -money was, however, allowed him for travelling expenses, and he had to -sell plate and furniture, while a troop of horse and company of foot, -which he held by patent for life with reversion to his second son, -were cashiered. Gondomar, he observed, 'did term patents the common -faith.' Yet he claimed to have governed more cheaply than any of his -predecessors, no money having been remitted from England during his -whole term of office, and he had increased the revenue by 14,000_l._ -He had acquired no land for himself, and we may probably dismiss as -mere scandal the statement that he had a share in the nefarious profits -of certain pirates. He cannot, however, be considered a successful -viceroy, and the querulous tone of his letters has prejudiced -historians against him.[166] - -[Sidenote: Falkland falsely accused, 1631.] - -Falkland was an unpopular man, and many objections were made to him. He -was accused of conspiring with Sir Dominic Sarsfield, Chief Justice of -the Common Pleas, to procure the condemnation of one Bushell, a man of -eighty, for the murder of his wife with intent to divide his property -between them. Falkland brought this case before the Star Chamber, Lord -Mountnorris being one of the defendants. He had said that the Lord -Deputy 'would not suffer the King's servants to enjoy their places.' -Falkland succeeded completely after a trial which lasted several days. -Wentworth, who gave judgment in his favour, exonerated Mountnorris, -who was only proved to have said that the Deputy's government was -tyrannical and that he prevented the King's servants from enjoying -their places. 'My Lord Mountnorris,' said Wentworth, 'I acquit: every -word must not rise up in judgment against a man.'[167] - -[Sidenote: Youthful escapade of Lucius Cary.] - -One of Falkland's later acts was to give a company to his eldest son -Lucius, who was under twenty, and the Lords Justices who succeeded him -transferred the command to Sir F. Willoughby, who was an excellent -soldier. Young Cary admitted this, but added 'I know no reason why -therefore you should have my company any more than why therefore you -should have my breeches,' and so challenged him to fight. Willoughby -said he had specified that he had rather not have this particular -company or that of Sir Charles Coote. The duel did not take place, but -Cary spent ten days in the Fleet, whence he was released on his father -petitioning the King.[168] - -[Sidenote: Cork and Loftus Lords Justices, 1629-1633.] - -Lord Danby, who as Sir Henry Danvers had been President of Munster, was -named for the viceroyalty, but at his age he was unwilling to undertake -such an arduous task. Lord Chancellor Loftus and Lord Cork were then -appointed Lords Justices, the army being placed in Wilmot's hands. The -Lords Justices were on very bad terms, but Secretary Lake urged them to -make friends, and a solemn reconciliation took place in Lord Wilmot's -presence, 'which I beseech God,' Cork wrote, 'his lordship observe as -religiously as I resolve to do, if new provocations enforce me not to -alter my resolutions.' Wilmot was sanguine enough to think that they -would not quarrel again. Their instructions were to suppress all Popish -religious houses and all foreign jurisdictions, and to persuade the -army and people to attend divine service. Trinity College, Dublin, was -to receive every encouragement and care was to be taken in the exercise -of ecclesiastical patronage and to rescue benefices from lay hands. -The King's intention to call a Parliament was reiterated and a large -discretion was left to the Lords Justices, but judicial appointments, -nominations to the Privy Council, and commissions in the army were -reserved to the Crown.[169] - -[Sidenote: Raid on religious houses in Dublin,] - -[Sidenote: and Cork.] - -So little effect had Falkland's last proclamation against the regular -orders, that Wilmot reported the establishment of seventeen additional -houses within four months after its publication. 'The Archbishop of -Dublin,' Lord Cork notes in his diary, 'and the mayor of Dublin, -by the direction of us the Lords Justices, ransacked the house of -friars in Cook Street.' Thomas Fleming, a Franciscan, was titular -archbishop of Dublin, and his order had been much strengthened by his -appointment. On St. Stephen's Day, the day after Christmas, 1629, -Archbishop Bulkeley, accompanied by the mayor and a file of musketeers, -visited the Franciscan church during high mass, cleared the building, -and arrested some of the friars, who were promptly rescued by a mob -3,000 strong. Showers of stones were thrown, and Bulkeley was glad to -take refuge in a house. The Lords Justices appeared with their guard, -but there were not soldiers enough available to act with effect, and -Wilmot reported that there was not one pound of powder in the Castle. -The friary was razed to the ground in the presence of the Recusant -aldermen. A month later the English Privy Council approved strongly of -what had been done, and ordered the demolition of the convents, which -should be turned into 'houses of correction, and to set the people on -work or to other public uses, for the advancement of justice, good -arts, or trades.' The regulars had increased in every considerable -town, and at Cork Sir William St. Leger by the Lords Justices' order -seized four houses; but all the inmates had warning, and escaped. There -was room for forty Franciscans and twenty Dominicans, the Jesuits -and Augustinians also being suitably accommodated. The Jesuit church -and college in Back Lane, Dublin, were, however, annexed to Trinity -College, and the former was for some time used as a lecture-room.[170] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of the Government, 1630.] - -The attitude of the Lords Justices to each other was little better than -an armed neutrality, and not much could be expected from a Government -so constituted. At the beginning of 1631 even Wilmot thought there -would be an open rupture, and the Lords Justices had differences as -long as they were in office; but they agreed so far as to reduce -the army, and something like a proper relation between income and -expenditure was thus arrived at. In May 1630 about 200 notables met the -Council, and with the exception of Lord Gormanston they all demanded -a Parliament, which was fixed for November, but which never met. Cork -said he had known Ireland for forty-three years and had never known it -so quiet, but he thought it impossible for any public man really to -understand the country because the priests kept governors and governed -permanently estranged. Spanish attempts on Ireland had always failed, -and he did not fear them, but there was a constant source of danger -in a population of hardy young men with nothing to do. The English -settlers were indeed numerous, but comfortable farmers with wives and -children would not easily be induced to come out and fight; and the -Irish understood this perfectly. Even in Dublin and Meath large armed -bands had broken into houses by night and taken what they wanted. The -Government were just strong enough to hang or disperse such banditti, -but the last of the voluntary subsidy would be paid at the end of -1632, and at the beginning of that year Wentworth had been appointed -Deputy.[171] - -[Sidenote: St. Patrick's Purgatory demolished.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen desires its restoration.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's opinion.] - -The Ulster settlement had not put an end to St. Patrick's Purgatory on -Lough Derg, in Donegal, in the territory of Termon-Magrath, which the -wicked old Archbishop of Cashel had held by patent and transmitted to -his son. The Lords Justices found no difficulty in agreeing on this -subject, and they bound James Magrath in a penalty of Ģ1,000 'to pull -down and utterly demolish that monster of fame called St. Patrick's -Purgatory, with St. Patrick's bed, and all the vaults, cells, and all -other houses and buildings, and to have all the other superstitious -stones and materials cast into the lough, and that he should suffer the -superstitious chapel in the island to be pulled down to the ground, -and no boat to be there, nor pilgrimage used or frequented during -James Magrath's life willingly or wittingly.' The work seems to have -been thoroughly done, to the great grief of some people; and Henrietta -Maria, with her own hand and in her own tongue, begged Wentworth to -restore a place to which the people of the country had always been so -devoted. It was, she said, the greatest favour that he could do her, -and the liberty granted should be used very modestly. This letter -was sent by Lord Antrim, who had probably suggested it, and he was -commissioned to press the matter on the viceroy. Without granting the -Queen's request, Wentworth was able to say truly that the thing was -done before his time, but that it would be hard to undo it; and he -advised her to wait till a more suitable opportunity. In the meantime -he was most anxious to serve her Majesty without the intervention of -Antrim or any one else. The Purgatory was 'in the midst of the great -Scottish plantations,' and the Scots were only too anxious for an -excuse to find fault with the King's Government. Pilgrimages to Lough -Derg were resumed in course of time, and it was estimated that as -many as 13,000 devotees went there annually in the early part of the -nineteenth century.[172] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[158] For the wretched state of the army see State Papers, _Ireland_, -_passim_, particularly the letters of Sir Richard Aldworth, October 17, -1626, and February 16, 1626. - -[159] _Court and Times_, of Charles I., July 11, 1628, i. 377. The King -to Falkland, August 4 and 16, 1628. - -[160] Falkland to the Privy Council, May 3, 1623; Commissioners for -Irish causes to same, July (No. 1058 in Cal.); Falkland to Buckingham, -printed in Miss Hickson's _Ireland in the Seventeenth Century_, i. 45. -The latter is undated, but must be earlier than Middlesex's fall in May -1624. - -[161] The evidence taken by Falkland is calendared at January 20, -1629. The evidence taken before the special commission is printed in -Gilbert's _Confederation and War_, i. 187. Particulars as to the lands -may be found in Morrin's _Cal. of Patent Rolls_, Car. I. pp. 356, 366, -399, 496. Accounts from various points of view are given in Gardiner's -_History_, viii. 20, in Miss Hickson's _Seventeenth Century_, i. 38, -and in Carte's _Ormonde_, book i. Ussher admitted that the special -commission had made more haste than good speed, see his letter of -January 22, 1628-9, _Works_, xv. 421. - -[162] Irish Council to the King, calendared at April 28, 1629; the King -to the Lords Justices for the Earl of Carlisle, March 29, 1631; Lord -Esmond to Dorchester, September 18; Lord Cork to Dorchester, January -1630 (No. 1591). Falkland's Apology, December 8, 1628, is printed in -Gilbert's _Confederation and War_, i. 210. - -[163] Falkland to Lord Conway, September 3, 1628, enclosing two letters -from Captain James Tobin; Captain Tobin's information given in England, -September 29, 1629, and January 13, 1630. - -[164] The King to the Lord Deputy and Council, with the first version -of the Graces, September 22, 1626. The declaration of the bishops, -November 26, 1626, and Ussher's speech, April 30, 1627, are in -Elrington's 'Life of Ussher,' prefixed to his _Works_, i. 72-88. As -to Downham's sermon, April 22, 1627, see the paper calendared No. -693. Diary of the proceedings of the Great Assembly concerning the -maintenance of 5,000 foot and 500 horse, October 14, 1626, to June 26, -1627, No. 713 in Calendar. The new charter of Waterford, May 26, 1626, -is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, Car. I., 169. - -[165] _Rushworth_, i. 514, 622. Report of Commons committee, February -24, 1628-9, in Gardiner's _Constitutional Documents_, No. 14. For the -billeting of Irish soldiers in England see _Court and Times_, i. 316, -331. It was reported in London that the Irish Recusants were giving -120,000_l._ for a 'kind of public toleration' with power to erect -monasteries, _ib._ 375. - -[166] Captain Bardsey's note of abuses, 1625, No. 1417 in Russell and -Prendergast's _Calendar_; proclamation against the monasteries etc., -April 1, 1629, with Falkland's letters of April 5 and May 2; Falkland -to Ussher, April 14 and May 15, 1629, in Ussher's _Works_, xv. 438, -442; Falkland to Dorchester, April 17 and September 29, 1629; King's -letter of recall, August 10. The Report of the Commissioners for Irish -affairs concerning Poynings' Act is calendared at September 9, 1628, -and the story is told in _Rushworth_, ii. 16-22. It appears from Ware's -Diary, quoted by Gardiner, viii. 18, that the election for Dublin was -actually held. The graces in their complete form are in Cox's _Hibernia -Anglicana_, ii. 45, and in Strafford's Letters, i. 312. - -[167] Star Chamber cases, ed. Gardiner, _Camden Society_, 1886. - -[168] The petition is in _Cabala_, 221, other documents are in Lady -Theresa Lewis's _Friends of Clarendon_, i. Appx. B-E. The imprisonment -was from January 17 to 27, 1629-30. - -[169] Lord Cork's Diary in _Lismore Papers_, 1st series, iii. 2. Wilmot -to Dorchester, October 22, 1629. The instructions to the Lords Justices -are calendared under July, No. 1443. - -[170] Lord Cork's Diary in _Lismore Papers_, 1st series, iii. 13. -Wilmot to Dorchester, January 6, 1630; Cork to same, January, No. -1591, with enclosures; Privy Council to the Lords Justices, January -31, printed in _Foxes and Firebrands_, ii. 74, 2nd ed., Dublin, 1682; -Gilbert's _History of Dublin_, i. 242, 300; Cork to Dorchester, March -2, 1630. - -[171] Wilmot to Dorchester, February 1, 1631; Lord Cork's letters of -December 8, 1630, and January 12, 1631; Ware's Diary in Gardiner, viii. -28; Lord Cork's Diary, November 26, 1632, in _Lismore Papers_, iii. 167. - -[172] Todd's _St. Patrick_, vii.; Hill's _Plantation in Ulster_, 184; -Henrietta Maria to Wentworth, and his answer, October 10, 1638, in -_Strafford Letters_; Lord Cork's Diary, September 8, 1632 in _Lismore -Papers_, iii. 159; Cæsar Otway's _Sketches_, 1827. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -GOVERNMENT OF WENTWORTH, 1632-1634 - - -[Sidenote: Wentworth Lord Deputy, Jan. 1632. His antecedents.] - -[Sidenote: His rapid promotion.] - -Dr. James Welwood, physician-in-ordinary to William III., wrote a short -history of the hundred years preceding the Revolution and dedicated -it to the King. He gave Strafford full credit as a great orator and -greater statesman, and as a zealous opponent of illegal taxation during -the first three Parliaments of Charles I., but goes on to say that 'the -Court bought him off, and preferred him to great honours and places, -which lost him his former friends, and made the breach irreconcilable.' -That was the orthodox Whig view of the case, which prevailed when the -Stuart monarchy had been finally converted into the parliamentary -system of Walpole. The Puritans were satisfied to call Strafford an -apostate, and the Whigs followed them. But he never really belonged to -the popular party, and he sought office from the first, not only from -ambition but from a love of efficient government. He became Custos -Rotulorum of the West Riding in 1615, when he was only twenty-two, and -a member of the Council of the North less than four years afterwards. -A year later he was a successful candidate for the representation of -Yorkshire, with a Secretary of State as his colleague, no other than -Sir George Calvert, who became the Roman Catholic Lord Baltimore. In -seeking the support of an influential neighbour at the election held on -Christmas Day, 1620, Wentworth said: 'In London I will carry you to Mr. -Secretary, make you known to him, not only procure you many thanks from -him, but that you shall hereafter find a readiness and cheerfulness to -do you such good offices as shall be in his way hereafter. Lastly, I -hope to have your company with me at dinner that day, where you shall -be most welcome.' - -[Sidenote: His breach with the Puritans.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth and Pym.] - -Early in 1626, when he was only thirty-two, Wentworth applied to be -made Lord President of the North in the event of a vacancy which -was then expected. He stated that he had no wish to rise except by -Buckingham's means, and that he reposed under the shadow of his favour. -He was at that time out of Parliament, the favourite having had him -made sheriff of Yorkshire on purpose to exclude him. The death of -Buckingham cleared the way for Wentworth, and in a little more than -a year after his commission to the Marshalsea for refusing to pay -the forced loan, he had found no difficulty in accepting a barony, -a viscounty, and the coveted Presidency of the North. His action -was really analogous to that of a modern politician who opposes the -Government of the day, not with a view to overthrow it, but in order -that he himself may be taken inside. Though this kind of thing is never -admirable we find no great difficulty in tolerating it, but it was -different in the time of Charles I.; men were too much in earnest and -the principles at stake were too great. It is, therefore, possible to -believe Welwood's story about Wentworth's relations to Pym, for which -there does not appear to be any contemporary authority, but which may -have been derived from those who were alive at the time. According to -this account Wentworth, when he had determined to make his peace with -the Court, asked Pym to meet him alone at Greenwich, where he enlarged -upon the danger of extreme courses, and advised him to make favourable -terms for himself and his friends while there was yet time. 'You need -not,' answered Pym, 'use all this art to tell me that you have a mind -to leave us, but remember what I tell you, you are going to be undone. -Remember that though you leave us now, I will never leave you while -your head is on your shoulders.'[173] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's alliance with Laud.] - -[Sidenote: 'Thorough'] - -A close union between Church and State formed a necessary part of -Wentworth's political system. He hated sectaries, though he does not -seem to have had any very strong theological bias. Archbishop Abbot was -accused by his enemies at Court of being too intimate with Sir Thomas -Wentworth, when still in opposition, the real fact being that they had -met once in nine months, and then only for consultation about a young -Saville to whom they were joint guardians. With Laud Wentworth had much -more in common, and sought his acquaintance as soon as he became a -Privy Councillor, late in 1630. 'Coming to a right understanding of one -another,' says Heylin, 'they entered into such a league of inviolable -friendship' as only death could part, and so co-operated for the honour -of the Church and his Majesty's service. They were in correspondence -about Irish affairs before Wentworth left England, and agreed upon a -policy of 'Thorough' both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs. Very -soon after his arrival in Dublin Wentworth congratulated the bishop -upon his translation to Canterbury, and the latter pointed out in -reply that the Church was much 'bound up in the forms of the common -law,' and that there were many clogs to the State machinery. 'No such -narrow considerations,' wrote Wentworth soon after, 'shall fall into -my counsels as my own preservation, till I see my master's power and -greatness set out of wardship and above the exposition of Sir Edward -Coke and his year-books, and I am most assured the same resolution -governs in your lordship. Let us then in the name of God go cheerfully -and boldly; if others do not their parts I am confident the honour -shall be ours and the shame theirs, and thus you have my Thorough and -Thorough.'[174] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's assistants] - -[Sidenote: Wandesford.] - -[Sidenote: Radcliffe.] - -In one of his first letters from Ireland Wentworth says he trusted -nobody on that side of the channel but Christopher Wandesford and -George Radcliffe, who were his cousins and had made themselves -useful in Yorkshire. Both had begun in opposition, and had followed -their leader when he espoused the cause of prerogative. Wandesford -became Master of the Rolls, and was the last holder of that office -in Ireland who sat as a judge until quite modern times. It became a -sinecure in the hands of Sir John Temple, who succeeded him, was held -by the Duke of Leinster in 1789, and on his resignation was granted -in co-partnership to the Earls of Glandore and Carysfort. Radcliffe, -who was attorney-general of the northern presidency, was compensated -for the loss of his English practice by a grant of Ģ500 a year, and -became the Lord Deputy's secretary. He preceded him to Ireland and -prepared his way there. The rest of the Irish officials Wentworth -treated as mere clerks. After a year and a half's experience on the -spot he considered nothing 'more prejudicial to the good success of -these affairs than their being understood aforehand by them here. So -prejudicial I hold it indeed, that on my faith there is not a minister -on this side who knows anything I either write or intend, excepting -the Master of the Rolls and Sir George Radcliffe, for whose assistance -in this government and comfort to myself amidst this generation I am -not able sufficiently to pour forth my humble acknowledgments to his -Majesty. Sure I were the most solitary man without them that ever -served a king in such a place.'[175] - -[Sidenote: Radcliffe and Mainwaring.] - -Radcliffe retained the Lord Deputy's full confidence to the end. He -was his chief adviser always, and his representative when away from -Ireland; but it was found necessary after a time to appoint another -secretary through whose hands most of the official correspondence -passed. The person chosen was Philip Mainwaring, of a Cheshire family, -but on pretty intimate terms with Wentworth, with whom he may have -become acquainted from having sat in Parliament for Boroughbridge. He -is well-known from Vandyke's picture, where he looks up in astonishment -or dismay at the angry face of the master who is dictating a despatch -to him. Cottington for some reason thought Mainwaring a dangerous man -to appoint, and while recommending him at Wentworth's request, declared -that the latter would burn his fingers; but he became chief secretary -in the summer of 1634, and remained in office until the outbreak of the -civil war. Laud had a good opinion of him.[176] - -[Sidenote: Sir George Wentworth, Lord Dillon and Adam Loftus.] - -In matters of state Wentworth seems to have given his full confidence -only to Wandesford and Radcliffe, but he got a good deal of help from -his brother George, who married Frances Rushe of Castle Jordan in -Westmeath. Amongst the natives of Ireland he chiefly trusted Robert, -Lord Dillon, whose son James married his sister Elizabeth, and Adam -Loftus of Rathfarnham, the Archbishop's grandson and cousin to the -Chancellor, who supported his policy from the beginning. - -[Sidenote: Delay about Wentworth's appointment,] - -[Sidenote: by which the King hopes to make money.] - -[Sidenote: Wilmot's warning.] - -If we are to believe the letter-writer Howell, who had dealings with -Wentworth in the summer of 1629, the latter was then already talked -of for the Irish viceroyalty. In the autumn of 1631 Weston more than -once urged him to come to Court 'for some important occasions' not -specified. Some of his friends thought there was a plan to ruin him by -imposing the thankless Irish service, but he himself went no further -than to hint that there were probably powerful people who would be glad -to set him 'a little further off from treading on anything themselves -desire.' The appointment did not take place until the beginning of -1632, but the King's intention had then been for some time known, and -Wentworth may have occupied himself with Irish affairs long before -the public announcement. Lord Wilmot, who was commander-in-chief as -well as president of Connaught, wrote from Dublin to Cottington that -the appointment was expected and freely discussed in Ireland. Wilmot -thought his own long service might possibly have made him Lord Deputy, -but things being as they were he was ready to give his best support to -the man who had been preferred before him. He saw clearly that money -would be a main object with Charles, and gave emphatic warning that it -would not be safe to economise by reducing the army, consisting as it -did of 2,000 foot and 400 horse distributed in companies of 50. 'Such -as they are,' he said, 'they give countenance unto justice itself, -and are the only comfort that the poor English undertakers live by, -and at this hour the King's revenues are not timely brought in but by -force of soldiers ... out of long experience I have seen these people -are ready to take the bit in their teeth upon all advantages, as any -people living, although they pay for it, as many times they have done -before, with all they are worth.' A little, he declared, might be done -in Ireland even with a small army, but if he had the means to make a -great display of force the King might do what he liked. Wilmot wished -to leave Ireland, where there was little to look forward to, and he was -soon to find that thirty years' laborious service was no valid title to -royal favour.[177] - -[Sidenote: Conditions of the appointment.] - -[Sidenote: Advice of Parsons.] - -[Sidenote: The Lords Justices give offence.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Sir John Eliot.] - -When announcing the appointment of a new Deputy to the Lords Justices -of Ireland, the King asked for a detailed account of the revenue and -of the state of the army. He required them 'not to pass any pardons, -offices, lands, or church livings, nor to confer the honour of -knighthood upon any, or to dispose of any company of horse or foot -there in the interim.' While waiting for the Deputy, they were to -confine themselves to the administration of civil justice and the -maintenance of military discipline. Wentworth wrote himself a few days -later asking for information as to the state of Ireland. Sir William -Parsons, with whom as well as with the Lords Justices he was quite -unacquainted, wisely advised him to do nothing until he crossed the -channel and could see for himself. In the meantime he made arrangements -with the King by which power was concentrated in his hands. To secure -secrecy and promptness it was agreed that he should correspond on -financial matters direct with the Lord Treasurer, and on general -business direct with Secretary Coke, instead of with the Privy Council -or any committee of it. The whole patronage, civil and ecclesiastical, -was made to depend on the Lord Deputy, while grants of places in -reversion were annulled for the past and forbidden for the future. -No new office was to be created without the Deputy's advice, and it -was promised that no Irish complaint should be entertained in England -unless it had been made to him first. By direct orders from the King -the Lords Justices were directed to pay no arrears or other debts, but -to confine their expenses of government strictly to the current cost -of the establishment. They nevertheless sanctioned payment of a large -sum to Sir Francis Cook. Wentworth was highly indignant, but Cottington -wrote that Mountnorris as Vice-Treasurer would probably refuse to pay -the money out of an almost empty Exchequer. 'Your old dear friend Sir -John Eliot,' he added, 'is very like to die.' He did die six weeks -later in the unwholesome prison where he lay, as a consequence of -adhering to the cause which the new Lord Deputy had deserted. Yet -Wentworth seems to have been surprised at the abuse which his rather -late found loyalty brought upon himself. He had bound himself hand and -foot to the service of the magnanimous prince who had ordered that Sir -John Eliot should be buried in the Tower, in the church of that parish -where he died.[178] - -[Sidenote: Deficiency of the revenue.] - -[Sidenote: Fines for not going to church.] - -[Sidenote: First difference with Lord Mountnorris.] - -[Sidenote: The Lords Justices reprimanded.] - -Wentworth was well inclined to take the advice given by Parsons, but -there was one department of Irish affairs which would not wait, and -that was the revenue. The Lords Justices announced that they would -have to begin the financial year on April 1, 1632, with less than -Ģ14,000 still to be raised out of the Ģ120,000 promised in 1628. This -was not enough to pay the army till December, and they realised that -it was impossible to decrease that force. They could suggest no better -means of making the ends meet than by ruthlessly exacting the fines -of one shilling a Sunday from the Irish Roman Catholics who refused -to go to church. A worse kind of tax could scarcely be devised, but -it was legal, and Wentworth had made no scruple of levying it in -Yorkshire. He sent over a Roman Catholic agent to Ireland, who obtained -a promise of Ģ20,000 from his co-religionists on condition of escaping -the Sunday dues for another year. This provided money for immediate -necessities, but he had no idea of letting the Protestants escape. -He told Cottington that it was safer to displease the minority than -the majority, and grounded his action upon this. It is not surprising -that he made enemies of the Protestants in the long run, and that he -did not make friends of the Roman Catholics. Nor was he particularly -anxious to conciliate the men with whom he would have to work in -Ireland. Lord Mountnorris lingered at Chester on account of his wife's -health, and Wentworth ordered him to go over at once and attend to his -financial business. The letter is civil enough in form, but contains -the scarcely-veiled threat that Mountnorris would be the sufferer if he -were untrue to him or suspicious of him in any way. Considering that -he himself evidently distrusted the Vice-Treasurer it was hardly wise -to bid him send over Ģ2,000 of the new Deputy's salary at once, 'for,' -he said, 'I have entered fondly enough on a purchase in Yorkshire of -Ģ14,000, and the want of that would very foully disappoint me.' To the -Lords Justices Wentworth was still more outspoken. They had disobeyed -orders by keeping secret the King's letter of instructions which they -had been ordered to publish, by ordering the payment of Sir Francis -Cook's arrear, and by failing to send over a detailed statement of -the Irish revenue. Wentworth said plainly that he would not allow -such presumption in them as to 'evacuate his master's directions, nor -contain himself in silence, seeing them before his face so slighted, -or at least laid aside very little regarded.'[179] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's journey delayed by pirates.] - -[Sidenote: Radcliffe goes before with Lady Wentworth.] - -[Sidenote: Audacity of the pirates,] - -[Sidenote: who plunder the Lord Deputy's baggage.] - -Wentworth intended to be in Ireland by Christmas 1632, but he did not -go till more than six months later. One good reason for the delay -was that the narrow seas were infested by pirates, though this did -not prevent him from sending over his lately married third wife in -January 1633. George Radcliffe escorted her and she lay hidden in the -Castle for several months, which was considered most mysterious, and -her identity was not disclosed until after her husband's arrival. The -Irish Government feared further attacks by the Algerines upon Baltimore -or some other defenceless place; but it was not only Algerines who -threatened the coasts and plundered the shipping, and the Lords -Justices declared that the Irish revenue could hardly bear the expense -of two pinnaces called the 5th and 9th Whelps, which were assigned to -them as a protecting force. One or more rovers frequented the Welsh -coast, preying on the trade from Ireland, and carrying off men from the -Isle of Man where there was no means of resistance. Another cruised -about Youghal, while the _Pickpocket_ of Dover lay off Dublin. Trade -was at a stand, and the Irish customs made unproductive. 'The fear of -being thought to linger unprofitably' in England induced Wentworth -to send over most of his household goods in May 1633, and the plate -escaped, but the _Pickpocket_ took Ģ500 worth of his linen. The same -pirate drove a Dutch ship on shore close to Dublin, took out the cargo, -and burnt her to the water's edge, the flames being visible from the -Castle. 'The loss and misery,' said Wentworth, 'is not so great as the -scorn that such a picking villain should dare to do these violences in -the face of that state, and to pass away without control.' A notable -pirate named Nutt had the impudence to send Wentworth word that he was -ready to convoy him over. A powerful ship under an excellent seaman, -Captain Richard Plumleigh, was provided after much delay, but she did -not get out of the Medway till June, and it was July before Wentworth -heard that the passage to Dublin was safe. He then hastened over, and -lost no time in showing that King Stork had succeeded to King Log. Laud -became Archbishop of Canterbury a few days later.[180] - -[Sidenote: Essex in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth lands,] - -[Sidenote: and is welcomed by Lord Cork.] - -[Sidenote: Visits of ceremony.] - -A few days before the Lord Deputy's arrival Essex, accompanied by Lord -Cromwell, landed some miles from Dublin, and was met by the Lords -Justices and Lord Primate with all persons of quality about town. The -streets were so crowded with spectators that the coaches could hardly -pass, and an old Irish woman called out 'Blessed be the time that I -live to see a son of thy father there.' When Wentworth appeared on -July 23 the water was very rough, and he was probably not inclined to -eat the dinner which Lord Howth had prepared for him. At all events he -declined to land near the head, and came ashore close to Dublin, nearly -opposite to where the Custom House now stands. He was unexpected, and -not a gun was fired, but Lord Justice Cork was quickly on the spot -with his coach, and the news spread fast. The Lord Deputy, with Lord -Castlehaven, Sir John Borlase, Sir Francis Cook, and others started to -walk, but Cork invited them all into his coach, and by the time they -reached the Castle there was such a crowd that the drawbridge had to be -raised behind them. Afterwards, Cork records in his diary, 'I having -the precedency, the Lord Deputy brought me to my coach.' Next day was -given to receiving visits, which were for the most part scrupulously -returned, that of Essex the first, precedency as an Earl being granted -him until the viceroy was sworn. Essex soon departed to his estate at -Carrickmacross, but was back in London early in the following year, -whence he wrote a letter of four lines thanking the Lord Deputy for -his 'noble usage.' Wentworth replied very civilly in a letter of eight -lines, but there appears to have been nothing like intimacy between -the two. 'I visited both the Justices,' Wentworth wrote, 'at their -own houses, which, albeit not formerly done by other Deputies, yet I -conceived it was a duty I owed, being then but a private person, as -also to show an example to others what would always become them to the -supreme governor.'[181] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth receives the sword, July 25, 1633.] - -[Sidenote: The Lord Chancellor's speech.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's speech.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth makes obeisance to the King's picture.] - -At two o'clock on the third day Wentworth received the sword in -the Council-chamber. The ceremony had generally been performed in -Christchurch, but some said the Archbishop of Dublin would not let the -Primate deliver his prepared sermon, or perhaps the Lord Deputy wished -to avoid publicity. After a short discussion with some of the Council -'in his ear whispering like,' he decided to go in procession through -the rooms of the Castle instead of slipping in quietly by the gallery, -as he originally proposed. When the Council were seated the Lord Deputy -remained standing, while Wandesford, as Master of the Rolls, read the -commission; then Lord Mountnorris, as acting secretary (having it in -reversion after Sir Dudley Norton, who may well be 'jubilayed') read -the King's letter ordering the Lords Justices to deliver the sword, -and explaining the reasons for the new governor's late arrival. When -he had been sworn, Lord Chancellor Loftus spoke of the state in which -he and his colleague left the government. No fresh debt, he said, had -been contracted during their time of office, everything was quiet, and -they were ready to advise their successor as to many desirable reforms. -'I for my part,' says Cork in his diary, 'did most willingly surrender -the sword, the rather in regard the kingdom was yielded up in general -peace and plenty.' Wentworth then took the chair, and with the sword -in his hand made 'a very good speech.' He said he would be no upholder -of factions, but would most esteem those who did most for the King's -service. He had heard that there was some discontent about two men -having been drafted from each company in order to raise a troop for -himself. He did not want one, he said, but the creation of a permanent -guard for the viceroy had caused his delay in England. The men should -be restored at the first vacancy, and he thought it very unfit that -a departing Deputy should retain his company. 'Herein he touched the -Lord of Falkland, who retained his.' Grandison had done the same, -with continuous leave of absence. On the return journey the sword was -carried by the Earl of Castlehaven, a knight having been thought good -enough to bear it before the Lords Justices, who now brought up the -rear. When he came before the cloth of estate, in the presence chamber, -Wentworth halted and made 'two humble courtesies to the King's and -Queen's picture which hang on each side, and fixing his eyes with much -seriousness showed a kind of devotion.' He knighted his brother George, -his cousin Danby, who was the husband of Wandesford's daughter, and a -very young Mr. Remington, 'not of age, who hopes to save his wardship -thereby, his father being very old and sickly.' On reaching the privy -chamber, where Lady Wentworth stood with Lady Tyrconnel and others, he -introduced the late Lords Justices to his wife, presenting her to be -saluted with a kiss from each of them ... who until that instant had no -title or place given her here but that of Mistress Rhodes.'[182] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's opinion of his Council.] - -[Sidenote: A Parliament proposed to provide money.] - -[Sidenote: Speech of Wentworth, who finds Parsons 'dry.'] - -[Sidenote: First appearance of Ormonde.] - -'I find them in this place'--so runs Wentworth's first published letter -from Dublin--'a company of men the most intent upon their own hands -that ever I met with, and so as those speed, they consider other things -at a very great distance.' Three weeks later he found the officials -very sharp about their own interests, but 'with no edge at all for -the public,' and all in league to keep the Deputy as much in the -dark as possible. He determined from the first to trust no one but -his friend Wandesford, who had just been made Master of the Rolls, -and his secretary Radcliffe, who had been in Ireland since January, -and who was made a Privy Councillor within a few weeks of his chief's -arrival. To these was afterwards added Sir Philip Mainwaring, who owed -his appointment to Wentworth and Laud jointly. On the day week after -taking the reins of office Wentworth summoned the Council to consider -how money might be raised for the payment of the army. The members of -the Board were slow to begin the discussion, but Sir Adam Loftus of -Rathfarnham at last proposed to continue the voluntary contribution -for another year, and thus to provide the necessary funds until the -end of 1634. At the same time he suggested a Parliament, not only -for supply but for the settlement of disputed titles. Then there was -another silence, and at last Wentworth called upon Parsons to give his -opinion. The result was an expression of doubt as to the power of the -Council to bind others, and a hint that the army might be provided for -out of the King's ordinary revenue, which Wentworth found 'reduced -to fee-farms' and therefore quite unelastic. 'I was then,' he said, -'put to my last refuge, which was plainly to declare that there was no -necessity which induced me to take them to counsel in this business, -for rather than fail in so necessary a duty to my master, I would -undertake upon the peril of my head to make the King's army able to -subsist, and to provide for itself amongst them without their help.' -He had been but a week in Ireland, and was already talking about -risking his head, which tends to show that Pym had really uttered the -threat attributed to him, and that his old ally remembered it. The -Chancellor, Cork, and Mountnorris thereupon agreed to the proposal -of Loftus, and all, especially Cork, were eager for a Parliament. -Wentworth, who had championed the Petition of Right, had so completely -given himself to prerogative that he seems hardly to have realised that -men might be very willing to pay a parliamentary tax, while shrinking -from arbitrary exactions and from troops at free quarters. 'As for -Sir William Parsons,' he said, 'first and last I found him the driest -of all the company.' It was not Parsons, however, but Loftus, Cork, -and Mountnorris who were destined to feel the weight of his hand, -although they now received his thanks. The young Earl of Ormonde came -next morning to the Lord Deputy, and for himself, his friends, and his -tenants agreed to what had been done.[183] - -[Sidenote: Miserable state of the army.] - -[Sidenote: Case of Lorenzo Cary.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth restores discipline.] - -[Sidenote: An amateur general.] - -[Sidenote: Improvement in arms.] - -Having thus provided money, Wentworth lost no time in looking closely -into the state of the army upon which his government rested. There -were but 2,000 foot and 400 horse, but Wilmot had solemnly warned the -English Government that no revenue could be collected and no English -settler subsist without their help. A larger force would do wonders -if money could be found, but it was impossible to make any reduction. -Discipline was very slack, officers having been in the habit of taking -their duties lightly, and even of going to London without leave and -staying there for an indefinite time. Before leaving England Wentworth -procured a letter from the King checking such irregularities, and -giving the Deputy power to cashier obstinate offenders. But Charles's -own conduct was not calculated to support his viceroy's authority. -It was the undoubted privilege of a Deputy to dispose of military -commissions on the Irish establishment, and Wentworth had promised -before he left England to give the first vacancy to Mr. Henry Percy, -Lady Carlisle's brother. He had told the King of this promise, and -Charles had made no objection. Nevertheless when Lord Falkland, whom -Wentworth believed to be his enemy and detractor, died in September -from the effects of an accident the King gave his company, which he -had left in very bad order, to his second son Lorenzo, who was little -more than a boy, though he had seen service abroad. Wentworth struggled -hard, but was obliged to submit. Charles had the excuse of yielding -to the prayer of a dying man, and he may have thought that Falkland -had not been very well treated. His elder son had lost his place and -suffered imprisonment, and he actually held a patent for transmitting -this command to the younger. Knowing that he kept his commission in -spite of the Lord Deputy, Cary took little pains to please him, while -Wentworth never ceased to resent his presence in the Irish army, and -tried to get him transferred. He took care that neither Cary nor any -one else should have a sinecure, where there was so much work to be -done. The men were undrilled, their arms and armour defective, their -horses of the worst kind. The captains left everything to their -subalterns, while both officers and men were scattered about the -country and seldom or never paraded. Every captain was now furnished -with a paper describing the defects of his company, and he was ordered -to make them right within six months on pains of severe punishment, -and of being ultimately cashiered. Weekly field days were ordered, -while two companies of foot and one troop of horse were to be always -quartered in Dublin, but changed every month. Thus the whole army would -be ready to march at any time, and would pass under the General's -eyes at least once in two years. Wentworth showed a good example by -putting his own troop into a thoroughly efficient state, sixty such -men and horses as had not been seen in Dublin before. He trained them -himself, said a letter-writer, 'on a large green near Dublin, clad -in a black armour with a black horse and a black plume of feathers, -though many there looked on him and on this action with other eyes than -they did on the Lord Chichester, who had been bred a martial man.' -Clarendon observes that, 'though not bred a soldier, he had been in -armies, and besides being a very wise man had great courage and was -martially inclined.' The artillery was in as bad order as other things, -and Wentworth asked for Sir John Borlase, an experienced soldier, as -master of the ordnance; and this appointment was made in due course. -Steps were also taken to see that landowners who were bound to furnish -armed men or horses should have them actually available. The cavalry -were armed for the first time with musket-bore carbines, and they were -expected to fight on foot if required. Wentworth took steps to abolish -the obsolete light pieces called calivers, of which the bore varied. -'Muskets, bandileers, and rests' were substituted, and Borlase knew how -to prevent swords worth less than four shillings from being rated at -ten, and the purchase at 23_s._ of firearms which were worth nothing at -all.[184] - -[Sidenote: Church and State. Bishop Bramhall.] - -[Sidenote: Bramhall reports to Laud. A dismal story.] - -[Sidenote: Simony and pluralism.] - -The Church of Ireland was in no better case than the army, and -Wentworth resolved to be guided by the new Archbishop of Canterbury. -John Bramhall, whom Laud had recommended to Wentworth for a stall in -York Minster, was now his chaplain, and was very soon given the rich -archdeaconry of Meath. He became Bishop of Derry a few months later. -Bramhall's first task was to make a general investigation into Irish -church affairs, and to report on them to Laud, who had already begun to -inform himself on the subject. A fortnight after Wentworth's arrival -Bramhall had collected enough information to inform the Archbishop -that it was 'hard to say whether the churches be the more ruinous and -sordid, or the people irreverent.' One parish church in Dublin was the -viceroy's stable, a second a nobleman's residence, and a third a tennis -court where the vicar acted as keeper. The vaults under Christchurch -were from end to end hired to Roman Catholic publicans, and the -congregation above were poisoned with tobacco smoke and with the fumes -of beer and wine. The communion table in the middle of the choir was -'made an ordinary seat for maids and apprentices.' The deanery was -held by the English Archbishop of Tuam, and the state of the cathedral -was an instructive comment on the prevailing system of pluralities. -Passing from the churches to the clergy, Bramhall found 'the inferior -sort of ministers below all degrees of contempt, in respect of their -poverty and ignorance; the boundless heaping together of benefices by -_commendams_ and dispensations but too apparent; yea, even often by -plain usurpation.' Simoniacal contracts were common, the stipends -reserved for the curates in charge being often as little as forty -shillings and seldom as much as ten pounds. One bishop was reported to -hold twenty-three benefices with cure. Few thought it worth while to -ask for less than three vicarages at once. No one knew what livings -were in the Deputy's gift, and even some whole bishoprics were left out -of the book of first fruits. Leases of church lands had been made at -trifling rents, and this practice was general in spite of prohibitions -by the Government. 'It is some comfort,' Bramhall grimly adds, 'to see -the Romish ecclesiastics cannot laugh at us, who come behind none in -point of disunion and scandal.'[185] - -[Sidenote: The Boyle tomb in St. Patrick's.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Cork as a benefactor.] - -[Sidenote: Laud is puzzled,] - -[Sidenote: but Wentworth has no doubts.] - -[Sidenote: The monument is shifted.] - -The Earl of Cork held a good deal of what had once been church land. -Wentworth had long been hostile to him, as appears abundantly from -his letters, and his zeal for the restitution of temporalities was -in this case sharpened by personal dislike. The Earl was rich and -powerful, and the Deputy was impatient of any influence independent -of his own. Lady Cork died in February 1630, and was buried in St. -Patrick's Cathedral with her father, Sir Geoffrey Fenton, and her -grandfather, Lord Chancellor Weston, in a vault under the place where -the high altar had formerly stood. Her husband then purchased that part -of the church from Dean Culme for 30_l._, and proceeded to raise an -immense monument of black marble in the pseudo-classical style then in -fashion. The position of this monument did not strike him as odd, for -his Protestantism was not of the Laudian type, and it seemed natural -to him that the communion-table should stand detached in the middle -of the church. He told Laud that he had been a benefactor rather than -a defacer of St. Patrick's: 'Where there was but an earthen floor at -the upper end of the chancel, which was often overflown, I raised the -same three steps higher, making the stairs of hewn stone, and paving -the same throughout, whereon the communion table now stands very dry -and gracefully.' Both Ussher and Bulkeley,' wrote Laud, 'justify that -the tomb stands not in the place of the altar, and that it is a great -ornament to that church, so far from being any inconvenience.... I -confess I am not satisfied with what they say, yet it is hard for me -that am absent to cross directly the report of two Archbishops.' The -Lord Treasurer was inclined to resent the attack on his kinsman's tomb, -and Laud warned his ally against the danger of making enemies. But -Wentworth pressed the matter on Charles's own notice, and procured from -him full powers to a commission consisting of the Lord Deputy, the two -archbishops, four other bishops chosen by Wentworth, and the deans and -chapters of the two Dublin cathedrals. The commissioners held, very -rightly no doubt, that the tomb was ill-placed, and Cork, who had more -important interests at stake, was too prudent to contest the matter. By -the following spring the monument had been taken down stone by stone, -and Wentworth reported with vindictive glee that it was 'put up in -boxes, as if it were marchpanes and banqueting stuffs, going down to -the christening of my young master in the country.' It was re-erected -on the south side of the choir, where it still stands, and the story is -important only for the light it throws on Wentworth's other dealings -with Lord Cork, and with all others who opposed him.[186] - -[Sidenote: Algerine pirates.] - -[Sidenote: Sack of Baltimore, June 19, 1630.] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of the Admiralty. Christian Turks.] - -The south-west coasts, both of England and Ireland, were infested -with pirates from Sallee and Algiers. In June 1631 a rover of 300 -tons with 24 guns and 200 men and another of 100 tons with 12 guns -and 80 men lay between the Land's End and the Irish coast. Their -commander was Matthew Rice, who is called a Dutch renegade. Rice sunk -two French ships and one from Dartmouth, taking the crews on board as -well as everything that was worth keeping. Two days later he caught -a Dungarvan fishing smack and ordered the skipper, John Hackett, to -pilot them into Kinsale. Hackett said there was a fort and a man of war -there, and offered to take them to Baltimore instead. The castle of -the O'Driscolls still stands there, but the inhabitants at that time -were English Protestants, which caused its selection as a parliamentary -borough, and Hackett may not have disliked the service; but Fawlett, -the Dartmouth captain, also helped the Algerines, and was not carried -off by them finally. During the night of June 19, Rice having first -explored the harbour in boats with muffled oars, attacked the town with -the first morning light, plundered about sixty houses and took away 107 -persons. The attack was so sudden that there was little fighting, and -only two of the townsmen were killed. Rice had forty other prisoners of -various nations. Captain Hook, who was at Kinsale with a King's ship, -which want of provisions kept generally in port, put to sea as soon as -he heard the news, but the Algerines got clean away. Hackett, who was -allowed to go ashore, was hanged at Cork for his share in the business, -and his body exposed on the headland at the mouth of Baltimore harbour; -but the little settlement never recovered its prosperity. The Sallee -rovers long continued to infest the south-west coast, for the Crown was -weak and the jealousy of the Admiralty officials prevented the maritime -population from protecting themselves. The French, whom Wentworth -called 'most Christian Turks,' allowed English prisoners to be led -in chains across France and shipped from Marseilles to Algiers. Five -years after the Baltimore disaster these pirates entered Cork harbour, -and carried off prisoners in open day. Lord Conway, who was serving in -the fleet a few months later, wrote to Wentworth: 'When I come home, -I will make a proposition to go with some ships to Sallee, the place -whence the pirates come into Ireland; and I do firmly believe they may -be brought to render all their prisoners, and never to trouble us more: -the like peradventure might be done by Algier, but our King cannot do -it alone.' A successful expedition went to Sallee a year later under -Captain Rainsborough, and some captives from Ireland were surrendered, -after which the rovers ceased to be troublesome.[187] - -[Sidenote: Pirates of many nations.] - -[Sidenote: The whole Irish coast infested by them.