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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8a967e5 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #53464 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53464) diff --git a/old/53464-0.txt b/old/53464-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 622d325..0000000 --- a/old/53464-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6085 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Old Europe's Suicide, by Christopher Birdwood Thomson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Old Europe's Suicide - or The Building of a Pyramid of Errors - -Author: Christopher Birdwood Thomson - -Release Date: November 6, 2016 [EBook #53464] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD EUROPE'S SUICIDE *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Charlie Howard, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - -OLD EUROPE’S SUICIDE - - - “For History of Times representeth the magnitude of actions and - the public faces and deportments of persons, and passeth over in - silence the smaller passages and motions of ‘men and matters.’” - - --_Francis Bacon_ - - - - -BRIGADIER-GENERAL CHRISTOPHER BIRDWOOD THOMSON - - -General Thomson comes of an English family of soldiers. He is about -forty-five years old, and has a career of active service behind him, -having served as subaltern four years in the Boer War, then having -passed the Staff-College, and subsequently having been employed by the -War Office in Balkan service. - -At the very beginning of the Great War he was engaged in Staff work -at the French front, and in 1915 to 1917 was the British military -representative in the Balkans. In the Palestine campaign he saw active -service in the field until the occupation of Jerusalem. - -When the Supreme War Council was convened at Versailles, Thomson was -recalled and was attached as British Military Representative in 1918 -remaining until the conclusion of its peace negotiations. In 1919 he -retired with rank of Brigadier General--Royal Engineers. - -He has now entered the field of politics as a member of the Labour -Party and is the selected candidate for Parliament, standing for -Central Bristol. He was a member of the Labour Party commission which -recently visited Ireland; and his services in the intensive campaign -work of the Labour Party in Great Britain have occupied the past year. - -[Illustration: THE PYRAMID OF ERRORS] - - - - - OLD EUROPE’S - SUICIDE - - OR - - THE BUILDING OF A PYRAMID - OF ERRORS - - An account of certain events in Europe during - the Period 1912-1919 - - By - BRIGADIER-GENERAL - CHRISTOPHER BIRDWOOD THOMSON - - [Illustration] - - NEW YORK - THOMAS SELTZER - 1922 - - - - - Copyright, 1922, by - THOMAS SELTZER, INC. - - - _All Rights Reserved_ - - - - -DEDICATION - - - THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED TO ONE - I HAVE ALWAYS CALLED - - “LA BELLE SAGESSE,” - - WHO GREATLY - LOVES HER COUNTRY AND HER - GARDEN BY - - THE “SLEEPING WATERS”. - - - - -PREFACE - - -This book is a retrospect covering the period 1912-1919. It begins with -the first Balkan War, and ends with the Peace Conference at Paris. -Many of the events described have been dealt with by other writers, -and the only justification for adding one more volume to an already -well-stocked library, is that the author was an eye-witness of all -that he relates and enjoyed peculiar opportunities for studying the -situation as a whole. To impressions derived from personal contact -with many of the principal actors in this world-drama has been added -the easy wisdom which comes after the event. With these qualifications -a conscientious effort has been made to arrange the subject matter in -proper sequence and to establish some connection between cause and -effect--not with a view to carping criticism, but rather to stress the -more obvious errors of the past and glean from them some guidance for -the future. - -It would be a rash statement to say that a European conflagration was -the inevitable outcome of a little Balkan War, but metaphor will not -be strained by comparing that same little war to a spark in close -proximity to a heap of combustible material, a spark fanned in secret -by ambitious and unscrupulous men, while others stood by, and, either -from ignorance or indifference, did nothing to prevent an inevitable -and incalculable disaster. That, as the present writer sees it, is the -parable of the Balkan Wars. And so in the first part of this book, -which deals with the period 1912-1914, the selfish intrigues of the -Central Empires are contrasted with the equally vicious proceedings -of the Imperial Russian Government, with the ignorance and inertia -which characterized Great Britain’s Continental policy and with the -vacillations of the Latin States. In later chapters, comments are made -on the diplomatic negotiations with the neutral Balkan States in 1915 -and 1916, on the conduct of the war and on the Treaty signed June 28, -1919, in the Palace at Versailles. - -The title refers to the downfall of the Central Empires, which were the -last strongholds of the aristocratic traditions of Old Europe, both -from a social and a political point of view. It is submitted that these -Empires perished prematurely through the suicidal folly of their ruling -classes. Under wiser statesmanship, their autocratic governmental -system might have survived another century. Germany and Austria-Hungary -were prosperous States, and were assured of still greater prosperity if -events had pursued their normal course. But pride, ambition, impatience -and an overweening confidence in efficiency without idealism destroyed -their plans. They