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth frees the Irish seas, 1637] - -After the defence of the Irish seas was entrusted to Plumleigh and -James, the Algerines found the Welsh or Cornish coasts safer for their -purpose. But English pirates were not wanting, and Edward Christian, -governor of the Isle of Man under Lord Derby, seems to have had an -understanding with some of them. Wentworth's chief trouble was with -privateers who issued from St. Sebastian with Spanish letters of -marque or commissions against the Dutch, but who did not confine their -depredations to them. Men were murdered in the Isle of Man, a French -ship was boarded at sea, and honest traders of all nations were afraid -to stir. There was always one squadron on the Irish coast, another -returning, and another refitting. Dutch ships were seized in the -Shannon, in the Liffey, and in Belfast Lough; a breach of the law of -nations which the captains excused to their own crews by pretending a -licence from the King of England to 'pull the Hollanders by the ears -out of every port.' Wentworth, on the other hand, maintained that -the whole of St. George's Channel 'being encompassed on every side -with his Majesty's dominions, hath ever been held the chief of his -harbours.' Nicolalde, the resident Spanish agent in London, not only -gave commissions to buccaneers of English birth, but interceded for -them when they became obnoxious to their own government. Wentworth had -a bad opinion of Nicolalde, but he humoured him, and made proposals for -trade between Ireland and Spain. The English Admiralty were induced -to grant the Lord Deputy a vice-admiral's commission for Munster, -while Plumleigh and James continued to scour the narrow seas. Thus by -a mixture of force and diplomacy, piracy was put down for the time, -and on August 15, 1637, Wentworth was able to announce to Coke that -there was 'not so much as the rumour of Turk, St. Sebastian's men, or -Dunkirker--the merchant inward and outwards secured and assured in his -trade.'[188] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[173] Welwood's _Memoirs of the most Material Transactions, etc._, -being short and well written, may have had a good deal to say to -forming public opinion. There are a great many editions, and Lord -Chatham praised the book. Wentworth to Conway, January 20, 1625-6 -in State Papers, _Domestic_. Wentworth's letter to Sir Robert -Askwith, December 7, 1620, is in _Camden Miscellany_, vol. ix. Other -electioneering letters are in the _Strafford Letters_, i. 8-13. Hobbes -says it is hard to judge motives, but that Wentworth's promotion was a -sign of the King's weakness, 'for in a market where honour and power is -to be bought with stubbornness, there will be a great many as able to -buy as my Lord Strafford was' (_Behemoth_, part ii.) - -[174] Hacket's _Life of Williams_, pt. ii. p. 67, ed. 1692; Heylin's -_Life of Laud_, pt. i. lib. 3, pp. 184, 196, ed. 1671; Laud to -Wentworth, July 30, 1632 (misprinted 1631), April 30, and September -9, 1633, _Strafford Letters_; Wentworth to Laud, October 1633, 'in -a letter not printed,' _Additional MSS._, 38, 538, f. 197. See also -Gardiner's _History of England_, vii. 152. - -[175] Wentworth to Coke, August 3, 1633; to Lord Treasurer Weston, -January 31, 1633-4, _Strafford Letters_; The King to Radcliffe, -November 13, 1632 in State Papers, _Ireland_, and to the Lord Deputy, -_ib._ May 17, 1633. - -[176] Philip Mainwaring to Wentworth, October 29, 1630; Laud to -Wentworth, March 11 and October 20, 1634; the King to Wentworth, June -16, 1634, in _Strafford Letters_. - -[177] Howell's _Letters_, July 1, 1629. Viscount Wilmot to Cottington, -January 10, 1631-32; Weston to Wentworth, October 11, 1631; Wentworth -to Sir E. Stanhope, October 25--all in _Strafford Letters_. The letter -from Laud placed by Knowler at July 30, 1631, certainly belongs to -1632, when Wentworth was meditating his passage to Ireland (Laud's -_Works_, vi. 300). - -[178] The King to the Lords Justices, January 12, April 14, 1632; -the Lord Deputy's Propositions, February 22; Wentworth to the Lords -Justices, January 18, October 15; Sir W. Parsons to Wentworth, February -4; Lord Cottington to Wentworth, October 18; Wentworth to Weston, -October 21--all in _Strafford Letters_. - -[179] Wentworth to Cottington, October 1, 1632; to Lord Mountnorris, -August 19; to the Lords Justices, October 15, _Strafford Letters_. - -[180] The Lords Justices to Wentworth, February 26, 1631-2; Wentworth -to Lord Carlisle, May 20; to Weston, June 9; to Coke, August 3; Edward -Christian to Wentworth, October 4, all in _Strafford Letters_. Captain -Plumleigh to Nicholas, July 29, 1633, in State Papers, _Ireland_. -_Court and Times_, ii. 189. - -[181] Earl of Cork's Diary, 23-25 July, 1633, in _Lismore Papers_, 1st -series, 'a most cursed man to all Ireland and to me in particular.' -Wentworth's friendly visit on the 24th is noted. Newsletter from -Walsingham Gresley for Lord Bristol's information in _Additional MSS._ -29, 587, f. 17. Wentworth to Coke, August 3, 1633; to Essex, April 13, -1634, in answer to his letter of February 18, _Strafford Letters_. -Shirley's _Hist. of Monaghan_, 265. - -[182] _Lismore Papers_, 1st series, iii. 203; Gresley's newsletter, -_ut sup._; Captain Plumleigh to Nicholas, July 29, 1633, in State -Papers, _Ireland_; Radcliffe's statement in _Strafford Letters_, ii. -430. Wentworth had been privately married in the previous October to -Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Godfrey Rhodes, only one year after his -second wife's death. The shortness of the time may have been a reason -for concealment, and once in Dublin it was evidently desirable that she -should not become the centre of intrigue in her husband's absence. - -[183] Wentworth to Weston and Coke, August 3, 1633, in _Strafford -Letters_, and to Carlisle, August 27, in vol. viii. of the _Camden -Miscellany_, p. 5. - -[184] Wilmot to Cottington, January 10, 1631-2; the King to Wentworth, -May 27, 1633; Wentworth to Coke, January 31, 1633-4. As to the King's -excuse for appointing Cary, see Lord Carlisle to Wentworth, February -10, 1633-4, _Strafford Letters_. Third Report of _Hist. MSS. Comm._ -283, August 4, 1634. Clarendon's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, vol. i. p. -184 in Macray's edition. - -[185] Laud to Wentworth, July 30, 1631, in _Strafford Letters_; -Bramhall to Laud, August 10, 1633, in the Oxford ed. of Bramhall's -_Works_, i. lxxix. - -[186] Mason's _Hist. of St. Patrick's_; Budgell's _Memoirs of the -Boyles_; Laud to Wentworth, November 15, 1633, March 11, 1633-4; -Wentworth to Laud, August 23, 1634, March 10, 1634-5, in _Strafford -Letters_. The King's letter is in _Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, iii. -194. Elrington's _Life of Ussher_, p. 159. - -[187] The documents concerning Baltimore are printed in Caulfield's -_Council Book of Kinsale_, xxxiii. Smith's _Hist. of Cork_. Cal. of -State Papers, _Ireland_, 1631, No. 1973. Conway to Wentworth, July 14, -1636, in _Strafford Letters_. _Court and Times_, ii. 253, 259, 265. The -Baltimore of 1630 did not occupy the same ground as the modern fishing -village, but ran inland from O'Driscoll's castle. Thomas Davis wrote a -fine ballad on the sack of Baltimore: - - High upon a gallows tree, a yelling wretch is seen, - 'Tis Hackett of Dungarvan--he, who steered the Algerine! - He fell amid a sullen shout, with scarce a passing prayer, - For he had slain the kith and kin of many a hundred there. - - -[188] _Strafford Letters_, _passim_, from 1633 to 1637; see -particularly Plumleigh's letter of October 11, 1633. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE PARLIAMENT OF 1634 - - -[Sidenote: A Parliament to be held.] - -[Sidenote: Want of money.] - -[Sidenote: The King reluctant to call a Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Hopes of Wentworth,] - -[Sidenote: who proposes to hold the balance between parties.] - -Wentworth was determined that his government, and especially his army, -should not depend upon benefactions extorted from the fears of the -Protestants and bought by dispensations or promises from the Recusants. -The officials of his Council were in favour of a Parliament, which -they might expect to manage, and which he, on the other hand, felt -confident in his ability to rule. People in Ireland had an idea that it -was safer to keep the revenue short, because a surplus would be sent -to England, whereas a deficit would have to be supplied from thence. -This short-sighted policy seemed wise to English settlers as well as -to the natives, for they had all good reason to distrust the King. -The result had been that the business of government was ill done, and -that the Crown owed 80,000_l._ The ordinary revenue, when there was no -parliamentary subsidy or voluntary assessment, fell 20,000_l._ short -of the expenses. The Lord Deputy's brother George was sent to England -on a special mission in February, and came back next month with the -King's leave to hold a Parliament. Charles had cause to dread these -assemblies, but Wentworth pointed out that Poynings' law made them safe -in Ireland. The order of business and the introduction of Bills being -controlled by the English Government, an enterprising viceroy might be -trusted to manage the rest. Wentworth's plan was to have two sessions, -one for supply, the other for redress of grievances. He believed that -the landowners would willingly agree to a money vote in order to -relieve themselves from the ever-present dread of having the existing -contributions established like quit-rents on their estates. And all -in Ireland realised that they could expect no redress of grievances -without having first provided for the support of the Government and -army. Charles accepted the proposed arrangement, but advised that -it should be kept secret until the time came. The next matter of -importance was the composition of the House of Commons. Wentworth -resolved that the Protestant and Roman Catholic parties should be -nearly balanced. The Protestant party might be slightly the larger, -but its subservience was to be secured by procuring the election of -many placemen. Wentworth hoped to get three subsidies of 30,000_l._ -each payable in three years. This would yield 30,000_l._ over and above -current expenses, and with that much ready money he hoped to compound -for the whole debt, public creditors having been reduced to a proper -state of humility. A little more money might be hoped for after the -second session, and with this it might be possible to buy up some -of the pensions and rent-charges with which the Irish Exchequer was -burdened.[189] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's speech to his Council, April, 1634.] - -[Sidenote: Everything belongs to Cæsar.] - -[Sidenote: Opinions in England.] - -[Sidenote: Charles on the parliamentary hydra.] - -Having been allowed to hold a Parliament and to do it in his own way, -Wentworth at once set to work to make it a success. He summoned his -Council, who thought supply should be accompanied by some assurance -from the King that grievances would be remedied. They also wished to -limit the levies to the actual expenses, having a well-founded fear -that surplus money would be squandered in England, and not applied -to the liquidation of the Irish debt. Wentworth at once told them -that the King called a Parliament because he preferred standing on -the ancient ways, that he had absolute right and power to collect -all the revenue he required without the consent of anybody, and that -their business as councillors was to trust their sovereign without -asking questions. 'I told them plainly,' he said, 'I feared they began -at the wrong end, thus consulting what might please the people in a -Parliament, when it would better become a Privy Councillor to consider -what might please the King, and induce him to call one.' He would -not take less than three subsidies of 30,000_l._ each, but would get -as much more as possible without conditions, and they were not to -propose any. The State could not be too well provided. 'What,' he asked -prophetically, 'if the natives should rebel? There was no great wisdom -to be over-confident in them, being of a contrary religion and so great -in number.' And he concluded by asking them to take warning by the -troubles which the Commons' distrust of their King had brought upon the -late Parliaments in England. When this was read at the English Council -Cottington could not refrain from the obvious comment 'et quorum pars -magna fui.' Wentworth owed his own political position to his exertions -in favour of the Petition of Right, and now he said that everything the -subject had was, and ought to be, at the disposition of the Crown. That -Laud should have joked with his friend on this subject and that the -latter should have taken it as a joke, is not the least extraordinary -thing in Wentworth's career. 'As for that hydra,' said Charles of the -House of Commons, 'take good heed; for you know that here I have found -it as well cunning as malicious. Your grounds are well laid and I have -great trust in your care and judgment; yet my opinion is, that it will -not be the worse for my service, though their obstinacy make you break -them'.[190] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth and the Irish nobility,] - -[Sidenote: whom he treats with contempt.] - -Wentworth's speech to his Council, which less earnest people in -England thought a superfluous display of strength, reduced that body -to complete subjection. He would allow no discussions anywhere about -the King's policy, and he treated the Roman Catholic nobility in the -same way as the Protestant Council. The Lord Chancellor ventured to -suggest that the Lords of the Pale should be consulted according to -precedent, but he was 'silenced by a direct and round answer.' Three -or four days later Lord Fingall came to the Castle and asked for -information on the part of his friends and neighbours, 'who had been -accustomed to be consulted before those meetings.' Wentworth, who seems -to have disliked the man as well as his communication, told him that -his Majesty would 'reject with scorn and disdain' any advice their -lordships could give. Their business was only to hear the King's will -in open Parliament, to make such remarks there as might be fitting for -obedient subjects, and to be content with such answers as his Majesty -thought fit to give. 'A little out of countenance' from the storm of -viceregal eloquence, Lord Fingall unluckily remarked that he only -wished to draw attention to precedents, and that Falkland had consulted -the lords. Wentworth said that was no rule for him, and advised his -visitor 'not to busy his thoughts with matters of that nature, but to -leave all to the royal wisdom.'[191] - -[Sidenote: How a Government majority was secured] - -[Sidenote: Clerical influence.] - -As long as there was a Parliament in Ireland the Government generally -found means to secure a majority. Wentworth had to depend chiefly -on the boroughs, for many counties were not amenable to pressure. -Lord Cork has recorded that when he was in his coach one day with -Lord Esmond and Lord Digby a pursuivant brought him six letters from -the Lord Deputy directing the return of certain members for places -he controlled. Sir George Wentworth, the viceroy's brother, was to -sit for Bandon, his secretaries Mainwaring and Little for Lismore, a -second Mainwaring for Dingle, and other less prominent Englishmen for -Askeaton and Tallow. Wentworth and William and Philip Mainwaring were -elected accordingly, while Little procured a seat at Cashel. Every -important man whom the Lord Deputy could influence found his way into -the House of Commons. Sir William Parsons sat for the county and Sir -George Radcliffe for the city of Armagh, Charles Price for Belfast, -and Sir Adam Loftus for Newborough in Wexford. Sir Beverley Newcomen, -a distinguished naval officer, represented Tralee, and Wandesford -the borough of Kildare. Sir Charles Coote, Sir William Cole, Sir -Robert King, and many others who were well known a few years later, -also had seats. It was on the Protestants that the Crown depended in -the long run, but they had not a large majority. 'The priests and -Jesuits,' Wentworth wrote, 'are very busy in the election of knights -and burgesses, call the people to their masses, and there charge them -on pain of excommunication to give their voices to no Protestant.' A -sheriff in Dublin who seemed inclined to yield to these influences was -fined 700_l._ and declared incapable of serving, and his successor -promptly returned Sergeant Catelin and a Protestant alderman.[192] - -[Sidenote: Parliamentary precedents.] - -[Sidenote: The primacy secured to Armagh.] - -[Sidenote: Political value of etiquette.] - -[Sidenote: The opening ceremonies.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth and Ormonde.] - -In matters of form and ceremony Wentworth was willing to be guided -by precedents. He found all the officials very ignorant about -parliamentary order, as Falkland's blunder had already shown, and he -sent to England for full instructions. Questions of precedence being -left by special commission entirely in his hands, the primacy of Armagh -over Dublin was settled by an order in Council, and in the established -Church this point was never again disputed, a decision which was -undoubtedly right; but Archbishop Talbot afterwards attributed it to -the slavish fears of Wentworth's Council, to his leaning in favour of -Ussher, and to the prevalent ignorance of Latin in high places. He -admitted that Bishop Leslie of Raphoe was learned, but then was he -not a suffragan of Armagh? Wentworth decided such questions when they -came in his way, but they had little interest for him--'this matter of -place I have ever judged a womanly thing.' If it had turned out that -he could not determine between the rival claims of peers and prelates, -they would, he thought be 'fit to keep the House itself busied about,' -and prevent them from talking politics. It was arranged that six or -seven lords on whom the Lord Deputy could rely should hold four or -five proxies each, so that he was in no danger of being outvoted, for -the bishops were safe enough. It was not until 1661 that the number -of proxies which could be held by any one peer was reduced to two. -The committee for privileges in Wentworth's House of Lords proposed -that every peer having Irish honours but no Irish estate should be -obliged to purchase land in proportion to his rank, but this was -never carried into effect. When the day of meeting came, Wentworth -accompanied the Peers to St. Patrick's Cathedral in great state. His -Parliament opened, Wentworth wrote, 'with the greatest civility and -splendour Ireland ever saw, where appeared a very gallant nobility -far above that I expected ... my Lord Primate made a very excellent -and learned sermon.' The afternoon was spent in formalities and the -taking of oaths. One incident at the beginning of the business session -is worth recording on account of the great celebrity of the person -principally concerned. Orders had been given to admit no one armed into -either House, and when the young Earl of Ormonde, who had carried the -sword of state at the opening ceremony, presented himself, Black Rod -peremptorily demanded his weapon. 'In your guts,' was the contemptuous -answer. Ormonde sat armed during the day, and when summoned before the -Council, produced his writ of summons which ordered him to attend 'girt -with a sword.' Wentworth had met his match for the first time, and he -held a private consultation with his two chief advisers as to what was -to be done with this formidable young man. Wandesford was for crushing -him, but Radcliffe advised conciliation, and Ormonde became a Privy -Councillor at the early age of twenty-four.[193] - -[Sidenote: The case of Lord Slane.] - -Among the sixty-six lords present at the beginning of this session -was William Lord Slane, who was allowed to sit and vote pending the -possible reappearance of his elder brother Thomas, who had been tried -by a jury in England for murder committed in Ireland, had become a -friar, and had not been heard of for fourteen years. This precedent -was afterwards relied on in Lord Maguire's case as establishing the -principle that an Irish peer was a commoner in England.[194] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's speech.] - -[Sidenote: Private consultations forbidden.] - -[Sidenote: The Recusants threatened.] - -[Sidenote: Election of Speaker.] - -On the second day Wentworth made a speech to both Houses, in what he -calls his mildest manner; but it was not very mild. He told them that -there was a debt of 100,000_l._ and an annual deficit of 20,000_l._ -What they had to do was simply to clear off the debt and to provide a -permanent equilibrium between receipts and expenditure, so that the -necessary maintenance of the army might no longer trouble his Majesty's -princely thoughts. That would be the King's session. Later on they -would have a session of their own, where the King would grant all the -favours he thought proper, and where they were to accept his gifts -with confidence and gratitude, and without asking for more. 'Take -heed,' he said, 'of private meetings and consults in your chambers, by -design and privity aforehand to contrive, how to discourse and carry -the public affairs when you come into the Houses. For besides that -they are themselves unlawful, and punishable in a grievous measure, I -never knew them in all my experience to do any good to the public or -to any particular man; I have often known them do much harm.' With a -Deputy who knew his own mind, a session strictly limited by the King's -orders to three weeks, and no opportunity for private consultation, -the House of Commons was almost powerless. Wentworth's instinct and -the experience of 1613 told him that the chief danger would come from -the Roman Catholics, whom he had taken care should form nearly one -half of the Lower House. He told them that if adequate supplies were -withheld there would be no way of paying the army but 'by levying the -twelvepence a Sunday upon the Recusants.' The King wished to make no -distinction between English and Irish, but if it came to a fight the -predominant partner would take care not to be beaten. The first trial -of strength was about the choice of a Speaker. The official candidate -was Sergeant Catelin, recorder of Dublin and member for the city, -against whom there were many mutterings; but the House was told that -the King had a veto upon every election, and that it would be steadily -exercised until the right man was chosen. Wentworth's nominee became -Speaker without a contest, and expressed himself to his patron's -satisfaction. He was knighted at the end of the Parliament, and -received 1,600_l._ for his services. A copy of what purported to be -the Viceroy's speech was shown by Cottington before its delivery; but -this was probably a hoax, for Wentworth declared that it had not been -written down beforehand. Cottington had Wentworth's own account of his -harangue to the Irish Council, and the speech to Parliament was little -more than a repetition of it.[195] - -[Sidenote: Attempt to purge the Commons.] - -[Sidenote: Supply is demanded at once,] - -[Sidenote: and six subsidies are voted.] - -[Sidenote: The session is talked out.] - -[Sidenote: The two Houses at variance.] - -[Sidenote: The demand for a prescriptive title to land.] - -On the fourth day of the Session the House of Commons met for business -and the Roman Catholics at once demanded that the House should be -purged, that is that all members should be expelled who did not -inhabit the districts represented by them. This would have been fatal -to the Protestant party, which comprised many official persons living -in Dublin, and it had been decided in 1613 that residence was not -essential. On the other hand Sir Thomas Bramston, who as sovereign -of Belfast had returned himself, was declared not duly elected and -ordered to refund 16_l._ which he had received as wages. These payments -were fixed as in 1613, at 18_s._ 4_d._ a day for counties, 10_s._ -for cities, and 6_s._ 8_d._ for boroughs. A committee for privileges -was appointed and the Protestants carried the nomination of it by -a majority of eight. Seeing that power lay with the party who were -certain in the long run to support the Government, Wentworth summoned -his Council the same day and Chief Baron Bolton proposed to go on with -supply the next morning. He was supported, of course, by Wandesford, -Mainwaring, and Radcliffe; but Wilmot, Parsons and St. Leger, the -president of Munster, were inclined for a later day. Wentworth then -spoke in favour of the bolder and prompter course. The committee, -he said, could not possibly increase the Protestant majority, and -might have the contrary effect. The Roman Catholics would be anxious -to secure the rewards of loyalty by voting for what they could not -prevent. His real fear, though he did not say this openly, was lest -time should be given for the formation of parties. Wilmot, whom he -suspected of intriguing with members of the House of Commons, said he -retained his opinion in favour of delay, but that it was useless for -any one to speak after the Lord Deputy. The Chancellor then declared -himself on the side of power, saying that he should have been for -prompt action even if Wentworth had taken the opposite view. After a -lecture from the Viceroy on their duty to the King, the Council broke -up, and next morning Wandesford proposed a resolution to give six -subsidies 'to be levied in a parliamentary way in four years,' two in -the first and second years, and one each in the third and fourth. Some -of the Recusant party, finding themselves in a temporary majority, -at once moved to postpone the vote until the House had been purged, -and carried it by twenty-eight. But this was recognised as being what -is nowadays called a snap division, and when the original motion was -nevertheless put both parties feared to lose their credit with the -Government. The Roman Catholics, having made their protest, supported -Wandesford's motion, which passed unanimously, and all was over before -noon. The rest of this session, said the Lord Deputy compendiously, -'we have entertained and spun them out in discourses, but kept them -nevertheless from concluding anything. No other laws passed but the -two Acts of subsidies, and that other short law for confirming all -such compositions as are or shall be made upon the commission of -defective titles.' The Government was strengthened by a difference of -opinion between the two Houses, which prevented a joint petition in -favour of the graces. The Commons claimed the right to sit covered at -a conference; this was denied them, no conference took place, and the -petition forwarded was in the name of the Lower House only. Wentworth -took no trouble to reconcile the two chambers, having learnt in England -that a strict understanding between them was not favourable to the -Crown. The Lords were, however, quite as anxious for the graces as the -elected chamber, and especially for that which promised that sixty -years possession should be a good title against the Crown. Indeed, -Lord Fingall and Lord Ranelagh were more perseveringly outspoken than -any member of the House of Commons. The first, as the head of an -ancient family with a very chequered history, who had been treated with -scant civility by Wentworth, and the latter, as the son of Archbishop -Jones, had doubtless many reasons to fear an inquisition into their -titles.[196] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth is refused an earldom.] - -Conscious of having done great service Wentworth asked the King for -an earldom, taking precautions that no one should know he had done -so. His suit was refused in a rather disagreeable letter, and much -indignation has been expressed by many writers, but it is questionable -whether this refusal should be added to the load of blame which Charles -I. must bear. Wentworth was only forty-one, he had opposed the court -until his thirty-sixth year, and he had already received a viscounty -and two of the greatest places in the gift of the Crown. Burghley -never became an earl. Both Cranfield and Weston had to serve much -longer for the coveted honour, and neither of them had ever been in -opposition. In later times not only earls but marquesses and dukes have -been multiplied exceedingly, and it seems a small favour that Charles -refused to a great man. Thousands of people now know something about -Strafford who have scarcely heard of Cottington or Windebank, but this -was not so at the time. Indeed the fact that his work was chiefly done -in the North and in Ireland made him less prominent in the eyes of his -contemporaries than inferior men who were always about the Court.[197] - -[Sidenote: Debate on the graces] - -[Sidenote: Petition of the Commons.] - -[Sidenote: The King's promise as to titles.] - -[Sidenote: Free Trade demanded.] - -The Lords had discussed the graces, and had ventured to suggest what -laws should be passed to carry out the remedial policy foreshadowed -by them. The debates had no conclusion, but Wentworth protested even -against talk as an infringement of Poynings' Act. According to him -they had no business to do anything more than offer humble prayers -to the Lord Deputy; and that was the course adopted by the Commons. -The petition begins by reciting that titles in Ireland were generally -uncertain, many documents having been lost or stolen during rude and -disturbed times, and others being defective through the ignorance of -those who drew or engrossed them; 'whereof divers indigent persons, -with eagle eyes piercing thereinto commonly took advantage to the utter -overthrow of many noble and deserving persons, that for the valuable -consideration of service unto the Crown, or money, or both, honourably -and fairly acquired their estates, which is the principal cause of -the slow improving planting and building in this land.' While this -uncertainty existed no one had the courage to make improvements, and -everyone longed for the English law of James I., which made sixty years -possession a good title even against the Crown. This grace, the Commons -said, had been 'particularly promised by his Majesty, approved by both -the Councils of State of England and Ireland, and published in all the -Irish counties at the assizes, and was most expected of all the other -graces.' They also protested, though in very guarded language, against -the common law being overridden by the Council and the Star Chamber. -Next to the security of real property the most important matter was -the encouragement of trade and manufactures, for want of which Ireland -swarmed with 'vagabonds and beggars, sound of limb and strong of body.' -Free trade was what they really asked for, which was for the benefit of -both King and people. On the faith of the graces which they believed -would give them prosperity, the subjects of Ireland had already given -310,000_l._ and now they had voted six subsidies more, which was -far in excess of what had been done in past ages. They acknowledged -Wentworth's 'strong propension' to advancing the good of the country, -and exhorted him to increase his reputation by persuading his Majesty -to redeem past promises and thus to 'conserve a right intelligence -between the best of Kings and his most faithful and dutiful subjects of -Ireland.'[198] - -[Sidenote: The King's promises are not kept.] - -[Sidenote: The King can do no wrong.] - -[Sidenote: Prorogation August 2.] - -[Sidenote: Second session, Nov. 4.] - -[Sidenote: The Commons are unmanageable.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Piers Crosbie.] - -Wentworth's answer was what might have been expected. Official -extortion he was ready to repress, and all administrative reforms he -would further to the utmost, but rather by way of concession from -the King than by law. Orders in Council were to be preferred to Acts -of Parliament, unless the latter were likely to bring profit to the -Exchequer. Nothing was to be done to limit the royal power in any way. -The much-desired sixty years' title was not to be established by law, -for it would involve the loss of fees and fines under the commission -for confirmation of defective titles, it would interfere with the -King's profit upon tenures, and it would almost entirely prevent the -colonisation schemes from which Wentworth expected so much. These -ideas were readily adopted at Court, and the word of a King was once -more shown to be of none effect. Wentworth dreaded the imputation of -refusing to redress grievances after the price of reform had been paid, -but hardly seems to have realised that he was doing that very thing. He -had the courage of his opinions, and he knew his 'great master' as he -is fond of calling Charles. 'In these particulars,' he said, 'wherein -the request of the petition shall be yielded to by your Majesty, we -desire to reserve entirely to yourself the beauty of the act, and the -acknowledgment thereof; so in the other particulars, wherein there is -reason to deny them their requests, we your servants will assume the -same to ourselves.' The Chancellor, Lord Cork, and Sir William Parsons -lent the weight of their signatures to Wentworth's memorandum, but -the name of Mountnorris is wanting. Rumours that the graces would be -withheld were soon in circulation, and on November 4, after a three -months' recess, Parliament met again in very bad humour. There had -been some delay in transmitting final instructions from England, and -it was not till the 27th that Wentworth announced the denial of the -most important graces. In the House of Commons the Roman Catholics, -through the negligence or secret sympathy of some Protestants, found -themselves in a majority upon that day, and at once broke into open -revolt. They rejected every Bill presented to them, though some were -evidently useful and harmless, and business was at a standstill. 'Had -it continued two days in that state,' said Wentworth, 'I had certainly -adjourned the House, advertised over, and craven his Majesty's -judgment.' For a moment the lead of the Opposition was assumed by -Sir Piers Crosbie, member for the Queen's County, a Protestant and a -Privy Councillor, and here Wentworth saw his opportunity. He summoned -the Council, and easily persuaded them to suspend Crosbie, and he -afterwards had instructions from England to expel him altogether. He -then went to the House of Lords. 'I told them,' he said, 'what a shame -it was for the Protestant party, that were in number the greater, to -suffer their religion to be insensibly supplanted, his Majesty in some -degree disregarded, the good ordinances transmitted for their future -peace and good government to be thus disdainfully trodden under foot by -a company of wilful, insolent people, envious both to their religion -and to their peace, and all this for want of a few days' diligent -attendance upon the service of the public.' - -[Sidenote: Wentworth rallies the Protestant majority.] - -[Sidenote: Expulsion of Geoffrey Baron.] - -He urged each peer to exert his influence with friends in the House of -Commons; this was done, and a working majority was again secured. Among -the wilful insolent people was Geoffrey Baron, member for Clonmel, 'a -young man, a kind of petty chapman's son, who by peddling left him some -200_l._ a year,' who opposed everything and who recklessly misstated -facts. Wentworth determined to make an example of him, and the motion -for his expulsion was carried by sixteen. After this things went -smoothly, and all the Government Bills were passed into law.[199] - -[Sidenote: Sir Vincent Gookin's case.] - -[Sidenote: An impeachment threatened.] - -[Sidenote: Judicial functions of Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Gookin on the English settlers.] - -Soon after the beginning of the second session both Houses were much -excited by a letter of Sir Vincent Gookin, an enterprising English -settler who had much property in the county of Cork. It was addressed -to the Lord Deputy, though never delivered to him, and it is doubtful -whether it was printed or not. In any case it was freely circulated in -Munster, and a copy of it read out in the House of Commons. It was, -says Wentworth, 'a most bitter invective against the whole nation, -natives, old English, new English, Papist, Protestant, captains, -soldiers and all ... it was evident they would have hanged him if -they could. The libel indeed is wondrous foul and scandalous.' An -impeachment was threatened, and the two Houses had a conference, where -Lord Mountnorris pointed out that the House of Commons had no power to -administer an oath, but that the Lords would examine their witnesses -and give sentence even in the delinquent's absence. The judges were -consulted, and declared that his land could not be seized as security -for his appearance. Mountnorris said nothing about the Deputy and -Council, and Wentworth, to prevent the assumption of judicial authority -by Parliament, had already sent a pursuivant to arrest Gookin, who -made haste to get out of Ireland, where his life was hardly safe. -Wentworth in person informed Parliament that the principle of Poynings' -Act extended to judicial as well as to legislative functions, and -that moreover the case was already in his hands. He observed that the -King had no reason to be pleased with the exercise of parliamentary -jurisdiction in England, and having always an eye to revenue, he added -that Sir Vincent, who was a very rich man, was well able to bear a -fine great in proportion to his offence. Early in the following year -Gookin was brought back from England and imprisoned in the Castle, and -Wentworth received the thanks of Parliament with a request that he -would continue the prosecution, which the English Government left in -his hands. It does not appear whether this was done, but Gookin, who -paid 1,000_l._ a year to labourers and fishermen in the neighbourhood -of Bandon, and who had thirty years' experience of Ireland, came into -frequent collision with Lord Cork, which was likely to make Wentworth -lenient. Gookin was a strong Protestant, who hated the Irish and their -priests, and was quite willing to be hated by them in return, but he -thought the English Irish even worse. It might have been different if -the settlers could have been kept to themselves, but as it was the -English influence had a constant tendency to grow weaker. 'As soon as -any Englishman cometh over and settleth himself in this country and -hath gotten any estate, he findeth himself environed with the Irish, -and hath no safety both for himself and posterity but by some way -to stick themselves by marriage and gossiping or the like.' Gookin -died some four years later, and his son, who played a considerable -part during the Commonwealth, took a somewhat different view of the -country.[200] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's regard for privilege of Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Submissiveness of the Commons.] - -[Sidenote: A parliamentary bravo.] - -Another incident occurred during this same session which is important -only as an illustration of Wentworth's high-handed methods. Sir John -Dongan having made a speech unpleasing to the official party in the -House of Commons, Captain Charles Price remarked in a loud tone that he -did not know what he was doing. An altercation followed which Dongan -evidently tried to avoid, for he said he meant no harm. Price then -called him saucy, and Sir John very naturally gave him the lie. All -this happened inside the bar of the House of Commons, yet the Council -took the case up. Dongan was imprisoned in the Castle, forced to give a -written apology, fined, and ordered to be brought by the constable of -the Castle to the bar of the House and to repeat his submission there -upon his knees. This was carried out to the letter a few days later, -and entered in the journals, without comment. A committee of six was -appointed to wait on the Lord Deputy and beg him to remit the penalty -for offending the King, the offence to Parliament and to the Lord -Deputy having been already purged. Price was employed by Wentworth as -an agent at Court, for which purpose he had very long leave from his -military duties. We may judge from a letter of Lord Keeper Coventry -what sort of man he was. 'Your servant, Captain Price, is now with us, -and I assure you is not silent in anything that concerns your honour, -and in truth serves you with his tongue and protests he will not fail -to do it with his sword. I hope your lordship hath no need of the -latter in Ireland, and your friends here are well pleased to hear how -he lays about him with the former, and therefore it is hoped you will -yet spare him from his garrison till he have done here what is meet to -be done.'[201] - -[Sidenote: Assessment of the subsidies.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth wishes to keep his Parliament together,] - -[Sidenote: but the King insists on a dissolution.] - -[Sidenote: Parliament dissolved, April 18, 1635.] - -No subsidy had hitherto yielded more than about 30,000_l._, but there -had been many exemptions and many cases of fraud whereby the great -transferred their share of the burden to the poor. Wentworth succeeded -in raising each subsidy to rather more than 40,000_l._ from the -Commons, with over 6,000_l._ from the nobility, and 3,000_l._ from the -clergy. The two last sums were to be levied by the Government, but the -House of Commons, fearing lest the Deputy should be tempted to take -even more than had been agreed upon, themselves assessed the amount -which their constituents were to pay in each county. Leinster was set -down for 13,000_l._, Ulster for 10,000_l._, Munster for 11,200_l._, and -Connaught for 6,800_l._ The highest rated county was Cork, which with -the city paid nearly 4,000_l._ Dublin city and county were assessed -at 1,000_l._ apiece. The House of Commons also inquired into arrears -due by the Crown, and these they found amounted to about 130,000_l._ -They recommended that certain sums due to the Archbishop of Dublin, -the Bishop of Meath, and the Dean of Christchurch should be paid at -once in full. The next to be satisfied were ladies, the attainder of -whose husbands or fathers had enriched the Crown; Lady Desmond and -her daughters, Lady Mary O'Dogherty, and Lady Mary O'Reilly being -mentioned by name. Arrears of pay due to civil or military officers -were to be satisfied in proportion to the actual benefit derived from -their services, sinecurists being left in the lurch, and all useless -places recommended to be abolished. When the work of the Parliament was -done, Wentworth wished to prorogue it. 'This House,' he said, 'is very -well composed; so as the Protestants are the major part, clearly and -thoroughly with the King, which would be difficult to compass again, -if you were now to call another.' He thought that the existence of this -obedient majority would serve to overawe the Roman Catholics, who alone -were dangerous, and who would be deterred from opposing schemes of -colonisation by the knowledge that the English recusancy laws might be -passed over their heads at any moment. But Charles was of opinion that -Parliaments 'are of the nature of cats, they ever grow curst with age,' -and directed Wentworth to dissolve as soon as the necessary business -was done. Coke had intercepted a large budget of letters between the -Irish Recusants and their French friends, and he had no doubt that as -soon as there was danger either from Spain or France 'all would join -together to replant themselves at home.' Wentworth thought a Parliament -well in hand would be a useful instrument to have ready, but he was not -allowed to keep it. The royal consent was given to a number of Acts, -and the subsidy arrangements being complete, the two Houses had little -to do except to squabble about matters of etiquette, and were dissolved -without settling them. 'We have now,' Wentworth wrote, 'under the -conduct of our prudent and excellent master, concluded this Parliament, -with an universal contentment, as I take it.' He thought it had done -more than all former Parliaments put together, both for King, Church -and subject, and that Charles was 'more absolute master by his wisdom,' -than his predecessors had ever been by the sword.[202] - -[Sidenote: Meeting of Convocation, 1613-1615.] - -[Sidenote: The Hundred and Four Articles.] - -[Sidenote: Character of the Irish Articles.] - -'Proctors in the Convocation House' are officially mentioned in Henry -VIII.'s time, but the first regular Convocation of the Irish Church -was held in connection with the Parliament of 1613. It was summoned -by the King's writ, and met in St. Patrick's Cathedral on May 24 in -that year. It consisted of the bishops and of representatives from -the four provincial synods. Lord Chancellor Jones as Archbishop -of Dublin presided in the Upper, and Randolph Barlow, after wards -Archbishop of Tuam, in the Lower House; both were Cambridge men. The -principal business of this assembly was to pass the Articles, one -hundred and four in number, which are generally attributed to James -Ussher, then professor of divinity in Dublin. Ussher's Puritanism was -more pronounced in his earlier days than afterwards, and James was -less hostile to that school than he later became. These Articles, -which superseded those of 1566, received the royal assent, though they -practically incorporated those promulgated at Lambeth in 1595. They -were more Calvinistic and more polemical than the thirty-nine received -by the Church of England upon which Burnet, in the interest of peace -and comprehension, expended his latitudinarian casuistry. It may -suffice to note that of the Irish Articles the twelfth declares that -'God hath predestinated some unto life and reprobated some unto death: -of both which there is a certain number, known only to God, which can -neither be increased nor diminished'; and the eightieth that the Pope -is 'that man of sin foretold in the Holy Scriptures whom the Lord shall -consume, &c.' In 1615 this Convocation granted one subsidy to the -King.[203] - -[Sidenote: The Thirty-nine Articles are adopted, 1634,] - -[Sidenote: but without repealing the others.] - -[Sidenote: How Wentworth treated Convocation.] - -[Sidenote: Non-subscribers to be excommunicated.] - -Convocation met at the same time as Parliament, Ussher presiding -in the Upper and Henry Leslie Dean, and afterwards Bishop, of Down -in the Lower House. Wentworth's 'thorough' extended to Church as -well as to State, and his great object was to have the Thirty-nine -Articles established. Ussher and others were attached to the Irish -Articles of 1615, and the Lord Deputy thought it prudent to leave them -unrepealed while superseding them in practice, a course in which Laud -acquiesced. 'I was,' says Bramhall, now Bishop of Derry, 'the only -man employed from him to the Convocation, and from the Convocation to -him.' Wentworth had, however, private discussions with Ussher, and -of these Bramhall may have known nothing. The 'dovelike simplicity' -of the Primate, to use Bramhall's phrase, was easily borne down by -the imperious viceroy, and the House of Bishops adopted the English -Articles readily enough, as well as the canon which directed their -use. The Lower House appointed a Committee, over which George Andrews, -Dean of Limerick, presided, whose draft report excited Wentworth's -wrath, for it provided among other things that the Articles of 1615 -should be received on pain of excommunication. The Lord Deputy sent -for Andrews and called him Ananias, impounded his papers, and forbade -him to report anything to the House. He then wrote to the prolocutor -Leslie, enclosing a form of canon drawn up by himself, after rejecting -one composed by Ussher, and ordered him to put it to the House 'without -admitting any debate or other discourse.' The Articles of the Church -of England were not to be disputed, and the names of those who voted -aye and no were to be sent to him. This drastic procedure succeeded, -and there was but one dissentient. As a formal concession to the -independence of the Irish Church, the canons agreed upon were not quite -identical with those of England, but the first, which established the -Thirty-nine Articles, effected all that Wentworth wanted. It provided -that 'if any hereafter shall affirm that any of those Articles are in -any part superstitious or erroneous, or such as he may not with a good -conscience subscribe unto, let him be excommunicated, and not absolved -before he make a public revocation of his error.' Ussher and Bramhall -are agreed that the Articles of 1615 were not abrogated, but the latter -informs us that any bishop 'would have been called to an account' who -had required subscription to them after the English Articles were -authorised under the Great Seal of Ireland.[204] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth and the Queen of Bohemia.] - -[Sidenote: Unpopularity of Laud.] - -The veteran diplomatist Sir Thomas Roe was so much struck by -Wentworth's success that he advised the unfortunate Queen of Bohemia -to make him her friend. 'He is severe abroad and in business, and sweet -in private conversation, retired in his friendships but very firm, a -terrible judge, and a strong enemy; a servant violently zealous in his -master's ends, and not negligent of his own; one that will have what he -will, and though of great reason, he can make his will greater when it -may serve him; affecting glory by a seeming contempt; one that cannot -stay long in the middle region of fortune, but _entreprenant_; but will -either be the greatest man in England or much less than he is; lastly -one that may--and his nature lies fit for it, for he is ambitious to -do what others will not--do your Majesty very great service if you can -make him.' Laud had been misrepresented, and he also might be very -useful. Elizabeth took Roe's advice, and afterwards corresponded pretty -often with the Lord Deputy, whom she had never seen. Her great object -was to get some provision made for the poor ministers who were driven -out of the Palatinate. 'As for Laud,' she said, 'I am glad you commend -him so much, for there are but a few who do it.'[205] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[189] Wentworth to Charles I., January 22, 1633-34, enclosing his -opinion concerning a Parliament, with the King's answers dated April -12; Wentworth to the Lord Marshal (Arundel), March 22, 1633-34--all in -_Strafford Letters_. - -[190] The King to Wentworth, April 17, 1634; Wentworth to Coke, April -29 and May 13; Laud to Wentworth, May 14, all in _Strafford Letters_. - -[191] Wentworth to Coke, May 13, 1634, _Strafford Letters_. - -[192] Earl of Cork's Diary at May 30, 1634, in vol. iv. of _Lismore -Papers_, 1st series. Wentworth to Coke, June 24, _Strafford Letters_. - -[193] The primacy of Armagh was practically settled on this occasion, -but the Roman Catholics still agitated the question for some time. The -controversy is exhausted in Archbishop Hugh MacMahon's _Jus Primatiale -Armachanum_, published in 1728. Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 64. Wentworth to -Coke, May 13, June 24, August 18, 1634. The order of proceeding, with -the roll of the Lords, is given in the _Strafford Letters_ after the -last date, and in the journals. - -[194] _Irish Lords Journals._ July 14 and 15, 1634. - -[195] Wentworth to Coke, August 18, 1634. The Lord Deputy's speech -in _Strafford Letters_, i. 286, is not entered in the Journals of -Parliament. Wentworth to Cottington, _ib._ August 22; to Laud, _ib._ -August 23, State Papers, _Ireland_, February 23, 1641. - -[196] Wentworth to Coke, August 18, 1634. _Irish Statutes_, 10 Car. -I., session 2. Parliament was prorogued on August 2, on account of the -harvest and circuits. The Subsidy Bill was read a third time and sent -to the Lords on July 26, _Irish Commons Journals_. - -[197] Wentworth's letter to the King is dated September 20, and the -answer October 23, _Strafford Letters_. - -[198] Commons of Ireland to the Lord Deputy, in _Strafford Letters_, i. -310. The Lord Deputy's Protestation, _ib._ 290. - -[199] Parliament met November 4, 1634, and was prorogued December 15. -The graces, with the advice of the Lord Deputy and Council, October 6, -Wentworth to Coke, December 16, _Strafford Letters_. - -[200] Wentworth to Coke, December 16, 1634; Coke to Wentworth, March -25, 1635, _Strafford Letters_. _Lords' Journals_, November 25, 1634, -April 6 and 15, 1635. Gookin's letter is calendared among State Papers, -_Ireland_, under 1633, p. 181 (Addenda): it was not written until after -Wentworth's arrival, late in July. - -[201] _Irish Commons Journals_, November 4 and 15, 1634. The act of -Council condemning Dongan was signed by George Shirley, Wandesford, -Mainwaring, Sir Charles Coote, Sir J. Erskine, and Adam Loftus. -Coventry to Wentworth, December 24, 1635, and the answer, March 1, -1636, announcing a further leave of six months to Price, _Strafford -Letters_; Wentworth to Price, February 14, 1636, in State Papers, -_Ireland_. - -[202] Wentworth to Coke, December 16, 1634, with the King's answer of -January 22; Coke to Wentworth, January 21; Wentworth to Coke, April 7, -1635; the Commons of Ireland to the Lord Deputy, April 1, in _Strafford -Letters_, i. 408; _Irish Commons Journal_, March 20, 1634-5; Wentworth -to the Earl of Danby, April 21, 1635. There were two short sessions -between January 26 and April 18, the date of dissolution. At the -beginning a good many days were lost by the non-arrival of Bills from -England. - -[203] Mant's _Irish Church_, 121; Ball's _Reformed Church of Ireland_, -108; Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_, April 28, 1615. The Irish -Articles of 1565 and 1615 are printed as an appendix of Elrington's -Life of Ussher, _Works_, i. xxxv. - -[204] Wentworth to Laud, August 23 and December 16, 1634, and Laud's -answer of October 20, in _Strafford Letters_; Wentworth's letter to -Leslie, December 10, 1634, is in Laud's _Works_, vii. 98; Ussher to Dr. -Ward, September 15, 1635, in his _Works_, xvi. 9; Bramhall's account of -the proceedings, written some years later, is in his _Works_, v. 80. - -[205] Sir Thomas Roe to the Queen of Bohemia, December 10, 1634, from -London, and her answer from the Hague, February 11/21, 1635, in State -Papers, _Domestic_. Roe contemplated a visit to Ireland about this -time, but does not seem to have made it; see Wentworth's letter to him -of September 1, 1634. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -STRAFFORD AND THE ULSTER SCOTS - - -[Sidenote: Rise of a Presbyterian community in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Two tolerant bishops.] - -[Sidenote: Extension of Laud's system to Ireland.] - -The Scottish settlers in Ulster gave trouble from the first, for -crossing the sea did not change their nature, nor their religious -opinions. When Presbyterianism was oppressed at home, Ireland received -its ministers; when persecution came there, they could go back to -Scotland. Always glad to promote his own countrymen, James I. appointed -them to Irish bishoprics; they in their turn ordained others, often -without much inquiry as to their views on Church government. Andrew -Knox, who was Bishop of Raphoe from 1611 to 1633, was not over -particular about the regularity of orders, and many Presbyterians -were preferred by him. 'Old Bishop Knox,' says Adair, 'refused no -honest man, having heard him preach. By this chink John Livingston and -sundry others got entrance.' Knox died about the time of Wentworth's -coming to Ireland, and up to that time another Scotch bishop, Robert -Echlin of Down, followed in his footsteps. Livingston had been -silenced by Spottiswood in Scotland, but brought recommendations from -eminent laymen, and Knox told him he thought his own life had been -prolonged only to do such offices as ordination. He did not care -about being called my Lord, and he allowed the imposition of hands -to be by presbyters in his presence. He gave Livingston the book of -ordination, desiring him to draw a line through any words to which he -objected. 