put their faith in Force, mere brutal Force, and -hoped to achieve more rapidly by conquest a commercial and political -predominance which, by waiting a few years, they could have acquired -without bloodshed. In the end, the military weapon they had forged -became the instrument of their own destruction. Too much was demanded -from the warlike German tribes; an industrial age had made war an -affair of workshops, and against them were arrayed all the resources of -Great Britain and America. Blind to these patent facts, a few reckless -militarists who held the reins of power goaded a docile people on to -desperate and unavailing efforts, long after all hope of victory had -vanished, and thus committed suicide as a despairing warrior does who -falls upon his sword. - -The Prussian military system collapsed in the throes of revolution and -the rest of Europe breathed again. Materialism in its most efficient -form had failed, and to peoples bearing the intolerable burden -imposed by armaments came a new hope. Unfortunately, that hope was -vain. With the cessation of hostilities, the suicide of Old Europe -was not completely consummated. After the signing of the Armistice, -enlightened opinion, though undoubtedly disconcerted by the rapid march -of events, expected from the sudden downfall of the Central Empires a -swift transition from the old order to the new. The expectation was -not unreasonable that four years of wasteful, mad destruction would -be a lesson to mankind and, in a figurative sense, would form the -apex of a pyramid of errors--a pyramid rising from a broad base of -primitive emotions, through secret stages of artifice and intrigue, -and culminating in a point on which nothing could be built. A gloomy -monument, indeed, and useless--save as a habitation for the dead. - -In an evil hour for civilization, the delegates who met to make the -Peace in Paris preferred the prospect of immediate gain to laying -the foundation of a new and better world. They, and the experts who -advised them, saw in the pyramid of errors a familiar structure, though -incomplete. Its completion demanded neither vision, nor courage, nor -originality of thought; precedent was their only guide in framing -Treaties which crowned the errors of the past and placed its topmost -block. - -The chickens hatched at Versailles are now coming home to roost. -Democracy has been betrayed, our boasted civilization has been exposed -as a thin veneer overlaying the most savage instincts. Throughout -all Europe a state of moral anarchy prevails, hatred and a lust for -vengeance have usurped the place not only of charity and decent conduct -but also of statesmanship and common-sense. Peoples mistrust their -neighbours and their rulers, rich territories are unproductive for lack -of confidence and goodwill. - -These ills are moral and only moral remedies will cure them. Force -_was_ required, and has done its work in successfully resisting -aggression by military states now humbled and dismembered. But Force is -a weapon with a double edge, and plays no part in human progress. - -While this book endeavours to draw some lessons from the war and from -the even more disastrous peace, at the same time it pleads a cause. -That cause is Progress, and an appeal is made to all thinking men and -women to give their attention to these urgent international affairs, -which affect not only their prosperity, but their honour as citizens -of civilized States. The first step in this direction is to inform -ourselves. If, in the following pages, a little light is thrown on what -was before obscure, the writer will feel that his toil in the execution -of an unaccustomed task has been rewarded. - - C. W. THOMSON - - LONDON. - December 6, 1921. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - PREFACE xi - - CHAPTER - - I. A DAY ON THE DANUBE 1 - - II. BELGRADE--OCTOBER, 1912: A VIEW FROM A WINDOW 10 - - III. THE BATTLE OF KUMANOVO 20 - - IV. MACEDONIA--1912 35 - - V. ALBANIA--1912-1913 49 - - VI. THE SECOND BALKAN WAR AND THE TREATY OF BUCHAREST 59 - - VII. TWO MEN WHO DIED 69 - - VIII. “1914” PEACE AND WAR 74 - - IX. THE NEUTRAL BALKAN STATES--1915 84 - - X. SLEEPING WATERS 99 - - XI. THE DISASTER IN RUMANIA--1916 108 - - XII. THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION AND THE RUSSO-RUMANIAN - OFFENSIVE--1917 127 - - XIII. A MIDNIGHT MASS 143 - - XIV. “WESTERNERS” AND “EASTERNERS” 147 - - XV. THE PEACE CONFERENCE AT PARIS--1919 161 - - XVI. LOOKING BACK AND LOOKING FORWARD 177 - - - - -OLD EUROPE’S SUICIDE - - - - -CHAPTER I - -A DAY ON THE DANUBE - - -“When the snows melt there will be war in the Balkans,” had become an -habitual formula in the Foreign Offices of Europe during the first -decade of the twentieth century. Statesmen and diplomats found comfort -in this prophecy on their return from cures at different Continental -spas, because, the season being autumn, the snow had still to fall, and -would not melt for at least six months. This annual breathing space was -welcome after the anxieties of spring and summer; the inevitable war -could be discussed calmly and dispassionately, preparations for its -conduct could be made methodically, and brave words could be bandied -freely in autumn in the Balkans. Only an imminent danger inspires fear; -hope has no time limit, the most unimaginative person can hope for the -impossible twenty years ahead. - -Without regard either for prophecies or the near approach of winter, -Bulgaria, Servia, Greece and Montenegro declared war on Turkey at -the beginning of October, 1912. The Balkan _Bloc_ had been formed, -and did not include Rumania, a land where plenty had need of peace; -King Charles was resolutely