'I found,' says the latter, 'that it had been so marked by -some others before that I needed not mark anything; so the Lord was -pleased to carry that business far beyond anything that I had thought -or ever desired.' This was in 1630. Seven years before Echlin had -done a like service for Robert Blair, acting only as one of several -presbyters. 'This,' says Blair, 'I could not refuse, and so the matter -was performed.' Knox was succeeded by John Leslie, and Echlin by -Henry Leslie, neither of whom was much inclined to make terms with -Presbyterianism. The Laudian canons had altered the position for them, -and later on the Covenant made the breach irreparable.[206] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth, Laud, and Bramhall, 1634.] - -[Sidenote: A conference where no one is converted, 1636.] - -[Sidenote: Bramhall's rhetoric.] - -[Sidenote: Silenced ministers go to Scotland.] - -In May 1634 Bramhall became Bishop of Derry in succession to Downham, -who had been a strong Calvinist and a friend of Presbyterians. He was -soon in correspondence with Wentworth, who encouraged him to insist -on strict conformity, and with Laud, whose confidence he enjoyed -throughout. Very many of the Scotch ministers were driven back to their -own country, there to swell the growing discontent and to prepare the -way for the lay crowds whom Wentworth's later policy was to drive out -of Ulster. Bramhall did not confine himself to his own diocese, but -gave his services to Down also, where Echlin was driven to enforce -conformity without much conviction on his own part. Henry Leslie -succeeded on Echlin's death, and a conference was held at Belfast on -August 11, 1636, between the two bishops and five Presbyterians who -refused to subscribe the new canons. Among them was Edward Brice, who -is regarded as the founder of that church in Ulster. Their spokesman -was James Hamilton, Lord Claneboy's nephew, who had been ordained -by Echlin ten years before. Both sides were no doubt satisfied -that they were wholly in the right, but Bramhall was more extreme -even than Leslie, who as bishop of the diocese of course conducted -the controversy. According to the Bishop of Derry, who intervened -frequently, Hamilton was a prattling Jack, a fellow fit to be whipped, -who might worship the devil if he pleased. He prescribed hellebore to -purge the Scot's brain, reminding him with a bold metaphor that the -weight of Church and State did not hang 'upon the Atlas shoulders of -such bullrushes' as he was; and he blamed Leslie, not without something -like a threat, for allowing so much liberty of discussion. The five -ministers were sentenced to perpetual silence so far as the diocese -of Down was concerned. Outward conformity was for a time achieved, -but only by the temporary effacement of the Scotch colony in Ulster. -Brice did not long survive the Belfast conference, but Hamilton, -Cunningham, Ridge and Colwort all retired to Scotland. Among other -ministers silenced by Leslie the most noteworthy were John Livingston -and Robert Blair, both of whom went to Scotland and helped materially -to defeat Laud. They had attempted to lead about 140 of the faithful to -New England, but were beaten back by storms from a point nearer to the -banks of Newfoundland than to any place in Europe. 'That which grieved -us most,' says Livingston, 'was that we were like to be a mocking to -the wicked; but we found the contrary, that the prelates and their -followers were much dismayed, and feared at our return.'[207] - -[Sidenote: Bramhall was Wentworth's instrument.] - -[Sidenote: Case of Bishop Adair.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop John Maxwell.] - -[Sidenote: Deprivation of Adair.] - -Ussher submitted against his inclination to Wentworth and Laud. Some -years later, when they were both prisoners, Bramhall, who was in the -same position, thought it necessary to apologise to his metropolitan -for interfering in the diocese of Down, his defence being that he -was employed by the Lord Deputy. 'Since I was Bishop,' he added, 'I -never displaced any man in my diocese, but Mr. Noble for professed -popery, Mr. Hugh for confessed simony, and Mr. Dunkine, an illiterate -curate, for refusing to pray for his Majesty.' But if he was tolerably -mild as a bishop, he was much less so when acting as Wentworth's -representative. Archibald Adair, a Scotchman by birth, was made Dean -of Raphoe in 1622, and became Bishop of Killala in 1630. He was a -good Episcopalian, but a good Scot also, and he did not like to see -Canterbury lording it over his native land. In 1639 John Corbet, -minister of Bonhill, was deprived by the General Assembly for refusing -the covenant or for adhering to episcopacy, and he fled to Dublin, -where he published a bitter pamphlet against his enemies at home. -He was presented by Strafford to the vicarage of Strade in Adair's -diocese, but found the bishop by no means friendly. It was, he said, -an ill bird that fouled its own nest, and a raven (corbie) which had -been driven from the ark could expect no resting place with him. -For these and other expressions, which were thought favourable to -the Covenanters, Adair was summoned before the High Commission, but -deprivation might not have followed on such slight grounds had not the -bishopric been wanted for someone else. This was John Maxwell, Bishop -of Ross, Spottiswood's friend and executor, who had been Laud's most -active ally in Scotland. 'The satisfaction of the Bishop of Ross,' -Wentworth wrote to the King, 'shall be the only thing I shall attend in -the next place, and have found even already the means to effect it by -depriving, and that deservedly, the Bishop of Killala and substituting -the other in his place. This is one of the best bishoprics in the -kingdom, worth at least one thousand pounds a year.' And he thought -this was a good way 'to quench the venom of that rebellious humour.' -Charles and Laud were of the same opinion, and but little independence -was to be expected from the Irish High Commission. Bedell, however, -with whom it seems Chappell agreed, was against the deprivation, partly -on canonical grounds and partly because it was 'as times and things now -stood inconvenient.' He prevailed nothing; the Bishop was sentenced to -be deprived of his bishopric, deposed or degraded, fined 1,000_l._, -imprisoned during the King's pleasure, &c. Soon after the meeting of -Strafford's last Parliament a bishop, possibly Bedell, moved that Adair -should have his writ of summons. Ormonde spoke against it, and Bramhall -declared that the deprived prelate was 'fit to be thrown into the sea -in a sack, not to see sun, nor enjoy the air.' Lord Ranelagh said there -had been a patient hearing at the High Commission, where many of their -lordships' House sat, who found Adair 'guilty of favouring that wicked -Covenant which all the House detests,' and the writ was unanimously -refused. The Court wind changed when Strafford was dead and Laud a -prisoner, and Adair was made Bishop of Waterford. Maxwell succeeding -him at Killala was stripped, wounded, and left for dead by the rebels -during the massacre at Shrule, but escaped ultimately to England. -Corbet was not so fortunate, being 'hewn in pieces by two swineherds in -the very arms of his poor wife.'[208] - -[Sidenote: The Scots hate Wentworth.] - -[Sidenote: English, Scotch, and Irish in Ulster.] - -Clarendon, who hated the Scots and did not love Strafford, says 'he had -an enemy more terrible than all the others and like to be more fatal, -the whole Scotch nation, provoked by the declaration he had procured of -Ireland and some high carriage and expressions of his against them in -that kingdom.' The Ulster colony had been injured by the Londonderry -forfeiture, and he had done what he could to discourage further -immigration, but it was not until the summer of 1638 that the attitude -of the Scotch settlers began to give him serious uneasiness. Antrim, -who was at Court and in communication both with Hamilton and Laud, -believed or professed to believe that Lorne, who became Earl of Argyll -soon after, intended to attack his estates, and suggested that the King -should provide him with plenty of arms 'to be kept in a store-house in -Coleraine, because it would be too far for me and my tenants to send -to Knockfergus, if there were any sudden invasion.' Lorne knew what -was going on at Court, and announced in Scotland that Antrim intended -to invade him. It appears from his late letters that Strafford thought -Lorne not unlikely to come, but he knew well that his Council would -advise nothing that might strengthen Tyrone's grandson. And in case -the troubles of Scotland were to extend to Ulster, he thought it very -likely that the settlers there would borrow the arms to help their -countrymen. 'They are,' he added 'shrewd children, not much won by -courtship, especially from a Roman Catholic.' He had but 2,000 foot and -600 horse, none of which could be spared for Scotland, but it might be -possible to raise double that force of English and Irish. The latter -disliked the Scots and their religion, but might be a source of danger -in other ways. In the meantime he told Northumberland, the best part of -the Irish army might be drawn down into Ulster, close upon Scotland, -'as well to amuse those upon that side as to contain their countrymen -among us in due obedience.'[209] - -[Sidenote: The Scottish Covenant, 1638.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's plan to bridle Scotland.] - -[Sidenote: Case of Robert Adair.] - -[Sidenote: An inquisitorial policy.] - -That Strafford was generally hated by the Scotch is, indeed, abundantly -proved by the record of his trial, when their commissioners denounced -him as 'the firebrand that still smoked' after the cold shower-bath of -the Ripon treaty. The quarrel was of much older date, originating with -Wentworth's espousal of the Laudian policy and his steady repression of -everything that savoured of Presbyterianism, but it was not until after -the promulgation of the Scottish Covenant at the beginning of March -1638 that the question became a national one. He kept himself well -informed, and read all public documents, but it was not until the end -of July that he first gave his opinion to Northumberland, and then in -strict confidence. Armed collision with the Scots should be avoided as -long as possible unless they crossed the border, which did not yet seem -likely. Berwick and Carlisle should be made thoroughly defensible, and -as President of the North he could prepare an armed force, particularly -in Yorkshire. He thought Leith, which he had formerly visited, might -easily be seized in the spring, and maintained with the help of the -fleet and a garrison of 8,000 or 10,000 men. 'I should hope,' he added, -'his Majesty might instantly give his law to Edinburgh, and not long -after to the whole kingdom, which though it should all succeed, yet -at the charge of that kingdom would I uphold my garrison at Leith, -till they had received our Common Prayer Book, used in our churches -of England without any alteration, the bishops settled peaceably in -their jurisdiction; nay perchance till I had conformed that kingdom -in all, as well for the temporal as ecclesiastical affairs, wholly -to the government and laws of England; and Scotland governed by the -King and Council of England in a great part, at least as we are here.' -Later on he drew attention to the importance of securing Dumbarton, -but in both cases the Covenanters forestalled him. Then as now a brisk -trade existed between Ulster and Scotland, and the colonists naturally -demanded terms as favourable as were granted to the mother country, -with which they were in thorough sympathy. The first lay Covenanter who -felt the weight of Wentworth's hand seems to have been Robert Adair, -Laird of Kilhill in Galloway, who had an estate of 400_l._ or 500_l._ -a year at Ballymena, where he was a Justice of the Peace. Adair, who -was the Bishop of Killala's nephew, had taken an active part against -Charles and Laud in Scotland, and made no secret of having signed the -Covenant. Henry Leslie, Bishop of Down, who was himself a Scotchman, -reported the case to Wentworth, who advised him to 'inquire out the -names of all others that have danced after the same pipe, as also of -all such as profess themselves Covenanters, and send them hither to me; -in the rest of your proceedings, your lordship shall not be so much -as once touched upon, or heard of.' Adair retired to Scotland, and -lived securely at Kilhill, but he was declared a traitor in Ireland, -and his estate forfeited. In November 1641, when Strafford was dead -and the Ulster rebellion begun, Charles, at the unanimous request of -the Scottish Parliament, reversed the sentence passed upon Adair for -having 'adjoined himself to his own native country,' and he recovered -his Irish property.[210] - -[Sidenote: The Black Oath, 1639.] - -[Sidenote: The King procures a petition against the Covenant.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's threats.] - -Before the end of 1638 the Scotch Covenanters were thoroughly aware -that Wentworth was their most important enemy. He sent a clever young -officer to Edinburgh to report upon the doings there, 'and this -gentleman,' he wrote, 'tells me that the whole nation universally -hates me most extremely, and threaten some personal mischief unto me.' -Ensign Willoughby pretended to Rothes that he was a Dutchman, and -the Earl answered that Holland was well governed and that Scotland -also could do very well without a king. Next day Alexander Leslie was -present and said Ireland would certainly be invaded if the King came -to blows with his Scottish subjects--a threat which Leslie himself -carried out, but not while Strafford lived. Wentworth proposed, and -Charles agreed with alacrity, if, indeed, he did not himself make the -first suggestion, that the Covenant should be met by a new and very -stringent oath binding the Scots of Ulster not only to obey the King, -but not even to protest against any command of his, and to renounce all -covenants or associations not ordered by him. This is still remembered -in Ulster as the Black Oath, and it is evidently inconsistent with all -modern ideas of liberty. The manner of imposing it matched the matter, -and we know the details from the evidence of an unwilling witness who -proved in after life that he was as strong a royalist as even Scotland -has produced. Charles himself proposed that means should be taken to -procure a petition repudiating the Covenant and in favour of the new -oath, and his plan was strictly carried out. Wentworth summoned such -of the leading Northern Scots as he thought could be trusted to meet -him in Dublin on April 27. Lord Montgomery, who was the chief of them, -caught cold on the journey and desired to be excused; but the Lord -Deputy, whether he believed in the cold or not, would not be so put -off, and adjourned the meeting to his lordship's lodgings. The two -Leslies, Bishops of Raphoe and of Down, took the lead, and the former -drew up a petition which some of the laymen thought hasty. In the words -of the oath Wentworth would allow no alteration, saying that it had -been well considered; but in the petition offering the subscribers' -services to the King he admitted the qualification 'in equal manner -and measure with other his Majesty's faithful and loyal subjects of -this kingdom.' For the rest, the petitioners declared their belief -that the Covenant had been imposed upon great numbers of their nation -by the tyranny of the dominant faction. The fiery bishop who drafted -the petition thought it much too mild, and the oath itself so mean -as not to be worth taking. To one speaker, who thought a little more -deliberation would be advisable, the Lord Deputy answered: 'Sir James -Montgomery, you may go home and petition or not petition if you will, -but if you do not, or who doth not, shall do worse.' The petitioners -were then summoned to the Council Board, and the Lord Deputy himself -administered the oath to them two or three at a time.[211] - -[Sidenote: Severe measures in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: General objection to the Black Oath.] - -[Sidenote: Many Presbyterians flee to the mountains, or to Scotland.] - -[Sidenote: The only exemptions from taking the oath]. - -The petition was signed by Lords Montgomery and Clandeboye, by the two -Leslies, and by James Spottiswood, Bishop of Clogher, who was brother -to the Archbishop of St. Andrews, and had himself declined the Scottish -primacy several years before. Of the thirty-six commoners whose -signatures follow the majority were clergymen, and at least two of them -became bishops after the Restoration. It is quite evident from what -followed that they represented only a very small part of the Scottish -population of Ulster. The petition and oath were proclaimed by the -Lord Deputy and Council, including Ussher and Bulkeley. The oath was -made obligatory on all persons of the Scottish nation of the age of -sixteen years and upwards, who inhabit and have any estate whatsoever -in any houses, lands, tenements or hereditaments within this kingdom -of Ireland,' and local commissions were issued for the enforcement -of the order. If there is any ambiguity in the words quoted it is -clear that servants as well as owners of property were in practice -held liable. Three peers, Clandeboye, Montgomery, and Chichester, sat -as commissioners at Bangor in Down, and the former, who was acting -against the grain, reported progress to Wentworth. The Lord Deputy -believed there would be general and ready obedience to this, as to his -past orders in Ireland; but Clandeboye reported that great numbers -fled at his approach, and especially servants, that their masters are -doubtful to find sufficient to reap their corn.' He believed that the -chief obstructor was 'Mr. John Bole, the preacher of Killileagh, the -old blind man that was once with your lordship,' but he abstained -from arresting any clergyman, 'especially a preacher,' without direct -orders from the viceroy. These orders were given at once, and the old -blind minister was sent up to Dublin in charge of a pursuivant. He -had already been forced to take the oath on his knees with a crowd of -others, but not before time had been given to preach a sermon in which -the Presbyterians were not obscurely compared to Daniel, and Wentworth -to the ministers of Darius. Under such circumstances the parable would -be remembered, and the backsliding easily forgiven. George Rawdon was -so busy 'swearing all the Scotch men and women' in Down that he could -not go to Dublin for law business, and Mr. Spencer, another magistrate -in his neighbourhood, 'despised the employment exceedingly.' Numbers -took the oath unwillingly, but numbers also took to the woods and -mountains, leaving their corn uncut, their cattle untended, and their -houses unprotected, and a great many fled to Scotland, where Bramhall -was short-sighted enough to think they could do but little harm. He had -himself prepared the ground by first depriving and expelling the Ulster -ministers, whom Archbishop Spottiswood called 'the common incendiaries -of rebellion, preaching what and where they please.' Among the refugees -was one English gentleman, Fulk Ellis of Carrickfergus, who commanded -over a hundred of them at Newburn. The expenses of this contingent were -paid by subscription, 'having no parish in Scotland to provide for -them.... One, Margaret James, the wife of William Scott, a maltman, -who had fled out of Ireland, and were but in a mean condition, gave -seven twenty-two shilling sterling pieces, and one eleven pound -piece. When the day after I inquired at her how she came to give so -much she answered, "I was gathering and had laid up this to be part -of a portion to a young daughter I had, and as the Lord hath lately -been pleased to take my daughter to Himself, I thought I would give -Him her portion also."' Wentworth, who thought there were at least -100,000 Scots in the North, concentrated all the troops in Ulster and -Leinster at Carrickfergus, which was enough to prevent anything like -an insurrection. He insisted that the oath should be taken by all -Scots without exception, except those who professed themselves Roman -Catholics. Is it wonderful that the Scotch thirsted for his blood, -or that he was believed, however untruly, to favour the religion of -Rome?[212] - -[Sidenote: A 'desperate doctrine.'] - -[Sidenote: The case of Henry Stewart.] - -[Sidenote: Palpable high treason.] - -[Sidenote: A tardy pardon.] - -[Sidenote: Petitions against episcopacy, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: Illegality of the Black Oath.] - -'We are,' said Baillie, 'content with our advantage that my Lord -Deputy permits to go out under his patronage that desperate doctrine -of absolute submission to princes; that notwithstanding all our laws, -yet our whole estate may no more oppose the prince's deed, if he should -play all the pranks of Nero, than the poorest slave at Constantinople -may resist the tyranny of the Great Turk.' In Down and Antrim the -Scots formed a great majority of the colony, and Scotland was near. -In Tyrone and Londonderry the English element prevailed, and the -more scattered Presbyterians had the worse time. There were some who -would not yield, and either could not or would not fly.' Many were -imprisoned in Dublin, like 'worthy Mrs. Pont,' whose husband had to -leave the country, and who was shut up for nearly three years. The -case which attracted the greatest attention was that of Henry Stewart, -a native of Scotland, holding property in Ulster, who with his wife -Margaret, his daughters Katherine and Agnes, and a servant named James -Gray were brought before the Castle-chamber for refusing the oath. -Attorney-General Osbaldeston told the prisoners they were guilty of -high treason, but that the King would mercifully accept fines. He -laid down in the boldest way that kings derived no authority from the -people, but directly from above, and that everything done against their -authority is done against God. Stewart was willing to take the first -part of the oath, promising allegiance and obedience, but would not -swear to ecclesiastical conformity or abjure all other oaths. Wentworth -told him that the whole form hung together, and that no mercy would -be shown unless he took all the oath unreservedly. Ussher practically -agreed with Stewart, but Wentworth overruled him and held with Bramhall -that the non-abjuration of all oaths, bonds, and covenants was palpable -high treason. Mr. and Mrs. Stewart and their eldest daughter were fined -3,000_l._ apiece, the younger daughter and Gray 2,000_l._, making -13,000_l._ in all, and they were also condemned to imprisonment for -life. They were told that if the King thought it proper to release -them, they would have first to take the oath and to give security for -their allegiance during life. The prisoners were pardoned by the King, -but not until Strafford had been some time in the Tower, and the money -penalties were also remitted. Whitelock stated at Strafford's trial -'that Stewart was fain to sell his estate to pay his fine.' He had to -support his family in prison for fifteen months, and seems to have -been half-ruined; but he secured the favour of the Scotch Parliament, -who recommended his case in London, and in 1646 the House of Commons -voted him 1,500_l._ and Gray 400_l._ out of the estate of Sir George -Radcliffe, then sequestered. The Irish Attorney-General had married -Radcliffe's niece a few days after Stewart's trial, which adds point to -the story. Gray, who had nothing of his own, and was maintained in gaol -by his master, took an amusing and profitable revenge. He was employed -in the spring of 1641 to promote a petition against episcopacy, and -was said to have received 300_l._ for his services. Signatures were -easily got, but Bramhall said they were all of ignorant and obscure -persons, 'not one that I know but Patrick Derry of the Newry, not -one Englishman.' After Strafford's death Ormonde and others who had -taken part in Stewart's trial admitted that they had been mistaken and -were excused, but the Lords Justices Borlase and Parsons offered some -arguments in their predecessor's favour. They allowed that the case -was one for the law-courts and not for the Castle-chamber; but this -error was not Strafford's, who followed a long established practice. -The heaviness of the fine was meant to strike terror into others, and -not to ruin the individuals charged, and they were even inclined to -think that the sentence was just. It is nevertheless evident that the -invention and enforcement of the Black Oath by prerogative only was -unadulterated despotism. The Roman Catholics of Ireland had much to -complain of, but they were not called upon to take oaths which had no -parliamentary sanction.[213] - -[Sidenote: Strafford proposes to drive out all the Scots, 1640.] - -[Sidenote: 'Under Scots' to be deported to remote places.] - -When Strafford was impeached, two witnesses swore that at the time -of Stewart's trial he had openly threatened to root out stock and -branch all Scots who would not conform, and had called them rebels -and traitors. This no doubt was said hastily and in anger, but he -afterwards expressed the same sentiments when he had had time, -plenty of time, to think. Writing to Radcliffe from York more than -a year later he proposed 'to banish all the under Scots in Ulster -by proclamation,' grounded upon a request from his subservient Irish -Parliament. By 'under Scots' he meant all who had not given hostage to -fortune by acquiring considerable estates in land. There were 40,000 -able-bodied Scots ready to welcome Argyle if he landed in Ireland, and -that chief was cunning enough to tempt 'the mere Irish, the ancient -dependents of the O'Neills in that province,' to strike a blow for -lands and liberty. A vote of this kind in the Irish Parliament would -help the King much, for it would infallibly create 'a perpetual -distrust and hatred' between England and Scotland, and would add to his -Majesty's reputation in foreign parts. The banishment might be called -conditional upon the continuance of hostilities. As to the owners of -'considerable estates,' they were but few, and the loss to them of all -their tenants and servants was nothing to the general peace which would -follow the expulsion of the 'under Scots, who are so numerous and so -ready for insurrection,' and who were already armed. Even those who had -taken the Black Oath were to be treated as prospective rebels. Shipping -was to be provided at once, and the exiles landed in some bays or lochs -where the Campbell galleys could not reach them. Radcliffe, who was -in Dublin, kept this letter to himself, for he saw that the plan was -impossible, and he knew that the House of Commons there was already -getting out of hand. Strafford believed that something equivalent -to a state of siege existed, and that he was therefore justified in -the most extreme measures. History may make excuses, but to the Long -Parliament he was the man who had encouraged them to oppose the King, -who had then gone over to the side of prerogative, receiving titles and -power as the price of desertion, and who was ready to dragoon better -men into submission. To honest Scotch Covenanters he was of course the -arch-enemy, and those who espoused their cause from selfish motives -knew that his interests were not theirs.[214] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[206] Adair's _True Narrative_, 26; Mant's _Church of Ireland_, 457; -Blair's statement in Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, i. 103. - -[207] Wentworth to Bramhall, September 12, 1634, in _Rawdon Papers_; -Report of the Belfast conference in Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, i. -195 and Appx. iv; Livingston's narrative, _ib._ 204-6. - -[208] Bramhall to Ussher, April 26, 1641, in his _Works_, i. xc; -_Liber Munerum_, v. 113; Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 96; Wentworth to -the King, September 2, 1639 (from Dublin) in _Strafford Letters_, -and to Radcliffe, September 23 (from Covent Garden), in Whitaker's -_Radcliffe_, 182; Bedell to Ward, April 23, 1640; in _Two Biographies_, -365; _Irish Lords' Journal_, March 31, 1640; Hickson's _Irish -Massacres_, ii. 6-8. Corbet's 'Ungirding of the Scottish Armour' was -licensed in Dublin, May 6, 1639, by Edward Parry, afterwards Bishop -of Killaloe, on behalf of the Archbishop of Dublin. It is in the form -of a dialogue between Covenanter and anti-Covenanter. The dedication -of six pages to Wentworth contains some strong language about the -'fiery zealous faction' dominant in Scotland. 'The best of them is as a -briar; the most upright is a thorn hedge; they do evil with both hands -earnestly, hunting every man his brother with a net. They are gone in -the way of Cain, etc.' Corbet's much better known _Lysimachus Nicanor_, -dated January 1, 1640 (n.s.) was probably printed in Dublin, but has no -printer's name and no imprimatur. He is believed to have had assistance -both from Bramhall and Maxwell. Baillie (_Letters_, i. 243) wrongly -attributes it to Henry Leslie, and calls the author 'a mad scenic -railer.' It purports to be the letter of a Jesuit, who congratulates -the Scots on their approach to the views of the Society concerning -resistance to kings. See the article on Corbet in _Dict. of Nat. -Biography_. I have used the copies of the two tracts preserved in the -Cashel Library with MS. notes by Foy, afterwards Bishop of Waterford. - -[209] Clarendon's _History_, ii. 101; _Strafford Letters_ in July 1638, -ii. 184-194, and Wentworth's answer to Laud, dated August 7; Baillie's -_Letters_ i. 93. - -[210] _Rushworth_, viii, 672; Wentworth to Northumberland, July 30, -1638, to the Bishop of Down, October 4, and the Bishop's two letters of -September 22 and October 18; Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, i. 294. - -[211] Wentworth to Windebank, January 6, 1638-9; examination of Ensign -William Willoughby, January 9, in _Strafford Letters_; the King to -Wentworth, January 16 in _Rushworth_, viii. 504; Sir James Montgomery's -evidence, _ib._ 490. On February 27 Laud wrote to Wentworth (_Works_, -vii. 526), 'I showed his Majesty your other letter sent on purpose to -show, and he was much taken with your project to have the Scotch there -take an oath of abjuration of their abominable covenant.' The text of -the Black Oath is in _Rushworth_, viii. 494, in _Strafford Letters_, -ii. 345; in Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, i. 247 n.; and in Cal. of -State Papers, _Ireland_, at September 7, 1639. - -[212] Evidence at Strafford's trial, in _Rushworth_, viii. 490-494. The -Act of State with the petition, oath, and proclamation in _Strafford -Letters_, ii. 343. Lord Clandeboye's letters, August 23 and September -2, _ib._ Narrative of John Livingston quoted in Reid's _Presbyterian -Church_, i. 257. Livingston was at this time minister of Stranraer, -which was naturally full of refugees from Ulster. Robert Baillie talks -of the 'Spanish Inquisition on our whole Scottish nation there.' -_Letters_, i. 199, 206, and see Archbishop Spottiswood's letter (August -1638), ib. 466. Bramhall to Laud in State Papers, _Ireland_, January -12, 1639; Rawdon to Conway, _ib._ July 6. Bishop H. Leslie tells Conway -the swearing began in Dean Shuckburgh's parish (Connor), who cleverly -persuaded 630 to take the oath, _ib._ October 7. - -[213] Baillie's _Letters_, i. 190, 195; sentence of the Castle-chamber, -September 7, 1639, in State Papers, _Ireland_; comments of Lords -Justices and Council, _ib._ July 30, 1641; _Rushworth_, viii. 496; -Bramhall to Ussher, April 26, 1641; Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, -i. 257, 294. Strafford at his trial objected to the witness Salmon -because he said Stewart was tried in October instead of September, but -the substance of his evidence is unchallenged and confirmed by other -accounts. - -[214] Evidence of Salmon and Loftus, which was not shaken by rebutting -witnesses, at Strafford's trial in _Rushworth_, viii. 496. Strafford's -letter of October 8, 1840, from York, in Whitaker's _Life of -Radcliffe_, who endorsed it 'rejected by me, and crossed.' - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -WENTWORTH'S PLANS OF FORFEITURE AND SETTLEMENT - - -[Sidenote: Defective titles to land.] - -[Sidenote: Raising the King's rents.] - -It was natural, considering the history of the country, that very -few titles to Irish land should be absolutely without flaw. This -uncertainty affected all business transactions, and nothing was so -much longed for as a possessory title of sixty years, such as James -had granted by statute in England. But the opportunity of increasing -revenue was too good to be lost, and Charles, just before Wentworth's -arrival, issued to him and others a commission for defective titles -which gave almost unlimited power to compound with the owners of -property, and to give them fresh titles in consideration of such -payments as the Commissioners might think fair. Valid grants from the -Crown were not to be disturbed, and lands appropriated to certain -public uses were also excepted. Everything else was at the mercy of -the Commission, but a title once granted was to be confirmed by the -next Parliament. An Act did pass in 1634 confirming such grants as had -been already made, and prospectively ratifying those still to come. But -Wentworth contemplated new settlements like that of Ulster, and the -Commission gave him enormous power. He advised the King to give four -shillings in the pound to the Chief Justice and Chief Baron out of all -increase of revenue for the first twelve months, and so secure five -pounds a year for ever; and this he found to be 'the best advice that -ever was, for now they do intend it with a care and diligence such, as -if it were their own private.' A commission to the henwife has been -commonly found to increase the number of eggs, but the idea is scarcely -applicable to a Chief Justice. Wentworth was not corrupt himself, and -he condemned corruption in others, but in his zeal for the Crown he -advised Charles to do a far worse thing than any that had brought down -Bacon from his high estate.[215] - -[Sidenote: Scope of Wentworth's plans.] - -[Sidenote: Profit by wardships.] - -[Sidenote: Protestant colonies.] - -[Sidenote: Tipperary.] - -[Sidenote: Clare.] - -[Sidenote: Kilkenny.] - -[Sidenote: Connaught.] - -Among the twenty-six Acts passed in the second session of Wentworth's -obedient Parliament there were several relating to the tenure and -alienation of land. Secret leases for long terms and other fraudulent -conveyances were so common that titles to property were much obscured. -Feudal burdens were shirked, and private injustice was often done. -The general drift of Wentworth's legislation was to secure the public -registration of deeds and wills, and to make the actual possession of -land presumptive proof of its ownership. This reform, he wrote, 'will -without question gain the Crown six wardships for one, besides an -opportunity to breed the best houses up in religion as they fall, which -in reason of state is of infinite consequence, as we see experimentally -in my Lord of Ormonde, who, if he had been left to the education of his -own parents, had been as mere Irish and Papist as the best of them, -whereas now he is a very good Protestant, and consequently will make -not only a faithful, but a very affectionate servant to the Crown of -England.' The gain through the Court of Wards he afterwards reported -to be Ģ4,000 a year. The gain to his great scheme of plantation was -obvious. Here again there was much immediate profit to the Crown and -more in prospect by the establishment of an English and Protestant -population. 'All the Protestants,' he said, 'are for plantations, all -the others against them.' If juries drawn from the Recusant majority -could be got to find the King's title to their lands, so much the -better. If not, there was a Protestant majority in the House of Commons -and the lands requisite for colonisation might be 'passed to the King -by immediate Act of Parliament.' One of the districts selected was -the north part of Tipperary called Ormond, where the Earl had grants -which would have been fatal to Wentworth's scheme, but that he at -once declared himself willing to co-operate. In Thomond or Clare Lord -Inchiquin prudently followed Ormonde's example, but in neither case was -time given to Wentworth for the establishment of his projected colony. -The sept of the O'Brennans had long been in practical possession of -Edough, the northern part of Kilkenny, which includes Castlecomer. The -King's title was found in the usual way, and the territory was granted -to Wandesford, who bought out certain other claimants and who even -made some attempts to compensate the O'Brennans. Many English tenants -were established, and Wandesford's representatives, after having been -ousted during the rebellion, held their own under the Commonwealth and -after the Restoration. Wentworth claimed the whole of Connaught for -the Crown. The general idea was that one-fourth of the land should -be given to settlers, and that the old owners should receive a valid -title for the remainder. Leitrim had been lately planted, and the other -four counties were now claimed. Galway was thought the most likely to -resist, and was left to the last, lest its example should corrupt the -others.[216] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Roscommon, July 1635.] - -[Sidenote: The King to have his way in any case.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's charge to the jury.] - -The Commissioners for the new plantation were the Lord Deputy himself, -Lord Dillon, acting-president of Connaught, Lord Ranelagh, Sir Gerard -Lowther, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Wentworth's friend -Wandesford, his secretaries Mainwaring and Radcliffe, and Sir Adam -Loftus of Rathfarnham, who always supported him. The Commissioners -arrived at Boyle on July 9, 1635, and went to work without delay. -Before leaving Dublin Wentworth had directed the sheriff to enpanel -a jury 'of the best estates and understandings' in the county of -Roscommon. 'My reason,' he said, 'was that this being a leading case -for the whole province, it would set a great value in their estimation -upon the goodness of the King's title, being found by persons of their -qualities, and as much concerned in their own particulars as any other. -Again, finding the evidence so strong, as unless they went against it, -they must pass for the King, I resolved to have persons of such means -as might answer the King a round fine in the Castle-chamber in case -they should prevaricate, who in all seeming even out of that reason -would be more fearful to tread shamelessly and impudently aside from -the truth, than such as had less, or nothing to lose.' The threatened -landowners asked for an adjournment, but Wentworth said the chancery -proceedings begun twenty days before were notice enough. Counsel having -been heard on both sides, Wentworth told the jury that the King's great -object was to make them a civil people, that a plantation was the -readiest means to that end, and that his Majesty would not only take -from them nothing that was theirs, but would also give them something -that was his. In other words they were to be allowed to retain -three-fourths of what they, and everyone else, supposed to be their -own property. No legally valid grant should be questioned, 'but God -knows,' he told Coke, 'very few or none of their patents are good.' The -evidence, Wentworth told the jury, was clear, and if they acknowledged -it frankly they should have easy terms. But the King would have his -way anyhow, and perhaps it would be best for him that they should deny -his title, for in that case he would get all he wanted by a process in -the Exchequer, and they could then expect no mercy. With this threat -hanging over them, the Roscommon gentlemen thought it prudent to -submit, and found the King's title to the whole county.[217] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Sligo and Mayo, July, 1635.] - -[Sidenote: Resistance of Galway.] - -[Sidenote: Opposition of Clanricarde.] - -[Sidenote: Threats against all concerned.] - -[Sidenote: Punishment of sheriffs and jurors.] - -[Sidenote: Galway submits and the King approves of all.] - -Sligo, on the 20th, and Mayo on the 31st, followed the example of -Roscommon, but at Portumna in Galway the Commissioners met with a very -different reception. The county, and especially the eastern part of it, -was much under the influence of the Earl of Clanricarde; it contained -hardly any Protestant freeholders, and the influence of the Roman -Catholic clergy was very great. Clanricarde was in England with his -son, but his nephew Lord Clanmorris attended to lead the opposition. -Another nephew was on the jury, and so was John Donnellan, the Earl's -agent or steward. The jury with two exceptions found against the King's -title, and it was observed that those who voted after Donnellan did so -with much greater decision than those who voted before him. Richard -Burke, Clanricarde's nephew, was fined 500_l._ for endeavouring to -influence a brother juror by pulling his sleeve while he was speaking -with the Commissioners. Wentworth was very angry, and resolved to carry -out his plan notwithstanding, but with the difference that half the -land in Galway was to be confiscated, instead of a quarter as in the -other three counties. The disobedient shire should be 'fully lined and -planted with English,' and bridles in the meantime with sufficient -garrisons. 'And for those counsellors at law,' the Commissioners -reported, 'who so laboured against the King's title, we conceive it -is fit that such of them as we shall find reason to proceed withal, -be put to take the oath of supremacy, which if they refuse, that then -they be silenced, and not admitted to practise as now they do; it being -unfit that they should take benefit by his Majesty's graces, that take -the boldness after such a manner to oppose his service.' Wentworth had -taken much credit to himself at Boyle for allowing counsel to appear -before the Commissioners, and this was how he understood freedom of -speech. The sheriff was fined 1,000_l._ and bound over to appear in the -Castle-chamber on a charge of packing the jury, who were also bound -over to be dealt with there. A proclamation was issued to give the -county generally an opportunity of disavowing the jury, and this was so -far successful that a verdict was obtained for the King at Galway in -April 1637. Charles thoroughly approved of the fines, the imprisonments -and the proclamations, and in particular held it 'just and reasonable' -that the Galway landowners should lose half their property instead of a -mere one-fourth.[218] - -[Sidenote: Death of Richard Earl of Clanricarde,] - -[Sidenote: for which Wentworth is blamed.] - -[Sidenote: Ulick, Earl of Clanricarde, Governor of Galway.] - -The Earl of Clanricarde had distinguished himself by his courage and -fidelity at Kinsale, and had enjoyed the especial favour of Queen -Elizabeth. He had afterwards married Walsingham's daughter, the widow -of Sidney and Essex. His services thus entitled him to consideration, -and his connections secured him friends at Court. In 1616 James I., -after a full inquiry by two secretaries of state, had made him governor -of the county and town of Galway in such a manner as to make him -independent of the president of Connaught. This patent expired with -James, but it was amply renewed by his successor for the life of the -Earl and his eldest son. These facts were perfectly well known to -Wentworth, but he advised the King to break his word and revoke the -patent on the purely technical ground that a judicial office could -not be granted in reversion. Clanricarde died within the year, and it -was reported by Wentworth's enemies that hard usage had broken his -heart. 'They might as well,' said the Lord Deputy, 'have imputed unto -me for a crime his being threescore and ten years old.' There was more -reason for imputing to him the death in prison of Martin Darcy, the -unfortunate sheriff of Galway. 'My arrows,' he said on this point, -'are cruel that wound so mortally; but I should be more sorry by much -the King should lose his fine.' The King did not revoke the patent for -the government of Galway, and the young Earl of Clanricarde, who was -to play so important a part in the civil war, seems from the first to -have enjoyed much influence at Court. The Galway jurors were tried -in the Castle-chamber in May 1636, and sentenced to pay Ģ4,000 each -as a fine, to be imprisoned until payment, and to acknowledge their -fault at the assizes upon their knees and in open court. The fine was -afterwards reduced at Clanricarde's request, and the difficulties with -Scotland began before any real progress could be made with the new -settlement.[219] - -[Sidenote: Nature of Wentworth's policy.] - -[Sidenote: There was a substantial breach of faith.] - -Wentworth maintained the King's title to Connaught on purely legal -grounds, not seeming to realise that mere legality was an inadequate -foundation for what was virtually wholesale forfeiture. Some modern -writers who admire or excuse his policy have stated that he set up a -title which would satisfy lawyers; but no one had a greater contempt -for the letter of the law when it stood in his way, and it is the -substantial justice of his action that is really in question. The -Elizabethan lawyers knew perfectly well that the feudal ownership of -Connaught was vested in Edward IV. and his successors, but they did -not, therefore, consider that the land was at the Queen's mercy. The -chiefs and landowners of the province had been acknowledged over and -over again, and had always yielded something to the Crown by way of -cess. Sidney and Perrott reduced this uncertain impost to a small but -fixed rent, and by so doing confirmed the tenure of those who paid -it. It is very true that the exact terms of the contract had seldom -been fulfilled by the Irish, and that most of them had been engaged -in rebellious actions after the composition. That might have been a -reason for forfeiting their land at the time, and demands for arrears -of rent might have been made much later; but this is a very different -thing from confiscation after a generation of peace. Nor was this -all: on July 21, 1615, James I. had written to Chichester directing -that the Connaught landowners should have patents granted them, in -consideration of the composition made by Queen Elizabeth, and reserving -the same rent in future. To this Wentworth answered that the recitals -in the letter as to the fulfilment of the composition covenants were -grounded on false information; that 'the inhabitants were intruders and -had no such estates as could either be surrendered or confirmed.' The -patents actually issued were therefore void, as having been obtained -under false pretences, and for some technical flaws also. The monstrous -result is that the whole population of Connaught were squatters, and -had no rights whatever. It is no wonder that the Irish Parliament had -clamoured for a sixty years' possessory title against the Crown.[220] - -[Sidenote: The Londoners' plantation.] - -[Sidenote: Destruction of the forests.] - -Whatever other objects he may have had in view, profit to the Exchequer -was always sought by Wentworth. In the case of the Londoners' -plantation the mere money consideration was greater, and the political -advantage much less, than in the case of the Connaught proprietors. -Sir Thomas Phillips had almost ruined himself in his contest with the -great corporation, who had certainly done much, but who could easily -be shown not to have done all that they promised. Londonderry and -Coleraine had been secured against attack, but the number of houses was -less than at first agreed upon, and in the country it was found much -easier to take rent from the native occupiers than to bring over the -full number of English settlers. Commercial corporations who become -possessed of political power are always tempted to pay too much regard -to present profit, and the Irish Society of London acted to some extent -as the East India Company did in later times. In the Bann alone more -than sixty tons of salmon were sometimes taken in one day, and this was -much more lucrative than the slow process of settling English farmers -upon the land. It was also much more convenient to convert the vast -woods into ready money than to preserve them for local use, and their -destruction was rapid. In 1803 the county of Londonderry, which had -once contained the great forest of Glenconkein, was officially reported -to be 'perhaps the worst wooded in the King's dominions.' Wentworth saw -his opportunity, and determined to exact his pound of flesh from the -Londoners in Ulster, since they were unwilling to pay arbitrary taxes -at home. A side blow might be dealt to Presbyterianism at the same -time. Proceedings in the Star Chamber against the Corporation of London -had resulted in the summer of 1631 in a Royal Commission to collect -evidence in Ireland, and special attention was ordered to be given to -the representations of Phillips. The cause dragged on for three years, -and early in 1634 Wentworth wrote to Coke to advise that in any case -the grant of the customs of Londonderry and Coleraine, for which the -grantees paid no rent, should be resumed by the Crown, as unfit to -be held by any subject, and especially by a body which owed the King -1,800_l._ 'It is,' he said, 'my humble suit, that at least you take -that feather from them again, as not fit to be worn in the round cap of -a citizen of London.'[221] - -[Sidenote: A fine of 30,000_l._ refused,] - -[Sidenote: and one of 70,000_l._ imposed.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth wished to confiscate the London plantation.] - -The Londoners offered to compromise their case by paying a fine -of 30,000_l._, but this was refused. After a hearing which lasted -seventeen days, judgment was given in the Star Chamber at the end -of February 1635, when a fine of 70,000_l._ was imposed and the -charter declared forfeited. The actual sum levied seems to have been -12,000_l._, which was handed over to the Queen. 'The King,' said -Wentworth's correspondent Garrard, 'now hath good store of land in -Ireland.' 'The Londoners,' said another gossip, the letter-writer -Howell, 'have not been so forward in collecting the ship-money, since -they have been taught to sing heigh-down derry, and many of them will -not pay till after imprisonment, that it may stand upon record they -were forced to it. The assessments have been wonderfully unequal and -unproportionable, which is very ill taken, it being conceived they did -it on purpose to raise clamour through the city.' In the following May -an order was given in the Star Chamber to levy the fine in London, and -to sequester the estates in Ireland. Bramhall, who had a dispute of -his own about some of the lands, was appointed chief receiver, and the -appointment was not likely to be a sinecure in his hands. Wentworth -declared himself ready to carry out the forfeiture in the most drastic -way. 'Would your Majesty,' he wrote, 'be pleased to reserve it entire -to yourself, it might prove a fit part of an appanage for our young -master the Duke of York. It may be made a seigniory not altogether -unworthy his Highness; and for so good purpose I should labour night -and day, and think all I could do little.' James's experiences in -connection with Londonderry were fated to be of a much less agreeable -kind. The hostility of the Londoners had much to say to both Charles -and Wentworth losing their heads.[222] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[215] A faulty commission was issued in April 1633, but the corrected -version which was acted upon is calendared at June 29, 1634. The -commissioners besides Wentworth were Lord Chancellor Loftus, Cork, -Parsons, Chief Justice Lowther, Wandesford, Radcliffe, and the Barons -of the Exchequer; Sir C. Coote and Mainwaring were added later. A fresh -commission, dated September 1, 1638, is in Rymer's _Foedera_, xx. 263. -_Irish Statutes_, 10 Car. I. cap. 3. Wentworth to the King, December 9, -1636, _Strafford Letters_, ii. 41. In February 1640-1 the Irish House -of Lords asked 'whether it stood with the integrity of the judge to -take 4_s._ per Ģ out of all increases to His Majesty upon compositions -of defective bills, by avoiding such patents as the same judge condemns -in an extra-judicial way' (_Nalson_, ii. 575). - -[216] Wentworth to Coke, December 16, 1634; to Laud, March 10, 1634-5; -Commissioners of plantation to Coke, August 25, 1635; Wentworth's notes -on the Irish revenue, July 6, 1636, _Strafford Letters_. Details as -to Edough are in Prendergast's _Ireland from the Restoration to the -Revolution_, part iii. chap. i. - -[217] Wentworth to Coke, July 14, 1635, _Strafford Letters_. - -[218] Lord Deputy and Commissioners to Coke, August 25, 1635, and -Coke's answer, September 30, _Strafford Letters_. Hardiman's _Hist. of -Galway_, p. 105. - -[219] Wentworth to the King, December 5, 1635. Carte's _Ormonde_ i. -82. Clarendon says that Essex, who already disliked Wentworth, 'openly -professed revenge against him for his treatment of Clanricarde, -_History of Rebellion_, ii. 101. - -[220] Abstract of the King's title to Connaught, 1635, _Strafford -Letters_, i. 454. King James's letter of July 21, 1622, is in _Carew_. -See Hardiman's _Hist. of Galway_, 104. - -[221] Coke to Wentworth, October 24, 1633; Wentworth to Coke, January -31, 1633-4. J. C. Beresford's _Concise View of the Irish Society_, pp. -51-56. - -[222] Garrard to Wentworth, March 1, 1634-5; Howell to same, March 5; -Coke to same, May 25, 1635; Wentworth to the King, April 7, _Strafford -Letters_. Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 83. Among the _Cowper MSS._, November -8, 1633, is a letter from the King ordering 5,000_l._ to Phillips out -of the 70,000_l._ - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -CASES OF MOUNTNORRIS, LOFTUS, AND OTHERS - - -[Sidenote: Laud's warning to Wentworth.] - -Towards the end of 1635 Laud warned Wentworth that he was making -enemies at Court, especially 'on the Queen's side.' They said that -he was 'over-full of personal prosecutions against men of quality,' -Clanricarde, Cork, and Wilmot being particularly mentioned. 'I know,' -wrote the Archbishop, 'a great part of this proceeds from your wise and -noble proceedings against the Romish party in that kingdom; yet that -shall never be made the cause in public,' though every advantage would -be taken underhand. - -[Sidenote: Case of Lord Wilmot.] - -Wilmot had used his position as president of Connaught to build at -Athlone, giving fee-farm grants of Crown land to the settlers. It does -not seem to have been alleged that he took fines for his own use; but -the main facts were not denied, and he thought it prudent to obtain -a pardon. He resented Wentworth's appointment as Deputy, and being -himself of a choleric disposition he soon came into collision with him. -The pardon was not held to cover the whole case, which was brought up -again by Wentworth. Wilmot made an ample submission and tried to soften -the Viceroy's animosity, while indignantly denying any corruption on -his own part. There can be no doubt that he exceeded his authority, -and the tenants at Athlone seem to have been willing to increase their -rents to the Crown; but the case dragged on, and was perhaps unsettled -when Wentworth's government came to an end. No doubt the law was -against Wilmot, but considering the pardon and the fact that he had -made improvements, his treatment might be described as persecution by -those who disliked Wentworth.[223] - -[Sidenote: Case of Lord Mountnorris.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth wishes to get rid of Mountnorris.] - -[Sidenote: Mountnorris accused of malversation.] - -The Vice-Treasurer, Lord Mountnorris, was married to a near relation -of Wentworth's second and best-beloved wife. This had not saved him -from a rebuke for staying away from his work in August 1632; but -for some years afterwards things seem to have gone pretty smoothly. -Mountnorris supported the Lord Deputy effectively on his first arrival -in Ireland, and at his suggestion received the King's thanks. But he -was one of those who refuse nothing and resign nothing profitable, -and he declined to surrender a reversionary patent in order to make -room for an office-seeker favoured by Wentworth and by Secretary Coke. -In May 1634 the Lord Deputy made his first serious complaint of the -Vice-Treasurer for exacting sixpence in the pound as a fee out of all -payments made to the officers of the Admiralty. The English Privy -Council directed Mountnorris to forego these fees until the King's -further pleasure should be known; but the law of the case was probably -doubtful, and he ventured to disobey. He supported the Deputy in -other matters, and at the conference between the two Irish Houses of -Parliament, 'out of such scraps as he had gotten from the Parliaments -of England, very gallantly and magisterially told the House of Commons -that they had no power to administer an oath.' Wentworth nevertheless -became very anxious to get rid of him and to give his place to Sir -Adam Loftus, who could be always trusted to obey orders. In April 1635 -he told Coke that he considered 'Lord Mountnorris to be an officer -of no great nor quick endeavour to his Majesty's service, a person -held by us all that hear him to be most impertinent and troublesome -in the debate of all business. And, indeed, so weary are we of him -that I daresay there is not one of us willing to join with him in any -private counsel. My Lord Chief Baron complains of him extremely in the -Exchequer, that he disorders the proceedings of the whole court through -his wilfulness and ignorance.' He was a loose liver, fond of high -play, winning often from young men and even lending money at interest -for them to stake again. Payments from the Exchequer were said to be -delayed until a bribe had been given to his brother-in-law, and one -case was proved; but Mountnorris denied all knowledge of the matter, -and made the recipient give back the money. Yet he continued to employ -the culprit, and so gave good cause for suspicion. Mountnorris was -evidently very unpopular, and doubtless with good reason; but he was -not unwilling to resign his office for a consideration, and left the -matter in Wentworth's hands. The latter was long unwilling to undertake -the negotiation from his knowledge of the other's uncertain temper, -and this caused so much delay that Mountnorris ultimately withdrew his -offer, and the final rupture seems to have taken place at about this -point.[224] - -[Sidenote: Mountnorris is charged with mutiny, 1635,] - -[Sidenote: for words spoken at dinner,] - -[Sidenote: tried summarily by a court martial,] - -[Sidenote: and condemned to death.] - -Mountnorris had a relation of his own name who was a subaltern in -the Lord Deputy's troop of horse. He was checked by Wentworth at a -review for some irregularity, and replied by an insolent gesture or -grimace. Wentworth laid his cane against the young man's shoulders, -but without striking him, and threatened to 'lay him over the pate' -if he offended so again. Annesley doubtless deserved punishment, but -it was scarcely a Lord Deputy's business to chastise offenders with -his own hand. On April 18, 1635, Annesley, who was a gentleman-usher -at the Castle, dropped a stool upon Wentworth's gouty foot, and this -became the subject of conversation at a dinner at the Lord Chancellor's -some three or four days later. Mountnorris said: 'Perhaps it was done -in revenge of that public affront which my Lord Deputy had done him -formerly; but he has a brother that would not take such a revenge.' -Something of the kind was said, but the exact words must be very -doubtful, for it is not pretended that any one took them down at the -time, and they were not sworn to until nearly eight months later. In -any case Wentworth should have remembered his own _dictum_ that every -word must not rise up in judgment against a man. Annesley had a brother -in Mountnorris's company of foot, and it was suggested that this was a -hint to him from his superior officer 'to have taken up resolutions of -dangerous consequence.' It seems much more probable that Mountnorris -was praising his own subaltern at the expense of the Lord Deputy's -gentleman-usher. Late on the evening of December 11 he was warned by a -pursuivant to attend a council of war at eight o'clock next morning. -Shortly after the appointed hour Wentworth came in, said he had called -the court to do himself right and reparation against Lord Mountnorris, -read the alleged words from a paper which had been subscribed by Lord -Moore and by the Chancellor's eldest son, Sir Robert Loftus, and -called upon the Vice-Treasurer to confess or deny them. The accused -asked for counsel and to have the charge in writing, but he was told -that councils of war allowed neither. To aggravate the case, Wentworth -read the King's letter of July 31 in which he had ordered the sixpenny -fees to be stopped. Mountnorris said the letter was obtained 'by -misinformation.' Wentworth said it was not his habit to misrepresent -anyone, 'and rebuked me,' says Mountnorris, 'with worse language than -was fit to be used to a meaner man and not a peer.' Moore and Loftus -swore to the truth of what they had signed, and Wentworth then ordered -Moore to take his seat as a judge in a case where he had already given -evidence for the prosecution. The Lord Deputy took no actual part in -the sentence, but he was present during the whole proceedings, and all -men dreaded his frown. According to the account forwarded by Wentworth -at the time, Mountnorris submitted to the court, 'protesting that what -interpretation soever his words might have put upon them, he intended -no prejudice or hurt to the person of us the Deputy.' Mountnorris -himself, in his evidence given in 1641, says he offered to swear that -he had not uttered the words, and to bring witnesses to prove that -the part referring to the public affront was spoken by others. Among -the witnesses whom he says he asked to have produced were the Lord -Chancellor and Sir Adam Loftus's son. He was ordered to withdraw, and -after less than half an hour was called in again to hear his sentence -of death, to which the court had unanimously agreed. 'My Lord Deputy,' -he says, 'took occasion to make a speech, and told me invectively -enough there remained no more now, if he pleased, but to cause the -provost-marshal to do execution; but withal added that for matter of -life, he would supplicate his Majesty. And I think he said he would -rather lose his hand than I should lose my head; which I took to be the -highest scorn, to compare his the Lord Deputy's hand with my head.' The -expression about his hand and his victim's head occurs in Wentworth's -own letters. It was reported in London that Mountnorris had been -actually shot, the parts of his body where bullets took effect being -specified.[225] - -[Sidenote: Mountnorris not a soldier.] - -[Sidenote: Martial law in time of peace.] - -[Sidenote: The King receives 6000_l._ for Mountnorris's place.] - -Mountnorris had a company, as was then customary with great men in -Ireland, but he was not really a soldier, and knew nothing of military -discipline. The words charged against him were spoken, if spoken at -all, in private society, and it is not easy to see how they could -possibly affect the discipline of the army. Yet Wentworth and his -slavish council found that they constituted a breach of two articles -of war. That which involved the death sentence was the thirteenth: 'No -man shall offer any violence, or contemptuously disobey his commander, -or do any act or speak any words which are likely to breed any mutiny -in the army or garrison, or impeach the obeying of the general or -principal officer's directions, upon pain of death.' This article is -perhaps not too severe for its purpose, especially in time of war, but -does any lawyer, does any soldier, does any man of common intelligence -suppose that it was intended to be applied or could properly be applied -to conversation at a dinner-party? And Mountnorris swore that he had -never seen the articles at the time of his condemnation under them, and -did not see them until June 1636. It does not appear that they had been -acted on in time of peace. Besides all this, the court-martial was held -without any notice; no time was given to summon witnesses; Wentworth -himself, the prosecutor, presided in person, while the accused, who -was not allowed counsel, was turned out of court, and one of the -witnesses for the prosecution sat in judgment. At Court many wondered -'that a peer of the kingdom, a Privy Councillor, a treasurer at war, -though a captain, should be tried in a marshal's court for words spoken -six months before, no enemy in the field, nor the Lord Deputy in any -danger of his life by these words.' Wentworth's energetic and talkative -emissary, Captain Price, 'laid about with his tongue' as to this and -other matters, but it was the King that really silenced the voice of -criticism. It was his nature to approve harsh measures, and in this -case he actually made 6000_l._ by the transaction. Wentworth advised -Sir Adam Loftus to spend money freely to secure the succession; from -which we may infer that he intended it to be lucrative in the hands -of a friend. Loftus promised the money to Cottington, who promptly -'gave it to him that really could do the business, which was the King -himself.' Probably only part of the money was for Cottington, and he -was to give the rest to other officials, but he got the credit of -surrendering the whole sum. Before it was actually received Charles -assigned it in part payment of 22,000_l._ which he was spending on the -purchase of an estate in Scotland. We may assume that the King was -'roundly satisfied' without delay, for Loftus was made Vice-Treasurer -at the beginning of April. The fact that the money went to provide -an endowment for the Scotch archbishoprics does not greatly improve -matters. Clarendon says that Mountnorris was notoriously unloved, -otherwise his treatment would have been thought 'the most extravagant -piece of sovereignty that in a time of peace had been ever executed by -any subject.'[226] - -[Sidenote: Mountnorris under restraint for several months, 1635-37.] - -[Sidenote: Deprived of his office.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's motives.] - -Lord Mountnorris, said Wentworth, 'was prisoner in the Castle some -two days, but upon his physician's certificate that the badness of -his lodging might prejudice his health, I sent him upon good bond -restrained only to his own house, where he is like to remain till I -receive his Majesty's further pleasure concerning him.' Mountnorris -makes the first confinement last six days, but the discrepancy is not -of much importance. Chief Justice Shirley gave his bond for 2000_l._, -and Mountnorris remained under restraint in his own house from the -middle of December 1635 until the second week of April following. In -February Lady Mountnorris petitioned for her husband's release on the -ground that his life was in danger, and reminded the Lord Deputy that -he and his prisoner were connected by marriage; but Wentworth seems to -have taken no notice of the lady's letter; and Clarendon endorsed his -copy as written by her to Wentworth 'when her husband was under the -sentence of death by martial law, and he was so hard-hearted that he -gave her no relief.' Lady Mountnorris went to London to try the King's -mercy, and Wentworth made this a reason for shutting his victim up -again in the Castle. After three weeks he was again released by the -doctors, in whose hands he remained for some time. In the meanwhile he -had been superseded, and the Vice-Treasurership conferred on Loftus. -Mountnorris was frequently brought before the Council on charges of -malversation, but it does not appear that any actual sentence was given -against him, and he refused to sue out his pardon in consequence. -He signed a submission to the King, but the Deputy's pride was not -satisfied, and he was again imprisoned during the whole of February -1637. In July Lady Mountnorris obtained the King's leave for her -husband's return to England, but this was not acted on for some months, -and perhaps Charles did not intend it to be taken too literally. -Writing from London to Wandesford, Wentworth directed that he should -not be allowed to leave Ireland, claiming that the case should be -decided in Dublin and by himself. It was not till the autumn of 1637 -that Mountnorris got out of Ireland, 'wondrously humbled as much as -Chaucer's friar'; and in a letter to his friend Conway Wentworth -admitted his real motives. 'I told him I never wished ill to his -estate nor person further than to remove him thence where he was as -well a trouble as an offence unto me.' He had, in short, turned out an -opponent and given his place to an adherent, and that seemed to him a -sufficient explanation.[227] - -[Sidenote: The story told by Mountnorris himself, 1640.] - -Mountnorris's petition was presented to the House of Commons, November -7, 1640, along with the sentence of the Castle Chamber, pronounced -December 12, 1635. He says Strafford 'conceived a causeless distaste -against him, and thereupon endeavoured the revenge of some supposed -personal neglect' by ruining him. Being already secretary of the -Irish Council, King James gave him a patent of 200_l._ with other -emoluments in reversion after Sir Dudley Norton's death or retirement. -But Strafford falsely accused him of incivility to his brother Sir -George, obtained a surrender from Norton, and, 'contrary to all right -and justice, procured the said offices and fees to be conferred -upon Sir Philip Mainwaring,' and maintained him in possession by -his despotic authority. King Charles had made him Vice-Treasurer -and Receiver-General, and seven years later Treasurer at wars. He -refused when Strafford required him to make a 'dishonourable sale of -the said offices,' at which he was so enraged that he trumped up the -prosecution and 'in a time of public peace and serenity within that -realm, December 12, 1635, did call a council of war and did accuse -your petitioner of some words supposed to be spoken by your petitioner -many months before tending in his lordship's strained construction to -the disturbance of government, and without allowing your petitioner -liberty of clearing his innocence in a legal manner or so much as an -hour's time to make his just defence, proceeded to sentence at the -same time, and although the said supposed words were no ways criminal -sentenced a peer to death.' He respited the execution for the further -advancing of his 'own ends,' but used it to dispose of Mountnorris's -foot-company and kept him a prisoner in the Castle from December 12, -1635, until April 16, 1637. During that time all his effects and papers -were 'strictly searched by some of his greatest adversaries by his -lordship's direction.' Twenty days of close confinement threatening his -life obliged him to submit and accept a pardon. After this Strafford -took advantage of his imprisonment to issue a commission of his own -choice to inquire into his office, and made misrepresentations to the -King, who made Sir Adam Loftus, 'one of his accusers,' Receiver-General -and Treasurer at wars. Information was laid against him in the Castle -Chamber during his imprisonment and sickness as to his supposed -misdemeanour. He was conscious of no guilt, but finding he would be -tried by the same 'inquisitors,' all prejudiced, he was reduced 'to the -miserable choice' either to go on suffering even worse or to make a -submission as Strafford wished, 'whereupon your petitioner was enforced -in ignominious manner to make submission, hoping thereby to purchase -his liberty and go into England according to his Majesty's directions,' -but he was kept in prison all the same. No one ever maintained that -Star Chamber or Council, had any jurisdiction to try questions of title -between man and man, yet he had been deprived on a 'paper petition' of -a manor in Ireland after eighteen years' quiet possession, and turned -out by Strafford's own warrant, and he was deprived of his legal remedy -in other cases.[228] - -The witnesses to the words about revenge were Lord Moore and Sir Robert -Loftus, who were present, but were not the original reporters of the -expression. - -It is particularly stated that the sentence was unanimous, and that -there was a breach of the 41st and 13th articles of war--sentence for -the first, imprisonment, public disarming, and banishment from the -Army, and for ever disabled to bear arms; and for the 13th death. - -The articles of war were printed and published on March 13, 1633, and -are the same as those used by Falkland, Wilmot, and others. - -[Sidenote: Case of Lord Chancellor Loftus.] - -[Sidenote: The Chancellor is suspended, and placed under arrest, April, -1638.] - -Wentworth had probably distrusted Mountnorris from the first. The Lord -Chancellor, on the contrary, had frequently earned his praise, and as -late as the summer of 1636 a special grant of 3000_l._ was made to -him on his recommendation. A few months afterwards the two men were -engaged in an acrimonious correspondence about the appointment of a -lawyer to do temporary duty on circuit. The explanation of this charge -is to be found in certain legal proceedings which had taken place in -the meantime. In the year 1621 the Chancellor's eldest son, Robert, -had married Eleanor, daughter of Sir Francis Rushe, whose sister long -afterwards became the wife of Wentworth's brother, Sir George. It was -alleged that the Chancellor had promised to settle Monasterevan and -1500_l._ a year in land upon the young couple, and that the bride had -paid over her dowry of 1750_l._ on this consideration. It was now -sought after all these years to enforce specific performance of the -Chancellor's verbal promise. The proceedings were taken by Eleanor's -half-brother, Sir John Gifford, as her next friend, her husband -refusing to be a party, though he had a solicitor to watch the case. -It is not clear that ordinary courts of law had no jurisdiction in -the case, but it was assumed to be matter of equity, and a King's -letter was obtained remitting it to the Council on the ground that -the Lord Chancellor was chief equity judge and that he could not -adjudicate in his own cause. Sir William Colley swore in a hesitating -and inconsistent way at the trial in 1638 to what the Chancellor had -said in 1621, who upon this ground was ordered to settle all the lands -to the value of 1200_l._ a year upon Sir Robert Loftus and his heirs -general, to the exclusion of the second son, Edward, who was to have an -annual rent-charge of 200_l._ The King professed himself anxious for -the maintenance of the peerage, but the judgment, had it been finally -confirmed, would have had the contrary effect, for Sir Robert's only -son died shortly afterwards, and the property would have gone to his -sister, whose uncle, as heir male, would have had the title with -nothing to support it. This judgment was given on February 1, 1638, -but the Chancellor was in no hurry to obey, having already appealed to -the King himself, and on April 20 he was suspended by the Lord Deputy -and Council, and ordered to give up the Great Seal next day. The seal -not being so produced, Loftus was thereupon committed, and remained -under restraint for sixteen months. It was afterwards pretended that -this extreme severity to an octogenarian public servant was caused by -evidence of judicial misconduct in another case, but Wentworth did not -say so at the time. Loftus may have been guilty of some irregularities, -but nothing like corruption was proved against him, and it is probable -that little would have been heard of these grave misdemeanours if his -daughter-in-law had not been Wentworth's friend and if her sister -had not lately been married to his brother. In one letter he calls -the Chancellor's wife 'a fury,' and in another he speaks of 'that -unclean-mouthed daughter of his, the Lord Moore's wife.'[229] - -[Sidenote: Severe treatment of Loftus.] - -[Sidenote: The King supports Wentworth.] - -[Sidenote: Loftus submits,] - -[Sidenote: but appeals to the Long Parliament.] - -More than ten years before Loftus had obtained a royal licence to go -to England whenever he thought fit, and to put the Great Seal into -commission. He did not now rely upon this, but asked for special -leave, and Charles granted it at once. The King's letter probably -arrived before the suspension of the Chancellor, who sent over his -second son Edward. The latter had been made a party to the suit -against his father, and Wentworth considered that this aggravated his -contempt, though Edward does not seem to have held any office. When the -Chancellor was first summoned before the Council he was not required -to kneel 'considering his age and the eminency of his place,' but a -resolution was passed that neither he nor anyone else should be so -excused in future. On the second occasion he said he would rather die -than kneel, and on the following day maintained that no such compliance -had been required from one of his rank and quality for a hundred years, -and that 'the Great Seal ought not to creep on knees and elbows to -any subordinate person in the world.' He refused to give up the seal -or to bring it with him; having received it from the King he would -surrender it only to an order under the royal hand. After this he was -committed to the Castle until the King's pleasure should be known. -In his petition to Charles for release he stated that he was 'very -aged and the prison very close and pestered with many prisoners.' But -Wentworth and his subservient Council, fortified by a petition of Sir -John Gifford, magnified the Chancellor's refusal to kneel into a great -offence, and urged the King not to allow him over to England until -he had fully submitted to their decree as to Monasterevan and the -rest. The despatch was sent over by Sir George Radcliffe, so that no -means was neglected to prejudice Charles against the old Chancellor. -The leave was suspended accordingly, and in a later letter the King -even blamed the 'over-much forbearance and patience' of the Deputy -and Council, and ordered that the prisoner should not be allowed to -go without acknowledging his fault and suing for pardon. After about -eleven months' confinement the King ordered that the Chancellor -should be kept a close prisoner, whereupon Lady Loftus was forced to -leave her husband, 'though the small sustenance whereby he liveth is -ministered by her hands.' His chaplains were also refused access to -him. Afterwards just as much relaxation was allowed as to prevent the -prisoner actually dying, and he was under restraint in his own house -for a short time. A threat of further close confinement in the Castle -at last broke his spirit, and he made over his property to trustees -who were all Wentworth's close allies--Wandesford, Sir Adam Loftus, -Lord Dillon, and his secretary, Sir Philip Mainwaring. The Chancellor -had already made a submission to the Lord Deputy in terms sufficiently -humble. Lady Moore made great exertions, and in June 1639 she was seen -on her knees before Charles at Berwick 'very earnestly soliciting for -her father's coming over.' His appeal to the King was fruitless, for -Wentworth was in London before him and at the height of his power. In -November 1639 the decree of the Irish Council was confirmed, and Sir -Richard Bolton was appointed Chancellor a few days later. Less than -twelve months after the decision of the appeal the Long Parliament was -sitting, and Wentworth was in the custody of Black Rod. Sir Robert -Loftus and his wife both died before the Chancellor, who lived long -enough to see all the decrees against him reversed by the English House -of Lords, but the litigation arising out of the case extended far into -the reign of Charles II. During the civil war the Irish estates were -not of much use to anyone.[230] - -[Sidenote: Judgement of contemporaries on this case.] - -[Sidenote: Clarendon.] - -[Sidenote: Warwick.] - -[Sidenote: Lady Loftus.] - -Loftus was no doubt a difficult man to work with for he had been -on bad terms with both Falkland and Cork. He was stiff-necked, and -Wentworth demanded subserviency, as he showed in the cases both of -Wilmot and Mountnorris. Having been acting viceroy for four years, -Loftus was not inclined to step down too far, and he considered that -a Chancellor's rights and position were quite independent of the -viceroy. That, no doubt, was the unpardonable sin. 'Most men,' says -Clarendon, who had good opportunities of judging, 'that weighed the -whole matter, believed it to be a high act of oppression, and not to -be without a mixture of that policy which was spoken of before in the -case of the Lord Mountnorris; for the Chancellor, being a person of -great experience, subtlety, and prudence, had been always very severe -to departed deputies; and not over agreeable or in any degree submiss -to their full power; and taking himself to be the second person of the -kingdom during his life, thought himself little less than equal to the -first, who could naturally hope but for a term of six years in that -superiority; neither had he ever before met with the least check, -that might make him suspect a diminution of his authority, dexterity, -or interest.' 'The lofty humour of this great man,' says Sir Philip -Warwick, 'engaged him too often and against too many. And particularly -one dispute with the old Chancellor Loftus, which was sullied by an -amour, as was supposed, betwixt him and his daughter-in-law.' Clarendon -has some ambiguous expressions to which the same meaning has been -given, and the fact that Sir Robert Loftus refused to join in the suit -against his father is capable of being construed in the same way. Such -charges, however, are much easier to make than to disprove, and we -are not called upon to believe that there was any intrigue. Writing -to his friend Conway in August 1639, he announces young Lady Loftus' -death as that of 'one of the noblest persons I ever had the happiness -to be acquainted with; and as I had received greater obligations from -her ladyship than from all Ireland besides, so with her are gone the -greatest part of my affections to the country, and all that is left of -them shall be thankfully and religiously paid to her excellent memory -and lasting goodness.'[231] - -[Sidenote: The great Earl of Cork.] - -[Sidenote: Raleigh's successor. Church property.] - -[Sidenote: Cork and Wentworth.] - -Richard Earl of Cork was certainly the most important man in Ireland, -and was generally considered the King's richest subject. He had made -his great fortune himself, and it would be hard to show that it was -not made honestly. There were many opportunities for speculation -after the Desmond wars, and he used them to the utmost, buying in the -cheapest market, and selling, if he sold at all, in the dearest. After -Grandison's death he was made Lord Treasurer, and he was a royalist -to the backbone. If Wentworth had been a constitutional statesman, -rather than a despotic viceroy, he would have made a friend of Cork; -but he preferred to humiliate him, caring nothing for his hostility, -provided some of his money could be diverted to the King's coffers. -Like most public men in Ireland, Lord Cork was in possession of some -land which had belonged to the Church, and of some livings also. -He purchased Raleigh's vast possessions for 1500_l._, after their -nascent prosperity had been destroyed in the last Desmond rebellion, -and it was no fault of his if the Church had been badly treated at -the time of forfeiture. Lismore Cathedral had been burned down by -the White Knight and his crew, but even in this case Cork made some -attempt at restoration, and might have done more if his title had not -been disputed by Laud and Wentworth, who made Bishop Michael Boyle of -Waterford their stalking horse in the attack on his great kinsman. 'I -knew the bishop well,' said Laud, 'and when he lived in the college -(St. John's) he would have done anything or sold anyone for sixpence -profit.' The see-lands at Lismore and Ardmore were leased to Raleigh by -two bishops, and the blame should fall on him rather than upon Boyle, -who purchased the property as it stood. Wentworth was right in trying -to recover Church property which had been wrongly alienated, but not -in making the holder personally responsible. In the end Ardmore was -restored to the see, and Lismore was confirmed to the Earl of Cork. -After the breaking up of the third Parliament in 1629, Cork was pressed -to lend the King 15,000_l._ on the security of the Irish customs, and -had some difficulty in getting his money back. Wentworth took care -that he should pay his full share of the subsidy. 'I do believe,' he -wrote in 1640, 'there is no man living hath suffered so much by his -(Strafford's) oppressions and injustice as myself, who with truth -affirm that I am the worse by 40,000_l._ for him in my personal estate, -and 1200_l._ a year in my revenue; and all is taken from me by his -power without any suit in law. He hath enforced me to pay 4200_l._ -within this five years for subsidies, which might have ransomed me if I -had been prisoner with the Turks, and was more than himself and all the -lords of the Council paid, for the last subsidy in England.[232] - -[Sidenote: The case of Youghal College.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth demands a fine of 30,000_l._,] - -[Sidenote: and takes 15,000_l._] - -[Sidenote: Real reason of Wentworth's hostility.] - -[Sidenote: Cork presents 1000_l._ to the King.] - -Of the many disputes between the Lord Deputy and the Lord Treasurer -one must be noticed particularly. In 1464 Thomas Earl of Desmond -founded at Youghal a college for a warden, eight fellows, and eight -singing men, who were to serve the church hard by and perhaps others -in the neighbourhood. The institution slipped through the net which -swept away ordinary monasteries, but the celibate life in common came -to an end after the Reformation, and Wetheread, Bishop of Waterford -and Lismore, became warden. He died in 1592, having let the house -to Sir Thomas Norris, and this lease was afterwards renewed to -Raleigh's trustees, whose interest Boyle purchased. That he was thus -in possession of Church property was evident, but it was in lay hands -before he acquired it, and he had bought out those concerned without -any secrecy. The original title was not very good, and Cork took every -means possible to strengthen his position. His cousin, Richard Boyle, -Bishop of Cork, was warden many years before Wentworth's arrival, -and in 1627 agreed with the three then surviving fellows to release -their claims in consideration of life annuities, amounting altogether -to 86_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ a year. Both parties swore to fulfil their -contract. Wentworth determined to prosecute Cork in the Castle-chamber -for being privy to a fabricated bond and for taking or imposing an -illegal oath. Something would be recovered for the Church, but the main -object was to extract enough money from the Earl to pay off or reduce -the existing Crown debts in Ireland. Wentworth demanded 30,000_l._ as -a voluntary fine to avoid exposure. The charge of forgery was found to -be false, and as to the oath Cork, who throughout maintained that he -had done nothing wrong, could show that it was voluntary on both sides, -and of a character not uncommon in Ireland. His friends, including -his eldest son, knew perfectly well what the result of a trial would -be, and induced the Earl to pay 15,000_l._, Wentworth pleasantly -representing this as a saving of that sum to the accused. The day -of trial was actually fixed, and Cork found his old antagonist, the -Chancellor, sitting on a form in the gallery, who said he had read all -the pleadings and that there was nothing in them. 'Then,' says Cork, -'I told his lordship that I hoped he would deliver his vote for my -clearing. "Nay, by my faith (quoth he) I will not promise you that." -I replied again that if he were in my case I would clear him if my -conscience did assure me he were not guilty. His lordship answered -that it was very necessary for me to be exceeding careful of myself; -for that it was not my cause, but my judges, I was to fear.' In the -end Cork had the property confirmed to him by the King, abandoning -certain tithes and presentations worth about 700_l._ a year, which -were recovered for the Church, but which were in lay hands when Cork -acquired them. 'God's wounds, sir,' said Wentworth to the Earl, 'when -the last Parliament in England broke up you lent the King 15,000_l._ -And afterwards in a very uncivil unmannerly manner you pressed his -Majesty to restore it you. Whereupon I resolved before I came out of -England to fetch it back again from you, by one means or other. And -now I have gotten what I desired you and I will be friends hereafter.' -The money was duly paid within two years. Laud congratulated himself -on having kept the King steady throughout; but Charles seems to have -had some misgivings, for he excused Cork from subscribing towards the -Scotch campaign, and afterwards graciously accepted a thousand pounds -in gold, which were sent down to the North after him.[233] - -[Sidenote: Sir Piers Crosbie's case.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth falsely accused of killing Esmond.] - -[Sidenote: Crosbie fined and imprisoned.] - -Sir Piers Crosbie had been excluded from the Irish Council for opposing -Wentworth in the Parliament of 1634. This action was sustained in -England and might easily be defended, for the distinction between -executive and legislative functions was not fully observed in those -days. Privy Councillors were then the real advisers of the Crown, and -Wentworth might fairly object to one who was an open opponent. In -modern times the Cabinet has usurped the powers of the Council, but no -one could long remain a member without submitting to the Prime Minister -in his parliamentary capacity. By withholding his confidence from all -except some half-dozen Englishmen, who owed their advancement to -him, Wentworth made enemies or very lukewarm supporters of the Irish -officials and their friends. Crosbie had commanded an Irish regiment -at Rhé, but Wentworth wrote of him as 'a gentleman of so fine and -tender parts as qualifies him much better for a lady's chamber. Was -there ever man such an Adonis, think you?' These words, or others to -the like effect, were probably in circulation, and Crosbie was in a -position to give some trouble. Lord Esmond spoke openly against the -Lord Deputy, and the death of a relation of his in prison furnished -the pretext for a false charge. Robert Esmond was a ship-owner, and -he refused in November 1634 to take some timber of Wentworth's on -board. His own defence was that the pieces were too long to be stored -on board his vessel, which was already laden with wood belonging to -the Chief Justice. Perhaps the Lord Deputy did not believe him: at all -events he shook his cane at him and sent him to gaol, and as he died of -consumption soon after being released, it is possible that confinement -may have hastened his death. It was generally given out that he died of -the beating he had received, and Esmond, Mountnorris, and others appear -to have combined with Crosbie to propagate the story. 'There is,' -Wentworth wrote, 'an impudent and false conspiracy against me. And, -verily, my lord, on this Friday (a day on which it pleased God to bring -me forth into the world) I renounce all the blessings of this passion -if ever I did or had it in my thoughts to strike Esmond, and when the -poor wand shall be shown in court wherewith I must have beaten the -man to death, the impudent untruth will further appear to you.' Lord -Esmond himself seems to have ceased to believe the story, for he told -Wentworth of the report early in 1636. It was not till 1639 that the -Star Chamber in England decided the case in Wentworth's favour. Crosbie -was fined and imprisoned for a short time. According to his own account -he was released on paying the fine, but Wentworth alleged that he broke -out of the Fleet prison. From the charge of killing Esmond, Strafford -may be fully exonerated; but it can never in any age have been right -for the Chief Governor of Ireland to shake his stick at offenders, -either in his judicial or in his military capacity.[234] - -[Sidenote: Case of Trinity College, Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Cambridge influences.] - -[Sidenote: Provost Temple, 1609.] - -[Sidenote: Bedell provost, 1627.] - -[Sidenote: Laud chosen chancellor, 1633.] - -It was originally intended that the University of Dublin should -include several colleges, as at Oxford and Cambridge, and unsuccessful -attempts were made to carry out the idea. But in fact the University -and Trinity College remained one. Some short-lived halls were founded -for the increase of accommodation. All the early provosts except Robert -Ussher, who was educated in the college itself, were Cambridge men, -and a Puritan or, as we might say, a Low Church tone was generally -maintained. Sir William Temple, who was provost from 1609 to 1627, made -the distinction between senior and junior fellows, and it was soon -decided that the right of election lay in the seniors only. Temple, who -was not in orders, objected to wear a surplice as directed by Abbot, -who was chancellor of the University. Bedell, who succeeded Temple, had -a comparatively short tenure of office, but he signalised his reign by -promulgating revised statutes and by taking steps for the teaching of -Irish, with a view to approach the natives through their own language. -When Abbot died in 1633 the fellows, at the instance of Primate Ussher, -chose Laud for their chancellor. Laud would have preferred that the -lot had fallen upon Wentworth himself, but Ussher urged him not to -refuse.[235] - -[Sidenote: Robert Ussher provost, 1629.] - -[Sidenote: Chappell provost, 1634.] - -[Sidenote: Chappell's troubles.] - -The Primate realised that his cousin Robert, who had succeeded Bedell -in 1629, was not an efficient provost. His legal powers were too -limited to control the senior fellows, who were always caballing -against him, and he was of 'too soft and gentle a disposition to rule -so heady a company.' He was weary of his work and would readily take -an easier place and make room for 'one of a more rigid temper and -stouter disposition.' Both Laud and Wentworth were of the same opinion, -and the provost was glad to accept the archdeaconry of Meath, and -later the bishopric of Kildare along with it. William Chappell, Dean -of Cashel, was chosen provost in his place, though he had positively -refused to be named when Bedell resigned. Perhaps he thought anything -better than residence at Cashel. 'God knows,' he exclaimed, 'what I -suffered there!' He wrote his own life, or part of it, in Latin iambics -which are not very good for the head of a college; but he is perhaps -best known as the fellow and tutor of Christ's who is supposed to have -flogged John Milton. Wentworth went to the college himself and ordered -the fellows to elect Chappell, which they readily did; in any case the -King had determined that he should be the man. Laud re-edited Bedell's -revised statutes, and reduced the number of visitors from seven, among -whom Ussher had a preponderating influence, to three--namely, himself, -the Primate, and the Archbishop of Dublin, who was an Englishman and -certain not to oppose the Crown. Chappell was found to be a useful -instrument, though he did not work at all smoothly, and Wentworth -insisted on his accepting the bishopric of Cork and holding it along -with the provostship. This he was unwilling to do, having sworn that -he would not seek such a plurality of office either directly or -indirectly; but he was overruled by Wentworth and Radcliffe. Both -Ussher and Bramhall objected, and Laud evidently had misgivings, though -he yielded to the Lord Deputy. The distance of Cork from Dublin seemed -to him a real obstacle, though he considered that the appointment -was not illegal, since the provost had not in any way solicited his -bishopric. 'So here I stick,' cries Chappell, 'distracted between -remote places, both full of quarrels, which my soul abhors as my body -does the journeys.'[236] - -[Sidenote: The Irish lecture abandoned.] - -[Sidenote: English fellows imported.] - -Chappell suppressed the Irish lecture, abandoning all idea of reaching -the natives through their own language; and this was in accordance -with Wentworth's policy. Above all things, wrote the latter to Laud, -'I would recommend that we might have half a dozen good scholars to -be sent over to us to be made fellows; there will be room for so many -once in a year, and this encouragement I will give them, _cæteris -paribus_ I will prefer them before any but my own chaplains, which, I -assure you, are not many.' Some were brought over accordingly, and one -of them, named Harding, became tutor to Wentworth's son; but at the -age of eleven he could hardly be considered a specimen undergraduate. -Falkland had also placed his eldest son in the college, where he took -his degree at fifteen. Wentworth's plan was to put Englishmen into -every position of power or influence in Ireland and to depress all of -native birth. Even Primate Ussher, though the Lord Deputy respected and -admired him, had much less influence than Bramhall. The King was to be -absolute in both islands and State being reduced to uniformity. That -was Thorough.[237] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[223] The pardon, November 7, 1625, is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_; -Wilmot's submission, October 3, 1635, in _Strafford Letters_, i. 477, -and his letter to Wentworth, _ib._ ii. 41; Laud to Wentworth, _ib._ i. -479; Wilmot to Windebank May 28, 1636, Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_. - -[224] _Strafford Letters_, i. 73, 99, 107, 250, 259, 306, 349, 403. -Mountnorris held his office during pleasure. - -[225] Wentworth to Coke, December 14, 1635, enclosing the sentence of -the court-martial, in Strafford's letters; this is preferable, so far -as it goes, to the account in Rushworth's _Trial of Strafford_, where -the abstract contains inaccuracies. Lord Chancellor Loftus had no son -Adam, Sir Adam was his cousin. The Annesley whom Wentworth had rebuked -and who dropped the stool, and the Annesley who was Mountnorris's -lieutenant were brothers, but neither was the Vice-Treasurer's brother, -as is so often stated. Garrard to Wentworth, January 8, 1635-6. - -[226] Lord Keeper Coventry to Wentworth, December 24, 1635; James -Howell to Wentworth, January 1; Garrard to Wentworth, January 8 and 25, -1635-6; Cottington to Wentworth, January 27; Coke to Wentworth, January -31, _Strafford Letters_; Wentworth to Price, February 14 in State -Papers, _Ireland_. See also Gardiner's _Hist. of England_, chap. 81. -For further details about the 6,000_l._ see Laud to Wentworth, February -4, 1635-6, in Laud's _Works_, vii. 240. Howell says Mountnorris's -discomfiture was popular at Court, but Garrard thought differently. -Clarendon's _Hist. of the Rebellion_, ii. 101. - -[227] Rushworth's Trial of Strafford, _Court and Times_, ii. 271, -Wentworth to Coke, January 3, 1635-6; to Wandesford, July 25, 1636; -to Conway, January 6, 1637-8. Cal. of Clarendon Papers, February 13, -1635-6, July 18, 1636. Conway to Wentworth, October 23, 1637. - -[228] A true copy of the sentence of war pronounced against Sir Francis -Annesley, Knight and Baron Mountnorris, etc., together with his -Lordship's petition, etc. London; printed for J. B., 1641. - -[229] A good view of the Loftus case may be obtained from Arthur Earl -of Essex's report in the _Drogheda Papers_ in the Ninth Report of the -Hist. MSS. Comm., Appx. ii., and in the _House of Lords Papers_ in the -4th and 5th Reports. See also _Strafford Letters_, ii. 160-164, 257, -and _Rawdon Papers_, pp. 26, 54, and the _Barrett-Lennard Papers_ in -the third vol. of the Report of the Royal Hist. Commission on 'various -collections,' 1904. - -[230] Besides the authorities quoted above there is the affidavit of -Henry Parry, sworn November 16, 1652, wherein it is stated that Loftus' -chaplain was not allowed to see him with a view to administering -the sacrament in his extreme illness. Parry thinks his treatment by -Strafford cost him 24,000_l._, and that he lost 80,000_l._ more by the -rebellion.--Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_, 1647-1660, p. 576. - -[231] Clarendon's _History_, iii. 115-117; Warwick's _Memoirs_, 116; -_Strafford Letters_, ii. 381. - -[232] _Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, iv. 187. The case for Cork as -against Strafford is contained in both series of these papers, and is -summed up in Smith's _Hist. of Cork_, vol. i. chap. 3, and in Mrs. -Townshend's _Great Earl of Cork_. If these documents had been known to -Gardiner, he might have judged Lord Cork very differently. - -[233] The Earl of Cork's Remembrances, April 22 to June 2, 1636, in -_Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, iii. 247, and his Diary, _ib._ 1st -series, iv. 175, 179. Report on the Youghal case calendared at May 3, -1634, in State Papers, _Ireland_, Laud to Wentworth, October 4, 1635, -in his _Works_, vii. 171. Mrs. Townshend's _Great Earl of Cork_, chap. -16, may be consulted with advantage. - -[234] Wentworth to Conway, Cal. of State Papers, _Ireland_, March 12, -1635; Notes of the Star Chamber trial, _ib._ May 10, 1639; _Rushworth_, -iii. 888 and viii. 109; Wentworth to Sir John Bramston, C.J., April 12, -1639, in Browning's (really Forster's) _Life of Strafford_, 1892. And -see the note to Gardiner's _Hist. of England_, ix. 71. - -[235] Ussher to Laud, in his _Works_, xv. 572-575; Laud to Wentworth, -March 11, 1633-34, in his _Works_, vi. 255; Wentworth to Laud, August -23, 1634, in _Strafford Letters_. - -[236] Ussher to Dr. Ward, 1633 (before September); to Laud, July -9, 1638, in his _Works_; Laud to Bramhall, August 11, 1638, in his -_Works_, vi. 532--'the motion of the Provost's keeping the College, -though he was a Bishop, proceeded originally from the Lord Deputy, and -not from me'; to Wentworth, July 30, _ib._ vii. 43; to same, September -10, 1638, _ib._ vi. 535--'Methinks you might speak privately with the -Primate, and so do what you would with him. As for the Bishop of Derry, -I presume you can rule him; if not, you were better send the Provost -fairly with honour to his bishopric, and think of as good a successor -as you can for the college'; to same, December 29, 1638, _ib._ vi. 551. -Chappell's metrical autobiography is in Peck's _Desiderata Curiosa_, -Lib. xi. - -[237] Wentworth to Laud, August 23, 1634, _Strafford Letters._ Further -details may be found in Stubbs's _Hist. of the Univ. of Dublin_, and in -Dr. Mahaffy's _Epoch in Irish Hist._ - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -STRAFFORD'S GOVERNMENT, 1638-1640 - - -[Sidenote: Wentworth's account of his stewardship, 1636.] - -[Sidenote: The Church.] - -[Sidenote: Finance.] - -[Sidenote: The army.] - -[Sidenote: Law reform.] - -[Sidenote: Trade.] - -Wentworth was in England from the beginning of June until late in -November 1636, rooms being assigned to him at Hampton Court. Wandesford -and the Chancellor were Lords Justices, and very careful to do nothing -of themselves, so that the Lord Deputy found the situation unchanged -at his return. His best work in Ireland was already done, and he was -able to give a very good account of it. Thirty thousand pounds a year -had been recovered for the Church, impropriations in the hands of the -Crown having been all restored to the clergy. A High Commission Court -had been erected, and measures taken to prevent improvident leases of -Church lands. Some progress had been made in restoring the churches, -most of which had been roofless ruins since the Desmond and Tyrone -wars. Decency was re-established in service time, as to which it may be -sufficient to say that Wentworth had found 'the communion table was sat -upon as ordinary as any other place.' The English canons were put in -force and the Thirty-nine Articles adopted, 'those of Ireland silenced -and passed by.' He had found an excess of expenditure amounting to -24,000_l._ over income, and a debt of 94,000_l._ An equilibrium had -now been established and the arrears cleared off; and a future surplus -of 50,000_l._ might be secured if his plans were not thwarted by hasty -grants. He had inspected every single man of the 2000 foot and 600 -horse forming his army, 'the great peacemaker between the British and -the natives, between the Protestant and the Papist'; whereas some -former generals had been several years in Ireland without reviewing -one company. The troops were properly clothed, armed, and paid, and -discipline was so strict that the soldiers dared not take a chicken -without paying 'at the owner's price.' The law had been assimilated -by the late Parliament to that of England, and its administration was -greatly improved. Trade had increased by the almost total suppression -of piracy, and means were taken to encourage the growing and spinning -of flax. But revenue was in his eyes the most important part of -commerce, and the cloth business was depressed because it interfered -with an English staple industry, 'the rather that by the wool of -Ireland the King hath four times custom: first, when it is brought -into England, and here when it is landed, and then here when it is -transported in cloth, and also for the commodities which is returned.' -On the other hand, he persuaded the King to take off a lately imposed -export duty of four shillings a ton on coal for Ireland, and another -heavy one on horses, which interfered with his military plans; and -an import duty of eighteenpence and sixpence respectively upon Irish -cattle and sheep.[238] - -[Sidenote: An earldom again refused.] - -[Sidenote: Lady Carlisle.] - -Wentworth was useful to the King in the ship-money trouble as well -as in Ireland, more than once expressing a wish that Mr. Hampden -should be well whipped into his right senses. He had Charles's entire -approbation, and wished for a mark of honour to carry back to his -government, without which it might be supposed that he was more or -less in disgrace at Court. The last rebuff had made him shy, and this -time he used Laud's mediation; but the earldom was again refused. No -answer was given to the Archbishop, who had observed that his Majesty -'loved extremely to have such things, especially once moved, to come -from himself,' and on this occasion the sovereign laid down that titles -were useful 'not to quell envy, but to reward service.' He had not much -regard for his minister's feelings. Wentworth knew very well that his -hold upon Ireland depended on the belief that he was firmly rooted in -the King's favour, and he would have liked some outward and visible -sign of it. He left London victorious for the time, but knowing that -he had many enemies in high places and very few real friends. During -this visit he formed a close alliance with Lady Carlisle, who had been -lately left a widow. Her husband bequeathed to her his interest in -Ireland, the value of which depended much upon the good will of the -all-powerful Lord Deputy. Financial considerations may have moved the -lady first, and Wentworth on his part may have desired the help of -someone who stood well with the Queen. At all events, the admiration -was mutual, for she even regulated her movements by his, and was -repaid, as her sister Lady Leicester reported, by having 'more power -with him than any creature.' When he reached York he was nearly killed -with feasting, after which he had a few weeks' rest in the country. -'With what quietness in myself,' he wrote from Gawthorp, 'could I live -here in comparison with that noise and labour I meet with elsewhere; -and I protest put up more crowns in my purse at the year's end too. -But we'll let that pass, for I am not like to enjoy that blessed -condition upon earth. And therefore my resolution is set to endure and -struggle with it as long as this crazy body will bear it, and finally -drop into the silent grave where both all these and myself are to be -forgotten.'[239] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth supreme in Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: His Irish estates.] - -[Sidenote: Country life.] - -[Sidenote: Game laws.] - -Wentworth returned to Ireland late in 1636, and remained there for -more than two years and a half. He continued to pursue the policy -already described, and as he had completely defeated his enemies at -Court his power was greater than ever, notwithstanding the last rebuff -about an earl's coronet. In every dispute he was victorious, though -we know from what happened afterwards that there was deep discontent. -He did not neglect his own affairs, and though he knew well by how -frail a tenure he held authority, the founder of a dynasty could -scarcely have proceeded with greater confidence. As a man of fortune, -he could afford to wait for profits, and his delight in building and -planting was great. He had 6000_l._ a year in England, which was a -great deal in those days; and he told Laud that his expenditure in -Ireland far exceeded his official emoluments. He did, however, acquire -a large Irish estate, though he is not seriously accused of getting -it by unfair means. In 1637 he had bought land worth some 13,000_l._, -but his debts had increased by more than half that amount. A country -residence for himself and his successors and another for the King's -representative, or for the sovereign himself should he visit Ireland, -occupied as much of his time and thoughts as could be spared from -public business. His love of the country was genuine. Writing from his -Yorkshire home in 1623, he says that his ambition there was limited -to 'looking on a tulip, hearing a bird sing, a rivulet murmuring, or -some such petty and innocent pastime ... having recovered more in a day -by an open country air than in a fortnight's time in that smothering -one of London.' He was fond of field sports, and as there were no -partridges near Dublin, he trained sparrow-hawks to fly at blackbirds. -'It is excellent sport,' he told Cottington, 'there being sometimes -two hundred horse in the field looking upon us.' In Tipperary he found -plenty of partridges, and killed them daily with his hawk, wishing that -his children had some of the plums which that county also produced. -In Wicklow he amused himself by shooting outlying bucks, complaining -that he was bitten all over by much worse midges than are found in -England--'surely they are younger brothers to the muskitoes the Indies -brag of so much.' By a drastic proclamation he tried to preserve all -pheasants, grouse, and partridges within seven miles of Dublin or -five miles of Naas. From time to time he sent eels, salt fish, and -dried venison to Laud, who much appreciated these delicacies, while -laughing at the badness of the hung beef which Wentworth procured -from Yorkshire. On one occasion he sent the Archbishop ninety-two -skins of the pine-marten, now very rare, to line a gown with. Ormonde -entertained him twice, at Carrick-on-Suir and Kilkenny Castle, which he -greatly admired as well as the country round. In writing to his wife he -praised or criticised the ladies' looks, but found no time to notice -their dresses. At Kilkenny, he says, 'the town entertained us with the -force of oratory and the fury of poetry, and rather taught me what I -should be than told me what I am.'[240] - -[Sidenote: Strafford's buildings.] - -[Sidenote: The park of parks.] - -'They say I build up to the sky,' Wentworth wrote in the autumn of -1637; but he had already several houses in Yorkshire, and his object -was a public one. At Sigginstown or Jigginstown, near Naas, he had -almost completed a palace at an expense of 6000_l._ The King might -have it at cost price, otherwise he would bear the loss himself. He -dissuaded his wife from joining him there while he was wrangling -with workmen, but hoped it would soon be ready to receive her. Just -six years afterwards Ormonde's truce with the rebels was signed in -this very house, which still stands, though roofless. It was built -of bricks, probably Dutch-made, and there is a doubtful tradition -that they were transmitted from hand to hand all the way from Dublin. -Wentworth talked about spending 1200_l._ upon a residence for himself -in what he calls 'the park of parks' near Tinahely in Wicklow, -intending it as a health resort which might enable him to disappoint -his enemies by living a little longer. The foundations of this house, -locally known as 'Black Tom's Kitchen', may still be seen; but the -lands of Fairwood have for the most part been sold to the tenants, who -have converted the fine old trees into ready money. Wentworth's last -visit was in August 1639, but he seems to have lived in a temporary -wooden building, and the strong stone house was never finished. He -then hoped to leave to his son one of the finest places in the King's -dominions, 'where a grass-time may be passed with most pleasure of that -kind,' a good house and an income of near 3000_l._, with 'wood on the -ground as much, I daresay, if near London, as would yield 50,000_l._, -besides a house within twelve miles of Dublin, the best in Ireland, -and land to it which I hope will be 2000_l._ a year.'[241] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth becomes the King's chief adviser, 1639.] - -[Sidenote: His misgivings.] - -While at Doncaster, after the treaty of Berwick, the King saw a -messenger from Wentworth, who gave him his latest ideas on the Loftus -case. Charles reached London on August 2 1639, and within three weeks -it was known that the Lord Deputy would be sent for and perhaps made -Lord Treasurer. He arrived at his own house in Covent Garden on -September 21, and became virtually chief minister until the meeting -of the Long Parliament, though his advice was not always taken. Juxon -remained in charge of an empty Treasury. Lord Dillon and Wandesford had -been left in Ireland as Lords Justices, but Radcliffe was more trusted -than anyone. Wentworth did not neglect the affairs of Ireland, but he -had no time to write at length, though he was able to bring the Loftus -affair to the conclusion he desired. He was particularly anxious that -Lady Carlisle's interests in Ireland should not be neglected, and no -doubt he often saw her. While devoting himself heart and soul to the -King's affairs, he was under no illusion as to their evil condition. -Writing from St. Albans on the morning of the day when he reached -London, 'I find,' he told Radcliffe, 'a great expectation is drawn -upon me, for which I am most sorry; and the nearer I come to it the -more my heart fails me; nor can I promise unto myself any good by this -journey.'[242] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth advises a Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: He is made Lord Lieutenant and Earl of Strafford] - -On November 19, in the King's presence, the Privy Council gave judgment -for Wentworth against the Irish Chancellor. Very soon afterwards it was -decided on his recommendation that a Parliament should be held both in -England and Ireland, and he fancied that some popularity had come to -him in consequence. So much did Charles lean on him, that his presence -at the opening of both Parliaments was considered necessary. He tried -to maintain Sir John Coke in office, but indeed the Secretary was -superannuated, and he failed to obtain the succession for Leicester, -the appointment being given to Vane, whom he hated and despised. But -he was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, a title which had not been -conferred since Devonshire's time, with power to appoint a deputy, -and so to direct affairs on both sides of St. George's Channel; and -he received the earldom which had been twice refused. He had the -bad taste to take a second title from Vane's house at Raby, and the -latter bitterly resented what was probably an intentional insult on -Strafford's part; 'and I believe,' says Clarendon, 'it was the loss of -his head.'[243] - -[Sidenote: Strafford reconciled to the Queen.] - -[Sidenote: An Irish army to subdue Scotland.] - -[Sidenote: An Irish Parliament, March, 1640.] - -Before taking leave of the King, Strafford attended a meeting of the -Council, where a subscription was opened to meet his Majesty's most -pressing needs, and he headed the list with 20,000_l._ He left London -on March 5 in the Queen's coach and six, which shows that he had -been reconciled to her, and carried with him instructions as to the -Irish Parliament. The King enlarged upon the enormities of the Scots, -professing himself sure of Ireland, and demanding six subsidies to -be paid in three years, but holding out hopes of two being remitted -if the misguided faction in North Britain should submit to his just -desires. That he did not much expect such submission is clear from -his determination to raise 8,000 foot and 1000 horse in Ireland, 'the -better and more speedily to reduce those others in Scotland to their -due obedience.' Strafford was attacked by gout at Beaumaris, but -hastened over to Ireland, determined, whatever pain he might have, to -be back in time for the opening of Parliament at Westminster--'I should -not fail, though Sir John Eliot were living.' Halt, lame, or blind, he -would be true to the King's service, and he reflected on what he might -be able to do with legs, since he was so brave without them. The Irish -Parliament had been summoned for March 16, and the Lord-Lieutenant -did not land until two days later. The Lords Justices and Council had -already determined to ask for four subsidies, for six had been voted -on a former occasion, and they feared an exact repetition lest the -taxpayers might take alarm at the prospect of a recurrent charge. -Nothing was actually done until Strafford arrived on the 18th, after -forty-eight hours tossing in the channel. On the 19th he summoned the -Council, and next day opened Parliament in state, and confirmed the -election of Sir Maurice Eustace as Speaker of the House of Commons. -Eustace made a pompous oration, containing six long quotations from -Horace and abundance of other Latin. 'The Brehon law,' he said, 'with -her two brats of tanistry and Irish gavelkind, like the children of the -bondwoman, are cast out as spurious and adulterate.' Everyone rejoiced -to see that the son of the free woman prevailed, and the King's -subjects should boast that they only had peace, while France, Germany, -Spain, and the dominions of the House of Austria were laid waste by -war.[244] - -[Sidenote: Four subsidies voted.] - -[Sidenote: Subservience of Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Declaration in praise of Strafford.] - -In his opening speech to Parliament, which the journals say was -excellent, Strafford, having heard Wandesford and the rest, ventured -slightly to vary the King's instructions. Instead of demanding six -subsidies he allowed four to be moved for, and they were granted with -such alacrity that he acknowledged the plan of the Council to be best, -and confidently affirmed his belief that the Commons would be ready to -give as many subsidies more after the first four had been levied. Some -members, indeed, declared themselves ready to give the fee of their -estates, if occasion required, and to leave themselves nothing but hose -and doublet. The native representatives were loud in their loyalty, and -there were no dissentient voices, 'all expressing even with passion -how much they abhorred the Scotch Covenanters.' Not only were the -subsidies voted, but a declaration of the most extreme character was -agreed to. Both Houses were ready to give their all for the reduction -of the Covenanters, and desired that this should be 'published in print -for a testimony to all the world and succeeding ages that as this -kingdom hath the happiness to be governed by the best of kings, so they -are desirous to give his Majesty just cause to account of this people -amongst the best of his subjects.' To complete the Lord Lieutenant's -momentary triumph, the preamble of the Subsidy Bill was a panegyric -upon that 'just, wise, vigilant, and profitable governor.' He was given -full credit for the Commission for defective titles, for restoring the -Church and reforming the army, for his justice and impartiality, and -for his 'care to relieve and redress the poor and oppressed.' On March -31 he came down again to the House of Lords in state, and gave the -royal assent to the Subsidy and eight other Bills. The declaration had -been entered on the Parliament roll, and Strafford took care to have -some hundreds of copies printed for distribution by him in England. The -clergy taxed themselves very heavily, and so a revenue was provided for -some years. Strafford seems actually to have believed that the King -was infinitely reverenced in Ireland, and that he himself was quite -popular, though some spiteful people had asserted the contrary. 'God -forgive their calumnies,' he said, 'and I do.'[245] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[238] Report by the Lord Deputy, June 21, 1636, State Papers, -_Ireland_; Wentworth to Wandesford, July 25, _Strafford Letters_, ii. -13-23. - -[239] Laud to Wentworth, August 31, September 8 and 26, 1636, _Works_, -vi. 466, vii. 279, 288; Wentworth to the King and to Laud, August 17 -and 23; the King to Wentworth, September 3, _Strafford Letters_, ii. -26, 32; Dorothy, Countess of Leicester, to her husband, November 10 and -January 10, 1636-7, Collins's _Sidney Papers_, ii. 444, 456. - -[240] Wentworth to Laud, September 27, 1637; to Conway, June 16, -1623; to Cottington, November 24, 1633; to Laud, May 23, 1638, all in -_Strafford Letters_; to his wife, August 1638, in Cooper's _Life of -Strafford_, ii. 39-41. The proclamation of August 3, 1637, dilates on -the importance of providing sport for the Lord Deputy and Council. No -licence to shoot with 'hail-shot' was to be granted unless the holder -would give a bond not to use it within the bounds mentioned in the -text. The privileged tract was reserved to Councillors of State for -hawking. - -[241] Wentworth to Laud, September 27, 1637; to Lady Clare, August -10, 1639, in _Strafford Letters_; to his wife, September 12, 1637, in -Cooper's _Life of Strafford_, ii. 43. Naas is twenty English miles from -Dublin, a good deal more than twelve Irish, and Tinahely fifty-three -miles. - -[242] R. Weckherlin to Sir John Coke, August 25, 1639, _Melbourne Hall -Papers_; W. Raylton to same, August 13, _ib._; Wentworth to Radcliffe, -September 21 and October 28 in Whitaker's _Life of Radcliffe_, 181-3. - -[243] Wentworth to Radcliffe, December 10, 1639, in Whitaker's _Life -of Radcliffe_, 187. Speech on being made an Earl, January 12, 1639-40, -_Strafford Letters_, ii. 390. Coke's dismissal from the secretaryship -was decided before December 13, _Melbourne Hall Papers_, ii. 245. 'The -King declared his resolution for a Parliament in case of the Scottish -rebellion. The first movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland, my -Lord Marquis Hamilton, and myself'--Laud's Diary, December 5, 1639, -_Works_, iii. 233, 283. - -[244] _Irish Commons Journals_; Council of Ireland to Windebank, March -19; Strafford to the King, March 23, _Strafford Letters_, ii. 394-6. - -[245] _Irish Commons Journals; Irish Statutes_, 15 Car. I.; _Strafford -Letters_, March 16-April 3, 1639-40, ii. 394-403. The Declaration is -in _Nalson_, i. 283. If further evidence were needed of Strafford's -complete reconciliation with the Queen, we have Madame de Motteville's: -'Il avait été brouillé avec la Reine, mais depuis quelque temps il -était lié ā ses intéręts,' _Mémoires_, chap. 9. There is a useful -itinerary for Strafford in the ninth volume of the _Camden Miscellany_. -Cork says in his diary that Strafford left London very early 'to avoid -the concourse of myself and many others that desired to wait upon him,' -_Lismore Papers_, 1st series, v. 129. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -STRAFFORD'S ARMY - - -[Sidenote: Plan to reduce the Scots. Lord Antrim.] - -[Sidenote: Antrim's plan of invasion.] - -[Sidenote: Wentworth disapproves of his schemes.] - -As soon as the troubles in Scotland began it was natural that Charles -should expect help from Ireland. The first proposals came from Tyrone's -grandson, Randal MacDonnell, second Earl of Antrim, whose handsome -person had recommended him to the widowed Duchess of Buckingham. -Having conformed to the State Church to please her first husband, she -reverted to her original faith to please her second. The marriage of -his friend's wife was displeasing to Charles, and perhaps this made -her second husband the more anxious to do some signal service, or at -least to have the credit of intending it. Antrim was a man of much -ambition and some cunning, but his practical abilities were small, and -neither Strafford, Ormonde, nor Clarendon rated him highly. He had -been 'bred in the Highland way, and wore neither hat, cap, shoes, nor -stockings till seven or eight years old,' and a Highlander he remained -to the end. His extravagance at Court had involved him in debt to the -enormous amount of 80,000_l._, and Wentworth believed that the sale of -his whole estate would not fetch such a sum. Hatred of the Campbells -was his strongest passion. In July 1638 he asked Wentworth to supply -him with arms to be kept in a magazine in Coleraine ready to use in -case of an invasion by the dreaded clan, and six months later he -credited Argyle with the intention of getting a law passed 'that to -the end of the world no MacDonnell should be allowed to enjoy a foot -of land in Scotland.' Charles was doubtful how far it would be wise -to entrust a magazine of arms to one of Antrim's creed, but desired -the Lord Deputy and Council to 'favour him as much as anyone of his -profession in religion.' In February Wentworth told the King that the -demand for arms had not been pressed, 'my lord of Antrim perceiving -I am not ignorant of his great want of money, his credit to be so -low, as not able at this very instant to take up in Dublin poor three -hundred pounds.' Charles, however, wrote to Antrim, encouraging him to -fit out an expedition against the Scottish isles by way of making a -diversion in his favour. Windebank prudently sent a copy of the letter -to Wentworth, who was thus prepared for a sudden visit from Antrim on -March 9. The Lord Deputy's caustic criticism had taken some effect, -and the proposed 20,000 men were reduced to 5400, but the conditions -of even this modified plan might have displeased a much more patient -man than Wentworth. Among Antrim's demands were the right to appoint -his own officers, power to cut timber in the royal woods, a loan of -20,000_l._, and four of the King's ships under his own command. Twelve -field pieces, bows and arrows, muskets, carbines, pistols, swords, -armour, and buff coats were all to be provided by Government, and more -barrels of powder than the royal stores contained. One hundred old -soldiers were to be detached to drill the new levies, and Antrim talked -of bringing Irish officers over from Spain.[246] - -[Sidenote: Antrim's plan is abandoned.] - -[Sidenote: A primitive commissariat.] - -[Sidenote: Danger of a Celtic army.] - -Wentworth knew that the raw material of an army was plentiful in -Ireland, and that 40,000 'bodies of men,' to use an old phrase of Sir -Henry Sidney's--might easily be had. But to pay, feed, and train them -was another matter, and no one knew better the difference between an -army and a mob. Neither money, arms, material, nor drill-sergeants -could be spared to such a projector as Antrim. 'I desired,' said -Wentworth, 'to know what provision of victual his lordship had thought -of, which for so great a number of men would require a great sum of -money. His lordship said he had not made any at all, in regard he -conceived they should find sufficient in the enemy's country to sustain -them, only his lordship proposed to transport over with him ten -thousand live cows to furnish them with milk, which he affirmed had -been his grandfather's (Tyrone's) play.' It was suggested that Argyle -might drive off his cattle, and that Cantire and the Hebrides were -barren tracts. Antrim said his men could 'feed their horses with leaves -of trees, and themselves with shamrocks.' Wentworth doubted whether -there were any trees in the Western Islands, and was at all events sure -that they would not be in full foliage in the early spring, so that -there would be no hurry. The end of it all was that Antrim found he -could not have the whole resources of the Government at his disposal. -Having no money or credit, he could do nothing of himself, though the -King gave him a commission of lieutenancy over the western Highlands -and islands. Wentworth saw clearly the danger of raising a force in -Ireland which it would be impossible to pay. 'What sudden outrage,' he -wrote prophetically, 'may be apprehended from so great a number of the -native Irish, children of habituated rebels, brought together without -pay or victual, armed with our own weapons, ourselves left naked the -whilst? What scandal of his Majesty's service it might be in a time -thus conditioned to employ a general and a whole army in a manner Roman -Catholics? What affright or pretence this might give for the Scottish, -who are at least fourscore thousand in those parts, to arm also, -under colour of their own defence?' With a general and soldiers alike -ignorant the whole scheme would be much more likely to draw a Scotch -invasion upon Ireland than to strengthen the King in Scotland. Antrim -had not even decided in his own mind which island to land on--any one -of eighty, he thought, would do.[247] - -[Sidenote: Plans for a diversion in Scotland.] - -[Sidenote: A garrison for Carlisle. Sir F. Willoughby.] - -The idea of using the Irish army in Great Britain originated with -Charles himself. In July 1638 he inquired what help he might expect in -the event of an outbreak in Scotland. Wentworth answered that he had -only 2000 foot and 600 horse, and that it would not be safe to send -away any, especially since the Ulster Scots undoubtedly sympathised -with their countrymen. He would have Charles trust his English -subjects, but could only recommend the most ruthless repression for -Scotland. Leith might be permanently fortified and garrisoned at the -expense of the Scots 'till they had received our common prayer-book -used in our churches of England without any alteration, the bishops -settled peaceably in their jurisdiction,' and English law substituted -for Scotch. For his own part he could only propose to concentrate -a large part of his small army in north-east Ulster. At the King's -suggestion he raised 400 additional horse, a troop of 110 cuirassiers -being given to Ormonde as the man in Ireland most able and willing -to maintain them effectively. Money was sent to Holland to provide -arms for the new men, and the equipment of the foot was also much -improved. On October 22 Charles wrote to propose that Wentworth should -provide a garrison of 500 men for Carlisle, and also some cannon if -they could be spared from Ireland. The business was taken in hand at -once, Sir Francis Willoughby, governor of Galway, being selected to -command the expedition. The pay in Ireland was sixpence a day, in -England eightpence, and Wentworth asked that they might be paid on the -higher scale after crossing the channel. Charles promised, but could -not perform this, though he did give some money by way of bounty, and -in June 1641 the regiment was back in Ireland, and their pay heavily -in arrear. Willoughby had been forty years a soldier, twenty-five in -the Netherlands, and his experience at Carlisle confirmed him in the -opinion that the discipline of great garrisons was best maintained by -paying the men well and punishing their misdemeanours.[248] - -[Sidenote: Nucleus of the new Irish army.] - -Each captain of foot was ordered to pick thirteen of the best unmarried -men out of the ranks, and the number was thus made up. Scots were -carefully weeded out, lest they should be tempted to correspond with -their own countrymen. The drafts were ordered to Ulster on pretence of -garrisons being required for Carrickfergus, Londonderry, and Coleraine. -'For keeping a place,' said Wentworth, 'shot is of more use than pike, -and without controversy muskets of more execution than calivers.' Three -hundred and fifty were therefore musketeers and the residue pikemen. -Willoughby landed at Whitehaven on April 1, 1639, and was at Carlisle -a few days later, where he remained until all idea of fighting the -Scots had been given up. His regiment was the admiration of the whole -country, and commanding officers begged eagerly 'for the loan of some -of our soldiers to come and learn their soldiers to exercise.' No -glory was to be gained in that war, but the excellence of Willoughby's -men was so evident, that Charles determined to raise a new Irish army -of 8000 men, expressly 'to reduce those in Scotland to their due -obedience.' Wentworth had conceived this idea long before, but he -intended all the men to be Protestants, and of British extraction as -far as possible. By the middle of 1639 he had not only his standing -army of 3000 men in perfect order, but had provided 8000 spare arms -with twelve field pieces and eight heavy guns.[249] - -[Sidenote: 9000 men to be raised.] - -[Sidenote: Strafford sees the danger.] - -Wentworth was in England from September to March 1639-40, and as the -result of this visit steps were taken to levy 8000 foot and 1000 horse -in Ireland. This was the germ of the policy which ruined both Charles -I. and James II., and which has never succeeded with any statesman. To -lean upon Irish Roman Catholic support in order to crush opposition in -Protestant England was plainly the idea of Charles himself much more -than of Strafford; for the latter saw the danger clearly enough, though -he wilfully neglected it in pursuit of his 'thorough' ideal. It may -be said that Strafford would have succeeded if his King had seconded -him properly, but then no really able sovereign would have adopted -such a scheme. Lady Carlisle has recorded that in addition to that -which Charles consulted there was 'another little junto, that is much -apprehended,' consisting of Strafford, Laud, and Hamilton only. 'They -have met twice, and the world is full of guesses for the occasion of -it.'[250] - -[Sidenote: The sinews of war.] - -[Sidenote: Charles promises to find money,] - -[Sidenote: but fails to do so.] - -The King's order to raise the new army was issued on March 2, and -Strafford hurried over to provide funds in Ireland; he seems really -to have believed that love and not fear made the Irish Parliament so -subservient as to vote what he asked for. The raising of the new men -was taken in hand at once, and he hoped to have them all ready at -Carrickfergus by the middle of May, and in Scotland by the end of June. -He would keep them together and pay them for eighteen months, provided -the King did his part. The conditions were that 10,000_l._ should be -at once given to buy necessaries in Holland, and 40,000_l._ more at -short intervals. 'We are resolved,' Strafford told Windebank, 'to bring -as much as possible to Ireland in specie, which will give a life even -to the payment of our subsidies here, by the passing of so much ready -money from hand to hand, than which I assure you nothing is so much -wanting in this kingdom.' The rents of Londonderry and Coleraine were -to be remitted from the English to the Irish Exchequer. All powder was -to be provided in England without payment. The King's ships were to -keep the channel clear, two thousand foot and five hundred horse were -to join the Irish army in Cumberland, and Ireland was to be relieved -from payment of the garrison at Carlisle. Orders were sent to London to -draw the 10,000_l._ at once, but when Strafford, suffering agony and -borne in a litter, reached Coventry in the middle of April, he was told -that there was no money in the Exchequer. Strafford had done his part, -but the King could give him no help, and the Irish army never crossed -the channel. The mere fact that it had been raised cost them both their -heads.[251] - -[Sidenote: Danger of enrolling native Irish soldiers.] - -[Sidenote: Command given to Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: Most of the men Roman Catholics.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish army is kept up after Newburn.] - -No one saw possible danger more clearly than Strafford, but his -political position forced him into courses which in his cooler moments -he knew to be desperate. To enlist no Scots was an obvious precaution, -but there were other dangers not less real though more remote. The -Irish, he told the King, might do good service, for they hated the -Scots and their religion; 'yet it is not safe to train them up more -than needs must in the military way, which, the present occasion past, -might arm their old affections to do us more mischief, and put new -and dangerous thoughts into them after they are returned home (as of -necessity they must) without further employment or provision than what -they had of their own before.' Nevertheless, his first and much safer -plan of a Protestant army was forgotten, and he proceeded to impress -large numbers of Irish Roman Catholics. The dreaded result followed, -but before that time he had perished on the scaffold, and the evil -that he had done lived after him. The command of the new army was -given to Ormonde, the enrolment and preliminary drill being left to -St. Leger with the title of Sergeant-Major-General. The commissioners -for raising the subsidies were entrusted with the levy, and officers -were appointed at once. The old army consisted entirely, or almost -entirely, of Protestants, and one thousand men, drafted proportionally -from each company, became the nucleus of the new force. Carte would -have us believe that in consequence of these veterans 'being invested -with authority or in a state of superiority over the rest of the new -army, had it absolutely in their power; and it was of little or no -consequence what religion the other private sentinels which composed -it professed.' This might have held good if the army had been kept -together with regular pay and under a stable Government. But it was -the day of disbandment that Strafford feared, and it was the disbanded -soldiers who made the greatest difficulty when the struggle between -King and Parliament had almost paralysed the Irish Government. The bulk -of the men who were raised to put down the Scotch Covenanters were -Irish Roman Catholics, and would be sure to take sides against England -when occasion offered. Even the officers were to some extent open to -the same objection. In the regiment raised by Colonel John Butler in -Leinster Rory Maguire and Arthur Fox, both well-known in the subsequent -rebellion, had companies. Theobald Taaffe was lieutenant-colonel of the -regiment raised by Coote in Connaught, and Sir John Netterville had -a company in that levied by Bruce in Connaught, and there were many -Roman Catholics among the junior officers. The headquarters staff were -all English Protestants, but their influence ceased with disbandment. -There were many delays, but the whole force was at Carrickfergus by -the middle of July, and a month later St. Leger was able to say that -no prince in Christendom had a better or more orderly army. The rout -at Newburn took place a few days later, and after the treaty of Ripon -there could be no real chance of using the Irish army against the -Scots. They were, however, kept together, and when the Long Parliament -met in November this was not unnaturally regarded as a threatening -cloud.[252] - -[Sidenote: The Irish army disbanded.] - -[Sidenote: One regiment goes to France.] - -[Sidenote: Those engaged for Spain are stopped.] - -[Sidenote: Sir B. Rudyard's speech.] - -Strafford was beheaded on May 12, 1641. Four days before Charles -ordered Ormonde to disband the new army, adding that to prevent -disturbance he had licensed certain officers to transport 8000 foot -'for the service of any prince or state at amity with us.' These -officers were Colonels James Dillon, Theobald Taaffe, John and Garret -Barry, Richard Plunket, John Butler, John Bermingham, George Porter, -and Christopher Bellings. Of these the first seven at least were -afterwards active confederates. Bellings alone sought to secure a -regiment for the French service, and, as became one who worked for -Richelieu, he lost no time, but slipped away 'very quietly' with a -thousand picked men before the end of June, in spite of the efforts of -priests and friars. Lieutenant Flower, who understood Irish, heard a -priest tell the soldiers at Drogheda that they ought to stay, though -they got only bread and water. Flower said the King allowed them to -go, to which he answered that the King was but one man. The other -colonels, having to deal with Spain, were of course late, and did -not appear until Bellings had gone. Then, yielding to parliamentary -pressure on both sides of the channel, Charles changed his mind in -August and would only give leave to the two Barrys, Porter, and Taaffe -to transport a thousand men each. In the end no shipping could be -had, for the English House of Commons passed a resolution against the -transportation of soldiers by merchants from any port in the King's -dominions. The Spaniards had no ships of their own, and so the men -remained in Ireland. Colonel John Barry did manage to embark some -400 men, but his vessel never left the Liffey. There can be no doubt -that the disbanded soldiers were more dangerous in Ireland than they -would have been in Spain, but it is unnecessary to suppose that the -parliamentary leaders had any wish to make mischief in this way. -Rudyard probably expressed the ideas of the majority when he objected -to strengthen France by recruiting her armies, or Spain in order to -enable her to crush Portugal. 'It was never fit,' he said, 'to suffer -the Irish to be promiscuously made soldiers abroad, because it may make -them abler to trouble the State when they come home. Their intelligence -and practice with the princes whom they shall serve may prove dangerous -to that kingdom of Ireland.' He thought work could be found for them as -harvesters in England.[253] - -[Sidenote: The disbandment quietly effected, May 1641.] - -The new army of which St. Leger had been so proud had become somewhat -disorderly when their pay began to be irregular. But the actual -disbandment was quietly effected. Pay ceased on May 25, but the Council -managed to scrape up 8000_l._, out of the 18,000_l._ due. Each soldier -was persuaded to take seven shillings as a donative and three shillings -on account of pay, while 50_l._ was assigned to each company for the -officers, many of whom got nothing more until the Restoration. The men -gave up their arms quietly, and dispersed, having been reminded that -they were amenable to the law and not privileged in any way. There were -no outrages, and sheriffs of counties were specially charged to keep -the peace.[254] - -[Sidenote: French and Spanish crimps.] - -[Sidenote: English settlers pressed.] - -The disbanded soldiers in Ireland constituted a grave danger, as every -one could see when the rebellion had actually broken out, and which -some saw at the time of disbanding. But the other danger from great -bodies of Irishmen in the pay of foreign powers seemed to many greater -at the time, and was certainly not small. Antrim had failed, but -Lord Barrymore had succeeded in raising men for service in England, -most of whom must have drifted back to Ireland after the treaty of -Ripon. Barrymore complained bitterly of a 'swarm of interloping French -mountebanks who wander on their levies with titles and commissions -of their own stamp and coinage, with which they are so prided up, as -some of them have dared to contest for pressed men with my employed -servants.' Three hundred volunteers, collected for him by an O'Sullivan -were thus enticed away, and he believed that Strafford's enemy Sir -Piers Crosbie was at the bottom of it all. Barrymore landed in -Lancashire before the middle of June 1639, but with much less than the -thousand men whom he was authorised to raise. He had no money to tempt -recruits, and when his agents visited Kinsale the common people ran -away as from an enemy. They took bribes from the better sort. These -crimps even seized men actually engaged by the Government and employed -in the public service, and appear to have taken a malicious pleasure -in pouncing on English settlers whenever possible. Strafford observed -that this was not the way to encourage English enterprise, nor to make -intended plantations a success. If the King wanted Irish soldiers let -him send over money to the regular officials, and they would do the -work much better and cheaper than these Irish lords, 'who always either -out of too much love to their own, or out of over little knowledge -of the customs of England in these cases, express some Irish manner -or other, either very unseemly in itself, or pretending their own -greatness, further than well consists with the modesty of subjects.' -Barrymore, however, proved a brave and loyal soldier in spite of this -bad beginning.[255] - -[Sidenote: Recruiting for Spain allowed.] - -[Sidenote: Owen Roe O'Neill and Preston.] - -[Sidenote: The French service found better than the Spanish.] - -The Spaniards were allowed to recruit in Ireland during the whole of -Strafford's reign, though he had his misgivings from the first, and -though he warned Charles even before he crossed the channel for the -first time. 'It had been the safer for your Majesty to have given -liberty for the raising five times as many here in England; because -these could not have been debauched in their faith, where those were -not free of suspicion, especially being put under command of O'Neill -and O'Donnell, the sons of two infamous and arch-traitors, and so -likely not only to be trained up in the discipline of war, but in the -art of rebellion also. Secondly, as your Majesty's deputy I must tell -him, if the state of this kingdom were the same as in Queen Elizabeth's -time, I should more apprehend the travel and disturbance which two -hundred of these men might give us here, being natives, and experienced -in their own faculty as soldiers, being sent to mutiny and discipline -their own countrymen against the Crown, than of as many more Spaniards, -as they sent in those days to Kinsale for relief of the rebels.' -This opinion he retained to the end. He was allowed to appoint two -officers, and he selected men who could be trusted to give him a true -account of what went on in the Spanish Netherlands. Owen Roe O'Neill -became the favourite leader of the Irish in Belgium, but Wentworth -preferred Preston. Nevertheless men who were engaged for the latter's -regiment very often went over to the former. The French also got no -small number of Irish recruits, though they were less favoured by the -Government of Charles I. Intercepted letters in 1635 showed that Paris -was 'pestered with Irish of all sorts, from all parts,' while whole -companies raised for the Spanish Netherlands 'suffered themselves to -be debauched by the French ambassador, and now serve under the French -colours.' Irish officers deserted the Spanish for the French service to -get better and more regular pay, and Secretary Coke was clear-sighted -enough to see that the Irish troops of both powers would probably turn -against England in the end, 'and join together to replant themselves at -home.'[256] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[246] _Strafford Letters_, ii. 184, 211, 266-306. For personal details -see Hill's _Macdonnells of Antrim_. Lord Deputy and Council to Coke, -_Melbourne Hall MSS._ calendared by Hist. MSS. Comm. under July 1637, -but apparently belonging to 1639. - -[247] Wentworth to Windebank, March 20, 1638-9, enclosing Antrim's -written proposals, _Strafford Letters_. Charles's informal commission -to Antrim, dated June 5, 1639, is printed in Hill's Macdonnells of -Antrim, Appx. 12, _Melbourne Hall MSS._, _ut sup._ - -[248] Willoughby to Wentworth, six letters in May and June 1639 -in _Strafford Letters_; to Vane, June 18, 1641, in State Papers, -_Ireland_; to Coke, July 23, 1639, in _Melbourne Hall Papers_. - -[249] _Strafford Letters_, ii. 187, 228, 244, etc. There are six -letters from Willoughby to Wentworth during April and May 1639, and -see his letter to Vane of June 18, 1641, in State Papers, _Ireland_; -Wentworth to Cottington, February 10, 1638-9, in vol. ix. of _Camden -Miscellany_. - -[250] Lady Carlisle to Leicester, October 17, 1639, Collins's _Sidney -Papers_. - -[251] Northumberland to Leicester, December 12, 1639, Collins's _Sidney -Papers_, ii. 624; Strafford to Coke, March 16, 1639-40; to the King, -March 23; to Windebank and Hamilton, March 24; to the King, April 16, -1640, _Strafford Letters_. - -[252] Wentworth to the King, July 28, 1638, _Strafford Letters_; -Carte's _Ormonde_, book ii. Army List among _Carte transcripts_, vol. -i., to which is appended a note that 'this army was the 10,000 men -raised for the expedition into Scotland.' - -[253] The King to Ormonde, May 8, 1641, and Vane to same, August -20, Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. iii.; Council of Ireland to Vane, June -30; Petition of Irish Colonels to the King, August 8, State Papers, -_Ireland_. Rudyard's speech, August 28, in _Rushworth_. Resolution of -embargo in _Nalson_, ii. 477. - -[254] An unsigned paper of May 7, 1641, as to pledging private credit -for the money; Lords Justices and Council to the Sheriffs, May 21, and -to Vane, June 1; Ormonde to Vane, May 21 and June 9, State Papers, -_Ireland_. - -[255] Barrymore to Cork, May 26, 1639, _Lismore Papers_, 2nd series, -vol. iv.; Wentworth to Coke, May 18, 1639, _Strafford Letters_, ii. -342; letters of Sir Adam Loftus in State Papers, _Ireland_, April 26 -and 29, 1641. - -[256] Wentworth to the King, July 16, 1633; to Preston, October 1, -1635; Coke to Wentworth, January 21, 1634-5; Colonel Thomas Preston to -Wentworth, July 6, 1635, _Strafford Letters_. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -TRIAL AND DEATH OF STRAFFORD - - -[Sidenote: Strafford leaves Ireland. Wandesford Deputy, 1640.] - -[Sidenote: Strafford advises the King.] - -Having done what was required of it, the Irish Parliament was prorogued -to June 1, and on April 3 Strafford sailed for the last time, leaving -Wandesford behind as Deputy. The gout, which he had neglected, took -its revenge at Chester, preventing him from being at the opening of -the Short Parliament, and he had to stay at Bishop Wright's house for -a full week. He then travelled by litter all the way to London, and -reached Leicester House on April 18, where he remained, generally -very ill, until August 24. Few believed that he would recover, still -fewer that he would return to Ireland, and when the next session began -Wandesford found that the Government was no longer feared. Of course -it had never really been loved. But of the old Irish army which he had -improved, or of the much larger force which he had given orders to -raise, Strafford had no doubts. Ill as he was, he wrote to the King -from Coventry begging him to provide the necessary funds, otherwise he -would lose the fourth part of his army, and that the part most to be -depended on for absolute, unquestioning obedience. Charles paid him -several visits when he was unable to go out, but he did sometimes get -to the Council, and it was by his advice that the King went to the -House of Lords and persuaded them to declare that supply ought to have -precedence of grievances. It is not quite certain how far Strafford -was to blame for the fatal dissolution of the Short Parliament. He had -advised that it should be called, and he urged the King not to run -great risks because he could not get exactly what he wanted. But the -popular fury fell upon him and Laud. Lambeth was attacked and the -archbishop withdrew to Whitehall, whereupon a lady remarked: 'Black -Tom hath more courage than his Grace, and therefore will not be so -apprehensive as he is, nor suffer a guard to attend him, knowing he -hath terror enough in his bended brows to amaze the 'prentices.'[257] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Parliament turns against Strafford.] - -[Sidenote: The power of the purse.] - -When Wandesford met his Parliament on June 1, the wind had changed. -Strafford was believed to be at the point of death, and the subsidies -were being assessed upon an increased estimated value. This was arrived -at by fixing a quota for each county, and spreading it as equally as -possible upon the properties therein contained. The Government had -hitherto been able to secure a majority by the votes of public servants -in the Commons, but many were now absent with the army, and the Roman -Catholic members were in power, nor, as it was a question of money, -were they without plenty of allies. Radcliffe was in England, and it -was found impossible to resist the passing of a declaration against the -new method of taxation. Wandesford was forced to allow the enrolment of -the document in chancery and elsewhere, and thus the administration of -Supply was transferred from the Executive to the House of Commons. The -constitutional point having been gained, the first subsidy was allowed -to be levied as assessed, and yielded over 46,000_l._ The second and -third together, raised in the old 'parliamentary way,' came to less -than 24,000_l._, and the fourth was never levied at all. Seeing that he -could do no better, and that the House became more intemperate daily, -Wandesford prorogued Parliament on June 17 until October 1.[258] - -[Sidenote: Strafford in England very ill.] - -[Sidenote: Charles intends to send Strafford back to Ireland,] - -[Sidenote: but makes him General instead.] - -Meanwhile the man upon whom the weight of both kingdoms lay was so -ill that his recovery was doubtful. He could not turn in his bed, and -relief was obtained by losing twelve ounces of blood. In writing to -Ormonde Wandesford mourned over the unhappy dissolution of the Short -Parliament. Strafford's mind was wearing out his body, and he could -hardly bear to speak of him, 'if you did not love this man well. It is -true, if the favour and grace of a Prince shall recover him he shall -not perish, for those are heaped upon him every day; but if the good -man's heart be more willing to spend himself in great business than -to contemplate his own safety, or to live upon such favours, who can -help him? I know you love him, and you shall know when we hear better -of him.' When he seemed to be recovering Charles paid him a visit that -nearly proved fatal. Strafford left off his warm gown to receive the -King, which caused a relapse and involved the loss of eighteen ounces -of blood; it is surprising that the doctors did not bleed him to death. -It was not till a month later, at the end of June, that Radcliffe -reported steady progress towards recovery. Early in July Strafford was -at Sion House, and can have derived little comfort from association -with Northumberland, who disagreed with his views and believed an -invasion of Scotland impossible. But Charles was determined to go to -the north, and at this time intended that the Lord Lieutenant should -return to Ireland and take charge of the new army. In the meantime he -ordered him to attend every day at Oatlands until he himself started -for York, which was not till August 20, and at that moment Wandesford -was expecting him in Ireland. But Northumberland was ill, and Strafford -became commander-in-chief. Conway had been routed at Newburn, and the -Scots were in possession of Newcastle before the unfortunate general -had time to do anything. 'Pity me,' he wrote to Radcliffe, 'for never -came any man to so lost business. The army unexercised and unprovided -of all necessaries. That part which I bring now with me from Durham the -worst I ever saw. Our horse all cowardly, the country from Berwick to -York in the power of the Scot, an universal affright in all, a general -disaffection to the King's service, now sensible of his dishonour. In -one word, here alone to fight with all these evils without any one to -help. God of His goodness deliver me out of this the greatest evil of -my life.'[259] - -[Sidenote: Strafford at York, September 1640.] - -[Sidenote: Strafford denounced by the Scots.] - -[Sidenote: Proposals as to the Irish army] - -After Newburn there was no serious attempt to fight the Scots, and -Strafford never had any opportunity of showing what he could do as a -general. His health was bad, his army unpaid and without enthusiasm, -and the people generally but half-hearted. Even his own Yorkshiremen -were anxious for a new Parliament, and many could see clearly that the -Scots were upholding the cause of both nations. Still he had influence -enough to get the gentlemen of the county to undertake for the payment -of their train-bands, and for this last piece of service he was made a -Knight of the Garter. He had now reached the utmost height to which, -according to the last Roman poet, the Gods raise men in order that -their fall may be the heavier. The Great Council of Peers met at York -on September 25, and sat till October 28, and Strafford took an active -part in the debates. He had a sharp encounter in the King's presence -with the new Lord Clanricarde, ending in the latter's Connaught titles -being confirmed and all his privileges restored. The negotiations with -the Scots were carried on at Ripon, by commissioners representing both -sides, but 'the Earl of Strafford,' says Clarendon, 'had not amongst -them one friend or person civilly inclined towards him.' The King -wished them to meet under his eye at York, but the Scots positively -refused to put themselves into the power of an army commanded by -Strafford, whom they denounced as a chief incendiary. They were quite -justified in saying that he talked freely of them as traitors and -rebels, and desired their utter ruin. He had already suggested the -use of his Irish army against them, and ten days later he offered to -bring over at two days' warning 8000 foot, 2000 horse and 60 guns 'if -there be shipping to convey them.' In Scotland it was believed that -these troops had actually landed in England, and a battle was expected. -The Scots at Ripon were so far successful as to have an allowance -made to their forces of 850_l._ a day for two months, and to get the -negotiations adjourned to London, where they would be among friends. -At the head of an army whose discipline he might be able to improve -Strafford was still formidable, and he had more friends in Yorkshire -than anywhere else; but both King and Queen urged him to leave this -comparative safety, and to trust himself in London. After looking his -last on Wentworth Woodhouse, where he spent three or four days, he set -out for the south, having the King's written assurance that he 'should -not suffer in his person, honour, or fortune.'[260] - -[Sidenote: Strafford under arrest, Nov. 1640.] - -[Sidenote: Strafford sent to the Tower.] - -[Sidenote: Impeachment of Radcliffe.] - -'I am to-morrow to London,' wrote Strafford to Radcliffe, 'with -more dangers beset, I believe, than ever any man went with out of -Yorkshire.' He arrived on Monday the 9th, rested the next day, and on -Wednesday morning went down to the House of Lords. That he intended to -attack the Parliamentary leaders is clear, but the plan was not mature, -and he went away without speaking. This gave Pym his chance, and later -in the day he appeared to impeach Strafford and demand his arrest. The -accused man was with the King, but he hurried back to the House as soon -as he knew what had been done. He was not allowed to speak, and had -to kneel at the bar, when he was told that he must remain in custody -until he had cleared himself from the Commons' charges. The Usher of -the Black Rod, James Maxwell, a Scotchman, took his sword and carried -him off in his coach. Baillie, who gloats over the fallen statesman, -notes that he had to walk some distance through gazing crowds, 'no man -capping to him, before whom that morning the greatest of England would -have stood discovered.' Maxwell was not a severe gaoler, and for a -while his prisoner had many visitors, but the Commons objected, and a -few days later he was sent to the Tower, of which another Scot, Sir -James Balfour, was Lieutenant. Balfour, whom Baillie calls 'our good -kind countrieman,' might be trusted to obey the orders of the House. -Ultimately Strafford was confined to three rooms, in the outer one of -which was a guard, and no visitors were admitted to see him without the -Lieutenant's special permission. It must, however, be supposed that he -was allowed some exercise. Communication of any kind was forbidden with -Sir George Radcliffe, who was soon brought to London and imprisoned in -the Gatehouse. Clarendon is probably quite justified in saying that -the object of impeaching Radcliffe was to prevent Strafford having his -help as a counsellor or witness. When the principal was once condemned, -it was not found worth while to continue proceedings against the -accessory.[261] - -[Sidenote: Wandesford's last session, Oct. 1640.] - -[Sidenote: A committee sent to England.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Parliament repudiate Strafford.] - -The Irish Parliament was prorogued from June to October, when -Wandesford found it as unmanageable as before. The House of Commons -lost very little time in attacking the method of levying the subsidies, -and then agreed to a Remonstrance which criticised adversely all -Strafford's policy, and formed the basis of the charges at his trial. -This document was presented to the Lord Deputy, and he was several -times asked for an answer. While waiting for this, the House appointed -a committee of twelve members to go to England and represent the -Irish case there. Clarendon says, and there can be no doubt of the -fact, that Strafford's fate was largely determined by the conduct of -this committee, who kept up communications between the revolutionary -wire-pullers on both sides of the channel; some of the members were -afterwards engaged in the Irish rebellion. They were empowered to call -for all public papers in Ireland, and to have copies free of charge. -The Remonstrance was carried over by them, and was reported to the -English House of Commons a few days later. On the next day Wandesford -gave his answer by proroguing Parliament. During the recess, by the -King's special order, he had the journals brought before the Council, -and there in the presence of several members of Parliament, tore out -the two orders relating to the subsidies. Afterwards, when the tide -had turned hopelessly against Strafford, Charles ordered the leaves -to be reinserted, but they do not appear in the printed journals. The -Lords were surprised by the sudden prorogation, but most of those who -were in Dublin met and deputed Lords Gormanston, Dillon, and Kilmallock -to carry their grievances to London. When Parliament reassembled this -action was confirmed, and Lord Muskerry was added to the number.[262] - -[Sidenote: Death of Wandesford, Dec. 3, 1640.] - -Wandesford died three weeks after Strafford's arrest. The autopsy -showed that his heart was diseased, so that distress of mind may have -killed him, though his daughter does not say so. He was not long enough -at the head of affairs to make much figure in Irish history, but he -was an upright judge, made many reforms in the Rolls Court, and seems -to have been generally liked. He advised his son to lead a country -life, excusing himself for having done the contrary. 'The truth is, my -affection to the person of my Lord Deputy, purposing to attend upon -his lordship as near as I could in all fortunes, carried me along -with him wherever he went, and no premeditated thoughts of ambition.' -Bramhall attended him on his deathbed and preached his funeral sermon -in Christchurch. His daughter says there were not many dry eyes among -the multitude present, and 'the Irish did set up the lamentable hone, -as they call it, for him in the church, which was never known before -for any Englishman.'[263] - -[Sidenote: Trial of Strafford, March-April, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: Not guilty of treason in the ordinary sense.] - -The trial of Strafford, with the intrigues and discussions leading to -it, belongs to the general history of these islands. The impressive -scene in Westminster Hall has been dwelt on by historians, and is -indeed of surpassing interest. The King and Queen were present -throughout, and the concourse was such as England had never seen till -then. Even hostile witnesses have testified to the inimitable life and -grace with which the prisoner under every disadvantage maintained his -cause against the accusing Commons, and before judges who had little -sympathy with him. Lord Cork, though only a peer of Ireland, had been -called up by writ, and Baillie noticed that he sat covered daily, his -black cloak being conspicuous among the coloured robes. As the trial -proceeded Strafford's courage and eloquence gained him many supporters; -the ladies were all on his side, and the Queen had ample opportunities -of admiring his beautiful white hands. His object was to show, and it -is generally thought he succeeded in showing, that no single count of -the impeachment amounted to treason, and that he was entitled to an -acquittal even if every charge was proved. In Fuller's homely phrase, -no number of frogs will make a toad. The Commons, on the contrary, -maintained that he had persistently striven to upset the fundamental -laws, that there was a cumulative force in repeated offences, and that -he ought to die the death of a traitor.[264] - -[Sidenote: The articles of impeachment.] - -[Sidenote: Strafford's line of defence.] - -The articles of Strafford's impeachment were twenty-eight in number, -and of these seventeen, from the third to the nineteenth, bore directly -upon his government in Ireland. The third article charged that he -had in a public speech in 1634 declared that Ireland was a conquered -nation, and that the King might do what he liked there; and that the -charters of cities were obsolete and at the royal discretion. This -was proved by several witnesses, of whom Cork was one, who declared -that he had come to England with Strafford's leave, that he had -determined to make no complaint, and that he had purposely left all -his papers behind him. The answer to this evidence was that Ireland -was in fact conquered, that the charters had been often violated, and -that the object of his dealing with the corporation of Dublin was to -encourage the English Protestants who had been depressed by native -competition and combination. All that he had done, however, was at most -a misdemeanour, and no treason. In support of the fourth article, which -declared that the prisoner had seized property by Order in Council, -Cork deposed that this had been done in his case, that he had tried -to appeal to the law and 'that my lord of Strafford answered "call in -your writs, or if you will not, I will clap you in the Castle; for I -tell you I will not have my orders disputed by law nor lawyers"'; and -that on another occasion the Lord Deputy had told him that he would -make an Act of State as binding as an Act of Parliament. There were -other witnesses on the latter point. Strafford replied that there was -no breach of Magna Charta, since the law and custom of Ireland had been -followed, and that during the long interval between Parliaments it -was necessary to depend upon the action of the Executive. The fifth -and sixth articles dealt with Lord Mountnorris's case, which has been -sufficiently discussed, and the eighth with the Loftus case and other -accusations of arbitrary treatment by the Lord Deputy and Council, the -general defence being that they had acted according to the established -custom of Ireland. The ninth article contained a charge of unlawfully -stretching the secular arm to support the power of certain bishops. One -case was proved, but Strafford answered that he had discontinued the -practice when he found its legality was doubtful. - -[Sidenote: Strafford's financial measures: the customs.] - -[Sidenote: Tobacco and linen.] - -[Sidenote: Strafford discouraged Irish woollens.] - -The tenth article charged Strafford with procuring the customs to be -farmed, and the rates upon merchandise raised for his own profit. The -facts could scarcely be denied, but the accused was able to show that -he had objected to having a personal interest in the revenue, and that -he was persuaded to do so by Portland as the only means of inducing -other speculators to undergo the risk. The twelfth article attacked -the tobacco monopoly which Strafford had created by proclamation, and -the thirteenth with doing something of the same sort in the case of -linen. He looked upon tobacco as a superfluity, and therefore a fit -subject for heavy taxation, but there can be no doubt that many traders -suffered severely. The linen business had always existed in Ulster, and -he tried to improve and regulate it, but no doubt he went too fast and -much hardship was caused. 'He did observe,' he said, 'that the wool of -that kingdom did increase very much, that if it should there be wrought -into cloth, it would be a very great prejudice to the clothing trade -of England, and therefore he was willing, as much as he might lawfully -and fairly, to discourage that trade; that on the other side, he was -desirous to set up the trade of linen cloth, which would be beneficial -there and not prejudice the trade of England.' He made rules for the -management of the manufacture which he believed would greatly add to -its value, but they had turned out too rigid for the working people, -who could not so quickly be induced to change their habits. He had -himself lost 3000_l._ by his share in the business. - -[Sidenote: Soldiers quartered on private persons.] - -[Sidenote: Strafford's arbitrary acts supported by precedents.] - -[Sidenote: The Black Oath.] - -[Sidenote: Opinion of the judges.] - -[Sidenote: Fear made the Commons cruel.] - -The fifteenth article charged that Strafford did traitorously 'by -force of arms and in a warlike manner' strive to subdue Ireland -to his arbitrary will by quartering soldiers upon private persons -without warrant of law. Hallam thought this came nearer treason than -anything of which he was accused, but that the cases proved were too -few to constitute levying war. There was much hearsay evidence, but -enough was proved to make out a strong case. Edmond Byrne testified -that soldiers were quartered on him by the Lord Deputy's order for -not paying 'a pretended debt of a matter of ten pounds' to a Mr. -Archibald, and that they had done him damage to the value of 500_l._ -The sixteenth article was directed against Strafford's system of -denying appeals to England except through himself, and of preventing -anyone from leaving Ireland without his leave. In this, as in many -other things, he had found the practice in existence, and had carried -it further than his predecessors, so that it was thought worthy of -special complaint in the Remonstrance of the Irish Parliament. The -nineteenth article was concerned with the imposition of the Black Oath -on the Ulster Scots, and the fact was undeniable; but Strafford pleaded -danger from the Covenant which bound 100,000 people in the North to -their near neighbours and fellow-countrymen across the channel. The -seventh, eleventh, fourteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth articles were -postponed, and in the end were not proceeded with at all, and it was -a Bill of Attainder and not a verdict of the Lords on the Impeachment -that brought Strafford to the scaffold. It may be granted that none of -the charges taken separately amounted to treason, but the Lord Chief -Justice 'delivered the opinion of all the judges present upon all -that which their Lordships have voted to be proved that the Earl of -Strafford doth deserve to undergo the pains and forfeitures of High -Treason by law.' It is evident that the majority of the Commons were -determined to have the Lord Lieutenant's head, for they did not feel -safe as long as he lived. St. John brutally said that the laws of chase -were not for him, and that he should be hunted down without mercy as -a beast of prey. 'Stone dead hath no fellow,' was Essex's answer when -Hyde suggested a milder penalty. Nor can it be said that the fears of -the Puritan party were unfounded. The King, after hearing every word of -the evidence, admitted that Strafford was unfit to hold even a chief -constable's place; but Charles was not to be trusted, and his word gave -no guarantee that the hated statesman would not again be a minister and -at the head of an army.[265] - -[Sidenote: The Irish army fatal to Strafford.] - -[Sidenote: Charles consents to Strafford's death,] - -[Sidenote: and perpetuates the Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: Execution of Strafford and disbandment of his army, May -1641.] - -Of all the causes for fear the greatest was the existence of the Irish -army, which Charles repeatedly refused to disband. Strafford was -accused on the authority of Vane's famous notes of saying that it might -be used to 'reduce this kingdom,' and these words, if truly reported, -were uttered in England. Yet Scotland was probably intended, and the -choice of Carrickfergus as a rendezvous pointed in that direction. -But it is not likely that the plan would have been too scrupulously -observed, and Willoughby's mission to Carlisle showed that there was -no pedantic objection to employ troops from Ireland upon English -ground. 'Strafford's pride,' says Clarendon, 'was by the hand of -heaven strangely punished by bringing his destruction upon him by two -things that he most despised, the people and Sir Harry Vane.' There is -no mystery about the proceedings of the Commons, and not much about -that of the Lords, but there was nothing to prevent the royal consent -to the Bill of Attainder being withheld. Some episcopal casuists, of -whom Ussher was not one, gave advice for hearkening to which Charles -never forgave himself. The fact that he had fears for his family, and -especially for his wife, is really no defence at all. He surrendered -the right to pardon, which is the most precious privilege of monarchy, -and the same day that he passed the fatal Bill, too agitated perhaps -to know what he was doing, he consented to another providing that -Parliament should not be dissolved without its own consent. He himself -killed prerogative, and after he had done so defied the assembly he -had perpetuated by attempting to seize the five members. If the royal -power was after that to be restored in his person it could only be by -success in war. On the day after Strafford's execution Charles wrote to -Ormonde that he had decided to disband the Irish army.[266] - -[Sidenote: Character of Strafford.] - -Strafford was a very great man; but he failed completely, and it is not -difficult to see why. His scheme of prerogative government depended -upon the personality of Charles I., and the minister's qualities were -not such as could make people forget the monarch's defects. In his -determination to establish the Laudian system of what Petty afterwards -called 'Legal Protestantism,' he made enemies of Roman Catholics and -Puritans alike. Strafford had read law, had a fair knowledge of the -classics and of English and French literature, and understood Scotch -and Continental affairs. He wrote and spoke brilliantly, trusting much -to his memory, which served him very well. For some years he wielded -greater power than any servant of James or his son, Buckingham only -excepted. He warned the King against war with the House of Austria -for the Palatinate, because it would necessarily weaken him at home, -and in private he gave the strong reason that Charles would be driven -by war to raise money illegally without restraint. Strafford was very -English in his views, and cared little for foreign opinion; but he -would never have insulted the Prime Minister of Spain, nor made love to -the Queen of France. He was an immeasurably abler man than Buckingham, -but resembled him, to use Clarendon's words, in that 'he never made -a noble and a worthy friendship with a man so near his equal that he -would frankly advise him, for his honour and true interest, against -the current, or rather the torrent of his impetuous passions.' Apart -from his great office Laud was not his equal, and it may be doubted if -Conway, with whom he was on intimate terms, ever gave him any advice -at all. Wandesford and Radcliffe were clever men, but mere echoes of -their master, and Ormonde was too young to have much weight. Even Laud -cautioned Strafford against making powerful enemies by his high-handed -methods. His doctrine was that no subject could have any power against -the King, or against his substitute in Ireland and Yorkshire. He spoke -with scorn of Sir Edward Coke and his year-books, drew all important -business into the Castle-chamber, and openly declared that while he -had power Orders in Council should bind as fast as Acts of Parliament. -Clarendon, who was essentially a common lawyer, has recorded his -judgment against this policy in both islands. What recalcitrant -juries or sheriffs had to suffer may be gathered from the Galway -case. Strafford took credit for a rise in the price of land while he -governed Ireland, but the same thing happened under Cromwell; for -order gives security, and Plutus is a very timorous person. His work -soon crumbled away, as the work of despots generally does, for who can -secure a fitting successor? Marcus Aurelius was followed by Commodus. -Strafford professed to rule for the benefit of the whole community, -and probably the poor did really benefit by his firm hand; but he was -hated by the official class and by most men who had anything to lose. -His letters to his third wife are affectionate enough, but he did not -consider her his equal in any way, and the want of intelligent female -friendship was supplied by Lady Carlisle in England and by Lady Loftus -in Ireland. The first famous lady is described by her friend, Sir Toby -Matthew, as having no passion at all, and the latter must have been -constantly under the eyes of Radcliffe, who declares his belief that -there was nothing wrong; but Strafford was so much hated that every -hostile report was long accepted as fact. Perhaps his unpopularity is -sufficiently accounted for by Sir Philip Warwick, who knew him and who -was one of the fifty-nine members of the House of Commons who voted -against the Bill of Attainder. All his powers and acquirements, says -that staunch royalist, were 'lodged in a sour and haughty temper; so as -it may probably be believed, he expected to have more observance paid -to him than he was willing to pay to others, though they were of his -own quality; and then he was not like to conciliate the good will of -men of the lesser station.' But he had a few friends who loved him, and -his relations to his own family leave nothing to be desired.[267] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[257] Strafford to the King, April 15, 1640, _Strafford Letters_, ii. -411; Gardiner's _Hist. of England_, chap. xci.; Lady Essex Cheeke to -Lord Mandeville, May 16; Eighth Report of _Hist. MSS. Comm.,_ appx. ii. -56 _b._ - -[258] Wandesford to Radcliffe, June 12, 1640, in Whitaker's _Life -of Radcliffe_. Writing to Ormonde in March, 1664-5, Sir W. Domville -estimated a subsidy at 15,000_l._, _Carte MSS._ vol. xxxiv. - -[259] Wandesford to Ormonde, May 26 and 29, June 7, 12, and 30, 1640, -_Carte transcripts_; Strafford to Radcliffe, July 3 to September 1 in -Whitaker's _Life of Radcliffe_, p. 202. - -[260] Minutes of York Council in _Hardwicke State Papers_, ii. -241, 284, September 29 and October 18, 1640; Answer of the Scots -Commissioners, October 8, in _Rushworth_, iii. 1292; Whitaker's _Life -of Radcliffe_; _Baillie's Letters_, October 1, i. 257; Clarendon's -_Hist. of the Rebellion_, ii. 107; Ulick Earl of St. Albans and -Clanricarde to Windebank, York, October 26, 1640. _Hardwicke State -Papers_, ii. 207. - -[261] 'His Lordship was called into the House as a delinquent, -and brought to the bar upon his knees, I sitting in my place -covered'--Cork's Diary, November 11, 1640, in _Lismore Papers_, 1st -series, v. 164; _Rushworth_, viii. 1-15, from November 6 to 30, -1640; _Baillie's Letters_, i. 276, December 2; and 282, December 12, -_Strafford Letters_; and November 5 in Whitaker's _Life of Radcliffe_, -p. 218. - -[262] _Irish Lords Journal_, February 18, 1640-41; _Irish Commons -Journal_, November 7, 11, 12, 19, 1640, February 10, 1640-1. The -Remonstrance is printed in the Journal and also in _Rushworth_, viii. -Lords Justices and Council to Vane, February 13, 1640-1, in Cal. of -State Papers, _Ireland_. On January 26, 1640-1, the Irish Commons voted -5,086_l._ for the expenses of the London Committee, which consisted -of Sir Donough MacCarthy, Sir Hardress Waller, Sir Roebuck Lynch, -Sir James Montgomery, John Walsh, N. Plunkett, N. Barnewall, Richard -Fitzgerald, Simon Digby, Geoffrey Brown, and Edward Rowley. - -[263] Wandesford's _Book of Instructions_ to his son George, Cambridge, -1727. _Autobiography_ of Mrs. Alice Thornton, Surtees Society, 1875. -Wandesford's letters have not been collected, but seventeen are printed -in the Cal. of _Ormonde MSS._, Hist. MSS. Comm., 1902. - -[264] Strafford's trial occupies Rushworth's eighth volume. The report -in Howell's _State Trials_ is founded upon _A Brief and Perfect -Relation of the answers and replies of Thomas Earl of Strafford_, -London, 1647. A third contemporary account is in _Baillie's Letters_, -i. 313-353. These three are the reports of eye-witnesses. The historian -May was probably also present; his book was licensed May 7, 1647, -and has some touches not found elsewhere. Nalson was an infant when -Strafford died, and his account, which was published after Rushworth's, -has no independent value. Madame de Motteville (_Mémoires_, chap. ix.), -reporting Henrietta Maria's conversation, says Strafford 'était laid, -mais assez agréable de sa personne; et la Reine, me contant toutes ces -choses, s'arręta pour me dire qu'il avait les plus belles mains du -monde.' May says many thought of Ovid's lines: 'Non formosus erat, sed -erat facundus Ulysses, et tamen æquoreas torsit amore deas'--Earl of -Cork's Diary in _Lismore Papers_, v. 164, 170, 176. 'The natural pity -and consideration of women, sympathising with his afflictions, with -sadness of his aspect, their facility with his complacences, their -lenity with his pathetical oratory'--Earl of Strafford characterised, -1641, _Somers Tracts_, iv. 231. - -[265] _Lords' Journals_, May 6, 1641: 'In equity Lord Strafford -deserves to die' as a subverter of fundamental laws--'Ingeniosissime -nequam et in malo publico facundus,' Falkland's minute book in Lady -Theresa Lewis's _Friends of Clarendon_, i. 207. - -[266] _Lords' Journals_, May 10, 1641. 'The Primate of Ireland, who -is no complimenter, reported afterwards to the King that he had then -first learned to make supplications aright to Godward, and withal told -his Majesty that he had seen many die, but never such a white soul -(this was his own expression) return to his maker. At which words -the King was pleased to turn himself about and offer a tear to his -memory--tantorum mercede bonorum'--_Brief and Perfect Relation_, p. 97. - -[267] Sir P. Warwick's _Memoirs_, p. 110. Clarendon's _Hist. of the -Rebellion_, ii. 101; iii. 204. 'A wise and promising face ... yet a -dark and promiscuous countenance, clouded, unlovely, and presaging an -envious and cruel disposition,' The Earl of Strafford Characterised, -1641, _Somers Tracts_, iv. 231; and the often printed lines 'Here lies -wise and valiant dust,' etc., _ib._ 297. Strafford is at his best in -the beautiful letter to Lady Clare, August 10, 1639, and in that to his -son from the Tower, April 23, 1641, _Strafford Letters_, ii. 381, 416; -and see his character by Radcliffe, _ib._ p. 433. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -THE REBELLION OF 1641 - - -[Sidenote: Parsons and Borlase Lords Justices, Feb. 10, 1640-1.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Parliament turn against Strafford.] - -[Sidenote: Radcliffe and the Irish Committee.] - -As soon as Wandesford's death was known Robert Lord Dillon and Sir -William Parsons were appointed Lords Justices. As Master of the Wards -Parsons had been useful in increasing the revenue, and he was an able -official, though he has a bad name on account of his dealings with -land. Dillon, whose son had married Strafford's sister, had been Lord -Justice before, and was obnoxious to the Irish Committee in London; he -was therefore quickly superseded in favour of Sir John Borlase, who was -a soldier without political experience, and not young enough to learn. -Wandesford's daughter, who was nearly fifteen when he died, says that -these two old gentlemen 'having lived in Ireland many peaceable years -could not be made sensible that the Irish had an ill-design against the -English,' and perhaps that is not far from the truth. They were fully -occupied at first with the difficulties made by the Irish Parliament. -Strafford was in the Tower, and the two Houses who had been his very -humble servants now joined in protesting that the complimentary -preamble to the Act of Subsidy was 'contrived, penned, and inserted -fraudulently without the privity of the House either by the said Earl -of Strafford himself or by some other person' by his orders. Ormonde -spoke against this, but in vain. The London Committee worked in the -same direction, though Radcliffe, prisoner as he was and without -papers, made a good case against them. They told the King that they had -heard 'with terror and amazement' of Wandesford's tearing the leaves -out of the journals, and maintained that the subsidies, if raised -according to his plan, would be more than the country could bear, -while the ports were closed so as to prevent access to his gracious -Majesty. Radcliffe showed that the trade of Ireland had doubled during -Strafford's reign, and maintained that substantial justice had been -done. The late Remonstrance of the Irish House of Commons had been -rushed through and did not represent the facts. To this the Irish -Committee replied that Radcliffe was a member, and had not risen in his -place to object, that many illegal acts had been done, and that the -mild government which preceded Strafford's had allowed Ireland to grow -rich, while he had only reaped the harvest.[268] - -[Sidenote: Roman Catholic majority.] - -[Sidenote: The queries.] - -Owing probably to the confusion among the official class and to the -absence of some officers with the new army in Ulster, the Roman -Catholics had a majority in Parliament during the early months of 1641. -There were able lawyers among them who drew up a paper of queries or -interrogatories which they sent up to the Lords for the opinion of -the judges. The first shows the line taken: 'Whether the subjects of -this kingdom be a free people, and to be governed only by the common -laws of England, and statutes of force in this kingdom?' This the -judges answered generally in the affirmative, pointing out that both -in England and Ireland there was necessarily a certain amount of -judge-made law to meet cases not covered by statute. The general drift -of the queries was to dispute the jurisdiction of the Council and the -Star Chamber. By what law, runs the sixteenth query, 'are jurors, that -give verdict according to their conscience and are the sole judges of -the fact, censured in the Castle-chamber in great fines, and sometimes -pilloried, with loss of ears, and bored through the tongue, and marked -sometimes in the forehead with an hot iron; and other like infamous -punishments?' The judges did not deny the facts, but maintained that -perjured jurors were properly censurable in the Castle-chamber, and -they made a not very successful attempt to derive this jurisdiction -from writs of attaint at common law. The House of Commons were not -satisfied with the judges' answers, and made a declaration disposing -of each query in their own sense.[269] - -[Sidenote: Prorogation, March, 1640-1.] - -[Sidenote: Impeachments.] - -Parliament was prorogued from March 5 to May 11, having previously -appointed a committee to draw up articles of impeachment against -Lord Chancellor Bolton, Bishop Bramhall, Chief Justice Lowther, and -Sir George Radcliffe. Owing to the progress of events all these -impeachments were dropped, and the question as to the Irish House of -Lords' judicial powers was not decided. Before the Houses reassembled -the King had written to confirm all the graces and to suggest a Bill -for confirming sixty-year titles in Connaught, Clare, Limerick, and -Tipperary. But no legislation issued from the confused wrangling of -those days, during which Ormonde showed great capacity for obstructive -tactics. When Captain Audley Mervyn and others appeared as managers for -the Commons Bolton received them with great courtesy, then returned to -the Woolsack and declared himself impeached, protesting that he should -never dream of disputing their Lordships' jurisdiction. Thereupon -Ormonde raised a point of order. The Chancellor, he said, was accused -and therefore debarred from acting as speaker, and as there was no -power to appoint another nothing could be done. Bolton at last entered -into recognisances and the prorogation took place next day.[270] - -[Sidenote: New session, May 11, 1641.] - -When a fresh session began the Commons were more unmanageable than -ever. They asked the Lords Justices to let them search the Castle, -lest Strafford's servants should blow them all up in revenge for their -master's death. Borlase as Master of the Ordnance positively refused to -show 'the King's most precious jewels,' but assured them on his honour -that there was no powder under either House of Parliament, which was -no doubt the fact. The Lords Justices found that Strafford had died in -debt to the Crown, and proposed repayment out of the tobacco, while -the Commons urged that no tobacco seized after his attainder should -be confiscated. The weary chief governors were glad enough to have a -recess from July 14 to November 9. Before the latter date the rebellion -had broken out, but the Lords Justices were saved the trouble which -would have followed the return of the Irish Committee at the end of -August.[271] - -[Sidenote: A rising in Ulster foretold.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish in Flanders.] - -[Sidenote: Vane's letter, March, 1640-1.] - -[Sidenote: Sir W. Cole's letter, Oct. 11, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: Meeting at Multifarnham.] - -As early as 1611 Sir George Carew had foretold that the dispossessed -natives of Ulster would some day rebel, that there would be a war of -religion, and that the Protestant settlers would be surprised. The -Irish exiles in the Spanish service had ever since been a source of -apprehension, and abortive plots were laid from time to time both in -Spain and in the Netherlands. Communications by way of England were -always possible, and Clarendon thought much mischief was done by the -Committee from the Irish Parliament, 'consisting most of Papists, and -since the most active in the rebellion.' In July 1640 a cipher code was -established between Sir Phelim O'Neill in Ulster and Owen Roe O'Neill -in Flanders, who received a visit from Hugh MacPhelim, afterwards one -of the leaders in Ireland. O'Byrne observed that they were risking -their lives daily to 'succour a scabbed town' for the Spanish king, -and that they would be no worse off fighting for their own country. It -was believed that Ulster and Munster would join together. Nor was the -English Government without suspicion, for Vane, by the King's orders, -warned the Lords Justices a little later that an unspeakable number of -'Irish Churchmen had passed from Spain to England and Ireland, and some -good old soldiers,' on pretence of recruiting, but that rumours of a -rebellion, especially in Connaught, circulated freely among the friars. -It was not, however, until about a fortnight before the insurrection -that anything particular was noticed in Ireland itself. It was reported -to Sir William Cole at Enniskillen that there was an extraordinary -resort of the Irish gentry to Sir Phelim O'Neill's house, Lord Maguire -being specially active in journeying to and fro. A few days later he -was informed by Hugh Maguire that many of his clansmen and neighbours -were recruiting actively for the King of Spain's service in Portugal. -In itself this did not mean much, but great secrecy was observed, -and Sir William reported what he had heard to the Lords Justices, -who advised him to be vigilant. In the meantime there had been a -great gathering of Roman Catholic clergy and laity at Multifarnham -in Westmeath, but this was not known until later, though the Irish -Council were aware that there was 'great underhand labouring among the -priests, friars, and Jesuits' to prevent Strafford's disbanded soldiers -from leaving the country. At the Multifarnham meeting it was debated -what should be done to the Protestants, and there was much difference -of opinion. The only extant account rests upon the statement of a -Franciscan guardian, who was present, as reported on oath by Dr. Henry -Jones. Some of those assembled, the Franciscan spokesman among them, -were for turning all the Protestants out of Ireland with some portion -of their goods. This had been the policy of the Spanish kings towards -the Moors. Others were for killing them all, and these maintained -that the mercy, such as it was, of the two Philips was misplaced, -and had caused all the misery which Christendom suffered from the -rovers of Sallee and Algiers. A third party were for killing some and -expelling the rest. The heretics once got rid of, no religion but -that of Rome was to be allowed in Ireland, the King was to be reduced -to his hereditary revenue, and the clergy to have representatives in -Parliament. Poynings' Law was to be repealed, and the kingdom entirely -separated from England, civil authority resting in the hands of the -ancient chiefs and nobility, each being absolute in his county or -barony, but responsible to a native Parliament. The Earl of Kildare, -who was an ardent Protestant, was to be removed, and all plantation -lands restored to the previous owners. An army was devised consisting -of contingents out of each chiefry, and a navy manned by an order like -the Knights of Malta.[272] - -[Sidenote: The plot, Rory O'More.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Maguire] - -[Sidenote: Hugh MacMahon.] - -[Sidenote: Military conspirators.] - -[Sidenote: The plot discovered.] - -On October 21 Cole received more precise information about a plot to -seize Dublin and other strong places, and he sent at once to the Lords -Justices with the news; but the letter never reached them, having -doubtless been intercepted by some of the conspirators. Early in 1641 -it had occurred to Roger or Rory O'More that the King's difficulties in -Scotland might give an opportunity to Catholic Ireland. O'More belonged -to the remnant of the sept which had once ruled in Queen's County, -but was settled at Ballina near the northern extremity of Kildare. He -was an accomplished man and a persuasive speaker both in English and -Irish, and had a great reputation in the country. By his marriage with -a daughter of the noted Sir Patrick Barnewall he had many connections -in the Pale. Colonel Richard Plunket was married to his wife's first -cousin. The meeting of Parliament gave O'More an opportunity of -speaking to Lord Maguire, an extravagant young man of twenty-five, -who, having married a Fleming, had influence in the Pale as well as in -Ulster, and whose embarrassments disposed him to desperate courses. 'He -began,' said Maguire afterwards, 'to lay down the case that I was in, -overwhelmed in debt, the smallness of my estate, and the greatness of -the estate my ancestors had, and how I should be sure to get it again -or at least a good part thereof; and, moreover, how the welfare and -maintaining of the Catholic religion, which, he said, the Parliament -now in England will suppress, doth depend on it.' These were the -arguments used everywhere, and the miserable condition of the Irish -gentry in Ulster made them ready listeners. Hugh MacMahon, one of the -chief conspirators, complained bitterly of the 'proud and haughty -carriage of one Mr. Aldrige, that was his neighbour in the county of -Monaghan, who was a justice of the peace and but a vintner or tapster -few years before, that he gave him not the right hand of fellowship at -the assizes nor sessions, he being also in commission with him.' O'More -brought the Ulstermen together in Dublin, and visited the northern -province himself. Lord Mayo was also expected to join, and help was -confidently expected both from France and Spain. John O'Neill, calling -himself Earl of Tyrone, a colonel in the Spanish service, was killed in -Catalonia about this time, after which Owen Roe was looked to as the -real chief, and Sir Phelim as the principal man of his clan until the -other arrived. It was not till August that the plot to seize Dublin -Castle took definite shape, the idea originating with the soldiers of -fortune who were disappointed in their design for carrying Strafford's -army abroad. Parsons saw the danger of keeping these men in Ireland, -but the Irish Parliament was largely under clerical influence, and that -was exerted to prevent them going. Colonels Sir James Dillon, Hugh -MacPhelim O'Byrne, and Richard Plunket were most active, and October 5 -was fixed for the attempt. Delays occurred causing a postponement to -the 23rd, and in the meantime a messenger came from Owen Roe, who said -he had positive promises from Richelieu, that he was ready to join the -insurgents as soon as possible. On October 15 Sir Phelim O'Neill, Lord -Maguire, O'More, Ever Macmahon and Captain Brian O'Neill, Owen Roe's -envoy, met to make final arrangements. One hundred picked men from -Leinster, under the guidance of O'More, were to take the little gate -of the Castle, the main entrance being left to Maguire and one hundred -Ulstermen. Sir Phelim was to go home and take Londonderry at the same -moment, which he signally failed to do. The afternoon of Saturday the -23rd was the chosen time, for it was market day, and the presence -of strangers would be less noticed. On the previous evening Maguire, -O'Byrne, Plunket, Fox and others met, but it was found that only eighty -men had been provided instead of two hundred, Sir Phelim and others -failing to send their contingents. They resolved to go on with what -force they had, and to meet again next morning; but late in the evening -O'More and Fox came to Lord Maguire's lodgings and told him that all -was discovered.'[273] - -[Sidenote: Owen O'Connolly.] - -[Sidenote: O'Connolly discloses the plot.] - -Hugh Oge Macmahon, a grandson of the great Tyrone, who had been a -colonel in the Spanish service, lived on his property near Clones -in Monaghan. He had a relation named Owen O'Connolly, belonging to -the same county but employed by Sir John Clotworthy, married to an -Englishwoman, and apparently a sincere Protestant. Some six months -before the outbreak, when Macmahon complained to him of his neighbour -Aldrige's behaviour, O'Connolly replied that a conquered people must -submit; to which the other retorted that he hoped they would soon -be delivered from the slavery and bondage under which they groaned. -O'Connolly warned him against engaging in plots, and advised him to -report what he knew to the Lords Justices, 'which would redound to his -great honour.' He refused to have anything to do with the business, and -told several magistrates what he had heard, but they neglected it as -baseless gossip. Finding that he had gone too far, Macmahon promised to -move no more in the matter, and the kinsmen did not meet again until -October 22, on which day O'Connolly, who had been summoned by letter, -rode sixty miles and reached Dublin at seven in the evening. Macmahon -took him to Lord Maguire, who disclosed the whole plot. Strafford had -stored arms for 30,000 men in the Castle, with which the conspirators -expected to free the country easily. 'And whereas,' said Maguire, 'you -have of long time been a slave to that Puritan Sir John Clotworthy, I -hope you shall have as good a man to wait upon you.' They then went -with several others to the sign of the Lion in Wine Tavern Street, -where they turned the waiter out of the room and fell to drinking -health on their knees to the success of next day's work. In order to -make the others drink, O'Connolly had to swallow a good deal, and at -last, to use his own words, 'finding an opportunity, this examinate -leaped over a wall and two pales and so came to the Lord Justice -Parsons,' who lived near.[274] - -[Sidenote: Action of the Irish Government.] - -[Sidenote: Proclamation of Oct. 23, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: News comes from Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of the Government.] - -O'Connolly came to Parsons at his house on Merchants' Quay about -nine o'clock in the evening of Friday, October 22. He had not quite -recovered from the effects of his carouse, and the Lord Justice, who -only half believed his somewhat incoherent story, sent him back to get -more information from MacMahon, who lodged on the left bank of the -river. Parsons himself went to Borlase, who lived at Chichester House, -where the Bank of Ireland now stands, and summoned hastily such of -the Council as he thought within reach. The constable of the Castle -had already been warned, and the mayor had directions to apprehend -all strangers. O'Connolly, having with great difficulty escaped the -second time, fell into the hands of the watch, but was rescued by -Parsons' men. It was now very late, and only two Privy Councillors -could be found, but O'Connolly's information was sworn in proper form. -Borlase did not sign the deposition, though the sitting was in his -own house; and his son seems to suggest in his history that this was -owing to a difference with his colleague; but perhaps he could not keep -awake, for Strafford had long since pronounced him quite worn out. -The Council sat all night and all next day, Sir Francis Willoughby, -Sir John Temple, and the Vice-Treasurer Loftus being present. Before -separating, both Lords Justices and eight Privy Councillors signed -the first proclamation against 'the most disloyal and detestable -conspiracy intended by some evil-affected Irish papists.' The document -was quickly circulated through the country, but St. Leger, and no -doubt many others, thought the words last quoted unwise. Good subjects -were warned to stand on their guard and to keep the Government well -informed, 'and we require that great care be taken that no levies of -men be made for foreign service, nor any men suffered to march upon -any such pretence.' Willoughby was made governor of the Castle, with -a hundred men, well-armed, over and above the ordinary guard; and he -largely increased his force by re-engaging some of his old Carlisle -regiment who had come to Dublin after being disbanded. At midnight on -Saturday, the 23rd, Lord Blaney brought the first certain news from -Ulster. His family were prisoners, while Castleblaney, Carrickmacross, -and many other houses in Monaghan had been sacked or burned. The rebels -attacked Protestants only, 'leaving the English Papists untouched, as -well as the Irish.' Three hours later came the news that Newry with its -store of arms and powder was in the hands of the Irish. Dublin itself -was a prey to panic, and for a moment even Willoughby thought that -there would be an attack on the Castle. He so improved the defences as -to make a surprise impossible. Next morning, being Sunday, the Council -met again, and the proclamation, which had by this time been printed, -was dispersed over the country. An express was sent to bring up Ormonde -from Carrick-on-Suir, with copies of the proclamation to leave at -every market town on the road. In all Ireland meanwhile there were but -2297 foot soldiers and 943 horse, and these were for the most part in -distant garrisons. As to money, Loftus briefly reported that there was -nothing in the Exchequer. The Castle contained great stores of arms and -ammunition, the remains of Strafford's preparations, but trustworthy -men were at first much wanted.[275] - -[Sidenote: Willoughby's narrative.] - -Willoughby's own graphic account shows how narrow the escape had been. -He found no soldiers in the city, the Castle having for defence only -eight old warders and forty halberdiers (to escort the Lords Justices -to church), though it contained thirty-five guns with their fittings, -1500 barrels of powder with match and bullets, and arms for 10,000 -men. On the morning of October 23 Willoughby saw the Lords Justices at -Chichester House; they had been up all night, and gave him O'Connolly's -statement to read. They removed to the Castle by his advice, and he -had himself to sleep on the Council table. His first care was to break -down the staircase into Ship Street, lest there should be an attack -there. He then strengthened the gates and trailed cannon into position -commanding them. For fourteen days he dared not let down the drawbridge -unless all the halberdiers were present, by which time he had enlisted -200 of his old Carlisle regiment, who had returned to Ireland after -being disbanded. Plundered Protestants arrived daily with accounts of -murders and burnings.[276] - -[Sidenote: Maguire and Macmahon taken.] - -[Sidenote: O'More and others escape.] - -[Sidenote: The Lords of the Pale.] - -[Sidenote: They are supplied with arms.] - -[Sidenote: Arms sent to the Ulster Scots.] - -Of the conspirators, only two of any importance were taken--Macmahon -at his lodgings, and Lord Maguire in a cockloft where he had hidden -himself. Maguire denied everything, but he was confuted by Macmahon's -confession, and arms were discovered in his rooms. Macmahon, whose -information was mainly from Ulster, declared the conspiracy to be -universal, and believed, or professed to believe, that every garrison -in Ireland would be surprised on the same day. 'I am now in your -hands,' he said; 'use me as you will; I am sure I shall be shortly -revenged.' They were both hanged in London, Maguire being a commoner -in England. The point had been settled long ago in Lord Leonard Grey's -case, who was Viscount Grane in Ireland. Sir William Coles' letter -was now remembered, and there were other causes for alarm. The ease -with which O'More, Plunket, Fox, and O'Byrne escaped showed that they -had many confederates. Horsemen flocked into the suburbs, and Colonel -Barry's four hundred men in a ship on the river gave great uneasiness. -Barry had rather suspiciously disappeared on the night of the 22nd, and -the soldiers, who were not allowed to communicate with the shore, were -nearly starved, and when landed were not permitted to enter the town. -It was thought prudent to adjourn the Council from Chichester House to -the Castle, and when the number of suitors increased, to Cork House, -over the way. The Lords Justices could only hope that the Pale was not -so seriously tainted, and on Sunday and Monday they were visited by the -Earls of Kildare and Fingall, and by Lords Gormanston, Netterville, -Fitzwilliam, Howth, Dunsany, and Slane, all of whom professed loyalty -and declared that they now heard of the conspiracy for the first time. -Whether this was true in all cases may be doubted, but they agreed in -asking for arms. The Lords Justices hesitated about parting with their -weapons, but thought it better to give a certain number, 'lest they -should conceive we apprehended any jealousy of them.' Many of these -arms were used against the Government, and St. Leger thought they -ought not to have been given; while the Lords Justices were blamed by -others for not dealing them out more liberally. Enough were given for -seventeen hundred men in the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Louth, Meath, -and Westmeath, and, considering that they were entrusted to private -persons of doubtful loyalty, this seems to have been a fair allowance. -Arms for four hundred men were also sent to the Scots of Down and -Antrim, and these at least were not wasted. There was a great fleet of -Scotch fishing boats in the bay, and five hundred men volunteered to -land and be armed for the service of the State. The offer was accepted, -but never acted on, for the fishermen were seized with a panic, put -to sea, and never reappeared until the next year. The fugitives from -Ulster soon began to pour into Dublin. Temple is open to criticism for -his account of what happened in the northern province, but this is what -he saw himself: - -[Sidenote: What Temple saw in Dublin.] - -'Many persons of good rank and quality, covered over with old rags, and -some without any other covering than a little to hide their nakedness, -some reverend ministers and others that had escaped with their lives -sorely wounded. Wives came bitterly lamenting the murders of their -husbands; mothers of their children, barbarously destroyed before their -faces; poor infants ready to perish and pour out their souls in their -mothers' bosoms; some over-wearied with long travel, and so surbated, -as they came creeping on their knees; others frozen up with cold, ready -to give up the ghost in the streets; others overwhelmed with grief, -distracted with their losses, lost also their senses.... But those of -better quality, who could not frame themselves to be common beggars, -crept into private places; and some of them, that had not private -friends to relieve them, even wasted silently away, and so died without -noise.... The greatest part of the women and children thus barbarously -expelled out of their habitations perished in the city of Dublin; and -so great numbers of them were brought to their graves, as all the -churchyards within the whole town were of too narrow a compass to -contain them.' Two large additional burial grounds were set apart.[277] - -[Sidenote: An amended proclamation, Oct. 29.] - -[Sidenote: The Very Rev. Henry Jones.] - -[Sidenote: The Protestants at Belturbet.] - -[Sidenote: The Lords Justices mark time.] - -On October 29 the Lords Justices issued a second proclamation. The -words 'Irish Papists' in the first had been misunderstood, and they -now desired to confine it to the 'old mere Irish in the province of -Ulster'; and they straitly charged both Papists and Protestants on -their allegiance to 'forbear upbraiding matters of religion one against -the other.' They soon had authentic evidence of how the old mere Irish -were behaving in one Ulster county. Dean Jones came to Dublin at the -beginning of November with the Remonstrance of the O'Reillys, which -Bedell had excused himself from carrying. 'I must confess,' says -Jones, 'the task was such as was in every respect improper for me to -undergo ... but chiefly considering that thereby I might gain the -opportunity of laying open to the Lords what I had observed ... which -by letters could not so safely be delivered, I did therefore accept.' -The O'Reillys declared that the outbreak was caused by oppression and -by the fear of worse oppression; that there was no intention to rebel -against the King; and that the people had attacked the English settlers -without their orders and against their will. To prevent greater -disorders they had seized strong places for the King's use, and they -demanded liberty of conscience and security for their property. Jones -saw clearly that the rising was general and that the native gentry had -no wish to restrain it, and he could tell what had happened to the -English inhabitants of Belturbet. Philip Mac Hugh O'Reilly and the -rest had promised these people a safe passage, and had allowed them to -carry away some of their property, which they were thus induced not to -hide. In the town of Cavan they were attacked, the guard given by the -O'Reillys joining in the treachery, and robbed of everything. 'Some -were killed, all stripped, some almost, others altogether naked, not -respecting women and sucking infants, the Lady Butler faring herein -as did others. Of these miserable creatures many perished by famine -and cold, travelling naked through frost and snow, the rest recovering -Dublin, where now many of them are among others, in the same distress -for bread and clothes.' After a week's hesitation, the Lords Justices -sent back an answer by Jones, whose wife and children remained as -hostages. This he describes as 'fair, but general and dilatory, -suitable to the weak condition of affairs in Dublin, the safety whereof -wholly depending upon the gain of time.' The Government yielded no -point of importance. They reminded the remonstrants that fortresses -could not be legally seized without orders from the King, and that -the rebels had falsely professed to have such orders. If, however, -the inhabitants of the county Cavan would peaceably return to their -own dwellings, restore every possible article to its plundered owner, -and abstain from all hostile acts in future, then the Lords Justices -would forward their petition to his Majesty and 'humbly seek his royal -pleasure therein.' The O'Reillys were in the meantime preparing to -attack Dublin in force.[278] - -[Sidenote: State of the Pale.] - -As regards the gentry of the Pale, Roman Catholics for the most part, -the Lords Justices were in a difficult position. By mistrusting them -they ran the risk of driving them into rebellion; by trusting them -they increased their power for mischief, should they be already -tainted. For the moment the first danger seemed the greater of the -two, and commissions as governors of counties with plenary powers were -accordingly issued to several of them, by which they were authorised -to proceed by martial law against the rebels, 'hanging them till they -be dead as hath been accustomed in time of open rebellion,' destroying -or sparing their houses and territories according to their discretion. -They were also empowered to grant protections. - -[Sidenote: Lord Gormanston.] - -[Sidenote: Sir N. Barnewall.] - -[Sidenote: Sir T. Nugent.] - -[Sidenote: Sir C. Bellew.] - -[Sidenote: The Earl of Kildare.] - -Viscount Gormanston was thus made governor of Meath, and arms were -given him for 500 men. He was in open rebellion a few weeks later. Sir -Nicholas Barnewall of Turvey, afterwards created Viscount Kingsland by -Charles I., became governor of the county of Dublin, and had arms for -300 men. Barnewall was a good deal involved in political intrigues, -but soon fled to England to avoid taking arms against the Government. -A commission as governor of Westmeath and arms for 300 men were given -to Sir Thomas Nugent, who afterwards tried to fill the difficult part -of neutral. Sir Christopher Bellew was governor of Louth, with arms -for 300, but he very soon joined the Irish. To George Earl of Kildare, -Cork's son-in-law, his own county was entrusted and arms for 300; but -he was a Protestant and suffered severely for his loyalty, while he -was quite unable to curb his neighbours. Finding after a time that the -arms given out would, if used at all, be used against them, the Lords -Justices endeavoured to get them back, but they recovered only 950 out -of 1700, and the enemy had the rest.[279] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde made general.] - -[Sidenote: Sir H. Tichborne.] - -Ormonde was at his own house at Carrick-on-Suir when the rebellion -broke out. The Lords Justices sent for him at once, and the first -letter being delayed in transmission, a second was sent with a -commission to him and Mountgarret to govern the county of Kilkenny -and to take such other precautions as were possible. The gentry met -at Kilkenny and offered to raise 240 foot and 50 horse, while Callan -and other towns made similar promises. There were, however, no arms, -and the Lords Justices would give none out of the stores. Before -purchases could be made in England the situation was greatly changed. -Ormonde arrived at Dublin with his troop early at the end of the first -week in November, and on the 10th Sir Patrick Wemyss returned from -Edinburgh with his nomination as Lieutenant-General, to command the -army as he had done in Strafford's time. The Lords Justices made out -his commission next day, with warrant to execute martial law, but -without prejudice to Leicester's authority as Lord Lieutenant. It was -not till six months later that the King gave him power to appoint -subordinate officers according to the 'constant practice and custom -of former times,' it having by then become evident that Leicester -would not reside in Ireland. The defence of Drogheda had already been -provided for by Sir Henry Tichborne, who was living at Dunshaughly, -near Finglas, and who had brought his family into Dublin on the first -day, having already 'scattered a parcel of rogues' that threatened his -country house. Having received a commission from the Lords Justices, -he raised and armed 1000 men in nine days among the Protestants who -had left their homes, and with this regiment he entered Drogheda on -November 4. Three additional companies were sent to him a few days -later.[280] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde disagrees with the Lords Justices.] - -One of Ormonde's first acts as general was to commission Lord Lambert, -Sir Charles Coote, and Sir Piers Crosbie to raise regiments of 1000 -men each, and thirteen others to raise independent companies of 100 -each. The ranks were filled in a few days, for all business was at a -standstill, and Protestant fugitives poured in in great numbers. There -were 1500 disciplined men of the old army about Dublin. Strafford -had left a fine train of field artillery with arms, tents, and all -necessaries for 10,000 men. Under these circumstances Ormonde was for -pushing on, and putting down the northern rebellion at once. To this -the Lords Justices would not consent, and it may be that they were -jealous of their general; but it must be confessed that there was also -something to be said for a cautious policy. With the Pale evidently -disaffected Dublin could not be considered as very safe.[281] - -[Sidenote: The Irish Parliament after the outbreak.] - -[Sidenote: Both Houses protest against the rising.] - -[Sidenote: Vain hopes of peace.] - -[Sidenote: Prorogation, Nov. 17, 1641.] - -When the rebellion broke out the Lords Justices by their own authority -prorogued Parliament till February 24, fearing a concourse of people -to Dublin, and also because the state of Ulster made it almost certain -that there would not be a Protestant majority. The gentry of the Pale, -and the Roman Catholic party generally, protested strongly, and there -were doubts about the legality of the prorogation. Some lawyers held -that Parliament would be dissolved by the mere fact of not meeting -on the appointed day. To get over the difficulty the Lords Justices -agreed that Parliament should meet as originally announced, but that -it should sit only for one day, and should then be prorogued to a date -earlier than February 24. Ormonde and some others were in favour of a -regular session, but they were overruled by the official members of -the Council. Parliament met accordingly on November 9, and immediately -adjourned till the 16th, so as to give time for private negotiations. -The attendance was thin in both Houses, partly on account of the state -of the country and partly because many thought that the prorogation -till February was still in force. Mr. Cadowgan significantly remarked -that 'many members of the House are traitors, and whether they come -or not it is not material.' There was a great military display about -the Castle gates, according to the precedent created by Strafford, and -offence was taken at this; but the two Houses agreed to a protestation -against those who, 'contrary to their duty and loyalty to his Majesty, -and against the laws of God, and the fundamental laws of the realm, -have traitorously and rebelliously raised arms, have seized on some of -his Majesty's forts and castles, and dispossessed many of his Majesty's -faithful subjects of their houses, lands, and goods, and have slain -many of them, and committed other cruel and inhumane outrages and acts -of hostility within the realm.' And the Lords and Commons pledged -themselves to 'take up arms and with their lives and fortunes suppress -them and their attempts.' There was some grumbling about the words -'traitorously and rebelliously' on the principle that birds are not -to be caught by throwing stones at them, but the majority thought the -Ulster rebels past praying for, and the protest was agreed to without -a division. There was also unanimity in appointing a joint committee, -fairly representing different sections, with power, subject to royal -or viceregal consent, to confer with the Ulster people. Two days were -occupied in these discussions, and on the evening of the 17th the Lords -Justices prorogued Parliament till January 11. When that day came -things had gone far beyond the parliamentary stage.[282] - -[Sidenote: Leicester Lord Lieutenant.] - -[Sidenote: He never came to Ireland.] - -[Sidenote: The rebellion reported to the English Parliament.] - -[Sidenote: The news reaches the King, Oct. 27.] - -The Earl of Leicester was appointed Lord Lieutenant early in June 1641, -and the Lords Justices were directed by the King to furnish him with -copies of all their instructions. He remained in England, and to him -the Irish Government addressed their account of the outbreak. This -was brought over by Owen O'Connolly, received on or before October -31, and at once communicated to the Privy Council, who had a Sunday -sitting. On Monday, November 1, the Upper House did not sit in the -morning, 'for,' says Clarendon, 'it was All Saints' Day, which the -Lords yet kept holy, though the Commons had reformed it.' To the House -of Commons accordingly the Privy Council proceeded in a body, headed -by the Lord Keeper. There was no precedent for such a visitation, but -after a short discussion chairs were placed in the body of the House -and Leicester, with his hat off, read the Lords Justices' letter of -October 25. Clarendon testifies from personal knowledge that the -rebellion was odious to the King, and confidently asserts that none of -the parliamentary leaders 'originally and intentionally contributed -thereunto,' though he believes that their conduct afterwards added -fuel to the flame. When the Privy Councillors had withdrawn the House -went into committee, Mr. Whitelock in the chair, and drew up heads -for a conference with the Peers. As to money they resolved to borrow -50,000_l._, giving full security, and to pay O'Connolly 500_l._ down -with a pension of 200_l._ until an estate of greater value could be -provided. Resolutions were passed against Papists, and particularly -for the banishment of the Queen's Capuchins. The Lords met in the -afternoon, and after this the two Houses acted together. Three days -later the estimate for Ireland was raised to 200,000_l._, and Leicester -was authorised to raise 3,500 foot and 600 horse, while arms were -provided for a further levy. News of the outbreak came to the King at -Edinburgh direct from Ulster four days before it reached the English -Parliament. Tradition says that he was playing golf, and that he -finished his game.[283] - -[Sidenote: Letter from the O'Farrells.] - -[Sidenote: Catholic grievances represented to the King.] - -Lord Dillon of Costello, who was a professing Protestant, produced at -the Council on November 10 a letter signed by twenty-six O'Farrells -in county Longford. This paper is well written, and contains the usual -pleas for religious equality, which modern readers will readily admit, -though they were not according to the ideas of that day either at home -or abroad. The O'Farrells had taken an oath of allegiance, but their -sincerity is open to doubt, for they demanded 'an act of oblivion and -general pardon without restitution on account of goods taken in the -times of this commotion.' No government could possibly grant any such -amnesty, and the suggestion came at a time when Ulster was in a blaze -and when Dublin was crowded with Protestants who had escaped with their -bare lives. Dillon and Taaffe were commissioned by the Roman Catholic -lords to carry their grievances to the King. When returning with -instructions they were stopped at Ware and their papers overhauled, the -Lords Justices having warned their parliamentary friends.[284] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of the Irish Government.] - -[Sidenote: Relief comes but slowly.] - -[Sidenote: Monck, Grenville and Harcourt.] - -The influence of Carte has led historians generally to think that the -Lords Justices were either too desperately frightened to think of -anything but their own safety, or that they let the rebellion gather -head to suit the views of the English parliamentary party. There is not -much evidence for either supposition. Just at the moment when the Pale -was declaring against them they reported their destitute condition to -Leicester. The troops were unpaid. At Dublin they had but 3000 foot -and 200 horse, and the capital as well as Drogheda was surrounded by -armed bands who had already made food scarce, and who threatened to -cut off the water. A large extent had to be defended, and many of -the inhabitants were not to be trusted. A crusade was being preached -all over the country, and at Longford, notwithstanding the oath of -the O'Farrells, a priest was reported to have given the signal for a -massacre by ripping up the parson with his own hand. The mischief was -spreading daily, and agitators industriously declared that no help -would be sent from England. Ireland was not, however, forgotten, but -Parliament, to whom the King had specially entrusted it, had its own -business to do, and a popular assembly has no administrative energy. It -was not till the last day of December that Sir Simon Harcourt landed -with 1100 men. Three hundred more followed quickly, and George Monck -with Leicester's own regiment was not far behind. Grenville brought 400 -horse about the same time. Harcourt had long military experience in the -Low Countries, and had lately commanded a regiment in Scotland. He had -a commission as Governor of Dublin, but Coote was in possession and was -not disturbed. Harcourt was very angry with the Lords Justices, but he -got on well with Ormonde and did good service until his death.[285] - -[Sidenote: Sir Charles Coote.] - -The number of troops available in Dublin was small, but they were much -better armed than the insurgents. It was thus a matter of policy to -act on the offensive and clear the surrounding country, demolishing -houses and castles where troublesome posts might be established. -This work, cruel in itself, was performed in a very ruthless manner, -and particular blame has always fallen upon Sir Charles Coote, whose -ferocity seems to have been as conspicuous as his courage. One story -told both by Bellings and Leyburn is that he called upon a countryman -to blow into the mouth of his pistol, that the simple fellow obeyed, -and that Coote shot him in that position. He never went to bed during -a campaign, but kept himself ready for any alarm, and lost his life in -a sally from Trim during a night attack at the head of only seventeen -men, the place being beset by thousands.[286] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[268] Alice Thornton's _Autobiography_; _Irish Lords Journals_, -February 22, 1640-1; Petition of the Irish Committee to the King, Cal. -State Papers, _Ireland_, 1640, addendum; Radcliffe's answer to the -Committee, _ib._ January 9, 1641, and their rejoinder, _ib._ February -12. - -[269] _Irish Commons Journals_, February 16, 1640-1. The queries, -with the answers and declaration of the Commons, are in _Nalson_, ii. -572-589. - -[270] _Irish Commons Journals_, 1641, p. 211; _Irish Lords Journals_, -February 27, March 4. - -[271] _Irish Commons Journals_, June 7, July 10. The story about the -powder is from Borlase's _Rebellion_, ed. 1680, p. 12; he is not a very -good authority, but on this occasion is speaking of his father's action. - -[272] Examination of Henry Macartan, quartermaster to Owen Roe -O'Neill, February 12, 1641-2, _Contemp. Hist._ i. 396; Vane to the -Lords Justices, March 16, 1640-1, Cox's _Hibernia Anglicana_, ii. 65; -Cole to the Lords Justices, October 11, 1641, printed in _Nalson_ and -elsewhere; Lords Justices and Council to Vane, June 30, 1641, State -Papers, _Ireland_; Deposition as to the Multifarnham meeting, May 3, -1642 (misprinted 1641), in Hickson's _Seventeenth Century_, ii. 355. -Temple produces evidence as to the rebellion being threatened long -before it actually happened, O'More himself having admitted as much, -p. 103. Patrick O'Bryan of Fermanagh swore on January 29, 1641-2 'that -he heard Colonel Plunket say that he knew of this plot eight years -ago, but within these three years hath been more fully acquainted -with it'--_Somers Tracts_, v. 586. Lieutenant Craven, who had been a -prisoner with the Ulster Irish, was prepared to swear that on March 3, -1641-2, he had heard Bishop Heber Macmahon tell his friends that he had -planned the rebellion years before, and knew from personal knowledge -that all Catholic nations would help; urging them to persevere and -extirpate heresy. Macmahon repeated this at Monaghan in January -1643-4--_Carte MSS._ vol. lxiii. f. 132. - -[273] Lord Maguire's Relation, written by him in the Tower (after -August 1642) printed from the Carte Papers in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 501. -Parsons to Vane, August 3, State Papers, _Ireland_. Temple's History is -valuable here, for he was present in Dublin and signed the proclamation -on October 23, _Bellings_, i. 7-11. - -[274] O'Connolly's Deposition, October 22, in Temple's _History_, -with the author's remarks, and his further Relation printed from a -manuscript in Trinity College in _Contemp. Hist._, i. 357. - -[275] Chiefly from Temple's _History_, where O'Connolly's evidence, -and the proclamation of October 23, are given in full. There is an -independent account by Alice Thornton, Wandesford's daughter, who was -in Dublin at the time, aged fifteen. According to her O'Connolly swam -the Liffey. 'What shall I do for my wife?' he asked the conspirators, -and they answered 'Hang her, for she was but an English dog; he might -get better of his own country.'--_Autobiography_, Surtees Society, 1875. - -[276] Sir F. Willoughby's narrative among the _Trinity College MSS._, -809-841, vol. xxxii. f. 178. - -[277] _Temple_, pp. 93-4. Macmahon's Deposition, October 23, _Contemp. -Hist._ i. Appx. xix. Lords Justices and Council to Leicester, October -25, printed in Temple's _History_ and elsewhere. Macmahon's latter -evidence, 'taken at the rack' on March 22, 1641-2, gives further -details regarding the Ulster conspirators, but he knew nothing about -the Pale, and does not even mention O'More's name. Reports of Maguire's -trial have been often printed. - -[278] Proclamation of October 29, 1641, in _Temple_ and elsewhere. Dean -Jones's 'Relation of the beginning and proceedings of the rebellion in -Cavan, &c.,' was printed in London by order of the House of Commons in -the spring of 1642, and reproduced in vol. v. of the _Somers Tracts_ -as well as in Gilbert's _Contemporary History_, where the Cavan -Remonstrance, received November 6, and the Lords Justices' answer -dated November 10, are also printed. Rosetti at Cologne heard that -many Protestants had joined the rebels, which was certainly not true, -though some pretended to do so. _Roman Transcripts_, R.O., December -10, 1641. Another paper from Cologne speaks of the rebels 'quali -vanno decapitando et appiccando li Protestanti che non gli vogliono -assistere,' _ib._ December 22. - -[279] Temple prints the commission to Gormanston as a specimen. Lords -Justices and Council to Leicester, December 14, in _Nalson_, ii. 911. - -[280] Sir Henry Tichborne's letter to his wife, printed with Temple's -_History_, Cork, 1766. Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 193, and the King's -letters in vol. iii. Nos. 31 and 82. - -[281] Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 192-5; Lords Justices to Ormonde, October -24, 1641, printed in _Confederation and War_, i. 227. - -[282] Bellings gives the two documents referred to. He was a member -of this Parliament, and one of the Joint Committee. _Irish Commons -Journals._ - -[283] _Rushworth_, iv. 398-406; Nicholas to the King, November 1, -1641, in Evelyn's _Correspondence_; Macray's edition of Clarendon's -_History_, i. 408; May's _Long Parliament_, p. 127. May is a good -authority for what happened in London, but for events in Ireland -he depends chiefly on Temple. _Lords Journals_, November 1; Lang's -_Hist. of Scotland_, iii. 100; Vane to Nicholas, October 27, _Nicholas -Papers_, i. 58. - -[284] _Nalson_, ii. 898; _Rushworth_, iv. 413; _Diurnal Occurrences_, -December 20-25, 1641. - -[285] Despatch of December 14, in _Nalson_, _ut sup._ Monck's letter -from Chester, _ib._ 919, shows how little money Parliament had to -spare. In clerical circles abroad it was rumoured a little later that -Dublin would soon fall, and that five hundred Protestants who objected -to the cross in baptism had been marked with it on the forehead and -sent back to England--_Roman Transcripts_, R.O., February 2, 1642. -Four letters from Sir Simon Harcourt, January 3, 1641-42 to March 21, -in vol. i. of _Harcourt Papers_ (private circulation). As late as -September 16, 1642, Sir N. Loftus wrote from Dublin that the enfeebled -garrison could not hold out for six weeks if seriously attacked. -Food and ammunition were wanting, and the surviving soldiers sick or -starving--_Portland Papers_, i. 700. - -[286] _Bellings_, i. xxxii. 35; George Leyburn's _Memoirs_, Preface; -Borlase's _Irish Rebellion_, p. 104, ed. 1743. Coote was killed May 7, -1642; when the name occurs later the reference is to his son, also Sir -Charles. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -PROGRESS OF THE REBELLION - - -[Sidenote: Outbreak in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Savage character of the contest.] - -[Sidenote: Contemporary accounts of the massacre.] - -[Sidenote: Later estimates.] - -[Sidenote: The number of victims cannot be ascertained.] - -'There are,' says Hume, 'three events in our history which may be -regarded as touchstones of party men: an English Whig who asserts the -reality of the popish plot, an Irish Catholic who denies the massacre -in 1641, and a Scotch Jacobite who maintains the innocence of Queen -Mary, must be considered as men beyond the reach of argument or reason, -and must be left to their prejudices.' The fact of a massacre cannot be -denied, but its extent is quite another matter. There is no evidence -of any general conspiracy of the Irish to destroy all the Protestants, -but so far as Ulster was concerned there was no doubt one to regain the -land and in so doing to expel the settlers. Rinuccini admitted that the -northern Irish, though good Catholics, were often great savages; and it -is not surprising that there should have been many murders, sometimes -of the most atrocious character, and that a much larger number of lives -should have been lost through starvation and exposure. It is also true -that many acts of kindness were done by the successful insurgents, and -that the retaliation of the English was cruel and indiscriminating. As -to the number killed during the early part of the rebellion and before -it assumed the dignity of civil war, it is impossible to form anything -like a satisfactory estimate. Temple, whose book was published in 1646, -says that in the first two years after the outbreak '300,000 British -and Protestants were cruelly murdered in cold blood, destroyed some -other way, or expelled out of their habitations according to the strict -conjecture and computation of those who seemed best to understand the -numbers of English planted in Ireland, besides those few that perished -in the heat of fight during the war.' The great exaggeration of this -has been dwelt on by writers who wish to disparage Temple's authority, -but these enormous figures were generally believed in at the time. May, -who depended partly on Temple, says 'the innocent Protestants were -upon a sudden disseized of their estates, and the persons of above -200,000 men, women, and children, murdered, many of them with exquisite -and unheard of tortures, within the space of one month.' Dr. Maxwell -learned from the Irish themselves that their priests counted 154,000 -killed during the first five months. The Jesuit Cornelius O'Mahony, -writing in 1645, says it was admitted on all sides that 150,000 -heretics had been killed up to that time; he exults in the fact, -and thinks the number was really greater. Clarendon says 40,000 or -50,000 English Protestants were murdered at the very beginning of the -rebellion. Petty was the first writer of repute who attempted anything -like a critical estimate. He had a genius for statistics and he knew -a great deal, but owing to the want of trustworthy data, even he can -do little more than guess that '37,000 were massacred in the first -year of tumults.' So much for those who lived at or near the time; -modern writers can scarcely be better informed, but may perhaps be -more impartial. Froude, who was not inclined to minimise, thinks even -Petty's estimate too high, and quotes the account of an eye-witness -who says 20,000 were killed or starved to death in about the first -two months. Warner, who wrote in 1767, was inclined to adopt Peter -Walsh's estimate of 8000. Reid rejected the higher figures, but without -venturing on any decided opinion, Lecky very truly said that certainty -was unattainable, but was inclined to agree with Warner. Miss Hickson, -who examined the depositions more closely than any other writer, said -the same, but thought the number killed in the first three or four -years of the war could hardly fall short of 25,000. The conclusion of -the whole matter is that several thousand Protestants were massacred, -that the murders were not confined to one province or county, but -occurred in almost every part of the island, that the retaliation was -very savage, innocent persons often suffering for the guilty, and -that great atrocities were committed on both sides. 'The cause of the -war,' says Petty, 'was a desire of the Romanists to recover the Church -revenue, worth about 110,000_l._ per annum and of the common Irish to -get all the Englishmen's estates, and of the ten or twelve grandees of -Ireland to get the empire of the whole.... But as for the bloodshed -in the contest, God best knows who did occasion it.' He thought the -population of Ireland in 1641 was about 1,400,000, out of which only -210,000 were British.[287] - -[Sidenote: The massacre in Island Magee.] - -One of the worst cases of retaliation was the massacre by Scots of -many Roman Catholic inhabitants of Island Magee in Antrim, but it is -necessary to point out that this took place in January 1642, because -it has been asserted that it was the first act of violence and the -real cause of the whole rebellion. Some of those who took part in the -outrage were alive in 1653, and were then prosecuted by the Cromwellian -Government.[288] - -[Sidenote: The rising in Tyrone, Oct. 23, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: English tenants plundered.] - -[Sidenote: Murder of Protestants.] - -Dublin was saved, but the rebellion broke out in Ulster upon the -appointed day. According to Captain John Creichton, his grandfather's -house near Caledon in Tyrone was the first attacked. The rebellion -certainly began upon Sir Phelim O'Neill's property at Caledon or Kinard -during the night of October 22, when O'Connolly was telling the Lords -Justices what he had heard. William Skelton, who lived as a servant -in Sir Phelim's house, was ploughing in the afternoon when an Irish -fellow servant came to him with about twenty companions and said that -they had risen about religion. Armed only with cudgels, they attacked -several of Sir Phelim's English tenants, who were well-to-do and -apparently well-beloved by their Irish neighbours, 'and differed not in -anything, save only that the Irish went to mass, and the English to the -Protestant church in Tinane, a mile from Kinard.' Taken by surprise, -the Protestants were easily disarmed, and robbed in the first instance -only of such horses as would make troopers. All the English and Scots -neighbours were thus plundered in detail, cattle, corn, furniture, -and clothes being taken in succession. In about a fortnight the Irish -began to murder the Protestants. Among those whom Skelton knew of his -own knowledge to be killed in cold blood before the end of the year -was 'one Edward Boswell, who was come over but a year before from -England, upon the invitation of the said Sir Phelim, his wife having -nursed a child of the said Sir Phelim's in London.' Boswell's wife and -child were murdered at the same time, and seventeen others in Kinard -itself, men, women, and children. Skelton and some others were saved -by the intercession of Daniel Bawn, whose wife was an Englishman's -daughter.[289] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill at Charlemont.] - -[Sidenote: The Caulfield family.] - -[Sidenote: Dungannon, Mountjoy, Tanderagee and Newry taken] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Henry Leslie.] - -While his English servant was ploughing at Kinard, Sir Phelim O'Neill -was on his way to Charlemont with an armed party. He had invited -himself to dinner and was hospitably received by Lady Caulfield and her -son, who had not long succeeded to the peerage. In after days there -was a family tradition that the butler, an old and trusty servant, was -alarmed by the attitude of Sir Phelim's followers and imparted his -fears to his mistress. His advice was neglected, and when the meal was -over he left the house and made the best of his way to Dublin. The -Caulfields and the unsuspecting men who ought to have defended the fort -were surprised and captured, and O'Neill occupied Dungannon the same -night. Next day the O'Quins took Mountjoy, the O'Hanlons Tanderagee, -and the Magennises Newry. All were surprised, and there was practically -no resistance. In the course of the day a fugitive trooper came to -Lisburn, where Henry Leslie, Bishop of Down, was living, with news of -the disasters at Charlemont and Dungannon, and four hours later another -runaway announced that Newry was taken. Leslie at once sent the news -on to Lord Montgomery, who was at or near Newtownards, and to Lord -Chichester at Belfast; and they both wrote to the King. - -Chichester said only one man had been slain, which has been adduced as -a proof that there was no massacre, but he knew only what Leslie had -told him, and there were no tidings from any point beyond Dungannon. -Other districts could tell a very different tale.[290] - -[Sidenote: Fermanagh. Rory Maguire.] - -[Sidenote: Murders at Lisgoole and elsewhere.] - -Lord Maguire was a prisoner, but his brother Rory raised Fermanagh -before any account of the doings in Dublin had come so far. The robbing -and murdering began on October 23, and very soon the whole county was -at the mercy of the rebels. Enniskillen was never taken, and it will be -seen that walled towns, if well defended, were generally maintained. -Alice Champion, whose husband was killed in her presence on the first -day, heard the murderers say that 'they had special orders from Lord -Maguire not to spare him or any of the Crosses that were his followers -and tenants.' About twenty-four others were murdered at the same time, -and Mrs. Champion afterwards heard them boast that they had 'killed so -many Englishmen that the grease or fat that remained on their swords -might have made an Irish candle,' ninety being despatched at Lisgoole -alone. The latter massacre is also sworn to by an eye-witness. Anne -Ogden's husband was murdered in the same way. She was allowed to fly -to Dublin with her two children, but all were stripped on the way, and -the children afterwards died 'through the torments of hunger and cold -they endured on that journey.' - -[Sidenote: Treatment of the English Bible.] - -Edward Flack, a clergyman, was plundered and wounded on the 23rd, and -his house burned. The rebels in this case vented some of their fury on -his Bible, which they stamped upon in a puddle, saying 'A plague on -this book, it has bred all this quarrel,' and hoping that all Bibles -would have this or worse treatment within three weeks. Much more of -the same kind might be said, and the events sworn to in Fermanagh -alone fully dispel the idea that there were no murders at the first -outbreak.[291] - -[Sidenote: Cavan. The O'Reillys.] - -[Sidenote: Pretended orders from the King.] - -[Sidenote: Colonel Richard Plunkett.] - -In Cavan, where the O'Reillys were supreme, there were no murders at -the very beginning. Here, as in other places, the first idea seems -to have been to spare the Scots and not to kill the English unless -they resisted their spoilers. On the night of October 23, the Rev. -George Crichton, vicar of Lurgan, who lived at Virginia, was roused -out of his first sleep by two neighbours, who told him of the rising -further north. Many of the Protestant inhabitants fled into the fields, -but Crichton thought it better to stand his ground, and very soon a -messenger came from Captain Tirlogh McShane McPhilip O'Reilly, to say -that the Irish would harm no Scot. Crichton perhaps profited also by -the fact that 'no man ever lost a penny by him in the Bishop's Court, -and none ever paid to him what he did owe,' which may have been a -result of Bedell's influence. He went out and met this chief at Parta -wood, about a mile to the east of the town. O'Reilly, who had some -twenty-four men with him, announced that Dublin and all other strong -places were taken, and that they 'had directions from his Majesty to -do all these things to curb the Parliament of England; for all the -Catholics in England should have been compelled to go to Church, or -else they should be all hanged before their own doors on Tuesday next.' -Crichton said he did not believe such a thing had been ever dreamed of, -whereupon O'Reilly declared his intention of seizing all Protestant -property and of killing anyone who resisted. Next morning Virginia -was sacked accordingly, but no lives were taken, for no one made any -defence. The canny Scots clergyman managed to keep the Irish in pretty -good humour, lodged nine families in his own house, and provided food -for the fugitives from Fermanagh who began to arrive in a few days. -Many thousands from Ballyhaise, Belturbet and Cavan passed through -Virginia on their way towards the Pale. Crichton obtained help from -Colonel Richard Plunkett, who wept and blamed Rory Maguire for all. On -being asked whether the Irish had made a covenant he said, 'Yea, the -Scots have taught us our A B C; in the meantime he so trembled that he -could scarce carry a cup of drink to his head.' Nevertheless he boasted -that Dublin was the only place not taken, that Geneva had fallen, -and that there was war in England. Many of the wretched Fermanagh -Protestants were wounded, and the state of their children was pitiable. -The wounded were tended and milk provided for the children, Crichton -telling his wife and family that it was their plain duty to stay, and -that 'in this trouble God had called them to do him that service.' -All this happened within the first week of the outbreak, and when the -long stream of refugees seemed to have passed, Crichton and his family -prepared to go; but they were detained, lest what they had to tell -might be inconvenient. Protestants from the north continued to drop in -for some time, and Crichton was allowed to relieve them until after -the overthrow at Julianstown at the end of November. The O'Reillys -took part in the affair, and their followers became bolder and less -lenient.[292] - -[Sidenote: Cavan and Belturbet.] - -[Sidenote: Philip MacHugh O'Reilly.] - -[Sidenote: Horrors of a winter flight.] - -Another clergyman, Henry Jones, Dean of Kilmore, was living at -Bellananagh Castle, near Cavan, at the time of the outbreak. Philip -MacHugh MacShane O'Reilly, member for the county, was the chosen leader -of the Irish. The actual chief of the clan was Edmund O'Reilly, but -the most active part was taken by his son, Miles O'Reilly, the high -sheriff, a desperate 'young man,' who at once assumed his native -name of Mulmore Mac Edmond. Under the pretence of raising the _posse -comitatus_ he sent bailiffs to the scattered houses of Protestants and -collected their arms. He himself seized the arms at Farnham Castle, and -took possession of Cloghoughter, with whose governor, Arthur Culme, -he had been on terms of friendship. Next day, October 24, the sheriff -proceeded to Belturbet, which was the principal English settlement and -contained some 1500 Protestants. Sir Stephen Butler was dead, but his -widow had married Mr. Edward Philpot and was living there with her -five children. Sir Francis Hamilton, who was at Keilagh Castle, tried -to organise some resistance, but Philip MacHugh O'Reilly took the -settlers under his protection, and they gave up their arms. Yet Captain -Ryves with some thirty horse had no difficulty in reaching the Pale by -O'Daly's Bridge on the Blackwater, and in occupying Ardbraccan for the -Lords Justices. Cavan surrendered, and on the 29th Bellananagh, which -was indefensible, surrendered to the sheriff's uncle, Philip MacMulmore -O'Reilly. It had been determined to clear all the English out of the -county, and though Lady Butler with 1500 others were escorted as far -as Cavan they were attacked just beyond the town, and stripped of -everything. Those who did not die of exposure reached Dublin, to starve -and shiver among the other fugitives there. Those who remained at -Belturbet had a still worse fate.[293] - -[Sidenote: The O'Reillys were not unanimous.] - -[Sidenote: Doctor Henry Jones.] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of the Irish Government.] - -[Sidenote: Divisions among the Irish.] - -The O'Reillys had always been more civilised than other natives of -Ulster, and they almost seem to have felt that the Government must win -in the end. Rose O'Neill, the wife of Philip MacHugh, wished to kill -all the English and Scotch at Ballyhaise, but he would not allow it. -'The day,' he said, 'may come when thou mayest be beholding to the -poorest among them.' With a view no doubt to that distant day, they -resolved to petition the Lords Justices and to send an Englishman with -the message. Bedell refused to go on account of his age and because his -plundered flock could not spare him, but Jones, who in his time played -many parts, thought it safer to do as he was asked. He left his wife -and children as hostages and went to Dublin, with a memorial signed by -seven O'Reillys which spoke of former misgovernment, and rumours that -worse was to come. They protested their loyalty and desired the Lords -Justices 'to make remonstrance to his Majesty for us ... so that the -liberties of our conscience may be secured unto us, and we eased of our -other burdens in the civil government.' The Lords Justices and eight -Privy Councillors, of whom Ormonde was one, sent an answer, dealing in -generalities 'suitable to the weak condition of affairs in Dublin.' -The most they could promise was that if they would restore all the -Cavan Protestants to their homes and properties and cease from further -hostilities, that then their memorial should be forwarded to the King. -On his return Jones found the O'Reillys preparing to invade the Pale. -He managed to keep the Dublin Government well informed, at the same -time dissuading the Irish from attacking the capital, whose means of -defence he exaggerated. Drogheda, he said, was more assailable, and -to Drogheda they determined to go. They mustered first at Virginia, -where Mr. Crichton made friends with Philip MacHugh's mother on the -ground of common kinship with Argyle, 'of which house it seemeth that -she was well pleased that she was descended. This kindred stood me -in great stead afterwards, for although it was far off and old, yet -it bound the hands of the ruder sort from shedding my blood.' Many -lives, says Crichton, were also saved by the quarrels of the Irish -among themselves. Philip MacHugh not only shielded his far away -cousin, and others for his sake, but was evidently disinclined to the -task in hand, regretted that he had not kept the Protestants safe at -Belturbet, 'blamed Rory Maguire for threatening to kill and burn them, -and cursed those among the English that gave them counsel to leave -their habitations.' Crichton thought O'Reilly a deep dissembler, but he -should have the credit for comparative humanity. He and others seem to -have thought that the war was on the point of breaking out in England, -and that it would be impossible to send any troops to Ireland for years -to come.[294] - -[Sidenote: Rising in Monaghan.] - -[Sidenote: Murder of Richard Blayney.] - -[Sidenote: A sham royal commission.] - -In Monaghan there was a general rising on October 23, but a number of -murders were committed during the first few days, and the Macmahons -behaved worse than the O'Reillys. Richard Blayney, member for the -county, and commissioner of subsidies, was hanged by Sir Phelim -O'Neill's direct orders, and his dead body barbarously treated. At -Carrickmacross Essex's bailiff, Patrick McLoughlin Macmahon, took the -lead among the local rebels, and about 600_l._ of the great absentee's -rents came into their hands. In Monaghan, as elsewhere, the Irish -professed to do everything by the King's orders, but at Armagh Sir -Phelim O'Neill professed to show the actual commission with a broad -seal to it, adding that he would be a traitor if he acted of his own -accord. 'We are a sold people,' said an Englishman who witnessed the -scene. A number of Protestants took refuge in the cathedral, but they -had to surrender, and being stripped and robbed were sent to keep -the Caulfields company at Charlemont. A miscellaneous collection of -Protestants, including many children and poor people, from whom no -ransom could be expected, were driven to the bridge of Portadown and -there murdered.[295] - -[Sidenote: The Portadown massacre, about Nov. 1, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: The church at Blackwater.] - -[Sidenote: Alleged apparitions.] - -[Sidenote: Investigation by Owen Roe O'Neill.] - -The Portadown massacre has been more discussed perhaps than any episode -in the Irish rebellion, and it has left behind it an ineffaceable -impression of horror. The victims were only a part of those murdered -in the county of Armagh, but more than 100--one account says 160--were -killed at one time--and the affair was carefully planned beforehand. -The chief actor was Captain Manus O'Cahan, but many of the sufferers -had received passes from Sir Phelim himself. O'Cahan and his men, Mrs. -Price deposed, forced and drove all those prisoners, and amongst them -the deponent's five children, by name Adam, John, Anne, Mary, and -Jane Price, off the bridge into the water. Those that could swim were -shot or forced back into the river. When Owen Roe O'Neill came to -the country he asked in Mrs. Price's hearing how many Protestants the -rebels had drowned at Portadown, and they said 400. If this is correct -the cruel work on the Bann must have continued for some time. They -also said that those drowned in the Blackwater were too many to count, -and that the number thrust into lakes and bog-holes could not even be -guessed at. On November 17 they burned the church at Blackwaterstown -with a crowd of Protestants in it, 'whose cries being exceeding loud -and fearful, the rebels used to delight much in a scornful manner to -imitate them, and brag of their acts.' Attempts have been made to -discredit the evidence on the ground that Mrs. Price and others refer -to apparitions at the scene of the Portadown massacre. Screams and -cries are easily explained, for wolves and dogs fed undisturbed upon -the unburied dead. But Mrs. Price says she actually saw a ghost when -she visited the spot where her five children had been slaughtered, -and that Owen Roe O'Neill, who came expressly to inform himself as -to the alleged apparitions, was present with his men, who saw it -also. It was twilight, and 'upon a sudden, there appeared unto them a -vision, or spirit assuming the shape of a woman, waist high, upright -in the water, naked, her hair dishevelled, very white, and her eyes -seeming to twinkle in her head, and her skin as white as snow; which -spirit or vision, seeming to stand upright in the water, divulged, and -often repeated the word "Revenge! Revenge! Revenge!"' O'Neill sent a -priest and a friar to question the figure both in English and Latin, -but it answered nothing. He afterwards sent a trumpet to the nearest -English force for a Protestant clergyman, by whom the same figure was -seen and the cries of 'Revenge!' heard, but Mrs. Price does not say -she was present on this occasion. The evidence of this lady shows no -marks of a wandering mind, and yet it is evident that she believed in -an apparition. It is quite possible that some crazed woman who had -lost all that was dear to her may have haunted the spot and cried for -vengeance, but in any case a belief in ghosts was still general in -those days, and especially in Ireland. The evidence as to the massacre -is overwhelming.[296] - -[Sidenote: Bedell at Kilmore.] - -[Sidenote: He is allowed to relieve many Protestants.] - -[Sidenote: He refuses to leave his post.] - -[Sidenote: He is imprisoned at Lough Oughter.] - -[Sidenote: He is released.] - -[Sidenote: Fate of his library.] - -Bedell was at Kilmore when the rebellion broke out. The Protestants -were surprised, but it was remembered afterwards that there had been -an invasion or migration of rats, and that caterpillars had appeared -in unusual numbers. It was more to the purpose that a crack-brained -Irish scholar who wandered from house to house was heard frequently -to exclaim, 'Where is King Charles now?' and that he wrote in an old -almanac 'We doubt not of France and Spain in this action'--words which -he may have heard in some conventicle of the Irish. The fugitive -Protestants crowded to Kilmore, where they were all sheltered and -fed, the better sort in the palace and the rest in out-buildings. The -bishop's son, who was there, likens the stream of poor stripped people -to 'Job's messengers bringing one sad report after another without -intermission.' After a few days, Edmund O'Reilly, the sheriff's father, -ordered Bedell to dismiss his guests, who were about 200, chiefly -old people, women and children. On his refusal those in the detached -buildings were attacked at night and driven out almost naked into the -cold and darkness. The bishop's cattle were seized, but he had stored -some grain in the house, and was still able in an irregular way to -relieve many stray Protestants. On one occasion he sallied forth to -rescue some of them, and two muskets were placed against his breast. -He bade them fire, but they went away, and still for some time the -palace walls were allowed to shelter those within. One of these was -John Parker, afterwards Bishop of Elphin, who had fled from his living -at Belturbet. 'For the space of three weeks,' says Parker, 'we enjoyed -a heaven upon earth, much of our time spent in prayer, reading God's -word, and in good conference; inasmuch as I have since oft professed -my willingness to undergo (if my heart did not deceive me) another -Irish stripping to enjoy a conversation with so learned and holy a -man.' Church service was regularly continued, but the investment of -the house became closer, Bedell resolutely refusing to quit his post, -although the Irish urged him to leave the country and promised all his -company safe convoy to Dublin. His own children wished him to accept -this offer, and it is probable that the Bishop himself and possible -that his guests might have reached the capital in safety, but the -experience of others had not been encouraging. Some prisoners having -been taken by the Scottish garrisons at Keilagh and Croghan, and Eugene -Swiney, the rival Bishop of Kilmore, pressing for restoration to his -palace, Bedell and his family were at last expelled. 'I arrest you,' -said Edmund O'Reilly, laying his hand on the Bishop's shoulder, 'in the -King's name.' Having first arranged that the Church plate provided by -himself should be handed over to the other Bishop, Bedell was conveyed -to a castle upon an island in Lough Oughter. He was allowed to take -his money with him, and his two sons with their wives accompanied him. -They were well treated on the whole, but the castle had neither glass -nor shutters to the windows, and they spent a cold Christmas. Some of -the prisoners were in irons, and Bedell earnestly desired to share -their fate, but this was refused. The party were dependent on the Irish -for news, and at first they heard much of the disaster at Julianstown -and of the certain fall of Drogheda. But an English prisoner who knew -Irish listened one night through a chink in the floor, and heard a -soldier fresh from Drogheda tell the guard that the siege was raised. -'The bullets,' he said, 'poured down as thick from the walls as if -one should take a fire-pan full of coals and pour them down upon the -hearth, which he acted before them, sitting altogether at the fire. And -for his own part he said he would be hanged before he would go forth -again upon such a piece of service.' At last Bedell and his sons were -exchanged for some of those in the hands of the Scots, and released -from the castle. The Bishop's remaining days were spent in the houses -of Dennis Sheridan, a clergyman ordained and beneficed by him, whose -vicarage was near at hand. Sheridan, though a Protestant, was a Celt, -and respect for his clan secured him a certain toleration. He was -instrumental in saving some of Bedell's books, among them a Hebrew -Bible, now at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and the Irish version of -the Old Testament which had cost so much trouble, and which was not -destined to be printed for yet another generation. Most of the books -and manuscripts were taken away first by friars and afterwards by -English soldiers, who sold them. 'Certain of the Bishop's sermons,' -says his son, 'were preached in Dublin, and heard there by some of his -near relations, that had formerly heard them from his own mouth: some -even of the episcopal order were not innocent in this case.' - -[Sidenote: Bedell's death, Feb. 9, 1641-2.] - -[Sidenote: Respect shown him by the Irish.] - -Bedell remained for some weeks with Sheridan, preaching often and -praying with those that were left to him. The house was crowded with -fugitives, and typhus fever broke out among them. Old and enfeebled -by his imprisonment, the Bishop insisted on ministering to the sick, -and was at last struck down himself. Philip MacMulmore O'Reilly came -to see him, offering money and necessaries, and cursing those who -had contrived the rebellion. Bedell, though very weak, rose from his -chair to thank him, 'desiring God to requite him for the same and -to restore peace to the nation; though hardly able to stand, he yet -beyond expectation thus expressed himself without any faltering in his -speech, which he had not done for a great while before.' The effort -exhausted him, and he spoke but little afterwards, answering, 'Well' -to those who asked him how he did and saying 'Amen' to their prayers. -His last words were, 'Be of good cheer; whether we live or die we are -the Lord's.' Bishop Swiney made some difficulty about burying his rival -in Kilmore churchyard, but was overruled by the O'Reillys. Many Irish -attended the funeral, and some of the Sheridans bore the coffin; Edmund -O'Reilly and his son the sheriff, with other gentlemen brought a party -of musketeers and a drum, which was beaten as at a soldier's burial. -'The sheriff told the Bishop's sons they might use what prayers or what -form of burial they pleased; none should interrupt them. And when all -was done, he commanded the musketeers to give a volley of shot, and so -the company departed.' Another account says that some priests present -ejaculated, 'Requiescat in pace ultimus Anglorum,' and that one of -them, Edmund Ferrely, added a fervent prayer that his own soul might -accompany the Protestant bishop's--'O sit anima mea cum Bedello.' The -general goodwill extended to those about him, and none of his family or -immediate friends appear to have been personally molested.[297] - -[Sidenote: The English defeated at Julianstown, Nov. 29, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: Importance of this affair.] - -Good officers were scarce, but six hundred raw recruits were sent under -Major Roper, who was a young man, to reinforce Tichborne, and Sir -Patrick Wemyss accompanied them with fifty horse of Ormonde's troop. -They might easily have reached Drogheda early on the morrow, but the -new levies were mutinous, and refused to go further than Swords on the -first day or than Balrothery on the second. At seven on the morning -of November 29 they were at Lord Gormanston's gate, and Roper went in -to see him. He was informed that the Irish had crossed the Boyne to -intercept him, and that he had better be careful. Roper did not even -warn his officers, but marched on with little precaution. He crossed -the Nanny river by Julianstown bridge in a thick fog, and was there -attacked by a greatly superior force under Philip MacHugh O'Reilly, -Hugh O'Byrne, and O'More. Roper's men were better armed, but scarcely -knew how to use their weapons. The fog made their assailants seem -stronger than they really were, and the foot yielded to panic and -broke almost without striking a blow. Wemyss easily reached Drogheda, -and Roper with two captains and a hundred men followed him; but all, -or nearly all, the rest were killed, and the Irish, who did not lose a -man, were at once supplied with arms. 'The men,' says Ormonde, 'were -unexercised, but had as many arms, I think, within a few, as all the -rebels in the kingdom, and were as well trained as they.' But among the -insurgents were plenty of Strafford's disbanded soldiers, who knew how -to use muskets, and Protestant prisoners in Ulster remarked how much -the Julianstown affair added to the confidence of the Irish.[298] - -[Sidenote: Belfast and Carrickfergus saved.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish defeated at Lisburn.] - -[Sidenote: Lord Conway's library burned.] - -Carrickfergus was the ancient seat of English power in Ulster, and -thither the Protestants of Down and Antrim fled in great numbers. The -rising settlement of Belfast was near being abandoned, but Captain -Robert Lawson heard of the outbreak at Newry, gave up his journey to -Dublin, and hurried back to the Lagan. Lord Chichester was actually on -board ship, but Lawson bought a drum and perambulated the town, seized -all the arms he could find, and soon got nearly 200 men together. -Before Sir Phelim O'Neill could hope to attack Carrickfergus it was -necessary to take both Belfast and Lisburn, and the latter place -was attacked by Sir Con Magennis with several thousand men the day -before the disaster at Julianstown. The Ulster Irish had by this time -collected a good many arms, including two field pieces, and they had -taken plenty of powder at Newry. The garrison consisted only of Lord -Conway's troop and of a few newly raised men, but they were skilfully -commanded by Sir Arthur Tyringham, the late governor of Newry, and Sir -George Rawdon, whom all trusted, arrived from Scotland on the evening -before the town was attacked. Taking advantage of the ground, Tyringham -held the streets all day, his cavalry slaughtering the assailants in -great numbers. There had been snow the day before, followed by a thaw, -and then by frost, so that the ground was covered with ice. 'All the -smiths,' says one of the besieged, 'had been employed that whole night -to frost our horses, so that they stood firm when the brogues slipped -and fell down under their feet.' Communication with Belfast was kept -up, and Chichester sent many horse-loads of powder in bags, so that the -ammunition held out. At nightfall the Irish set fire to the town, which -was entirely consumed, and a confused fight went on till near midnight. -After the fire began Chichester's troop of horse arrived with a company -of foot, and the assailants were finally discomfited. 'Every corner was -filled with carcases, and the slain were found to be more than thrice -the number of those that fought against them.' The field pieces appear -to have been thrown into the river. Next day the retreating Irish -burned Rawdon's house at Brookhill containing Lord Conway's library, -and property worth five or six thousand pounds, but they never gained -military possession of the Belfast district, though many Protestants -were driven out of the open country.[299] - -[Sidenote: The gentry of the Pale combine with the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Speech of O'More.] - -There have been many occasions in Irish history when the Government -has lacked power either to put down its enemies or to protect its -friends. The gentry of the Pale would hardly have joined the rebels -on account of such an affair as Julianstown, but they had grievances, -and the Irish managers pressed them both with arguments and threats. -As governor of Meath, Lord Gormanston called upon the sheriff to -summon a county meeting, which was held upon Crofty Hill, about three -miles to the south of Drogheda. It had been previously arranged that a -deputation from the Ulster Irish should appear there, and in due time -O'More with Philip MacHugh O'Reilly, Hugh O'Byrne and others rode up -'in the head of a guard of musketeers, whom the defeat at the bridge -of Julianstown had furnished with arms of that kind.' Gormanston, who -was supported by the Earl of Fingall and five other peers, acted as -spokesman and asked the newcomers why they came armed into the Pale. -In a prepared speech O'More answered that they had been goaded into -action by penal laws which excluded them from the public service, and -from educational advantages. 'There can,' he said, 'be no greater -mark of servitude than that our children cannot come to speak Latin -without renouncing their spiritual dependence on the Roman Church, -nor ourselves be preferred to any advantageous employment, without -forfeiting our souls.' The Lords Justices, he added, had refused -parliamentary redress, lest they should be prevented from extirpating -Catholicism with the help of a Scotch army. To crown all, they had -branded the Ulster chiefs as rebels, whereas one of their greatest -motives had been to vindicate the royal prerogative from encroachment -'by the malignant party of the Parliament of England.' In conclusion, -he called upon the gentry of the Pale to join the party whose interest -and sufferings were the same as their own. When the applause subsided, -Gormanston asked the Ulstermen whether their loyalty was genuine. The -answer was of course affirmative, and he then invited those around -him to make common cause with the Irish. 'And thus,' philosophises -Bellings, 'distrust, aversion, force, and fear united the two parties -which since the conquest had at all times been most opposite, and it -being first publicly declared that they would repute all such enemies -as did not assist them in their ways, they appointed a second meeting -of the country at the hill of Tara.'[300] - -[Sidenote: Meeting at Tara, Dec. 7, 1641.] - -[Sidenote: The lords of the Pale refuse to go to Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim O'Neill's manoeuvres.] - -The die was now cast, and a summons from the Lords Justices calling -the chief men of the Pale to a conference at Dublin came too late. -The meeting at Tara took place on December 7, and an answer was then -returned signed by seven peers to the effect that they were afraid to -put themselves into the power of the Government, and thought it safer -to stand on their guard. They had, they said, been informed that Sir -Charles Coote had spoken words at the Council table, 'tending to a -purpose and resolution to execute upon those of our religion a general -massacre.' The Lords Justices answered that they had never heard Coote -say anything of the kind, and that anyone who made any such suggestion -should be severely punished; and they again summoned the lords of the -Pale to be at Dublin on the 17th. Ormonde personally gave his word of -honour that they should return safely, and urged them not to lose this -last opportunity of showing their loyalty. But they had gone too far -to draw back, their tenants and dependents had gone still further, and -Sir Phelim O'Neill persuaded them, as they were ready to believe, that -he had great resources. He arranged a sham powder factory, and so acted -his part as to make them think he could turn out an unlimited supply. -The story reads like fiction, but Bellings records it in sober earnest, -and he must have known. O'Neill had no military experience or capacity, -but his confidence imposed upon the hesitating men of the Pale, who not -only gave him chief command in the attack on Drogheda, but also a sort -of commission as governor of Meath.[301] - -[Sidenote: The despoiled Protestants flock into Drogheda.] - -[Sidenote: Wretched state of the refugees.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Faithful Fortescue leaves Drogheda in the lurch. Lord -Moore.] - -[Sidenote: Tichborne reaches Drogheda, Nov. 4.] - -Lord Moore heard of the Ulster rising on October 23, and of his sister -Lady Blaney's imprisonment. He was then at home at Mellifont, but came -into Drogheda at midnight and roused the mayor and aldermen, who cursed -the rebels 'foully,' but were very slow to make any preparations for -resistance. Not forty men answered the call to arms, and they were -armed with pitchforks and fowling pieces. On the 26th he brought in -his wife and family and his own troop of horse. There were two half -standing companies under Netterville and Rockley, but the former's -loyalty was suspected, and the men could scarcely be trusted. Moore -posted to Dublin, but could only obtain a commission for Captain -Seafowl Gibson to raise a company. Gibson brought down arms and -ammunition and got a hundred Protestant recruits in two hours. Some -of these watched for ten nights running. In the meantime the Irish -had taken Dundalk and were plundering all Protestants not five miles -from Drogheda. 'Miserable spectacles of wealthy men and women,' says -Bernard, 'utterly spoiled and undone, nay, stripped stark naked, with -doleful cries, came flocking in to us by multitudes, upon whom our -bowels could not but yearn.' The majority of the townsmen only smiled, -but took care to ring alarm bells when the Protestants were at church. -Sir Faithful Fortescue, who was married to Lord Moore's sister, had -been lately appointed governor of the town, and he also went to Dublin -for help. Finding none, he resigned his commission in disgust and went -to England. 'By his disheartening letters,' says Bernard, 'he gave us -over, being willing to hazard his life for us, yet loth to lose his -reputation also.' Moore assumed the command, but he had only about 300 -men including Gibson's recruits, and the Roman Catholic population was -all but openly hostile. Bernard summoned all the Protestants privately -man by man to meet in the church, and the whole congregation solemnly -vowed that if God would defend them they would endeavour to serve Him -better in future. Three days later there was a solemn fast. Half of -Moore's troop patrolled the streets every night, while the other half -scoured the country, to guard against surprise and to collect cows -and other provisions for the garrison. Two hundred of the enemy were -killed during these raids and eighty brought in alive. 'Such was our -mercy,' says Bernard, 'we only hanged six,' the remaining prisoners -being so well fed by the townsmen that they did not care to escape. A -well-written copy of Sir Phelim O'Neill's proclamation was picked up -in the streets, and a general rising of the inhabitants was feared. -Then came news that the Scots had retaken Newry. The report proved -false, but it strengthened Moore's hands, and Bernard was reminded -of the trampling of horse heard by the Syrians before Samaria. Sir -John Netterville fell foul of the acting governor, declaring that the -Irish should not be called rebels, and he was suspected of having the -guns stuffed so as to render them unserviceable. Many well-to-do -Protestants escaped by sea, but Bernard refused to desert his poorer -flock. He was also unwilling to part from Ussher's library, which was -in his charge, and which might easily have shared the fate of Lord -Conway's and the Bishop of Meath's. On November 4 Sir Henry Tichborne -appeared with his forces, and after that the townsmen could do nothing; -but they showed their discontent by keeping him waiting from two -o'clock in the afternoon until nine at night before they would provide -him with quarters.[302] - -[Sidenote: Drogheda besieged, 1641-2.] - -[Sidenote: A successful sally.] - -[Sidenote: Provisions introduced by sea.] - -[Sidenote: A night attack repulsed.] - -[Sidenote: Sir Phelim gains the chief command.] - -Tichborne found that the Julianstown disaster had virtually decided the -whole wavering population of the Pale. He saw that he would have to -maintain himself for some time without much help, and that food would -soon be scarce. He strengthened the fortifications of the Millmount -on the southern bank of the Boyne, and mounted four guns there. The -rebels had destroyed most of the provisions in the neighbourhood, but -there was still a quantity of unthreshed wheat at Greenhills, near -the eastern or St. Lawrence's gate on the south side of the Boyne. -On December 3 he sent a body of cavalry round by a gate further to -the north, and leaving other men under arms in the town, he himself -marched straight to his point. The advanced guard was driven in -panic-stricken, and for a moment it seemed as if there would be another -Julianstown. But Tichborne managed to rally his men, dismounting to -show that he would share their fate, and shouting, 'They run!' while -the first volleys hid the field. 'It appeared somewhat otherwise,' -says Tichborne, 'upon the clearing up of the smoke,' but his courage -inspired his followers and they gained a complete victory, pursuing -the enemy for nearly a mile. Of the besiegers two hundred were killed, -while Tichborne had only four men wounded. After this success the -garrison were always ready to fight, while the besiegers were always -beaten in the open field. An attempt to carry the town by assault -during the long night of December 20 failed, and several successful -sallies were made during the following three weeks. Tichborne sent a -pinnace to Dublin for help. At first no one could be got to steer her, -but he placed some of the aldermen on board in situations exposed to -the fire of the besiegers. The result was that pilots were quickly -found. In answer to this appeal six vessels were sent with provisions -and ammunition for the garrison, and on January 11 they came from -Skerries to the Boyne in one tide. Clumsy efforts had been made to -block the channel with a chain and with a sunken ship, but the bar -was nevertheless passed and the stores safely landed. The garrison, -who had been half-starved, feasted that night, and the officers, -though specially cautioned, could not keep as strict discipline as -usual. Tichborne was writing despatches all night, and about four in -the morning he heard a muttering noise which differed from the sounds -caused by wind and rain. He ran out with his pistols and found that -five hundred of the enemy had entered an orchard between St. James's -Gate and the right bank of the river. A weak spot in the wall had been -opened with pickaxes, and the Irish had crept in two or three at a -time. Tichborne turned out the nearest guard, bade them fire across the -river, and ran towards the bridge, where he found his own company under -arms. Leaving these trusty men to maintain the passage, he ran to the -main guard, where he found a good deal of confusion, but many followed -him, and he regained the bridge just in time to reinforce those who -were holding it against great odds. Tichborne's horse was led out by -a groom, but broke away from him and galloped madly about the paved -streets. Believing that cavalry would soon be upon them, the assailants -broke. Nearly half escaped by the gate at which they had entered; the -rest were killed or hidden by friendly townsmen. The whole attack had -been planned by a friar, and shots were fired at Tichborne's men out of -a convent, but the assailants were so badly led that they never thought -of seizing St. James's Gate, though they might easily have done so from -the inside. A strong body was drawn up outside, expecting to be let -in. A bagpiper was among those who had been taken, and some officers -made him play while they opened the gate. Those who entered were at -once overpowered. The result of this failure was to show the lords of -the Pale that divided counsels were dangerous, and they gave Sir Phelim -O'Neill command over all the forces about Drogheda.[303] - -[Sidenote: Tichborne at Drogheda.] - -[Sidenote: Mellifont destroyed.] - -'After Tichborne's arrival,' says Bernard, 'we took heart to call -the enemy rebels instead of "discontented gentlemen."' The garrison -consisted of 1500 foot and 160 horse, so that the malcontents within -the walls were afraid. One Stanley, a town councillor, who had been an -officer in the enemy's army, came in on protection accompanied by the -sheriff of Louth, who was a member of Parliament. These two advised -Moore to go to Mellifont, reminding him that his father had lived there -safely all through Tyrone's rebellion, and suggesting that he might be -general if he pleased. Moore knew better, and being now released from -the cares of command, went in the middle of November to Dublin, where -Parliament was about to meet. He offered to raise six hundred men, and -to pay and clothe them himself until money came from England, provided -he should be their colonel, with the addition of about four hundred men -at Drogheda, who were not part of Tichborne's own regiment. As soon as -the Irish heard of this offer they destroyed Mellifont. The garrison -of twenty-four musketeers with fifteen horsemen and some servants -refused Macmahon's first offer of quarter, and were overwhelmed by -numbers after their powder was spent. The mounted men escaped to -Drogheda, but all the others were killed. The women were stripped stark -naked. The scum of the country were allowed to plunder at will, and -they carried away the doors and windows and smashed all the glass and -crockery. The chapel was selected as a proper place to consume the -contents of the cellar, the bell was broken, and a large Bible thrown -into the millpond. Finding some tulips and other bulbs, they ate them -with butter, but this food disagreed with them, and they cursed the -heretics as poisoners.[304] - -[Sidenote: Drogheda was not closely invested.] - -[Sidenote: Narrow escape of Sir Phelim,] - -[Sidenote: who retires from Drogheda.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde relieves the town, March 11.] - -During the first three weeks of February several successful sallies -were made by the garrison. They were, however, at one time reduced -to small rations of herrings, malt, and rye, and it seemed doubtful -whether they could hold out. Many horses died for lack of provender. -At four o'clock on the morning of Sunday, February 21, Sir Phelim -attempted an escalade at a quiet spot near St. Lawrence's Gate, but the -sentries were on the alert, and the assailants fled, leaving thirteen -ladders behind them. On the 27th there was another sally, and three -hundred of the Irish were killed on the fatal field of Julianstown. On -March 1 Tichborne sent out four companies of foot and a troop of horse -to forage on the south side of the Boyne. There was some resistance, -and in the afternoon the governor went out himself. The Irish advanced -from the little village of Stameen, but fled at the approach of horse. -The redoubtable Sir Phelim only escaped capture by crouching like a -hare in a furze-bush, and the Meath side was thenceforth safe. 'The -noise of vast preparations for besieging the town,' says Bellings, -'which at first was frightful, grew contemptible.' Food supplies were -now secure, and Tichborne assumed the offensive more boldly than -before. On March 5 Lord Moore led out five hundred men to Tullyallen, -near Mellifont, Tichborne following him with a reserve force. Moore -engaged the Irish and defeated them with a loss of four hundred men and -many officers. Among the prisoners was Art Roe Macmahon, for whose head -a reward of 400_l._ had been promised by Government. The soldiers were -going to cut it off when he cried out that Lady Blaney and her children -should be saved if his life was spared. Macmahon kept his word, though -the result was long doubtful. After this disaster the rebels abandoned -their headquarters at Bewley, and Sir Phelim was seen before Drogheda -no more. On March 11 Ormonde arrived with 3000 foot and 500 horse, and -the so-called siege came to an end. Plattin and Slane were soon in -Tichborne's hands. The Irish army had at one time numbered at least -16,000, but they had neither the skill nor the means for reducing a -strong place.[305] - -[Sidenote: Fire and sword in the Pale.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde hampered by the Lords Justices.] - -Ormonde had orders from the Irish Government, who would have preferred -to send Sir Simon Harcourt, to 'prosecute with fire and sword all -rebels and traitors, and their adherents and abettors in the counties -of Dublin and Meath,' and to destroy their houses. He was not to go -beyond the Boyne, not to do any mischief within five miles of Dublin, -and not to be absent more than eight days. He carried out these -orders, and reached Drogheda without opposition, after devastating -a great part of Meath. There, after consultation with Harcourt, Sir -Thomas Lucas, Sir Robert Farrar, Tichborne, and Moore, he asked to -be allowed more time and to have leave to advance as far as Newry. -This was peremptorily refused, and Temple wrote privately to say that -the proposal was 'absolutely disliked' by all the Council, and 'more -sharply resented by some.' The question of proclaiming the lords of -the Pale traitors had been referred to England, and Ormonde suggested -that it might be well to wait for an answer before burning their -houses. He was told that it was no business of his, and that he was to -burn. He did so, merely remarking that he had never supposed there was -'any difference between a rebel lord and a rebel commoner.' Tichborne -had certain information that an attack on Dundalk was feasible, and -Ormonde was allowed to give him 500 men and one or two guns. A large -force might have been provisioned from Drogheda, but as it turned out -Tichborne was strong enough to do the work. Newry fell to the share of -the Scots.[306] - -[Sidenote: Tichborne takes Ardee and Dundalk.] - -[Sidenote: English prisoners released.] - -[Sidenote: Harsh warfare.] - -On March 21 Tichborne marched with 1200 foot, four troops of horse, -and provisions for two days to Ardee, where on the 23rd he found more -than 2000 Irish pretty strongly posted on the right bank of the Dee. -He drove them over the bridge into the town, with a loss of 600 men, -turned their position by fording the river with his horse, and pursued -them with further slaughter far into the open country. After consulting -Lord Moore and the other officers Tichborne then decided to make a dash -at Dundalk, before which he arrived about nine in the morning of April -26. Sir Phelim showed himself with his horse, but made no fight until -the English came up to the first gate, which they forced open under -a heavy fire. The suburbs were then occupied, but a castle annoyed -them there, an officer and some men were killed, and many wished to -retire. But the wind was in their favour, and Tichborne ordered some -houses to be fired, and came up to the gate of the inner town under -cover of the smoke. The Irish in the castle were driven out by heaping -fuel against the door, and from the walls Tichborne's musketeers could -fire right into the market place. Sir Phelim and his men then began -to pour out at the north gate over the bridge, and the whole town was -soon in English hands. Dean Bernard, who was present, remarks on the -amount of plunder which the Irish had collected in Dundalk. The victors -found plentiful dinners ready dressed in many cases, and consumed 4000 -turkeys and other fowls in a week. A hundred and twenty Protestants -had been imprisoned by O'Neill under threat that they would be killed -if the town were in danger. There had been no time to hurt them, if, -indeed, that was intended, and they were released. Ardee and Dundalk -were both plundered by their captors, the former in a tumultuary way, -and the latter more systematically. 'The number of the slain,' says -Tichborne, 'I looked not after, but there was little mercy shown in -those times.'[307] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[287] Hume's _Hist. of England_, note N to chap. xxxix., ed. 1854; -Hickson's _Ireland in the Seventeenth Century_, i. 163, 336; -_Exhortatio_ appended to O'Mahony's _Disputatio Apologetica_, 1645, p. -125, para. 20; Clarendon's _Hist._ iv. 24; Petty's _Economic Writings_, -i. 149-154, ii. 610; Warner's _Rebellion and Civil War_, 2nd ed. -p. 297; Froude's _English in Ireland_, i. 111. Lecky's _Eighteenth -Century_, ii. 154; Reid's _Presbyterian Church_, chap. vii. Bishop -Henry Jones, who knew as much as any one, says that within twenty years -of the Restoration there were people who 'openly proclaimed, contrary -to all evidence, that there was then no such rebellion of the Irish, -neither such massacres of the British and Protestants in Ireland,' -letter of May 27, 1679, printed in the preface to Borlase's _History_, -1680. In _Special News from Ireland_, from a gentleman in Dublin, -London, March 1, 1642-3, it is stated that 144,000 Ulster Protestants -were killed, wounded, or missing. There would be a tendency to say that -all who escaped from Ireland had been murdered. - -[288] In the list of murders committed on the Irish, affixed to -Clarendon's volume on Ireland, it is said that 'this was the first -massacre committed in Ireland of either side,' and that the number of -innocent men, women, and children killed was over 3000. Miss Hickson -has conclusively shown that the number of victims was about sixty, and -that the date was January 8--_Ireland in the Seventeenth Century_, i. -151, 255. - -[289] _Hickson_, Deposition, p. 22; Creichton's Memoirs in Swift's -_Works_, xiii. 13. - -[290] Lodge's _Peerage_, by Archdall, iii. 140, for Charlemont. -Leslie's and Montgomery's letters in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 362; -Chichester to the King, October 24, in Benn's _Hist. of Belfast_, -p. 97; _Rushworth_, part iii. chap. i. Reports received at Rome -describe the progress of the rising 'con sacheggiar le case dei -Calvinisti, havendo anche fatto prigione il giovine principe milort -Cafild in contracambio del duca di Macquera (Maguire) sequestrato in -Dublin.'--_Roman Transcripts_, R.O., December 18, 1641. - -[291] _Hickson_, Depositions, pp. 1-9 and 26. - -[292] Crichton's deposition in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 525. - -[293] Jones's _Relation_, 1642, reprinted in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 476. -This is confirmed by the depositions of Philpot and Ryves, _Hickson_, -i. 308. - -[294] Jones's _Relation_; Crichton's deposition in _Contemp. Hist._, i. -531, 545; Remonstrance from Cavan, November 6, and answer, November 10, -_ib._ i. 364. - -[295] _Hickson_, i. 298. - -[296] Depositions of Mrs. Rose Price and four others, _Hickson_, i. -176-188. Writing after the Restoration with a view of minimising the -massacre, Ormonde says the greatest number murdered in any one place -was at Portadown, 'and they not above 200'--_Carte MSS._ vol. lxiii. f. -126. As to curious instances of modern ghost-seers see Sir A. Lyall's -_Asiatic Studies_, 2nd series, chap. 5. Lady Fanshawe saw and heard an -apparition in Clare in 1650, _Memoirs_, p. 58, ed. 1907. - -[297] The best authority for Bedell is the Life by his son William, -edited by T. Wharton Jones for the Camden Society, 1872. The narrative -of his younger son Ambrose is printed by Miss Hickson, i. 218. Burnet -had the materials of his biography from the Rev. Alexander Clogie, -Bedell's son-in-law, who was also with him when he died. Burnet -admitted that he had written everything down as Clogie imparted it, -and without exercising any critical discretion. Clogie's own account -was printed from the Harl. MSS. in 1862, ed. W. W. Wilkins, but its -authority is inferior to that of Bedell's two sons. The narratives of -William Bedell and Clogie are reprinted with much additional matter in -_Two Biographies_, ed. Shuckburgh, Cambridge, 1902. Bishop Parker's -account, written for Ormonde in 1682, is in _Hickson_, i. 308. - -[298] _Bellings_; _Aphorismical Discovery_; Tichborne's letter; -Ormonde's letters of November 30 in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. iii., and -another of December 1 in _Confederation and War_, i. 232; Bernard's -_Whole Proceedings_. - -[299] Lawson's narrative in Benn's _Hist. of Belfast_, p. 99. Brief -Relation of the miraculous victory, &c. in _Ulster Journal of -Archæology_, i. 242. Letter of Throgmorton Totesbury, December 4, 1641, -_Rawdon Papers_, p. 86. - -[300] Bellings' account corresponds closely with the deposition of -Nicholas Dowdall, sheriff of Meath, printed in _Confederation and War -in Ireland_, i. 278. Dowdall was present at the hill of Crofty, and -Bellings probably was. - -[301] Summonses were sent on December 3 to the Earls of Kildare -(printed in _Nalson_, ii. 906), Antrim, and Fingall, Viscounts -Gormanston, Netterville, and Fitzwilliam, Lords Trimleston, Dunsany, -Slane, Howth, Louth, and Lambert. Fingall, Gormanston, Slane, Dunsany, -Netterville, Louth, and Trimleston signed the answer. - -[302] From October 23 to November 4 we are dependent on Dr. Nicholas -Bernard's _Whole Proceedings of the Siege of Drogheda_. After the -latter date we have also Tichborne's own account. - -[303] Sir Henry Tichborne's _Letter_; _Bellings_. The date of Sir -Phelim's accession to the chief command is fixed by Henry Aylmer's -examination in _Contemp. Hist._ i. 403. Bernard's _Whole Proceedings_. - -[304] Bernard's _Whole Proceedings_; Carte's _Ormonde_, i. 239. - -[305] Tichborne's _Letter_; Bernard's _Whole Proceedings_; _Bellings_; -Sir Simon Harcourt to his wife, February 12, in _Harcourt Papers_, vol. -i. - -[306] Letters from March 3 to 12 printed in Carte's _Ormonde_, vol. -iii. _Bellings_. - -[307] Tichborne and Bernard, _ut sup._ - - - - -INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME - - - Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canterbury, 129, 164, 192, 273 - - Abercorn, Earl of, 111 - - Adair, Robert, 237 - - -- Archibald, Bishop of Killala and Waterford successively, 233, 234, 237 - - -- Patrick, 231 - - Albert, Archduke, 37, 40, 41, 46 - - Aldrige, Mr., 318, 319 - - Algerines, 101-107, 198, 207-210, 316 - - Allen, Thomas, 118, 119 - - Amadis de Gaul, 67 - - Amiens, 39 - - Andrews, George, Dean of Limerick, afterwards Bishop of Ferns, 229 - - Ankers, John, 170 - - Annagh, 342 - - Annaly, 162 - - Annesley, Francis: _see_ Mountnorris. - - Antrim, Randal MacDonnell, 1st Earl of, 141-144 - - -- Randal, 2nd Earl and 1st Marquis of, 188, 235-236, 285, 294 - - Apsley, Allan, 12 - - Archer, James, Jesuit, 19, 30 - - Archibald, Mr., 307 - - Ardbraccan, 340 - - Ardee, 357 - - Ardmore, 269 - - Argyle, Archibald Campbell, 8th Earl and 1st Marquis of (in command of - the clan as Lord Lorne, from 1619 to 1638, when he succeeded), 39, - 235-236, 244, 285, 341 - - Arius, 130 - - Armagh, 38, 58, 342 - - Arran Island, Co. Donegal, 60 - - Arras, 39 - - Arundel, Earl of, 164 - - Assisi, 49 - - Athlone, 92, 170, 255 - - Audley, Lord: _see_ Castlehaven. - - Augustinians, 187 - - Aumale, Duke of, 40 - - Aungier, Lord, 166 - - Aylmer, Alexander, 45 - - Aylward, Sir Richard, 5, 6 - - - Babington, sheriff of Derry or Coleraine, 54 - - Bacon, Francis, 1; - his ideas on toleration, 26-27; - on the Ulster settlement, 66, 67; - on recusant claims, 129-131; - on Irish policy, 147, 151-153, 160, 169, 246 - - Bagenal, Mabel, 25 - - Baillie, Robert, 235, 241, 304 - - Baker, Lieutenant, 54, 55 - - Balfour, Sir James, 302 - - Ballina, Co. Kildare, 317 - - Ballycastle, Co. Antrim, 144 - - Ballyhaise, 339-340 - - Ballymena, 237 - - Ballyshannon, Co. Donegal, 34, 60 - - Baltimore, 103, 198; - sacked by Algerines, 208 - - -- Lord: _see_ Calvert - - Bann, River, 31, 35, 141, 252, 343 - - Barbary, 103 - - Barberini: _see_ Urban VIII. - - Barcelona, 13 - - Barkeley, a surveyor, 75 - - Barlow, Randolph, Dean of Christ Church, afterwards Archbishop of - Tuam, 228 - - Barnewall, Sir Patrick, his successful struggle against the mandates, - 25-29, 110; - at Court, 119-122, 317, 326 - - Barnstaple, 101 - - Baron or Barron, Geoffrey, 223 - - Barrett, a pirate, 102 - - Barry, Edmund, Jesuit, 3, 4 - - -- Alderman Richard, 118-119 - - -- Colonels John and Garret, 292-293 - - Barrymore, Lord, 92, 111, 294-295 - - Basel, 49 - - Bath, John, 37, 39 - - Bawn, Daniel, 336 - - Beaumont, Sir John, 154 - - Bedell, William, Bishop of Kilmore, 234; - Provost of Trinity College, 273-274, 324, 338, 340; - last days and death, 344-347 - - Belfast, 232, 337, 348-349 - - Bellananagh, 339 - - Bellew, Sir Christopher, 326 - - Bellings, Sir Henry, 178 - - -- Christopher, 292-293 - - -- Richard, 332, 350-351 - - Bellinzona, 49 - - Belturbet, 339-340, 344 - - Bernard, Nicholas, D.D., 352, 355, 358 - - Bewley, 356 - - Binche, 40 - - Blacksod Bay, 106 - - Blackwater River in Meath, 340 - in Ulster, 343 - - Blackwaterstown, 343 - - Blair, Robert, 231-232 - - Blayney, Lord, and family, 321, 342, 351, 356 - - Blenerhasset, Thomas, 82-83 - - Blundell, Sir Francis, Vice-Treasurer, 134-135, 146, 159, 162 - - Blunt, Sir Edward, 76 - - Bodley, Sir Josiah, 55, 84-85, 127 - - Bole, John, 240 - - Bologna, 49 - - Bolton, Sir Richard, Chief Baron, afterwards Lord Chancellor, 119, - 218, 267, 314 - - Borlase, Sir John, Master of the Ordnance, 199, 204-205; - Lord Justice, 243, 312, 314, 320, chaps. xix. and xx. _passim_ - - Boroughs, Parliamentary, in 1613 and 1634, 109, 214 - - Boswell, Edward, 336 - - Bourke, Burke or De Burgo, 93, 94; - _see_ Clanricarde, Mayo, Castle Connell. - - Bowler, William, 13 - - Boyle, Michael, Bishop of Waterford, 269 - - -- Richard, Clerk of the Munster Council, 8, 126-127; - afterwards Earl of Cork, _q.v._ - - Boyle, Co. Roscommon, 247 - - Boyne River, 354 - - Bradley, William, 108 - - Brady, George, Thomas, and Walter, 119 - - -- Conway, 158 - - Braidstane, 68 - - Bramhall, John, Bishop of Derry, afterwards Primate, 205-206, 228-229, - 232-234, 243, 253, 303, 314 - - Bramston, Sir Thomas, 218 - - Brehon, 63, 93 - - Brett, merchant of Drogheda, 14 - - Brice, Edward, 232 - - Bristol, 101, 152 - - Broad, Mr., 78 - - Brooke, Captain, 57 - - Brookhill, 349 - - Brouncker, Sir Henry, President of Munster, 23-25, 103 - - Buckingham, George, 1st Duke of, 150, 168-171, 172, 176-177, 191, 285, - 309 - - Bulkeley, Lancelot, Archbishop of Dublin, 186, 207, 239, 274 - - Buncrana, 53 - - Burghley, Lord, 111, 220 - - Burndennet, 38 - - Burnell, Henry, 25-26 - - Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, 228 - - Burren, 125 - - Burt, 52, 56-58, 60 - - Butler: _see_ Ormonde and Mountgarret - - -- Sir Walter, 113 - - -- Captain James, 167 - - -- Colonel John, 292 - - -- Sir Stephen and Lady, 325, 340 - - Byrne, Edmond, 307, and _see_ O'Byrne. - - - Cadame, Dr., 24 - - Cadowgan, Mr., 329 - - Cæsar's Commentaries, 67 - - Caledon, 335 - - Callan, 327 - - Calvert, George, afterwards Lord Baltimore, 117, 166, 190 - - Campbell: _see_ Argyle - - -- Denis, Dean of Limerick, 68 - - -- Sir John, of Calder, 142-144 - - Cantire, 142-144, 287 - - Carew, Sir George, afterwards Earl of Totnes, 8, 10, 11, 23; - his mission to Ulster and prophecy, 80-82, 91, 108, 110, 135, 146, - 150, 164, 315 - - Carey, Sir George, Vice-Treasurer and Lord Deputy, 13-16, 31, 34, 55 - - Carey, Sir Robert, afterwards Earl of Monmouth, 1, 3 - - Carleton, Sir Dudley, afterwards Viscount Dorchester, 36 - - Carlisle, Irish regiment at, 288-290, 308, 322 - - -- James Hay, 1st Earl of, 179 - - -- Lucy Percy, Countess of, 179, 203, 278, 281, 290, 310 - - Carrick-on-Shannon (Carrigdrumrusk), 166 - - Carrick-on-Suir, 4, 8, 24, 95, 166, 279, 321, 327 - - Carrickfergus (Knockfergus), 16, 20, 82, 107, 145-146, 235, 289-290, - 308, 348 - - Carrickmacross, 191, 321, 342 - - Carrol, Sir James, Mayor of Dublin, 118, 162 - - Carte, Thomas, 291, 331 - - Cary, Lucius, afterwards 2nd Viscount Falkland, 185 - - -- Lorenzo, 203-204 - - Cashel, 7, 8, 94, 214, 274 - - Castleblayney, 321 - - Castlecomer, 247 - - Castle Connell, Lord (Burke), 111 - - Castlehaven, George Touchet, 1st Earl of, 75, 76, 199 - - Castlemartin, 178 - - Catelin, Sergeant Nathaniel, Mr. Speaker, 215, 217 - - Catesby, Robert, 26 - - Caulfield, Sir Toby, 1st Lord, 36, 82, 145 - - -- family, 336 - - Cavan, county and borough, 45, 65, 96, 109, 171, 325, 339, 340 - - Cecil, Robert: _see_ Salisbury - - Chamberlain, John, 90 - - Champion, Alice, 337 - - Chappell, William, Bishop of Cork and Provost of Trinity College, 274, - 275 - - Charlemont, 337, 342 - - Charlestown, 167 - - Chedzoy, 68 - - Chichester, Sir Arthur, afterwards Lord, Lord Deputy, chaps. ii.-viii. - _passim_, 16, 111, 162, 204, 337, 348 - - Christ Church, Dublin, 15; - shaken by the Amens, 181; - its condition in 1633, 205 - - -- -- Cork, 10 - - Christian, Edward, 68 - - Clandeboye, James Hamilton, 1st Viscount, 239 - - Clanricarde, Richard De Burgh, 4th Earl of, 25, 80, 92, 94, 249-252 - - -- Ulick, 5th Earl, afterwards Marquis of, 300 - - Clare, 94, 247 - - Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, 169, 235, 261, 267, 282, 308, 330 - - Clement VIII. (Aldobrandini), 9 - - Clogher, 68 - - Clogie, Alexander, 347 - - Clones, 62, 319 - - Clonmel, 94, 223 - - Clotworthy, Sir John, 319 - - Cloughoughter, 45, 340 - - Coke, Sir Edward, 192, 310 - - -- -- John, Secretary of State, 196, 210, 227, 248, 253, 256, 282, 296 - - Colclough, Thomas, 158 - - Cole, Sir William, 214, 315-317, 322 - - Coleraine, 31, 76 _sqq._, 106, 233, 254, 264, 284 - - Como, 49 - - Connello, a pirate, 101 - - Conry, Florence, titular Archbishop of Tuam, 40, 42, 46 - - Convocation, 227 - - Conway, 127 - - -- Edward, 2nd Viscount, 84, 208, 241, 262, 272, 309, 348-349, 353 - - Cook, Sir Francis, 196, 199 - - Coote, Sir Charles, the elder, 167, 185, 214, 292, 328; - governor of Dublin, 332, 350-351 - - Corbet, Ensign, 54; - Rev. John, 233-235 - - Cork, disturbance at, 2, 7-13, 187 - - -- Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of, 176; - Lord Justice, 185-187, 202; - his tomb in St. Patrick's, 206; - his parliamentary boroughs, 214, 222, 224; - his treatment by Strafford, 268-271; - at Strafford's trial, 304-305 - - Cornwallis, Sir Charles, 49, 125-126 - - Corunna, 39 - - Cosmo II., 149 - - Cottington, Francis Lord, 194, 213, 218, 220, 260, 278-279 - - Coventry, 290, 297 - - -- Lord Keeper, 225 - - Coward, a pirate, 102, 106 - - Cranfield: _see_ Middlesex - - Crawford, Captain, 143 - - Creichton, Captain John, 335 - - Crichton, George, 338, 341 - - Croagh, Patrick, 39 - - Crofty hill, 349 - - Croghan, 345 - - Croisic, Le, 39 - - Cromwell, Oliver, 1, 89, 310 - - -- Lord, 199 - - Crooke, Thomas, 102-103 - - Crookhaven, 105 - - Crosbie, Sir Piers, 223, 271-274, 294, 328 - - Cross family, 337 - - Cuellar, Captain, 166 - - Culme, Captain, 119 - - -- Arthur, 340 - - -- Benjamin, Dean of St. Patrick's, 206 - - Culmore, 52-54, 88 - - Cumberland, 290 - - Cunningham, Robert, 233 - - Cusack, a priest, 41 - - - Dalkley, 106 - - Danvers, Henry, afterwards Earl of Danby, President of Munster, 1, - 105, 185 - - Darcy, Martin, sheriff of Galway, 250 - - Davies, Sir John, chaps. ii.-viii. _passim_; - Attorney-General 1606-1619, 31, 32, 34-36, 39, 60, 67, 70, 74; - his circuits described, 91-97, 108, 110; - Mr. Speaker, 112-115, 130; - his optimism, 135 - - Decies, 93 - - Dee river, in Louth, 357 - - Delvin, Richard Nugent, 10th Baron of: _see_ Westmeath - - Denham, Chief Justice Sir John, Lord Justice, 147 - - Denmark, 100 - - Derby, Lord, 209 - - Derg, Lough, in Donegal, 188-189 - - Derry: _see_ Londonderry, chaps. iv. and v. _passim_, 60, 68-70, - 76-78, 106, 145 - - Derry, Patrick, 243 - - Desmond, Geraldine, Earls of, 139, 181, 270 - - -- Richard Preston, Earl of, 139-141, 226 - - Devenish, 96 - - Devonshire, Charles Blount, Earl of, Lord Lieutenant: _see_ Mountjoy, - 13, 16, 33, 35, 51, 282 - - Dido, 79 - - Dillon: - - -- Thomas, Viscount, 247, 303 - - -- Sir James, 26 - - -- Colonel James, 292 - - Dingwall (Preston): _see_ Desmond - - Docwra, Sir Henry, afterwards Lord, 31, 32, 34, 51, 62, 152 - - Doe castle, 55, 57, 58 - - Dominicans, 4, 187 - - Donato, Doge, 49, 50 - - Donegal, 34, 53, chaps. iii. and iv. _passim_ - - Dongan, Sir John, 225 - - Donnellan, John, 249 - - Douai, 39, 127 - - Dover, 39 - - Down, 84, 337 - - Downham, George, Bishop of Derry, 181, 232 - - Drogheda, 2, 31, 37, 95, 170, 292, 327-328, 331, 341, 345, 348-349; - first siege of, 353-358 - - Dublin, contested election, 118; - attempt to surprise, 317-322 - - Dunaff, 56 - - Dunalong, 55 - - Dundalk, 58, 358 - - Dungannon, 38, 48, 90, 337 - - Dungarvan, 93, 128, 208 - - Dunkine, Mr., 233 - - Dunluce, 141 - - Dunsany, Lord (Plunkett), 110, 323 - - Dunshaughly, 327 - - Duntroon, 142 - - Dunyveg, 142-144 - - Dutton, Sir Thomas, 167 - - - Easton, a pirate, 104 - - Eccleston, constable of Dublin Castle, 45 - - Echlin, Robert, Bishop of Down, 231, 232 - - Edmondes, Sir Thomas, 37, 40 - - Eliot, Sir John, 196, 282 - - Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, 230 - - Ellagh Castle, 56 - - Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor, 147 - - Ellis, Fulk, 241 - - Ely O'Carroll, 163-166 - - Enniskillen, 90, 96, 337 - - Escobar, 24 - - Esmond, Sir Laurence, afterwards Lord, 158-159, 178, 272 - - Essex, Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of, 5, 25, 41, 93, 250 - - Essex, Robert, 3rd Earl of, 199, 307, 342 - - Eustace, William, 178 - - -- Sir Maurice, Mr. Speaker, 283 - - Everard, Sir John, 21; - chosen Speaker, 112-114, 121, 132, 133 - - Evers, a servant, 45 - - - Faido, 49 - - Falkland, Henry Cary, 1st Viscount, Lord Deputy, 87, 169-174, 177-186, - 201, 215 - - -- Lucius, 2nd Viscount, 185; - his opinion of Strafford, 308 - - Farmer, William, surgeon and chronicler, 2, 10 - - Farrar, Sir Robert, 357 - - Fawlett, a sea-captain, 208 - - Fenton, Sir Geoffrey, Chief Secretary, 66, 206 - - Fermanagh, 35, 37, 65, 95, 112, 118, 145, 337 - - Ferns, 153 - - Ferrelly, Edmond, 347 - - Ffolliott, Sir Henry, 59, 118 - - Fingall, Luke Plunkett, 1st Earl of, 45, 213, 214, 219, 323, 349 - - Finglas, 327 - - Fisher, Sir Edward, 158, 159 - - Fitzgerald: _see_ Kildare, Earls of. - - -- Lady Bridget, 46 - - -- Sir James, 178 - - Fitzsimon, Henry, Jesuit, 18, 19 - - Fitzwilliam, Sir Thomas, afterwards Viscount, of Merrion, 52, 323 - - Flack, Edward, 338 - - Flanders, 99 - - Fleming, a pirate, 105 - - -- Thomas, titular Archbishop of Dublin, 186 - - Florence, Duke of, 105 - - Flower, Lieutenant, 292 - - Forbes, Captain Arthur, 171 - - Fortescue, Sir Faithful, 352 - - Four Masters, 34, 53 - - Fox, Arthur, 292, 319 - - Foyle, Lough, 31, 51-53 - - Franciscans, 42, 170, 186-187, 316 - - French, called 'most Christian Turks,' 208; - recruiters in Ireland, 294-296 - - Fuentes, Count, 49 - - Fuller, Thomas, 304 - - Fullerton, Sir James, 71 - - - Galtrim, P. Hussy, titular baron of, 127 - - Galway, 25, 39 - - Galway county, treatment of, by Strafford, 248-253 - - Garrard, George, Strafford's correspondent, 253 - - Geneva, 339 - - Gibson, Captain Seafowl, 351-2 - - Gifford, Sir John, 264, 266 - - Gilbert, merchant of London, 14, 15 - - Glenconkein, 252 - - Glenveagh, 56, 59, 60 - - Gondomar, Count, 184 - - Gookin, Sir Vincent, 223-225 - - Gordon, Lieutenant, 54 - - Gore, Captain Paul, 118, 124 - - Gormanston, Viscount (Preston), 25, 52, 116, 127, 166, 303, 323, 349, - 350 - - Gough, Sir James, 113, 116, 127-129 - - Gracedieu, 4 - - Graham, William, 178 - - Granard, 171 - - Grandison, Oliver St. John, 1st Viscount, Lord Deputy, 44, 66, 87, 113, - 150, 169, 170, 176, 201, 268 - - Gray, James, 242 - - -- Lord Leonard, 322 - - Greenhills, 353 - - Grenville, Sir Richard, 332 - - Grey de Wilton, Lord, 41 - - - Hackett, John, 208-209 - - Hadsor, Richard, 87, 162, 165 - - Hallam, Henry, 120, 307 - - Hamilton: _see_ Abercorn and Clandeboye. - - -- Sir Frederick, 167 - - -- Sir James, 231-233 - - -- Marquis, 235, 290 - - Hampton, Christopher, Archbishop of Armagh, 102, 170 - - -- Court, 30 - - Hansard, Sir Richard, 52, 145 - - Harcourt, Sir Simon, 332, 357 - - Harding, John, 275 - - Harrington, Sir John, 30 - - Hart, Captain and Mrs., 52-54 - - Hatton, Sir Christopher, 13 - - Haulbowline, 11 - - Haynes, Henry, 166 - - Henrietta Maria, Queen, 188, 278, 282, 304 - - Henry IV., King of France, 26, 39, 174 - - Hoare, Thomas, 190 - - Hobart, Sir Henry, Attorney-General, 129 - - Hobbes, Thomas, of Malmesbury, 191 - - Hook, Captain, 208 - - Howell, James, 253 - - Howth, Christopher St. Lawrence, 22nd Baron of, 41, 44-46, 133 - - -- Nicholas, 24th Baron of, 323 - - Hugh, Mr., 323 - - Hussy, Patrick, 127 - - Hyde, Edward: _see_ Clarendon. - - - Inchiquin, Murrough O'Brien, 1st Earl of, 247 - - Inishowen, chap. iv. _passim_, 34, 99, 148 - - Isla, 142-144 - - - Jacob, Sir Robert, Solicitor-General, 100, 146, 159 - - James, Captain, 210 - - -- Duke of York, afterwards James II., 254 - - Jamestown, 167 - - Jennings, John, a pirate, 105-106 - - Jesuits, 7, 8, 17-20, 49, 92, 97, 129, 132, 136, 147-149, 167, - 172-173, 182, 184, 187, 214 - - Jones, Thomas, successively Bishop of Meath and Archbishop of Dublin, - Lord Chancellor, 23, 127-128, 133, 142; - Lord Justice, 147-148, 220 - - -- Sir William, Chief Justice, 151-152 - - Jones, Sir Roger, 168 - - -- Henry, Dean of Kilmore, successively Bishop of Clogher and of - Meath, 316, 324-325, 339-341 - - Jonson, Ben, 90 - - Julianstown, battle, 339, 345, 347-349, 353, 356 - - Jura island, 144 - - Juxon, William, Bishop of London, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, - 281 - - - Kavanagh, Donnel Spaniagh, 92, 96-97 - - Kavanagh clan, 99, 153-160 - - Keilagh Castle, 340, 345 - - Kells, in Meath, 171 - - Kenny, Nicholas, 158 - - Kildare, borough, 119 - - Kildare, Earls of (Fitzgerald), 22, 31, 46 - - Kildare, George Fitzgerald, 16th Earl of, 316, 323, 326-327 - - Kilkenny, City and County, 2, 3, 170, 247, 279, 327 - - -- statute of, 138 - - -- in Westmeath, 170 - - Killala, 234, 237 - - Killen, Lord, 110; - _see_ Fingall - - -- Lady, 171 - - Kilmacrenan, 57 - - Kilmallock, 94 - - -- Lord (Sarsfield), 303; - _see_ Sarsfield - - Kilmore, 74, 344-347 - - Kinard, 335 - - King, Sir Robert, 214 - - King's County, 92, 97; - plantation in, 163-166, 180 - - Kingsland, Lord (Barnewall), 47 - - Kingsmill, Sir Francis, 128 - - Kinsale, 2, 5, 10, 12, 149, 294-295 - - Knox, Andrew, Bishop of the Isles and of Raphoe, 97-98, 142, 231-232 - - - Lagan river, 348 - - Lalor, Robert, 21 - - Lambert, Sir Oliver, 55, 80-81, 119, 143-144 - - -- Lord, 328 - - Larne, 141 - - Laud, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, his alliance with Wentworth, - 192, 194, 199; - his interference with the Irish Church, 205-207, 213; - the Queen of Bohemia's opinion of him, 229; - his alliance with Bramhall, 232-235; - his warning to Wentworth, 255; - Chancellor of Dublin University, 273-275; - one of the 'little junto' 290; - his unpopularity, 297, 309-310 - - Lawson, Captain Robert, saves Belfast, 348 - - Leamcon, 105 - - Lee, river, 11 - - Leicester, Robert Sidney, 2nd Earl of, 278; - Lord Lieutenant, 327, 329-332 - - Leighlin, 3 - - Leitrim, plantation of, 152, 166-167, 247 - - Lepanto, 103 - - Leslie, Alexander, afterwards Earl of Leven, 238 - - -- Henry, Bishop of Down and Connor, 228, 232-233, 237, 239, 337 - - -- John, successively Bishop of Raphoe and Clogher, 215, 239 - - Ley, James, Chief Justice, afterwards Earl of Marlborough, 22, 28, 71 - - Lifford, 34, 39, 55, 82-83, 134, 145 - - Limavady, 78, 145 - - Limerick, 2, 8, 87, 94, 151 - - Lisbon, 53 - - Lisburn, 337, 348-349 - - Lisgoole, 337 - - Lismore, 269 - - Little, Mr. Strafford's secretary, 214 - - Livingston, John, 231, 233 - - Lodoms, 143 - - Loftus, Adam, 1st Viscount of Ely, Lord Chancellor, Lord Justice, - 173-178, 194, 200-203, 222, 257-261; - his treatment by Strafford, 264-268, 281; - his daughter Lady Moore, 265, 267 - - Loftus, Sir Adam of Rathfarnham, Wentworth's supporter, 194, 202, 214, - 247; - Vice-Treasurer, 260-263, 320-321 - - -- Sir Robert, 262-264, 267-268 - - -- 'young Lady Loftus,' Eleanor Rushe, 262-264, 267-268, 310 - - Lombard, Peter, titular Primate, 8, 49 - - Londonderry and the London planters, 31, 76, 118; - Strafford's treatment of, 252-254, 289, 290; - the bulwark of the North, 318 - - Longford, 97; - plantation in, 152, 164-166, 331 - - Lorne: _see_ Argyle - - Lorraine, 40, 48 - - Loughmoe, 94 - - Louth, Lord (Plunket), 110 - - Louvain, 40, 48 - - Lovel, Lord, 154, 158, 160 - - Lowther, Sir Gerard, Chief Justice, 247, 314 - - Lucas, Sir Thomas, 357 - - Lucerne, 49 - - Lurgan, 338 - - Lyon, William, Bishop of Cork, 24, 103 - - - Macaulay, Lord, 174 - - MacCarthy, Florence, 141 - - MacCoghlan, Sir John, 165, 180 - - MacDavitt, Phelim Reagh, chap. iv. _passim_, 51, 56-59 - - Macdonald, Sir James, 142-144 - - -- Coll Keitach MacGillespie, 143 - - Macdonnells in Antrim: _see_ Antrim; 140-144, 285 - - MacGibbon, Maurice, 94 - - MacGlannathy or MacClancy, 166 - - Macmahon or MacMahon, Art MacRory, 41 - - -- -- Art Roe, 356 - - -- -- Hugh Oge, 318-320, 322 - - -- -- Ever, Emer, or Heber, titular bishop of Clogher, 318 - - Macmahon clan, rebellion of, 342 - - MacMurrough, Art, 153 - - MacRedmond, Owen, 13 - - MacSwiney clan, 56, 59 - - Magee Island, 335 - - Magennis, Catherine, 4th wife of Tyrone, 35 - - -- Sir Con, 348 - - -- clan, 337 - - Magrath, James and Meiler, 188 - - -- Owen, 46-47 - - Maguire, Hugh (ob. 1600), 37; - another Hugh, 316 - - -- Cuconnaught, 37, 42 - - -- Connor Roe, 37, 39 - - -- Brian, 65, 118 - - -- Cormac, 144 - - -- Connor, 2nd Baron of Enniskillen, leader in the rebellion, 216, - 315, 317-320; - executed, 322, 337 - - -- Rory, 292, 339, 341 - - Mahomet, 130 - - Mainwaring, Sir Philip, Strafford's secretary, 119, 202, 214, 218, 262 - - -- William, 214 - - Malin Head, 56 - - Mallow, 94 - - Man, Isle of, 198, 209 - - Manor Hamilton, 167 - - Marwood, Mr., 162 - - Massereene, 145 - - Masterson, Sir Richard, 153-155 - - Matthew, Sir Toby, 310 - - Maxwell, John, Bishop of Killala, 234, 334 - - -- James, Black Rod, 301 - - May, Sir Humphrey, 146 - - Mayo, 106 - - -- Miles Bourke, 2nd Viscount, 318 - - Meade, William, 8, 9 - - Meath, 97, 349 - - Medhope, the widow, 166 - - Mellifont, 37, 351 - - Mervyn, Audley, 314 - - Middlesex, Lionel Cranfield, Earl of, 172-173, 220 - - Milan, 49 - - Milton, John, 274 - - Monaghan, 69, 95, 321, 342 - - Monasterevan, 264 - - Monck, George, 332 - - Montgomery, George, Bishop of Derry, and his wife Susan, 52-57, 68-71 - - -- of Ardes, Lord, 238-240, 337 - - -- Sir James, 239 - - Moore, Charles, 2nd Viscount of Drogheda, 258, 263, 265, 352-358 - - -- Sir Garrett, 1st Viscount, 37 - - -- Roger, _see_ O'More - - Morgan, Captain, 8, 9 - - Moryson, Fynes, 30 - - Mountgarret, Richard Butler, 3rd Viscount, 92, 140, 327 - - Mountjoy, Charles Blunt, afterwards Earl of Devonshire, _q.v._, Lord - Deputy, 1-5, 12, 13, 30-32, 41, 145 - - Mountnorris, Francis Annesley, Lord, 58, 90, 185, 200-203, 224; - his treatment by Strafford, 256-264, 267, 306 - - Mullarkey, Edmund, 145 - - Multifarnham, 316 - - Murphy, John, 158 - - Murrough, Lieutenant Christopher, 9, 11, 13 - - Muskerry, Lord, 303 - - - Naas, 6, 279, 281 - - Nancy, 49 - - Nangle family, 166 - - Nanny river, 347 - - Nantes, 26 - - Naples, 13 - - Narni, 49 - - Naunton, Sir Robert, 164 - - Neagh, Lough, 56 - - Netherlands, 295-296 - - Netterville, Richard, 25-26 - - -- Sir John, 2nd Viscount, 292, 323, 352 - - Newburn, 241, 299-300 - - Newcastle-on-Tyne, 99 - - Newcomen, Sir Beverley, 214 - - New Ross, 96 - - Newry, 321, 337, 348, 352 - - Newtownards, 337 - - Nicolalde, Seņor, 209 - - Noble, Mr., 233 - - Normandy, 39 - - Norris, Lady, 94 - - -- Sir Thomas, 270 - - Northumberland, Algernon Percy, 10th Earl of, 236, 299 - - Norton, Sir Dudley, Chief Secretary, 200, 262 - - Nott, a pirate, 36 - - Nottingham, Charles Howard, 1st Earl of, 101 - - Nugent: _see_ Delvin, 42-46 - - -- Sir Christopher, 113 - - -- Sir Thomas, 326 - - Nutt, a pirate, 198 - - - O'Boyle, 37 - - O'Brennan, 247 - - O'Brien, Henry, 111 - - -- Sir Daniel, 113 - - O'Byrne, Feagh MacHugh, 92, 97, 161, 176 - - -- Phelim MacFeagh, 92, 97 - - -- Hugh MacPhelim, 315, 319, 347, 349 - - -- clan, 99; - case of the, 176-179 - - O'Cahan, Donnell, 31-33, 58, 62, 145 - - -- Shane Carragh, 58 - - -- Rory Oge, 62, 145 - - -- Manus, 342 - - Ochiltree, Lord, 111 - - O'Coffie, called bishop, 106 - - O'Connolly, Owen, discoverer of the 1641 plot, 319-321, 330, 336 - - O'Connor clan, 92 - - O'Daly's bridge, 340 - - O'Dempsey, 92 - - O'Devany, Cornelius, titular bishop of Down, executed, 98 - - O'Dogherty, Sir Cahir, 34; - rebellion and death of, 51, 61, 88, 99, 124, 133, 145, 148 - - -- Lady (Mary Preston), 52, 57, 226 - - -- Rose, 38 - - O'Donnell, Rory, Earl of Tyrconnel, _q.v._, chap. iii. _passim_ - - -- Hugh Roe, 42 - - -- Neill Garv, 34-35, 59-62, 145 - - -- Shane MacManus, 59-60 - - O'Doyne, 92 - - O'Driscoll, 209 - - O'Farrell or O'Ferrall, 44, 162-164, 331 - - O'Gallagher, 58 - - Ogden, Anne, 337 - - O'Hanlon, 58, 337 - - O'Keenan, Teig, 39 - - O'Laverty, Laughlin, 146 - - Olivares, 173 - - O'Mahony, Cornelius, Jesuit, 334 - - O'More clan, 92 - - -- Roger or Rory, originator of the 1641 outbreak, 317-319, 347-349 - - O'Neill clan: _see_ Tyrone, chap. iii. _passim_, 38, 144-146, 295, - 315, 318-320 - - -- Con Bacagh, 33 - - -- Sir Cormac MacBaron, 39 - - -- Henry, 39, 40 - - -- Hugh Boy, 99 - - -- Owen Roe MacArt, 37, 40, 89, 343 - - -- Sir Phelim, 335-337, 355-356 - - -- Tirlagh, 65, 118 - - O'Quin clan, 337 - - O'Reilly clan in 1641, 324-326, 338-347 - - O'Reilly, Shane MacPhilip, 41 - - -- Mulmory Oge, 65 - - -- Lady Mary, 226 - - -- Philip MacHugh, M.P. for Cavan, 325, 339-341, 347, 349 - - -- Tirlagh MacShane MacPhilip, 338 - - -- Miles, sheriff of Cavan, 339, 340, 344, 346 - - -- Philip MacMulmore, 340, 346 - - -- Edmund, 344-346 - - Ormonde, two baronies in Tipperary, 247 - - -- Thomas Butler, 10th Earl of, called Black Thomas, 3, 4, 8, 95, 139, - 146 - - -- Walter, 11th Earl of, 140 - - -- James, 12th Earl of, afterwards Marquis and Duke, 141, 180, 203; - his relations with Wentworth, 216, 234, 246-247, 279, 299, 309-310; - a parliamentary tactician, 312-314; - commander of the forces, 327-328, 332, 348, 351; - relieves Drogheda, 356; - on rebel Lords and Commoners, 358 - - Osbaldeston, Attorney-General, 342-343 - - Ossory, 3, 19 - - Ossuna, Duke of, 40 - - Ostend, 40 - - O'Sullivan Bere, Philip, historian, 53-55, 98 - - -- a recruiting officer, 294 - - O'Toole clan, 99, 177 - - Oughter, Lough, 45, 354; - and _see_ Cloughoughter - - - Palatine, the elector, and his country, 100, 230 - - Parker, John, Bishop of Elphin, 344 - - Parliament of Ireland, in 1613, chap. vii.; - in 1634, chap. xii.; - in 1640, chaps. xvi. and xix. - - Parliament of England, receives the news of the Irish rebellion, 330 - - Parma, 49 - - Parry, Edward, Bishop of Killaloe, 235 - - Parsons or Persons, Robert, Jesuit, 49, 129, 149 - - -- Sir William, 158, 178-179, 195-196; - Wentworth finds him very 'dry,' 203, 214, 222, 243; - Lord Justice, 312, 319-320, chap. xix. _passim_ - - -- Fenton, 65 - - Passage, near Cork, 10 - - Patrick's Purgatory, Saint, 188 - - Paul V. (Borghese), 49, 149 - - Paulet, Sir George, 51-55, 59 - - Percy: _see_ Carlisle and Northumberland. - - Perrott, Sir John, 108, 120, 251 - - Perse, Henry, Chichester's secretary, 67 - - Philip III. and IV., Kings of Spain, 149, 171, 316 - - Phillips, Sir Thomas, 77-78, 87, 145, 252-253 - - Philpot, Edward, 340 - - Pilsworth, Mr., 6 - - Pirates, 101-107, 207-210 - - Plattin, 356 - - Plumleigh, Captain Richard, 198, 209 - - Plunket or Plunkett: _see_ Fingall, Dunsany, and Louth - - -- Sir Christopher, 116 - - -- Colonel Richard, one of the leading rebels, 292, 317-318, 399 - - Poland and the Poles, 100, 167-168 - - Pont, Mr., a magistrate, 179 - - -- Worthy Mrs., 242 - - Portadown, massacre at, 342-344 - - Porter, George, 292-293 - - Portland, Lord Treasurer, 207 - - Portrush, 141 - - Portumna, 249 - - Power, Lord, 5 - - Powers, bastard imps of the, 93 - - Powerscourt, Lord, 170; - _see_ Wingfield - - Poynings's Law, 10 Henry VII., 111, 120, 220, 224, 316 - - Preston, Richard: _see_ Desmond - - Preston, Thomas, afterwards Viscount Tarah, 40, 295 - - Price, Captain Charles, 214, 225, 260, 341-343 - - Purcell family in Tipperary, 94 - - Pym, John, 1, 191 - - Pynnar, Nicholas, his survey, 65, 76, 83-85 - - - Queen's County, 92, 97 - - Quilleboeuf, 39 - - - Raby, Strafford's second title, 282 - - Radcliffe, Sir George, Strafford's confidential secretary, 193-194; - precedes him to Ireland, 198, 202, 214, 216-218; - sometimes wiser than his master, 243-244, 266, 274, 281, 298-299; - impeached in England, 302, 310-313; - impeached in Ireland, 314 - - Rainsborough, Captain William, 208 - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, 81; - sells his estate to Boyle, 268-270 - - Randolph, Colonel Edward, 76 - - Ranelagh, Roger Jones, 1st Viscount, 219, 234, 247 - - Raphoe, 68, 106, 239 - - Rathlin, 141 - - Rathmullen, 38, 90 - - Raven, Thomas, 87 - - Rawdon, Sir George, 240, 348 - - Reggio, 49 - - Remington, Sir Robert, Vice-President of Connaught, 25 - - -- knighted by Wentworth, 201 - - Rhodes, Sir Godfrey, 201 - - Rice, a pirate, 207-208 - - Rich, Barnaby, 79 - - Richard II., King, 153 - - Richardot, President of Artois, 40 - - Richelieu, Cardinal, 292 - - Ridge, Mr., 233 - - Ridgeway, Sir Thomas, afterwards Earl of Londonderry, Vice-Treasurer, - 55-58, 70, 81, 112-113, 134-135 - - Rinuccini, Bishop of Fermo and nuncio, 333 - - Ripon, treaty of, 292, 294, 300 - - Roche, Lord, 9, 127 - - Rockley, Captain, 351 - - Roe, Sir Thomas, 229 - - Rome, 7, 49, 337 - - Roper, Major, 347-348 - - Roscommon borough, 113; - county, 167 - - Rossclogher, 166 - - Rothe, David, titular Bishop of, 160-161 - - Rowley, Mr., 145 - - Rudyard, Sir Benjamin, 293 - - Rushe, Frances, Lady Wentworth, 194, 264 - - -- Eleanor: _see_ Loftus - - Ryves, Captain, 340 - - - St. John, Sir Oliver: _see_ Grandison - - -- -- Oliver, Cromwell's Chief Justice, 307 - - -- Leger, Sir Anthony, Lord Deputy temp. Henry VIII., 120 - - -- -- Sir Anthony, Master of the Rolls, 71 - - -- -- Sir William, President of Munster, 187, 218, 291-293, 321 - - Salisbury, Robert Cecil, 1st Earl of, 1, 23, 41, 43, 49, 66, 141 - - Salkeld, a pirate, 105 - - Sarsfield, Thomas, Mayor of Cork, 8, 9, 24 - - -- Chief Justice Sir Dominick, 22, 185, 303 - - Savage, Sir Arthur, 177 - - Saxey, Chief Justice, 9, 17 - - Schull, 105 - - Scott, William, 241 - - Sexton, George, Chichester's secretary, 119 - - Shaen, Sir Richard, 163-164 - - Shandon, 11 - - Sheep Haven, 55 - - Sheridan, Dennis, 346 - - Shirley, Chief Justice, 177, 179, 261 - - Shrule, 235 - - Sicilian Vespers, 82 - - Sidney, Sir Henry, 251; - Sir Philip, 250 - - Sigginstown, 280 - - Sion House, 299 - - Skelton, John, Mayor of Dublin, 17, 23 - - -- William, 336 - - Skerries, Co. Dublin, 150, 354 - - -- off Holyhead, 30, 180 - - Skiddy's Castle, 11 - - Slane, 39, 356 - - Slane, Lord (Fleming), 110, 216, 323 - - Somerset, Carr, Earl of, 90, 146 - - -- Sir Thomas, 140 - - Sotherne, Mr., 6, 7 - - Spain, Spaniards, 10, 11, 13, 26, 37-43, 81, 103, 105, 168, 171, 294-296 - - Spencer, Mr., 240 - - Spinola, Marquis, 40, 42 - - Spottiswood, John, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 231, 240 - - -- John, Bishop of Clogher, 239 - - Springham, Matthias, 88 - - Stameen, 356 - - Standen, Sir Anthony, 41 - - Stanihurst, Richard, 41 - - Stewart, Henry, 242-243 - - Still, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 30 - - Stoke, battle of, 154 - - Strabane, 38, 55 - - Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of, chaps. xi. to xviii. - _passim_, 89, 107, 125, 130, 138, 148, 165, 173, 179, 185-188; - his antecedents, 190; - 'thorough' with Laud, 192; - his friends, 193; - Lord Deputy, 194; - lands in Ireland, 199; - the Boyle monument, 206; - puts down piracy, 207-210; - his first Parliament, chap. xii.; - tames Convocation, 227; - proposes to drive out the Scots, 243; - his colonising schemes, chap. xiv.; - Mountnorris case, 256; - Loftus case, 264; - treatment of Lord Cork, 268; - Trinity College case, 273; - his Irish estate, 278; - his second Parliament, 283; - his army, chap. xvii.; - his trial, 304; - character, 309 - - Strongbow, 15 - - Suarez the Jesuit, 24, 122, 129-131 - - Suckling, Sir John, 169 - - Suir river, 4 - - Sweden, Irish in, 99, 100 - - Swilly, Lough, 37, 39, 51-52, 56, 107 - - Swiney, Eugene, titular bishop of Kilmore, 345-346 - - Switzerland, 40 - - Synnott, Walter, 154-155 - - - Taaffe, Theobald, afterwards Viscount, 293, 331 - - Talbot, William, 113, 117, 129, 130, 132, 170 - - -- Peter, Jesuit, afterwards archbishop, 215 - - Tanderagee, 337 - - Tara, 350 - - Taylor, Francis, 118-119 - - Temple, Sir John, Master of the Rolls and historian, 193, 320, 334, 357 - - Temple, Sir William, Provost of Trinity College, 273 - - Termon lands, 35, 69-71 - - -- Magrath, 188 - - Thomastown, 2-4 - - Thomond, Henry O'Brien, 5th Earl of, 80, 94, 106, 151 - - Thornton, Sir George, 8, 9 - - -- Alice, Wandesford's daughter, 312, 321 - - Thurles, Thomas Butler, Viscount, 180 - - Tichborne, Sir Henry, 347, 353-358 - - Tinahely, 280 - - Tinane, 336 - - Tipperary, the cross, 92; - the Palatinate, 139; - the county, 279 - - Toome, 78 - - Tory island, 52, 59 - - Trim, 332 - - Trinity College, Dublin, 186-187, 273 - - Tuam, 205 - - Tullagh: _see_ Jamestown, 166 - - Tullophelim, 139 - - Tullyallen, 356 - - Turvey, 25 - - Tyrconnel, Rory O'Donnell, Earl of 34, 35, 58, 97, 149 - - Tyringham, Sir Arthur, 348 - - Tyrone, Hugh O'Neill, Earl of, chap. iii. _passim_, 1, 2, 18, 25; - reaches Rome, 49, 57, 65-66, 71, 92, 97, 113, 121, 133; - his death, 149, 236 - - - Urban VIII. (Barberini), 49 - - Ussher, James, successively Bishop of Meath and Primate, 150, 170-171, - 177-179, 200, 215, 228, 239, 242, 273-275, 308, 353 - - -- Robert, Provost of Trinity College, 273 - - Uvedale, Sir William, 15 - - - Vane, Sir Henry, 282, 308, 315 - - Vaughan, Captain Henry, 55; - Captain John, 77 - - Venice, 10, 36 - - Virgil, 79 - - Virginia, 67 - - -- Co. Cavan, 90, 338, 341 - - - Wafer, Mr., 7 - - Walpole, Sir Robert, 147, 191 - - Walsh or Walshe, Sir Nicholas, 5; - Chief Justice, 8, 93 - - -- Henry, 158-160 - - Walsingham, Sir Francis, 92, 250 - - Wandesford, Sir Christopher, Master of the Rolls, 193-194, 216, - 218-219, 266, 276; - Lord Justice, 281; - Lord Deputy, 297-300, 302; - his death, 303-304, 312 - - Wanstead, 30 - - Warbeck, Perkin, 8 - - Warwick, Sir Philip, 268, 310 - - Waterford, 2, 3, 7, 24, 29; - assizes at, 93, 96-97; - charter forfeited, 151; - restored, 180 - - Welwood, Dr. James, 190-191 - - Wemyss, Sir Patrick, 327, 348 - - Wentworth, Thomas: _see_ Strafford - - -- Sir George, 211, 214, 262 - - -- Woodhouse, 301 - - Westmeath, Richard Nugent, Lord Delvin, 1st Earl of, 42-46, 97, 171-172 - - Weston, Lord Chancellor, 206 - - -- Earl of Portland, 207, 220 - - Wetheread, Bishop of Waterford, 270 - - White, James, Jesuit, 3-6 - - Whitehaven, 289 - - White Knight (Fitzgerald), 94 - - Whitelock, Bulstrode, 242, 330 - - Wicklow, 96 - - Wilbraham, Sir Roger, 117, 126 - - Willoughby, Sir Francis, 185; - takes Irish troops to Carlisle, 288, 308; - governor of Dublin Castle, 320-322 - - -- Ensign, 238 - - Wilmot, Sir Charles, afterwards Viscount, 8, 177, 185-186, 203, 218, - 255-256, 267 - - Winch, Sir Humphrey, Chief Baron, etc., 117 - - Windebank, Sir Francis, Secretary of State, 220, 290 - - Wingfield, Sir Richard, created Viscount Powerscourt, 55, 57, 81; - Lord Justice, 127 - - Winwood, Sir Ralph, Secretary of State, 134 - - Wotton, Sir Henry, 49, 149 - - Wright, Bishop of Chester, 297 - - - Zuarius or Suarez, 130 - - -END OF THE FIRST VOLUME - - PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. LTD., LONDON - COLCHESTER AND ETON - - - - -TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES - - -General: Corrections to punctuation have not been individually noted -General: Variable capitalisation, particularly of names beginning Mac or - Mc as in the original -Page xv: Page for Monck, Grenville, etc. corrected from 322 to 332. -Page 6, 367: Variable spelling of Pilsworth/Pillsworth as in the original -Page 15 (Footnote): 'and' following Chichester originally printed upside - down and followed by ( -Page 17 (Sidenote): against Recusant as in the original -Page 47: Tyrconnell corrected to Tyrconnel; "they would should" as in the - original -Page 59: Tyrconnell's as in the original - left as part of a quotation. -Page 78: Philips standardised to Phillips -Page 92, 366: Variable spelling of O'Doyne/O'Doyn as in the original -Page 94: strnctures corrected to structures; Kinght corrected to Knight -Page 94, 364: Variable spelling of McGibbon/MacGibbon as in the original -Page 100: agains as in the original -Page 101: strategems as in the original -Page 102: Cowards' corrected to Coward's (second instance) -Page 106, 362: Variable spelling of Dalkey/Dalkley as in the original -Page 108 (Sidenote): constituences corrected to constituencies -Page 110, 364: Variable spelling of Killen/Killeen as in the original -Page 119 (Sidenote): duplicate the removed -Page 137: conpensation corrected to compensation -Page 143, 365: Variable spelling of McGillespie/MacGillespie as in the - original -Page 164, 166: Discrepancy in term of forty-one or twenty-one years as in - the original -Page 172: therabouts as in the original text -Page 193 (Sidenote): Wandsford corrected to Wandesford -Page 194: wellknown standardised to well-known -Page 197: accommomodated corrected to accommodated -Page 214: representd corrected to represented -Page 234: delared corrected to declared -Page 238: even in the phrase "as strong a royalist as even Scotland has - produced" as in the original text -Page 321, 361: Variable spelling of Castleblayney/Castleblaney as in the - original -Page 337 (Sidenote): Bihsop corrected to Bishop -Page 347, 363: Variable spelling of Ferrely/Ferrelly as in the original -Page 359: Annagh as in the original -Page 361: Entry for Carlisle, Lady - page 209 corrected to 290 - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Stuarts and during -the Interregnum, Vol. I (of 3), 1603-1642, by Richard Bagwell - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE STUARTS, VOL 1 *** - -***** This file should be named 53473-8.txt or 53473-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/4/7/53473/ - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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