opposed to participation in the war, he -disdained a mere Balkan alliance as unworthy of the “Sentinel of the -Near East.” - -Bukarest had, for the moment anyhow, lost interest; my work there -was completed, and a telegram from London instructed me to proceed to -Belgrade. The trains _via_ Budapest being overcrowded, I decided on the -Danube route, and left by the night train for Orsova, in company with -a number of journalists and business men from all parts of Rumania. We -reached the port of the Iron Gate before dawn, and found a Hungarian -steamer waiting; soon after daybreak we were heading up stream. - -Behind us lay the Iron Gate, its gloom as yet unconquered by the -sunrise; on our left the mountains of North-Eastern Servia rose like -a rampart; on our right the foothills of the Carpathians terminated -abruptly at the river’s edge; in front the Danube shimmered with soft -and ever-changing lights; a stillness reigned which no one cared to -break, even the crew spoke low, like pious travellers before a shrine. -War’s alarms seemed infinitely distant from those glistening waters set -in an amphitheatre of hills. - -“How can man, being happy, still keep his happy hour?” The pageant -of dawn and river and mountain faded as the sun rose higher; dim -outlines became hard and sharp; the Iron Gate, surmounted by eddying -wisps of mist, looked like a giant cauldron. The pass broadened with -our westward progress revealing the plain of Southern Hungary, low -hills replaced the mountains on the Servian bank. A bell rang as we -stopped at a small river port, it announced breakfast and reminded -us, incidentally, that stuffy smells are inseparable from human -activities, even on the Danube, and within sight of the blue mountains -of Transylvania. - -My travelling companions were mainly British and French, with a -sprinkling of Austrians and Italians. To all of them the latest -development in the Balkan situation was of absorbing interest, and they -discussed it incessantly from every point of view. Their attitude, as -I learnt later, was typical, not one of them had failed to foresee -everything that had happened; in the case of the more mysterious -mannered, one had a vague impression that they had planned the whole -business, and were awaiting results like rival trainers of racehorses -on the eve of a great race. These citizens of the Great Powers were, -in their commerce with the Balkan peoples, a curious mixture of patron -and partisan. The right to patronize was, in their opinion, conferred -by the fact of belonging to a big country; the partisan spirit had -been developed after a short residence in the Peninsula. This spirit -was perhaps based on genuine good will and sincere sympathy, but it -certainly was not wholly disinterested. There was no reason why it -should have been. No man can, simultaneously, be a good citizen of two -countries; he will nearly always make money in one and spend it in the -other. Patriotism is made to cover a multitude of sins, and, where -money is being made, the acid test of political professions is their -effect on business. - -Listening to the conversation on the steamer I was astonished by the -vivacity with which these self-appointed champions urged and disputed -the territorial claims of each Balkan State in turn. Remote historical -precedents were dragged in to justify the most extravagant extension -of territory, secret treaties were hinted at which would change the -nationality of millions of peasants, and whole campaigns were mapped -out with a knowledge of geography which, to any one fresh from official -circles in London, was amazing. - -From breakfast on, the babel of voices continued, and it was curious -to note how the different nationalities grouped themselves. The -British were, almost to a man, pro-Bulgar, they wanted Bulgaria to -have the greater part of Macedonia and Thrace, some of them even -claimed Constantinople and Salonika for their protégés; they were on -the whole optimistic as to the success of the Allies. The French and -Italians urged the claims of Servia, Greece and Rumania in Macedonia; -in regard to Albania the French were in favour of dividing that country -between Servia and Greece, but this latter suggestion provoked vehement -protests from the Italians. The three Austrians hardly joined in the -discussion at all, one of them remarked that he agreed with the writer -of the leading article in the _Neue Freie Presse_ of a few days back, -who compared the Balkan Peninsula to a certain suburb of Berlin, where -there was one bank too many, and where, as a consequence, all banks -suffered. In the Balkan Peninsula, according to this writer, there was -one country too many, and a settled state of affairs was impossible -until one of them had been eliminated; he didn’t say which. - -I asked whether a definite partition of the territory to be conquered -was not laid down in the Treaty of Alliance. No one knew or, at least, -no one cared to say. There seemed to be a general feeling that Treaties -didn’t matter. The journalists were in a seventh heaven of satisfaction -at the prospect of unlimited copy for several months to come; the -business men expected to increase their business if all went well. On -that Danube steamer the war of 1912 was popular, the future might be -uncertain, but it was full of pleasant possibilities. - -I thought of London and remembered conversations there three weeks -before the declaration of war. The general opinion might have been -summarized as follows: The Bulgars were a hardy, frugal race, rather -like the Scotch, and, therefore, sympathetic; they were ruled over by a -king called Ferdinand, who was too clever to be quite respectable. As -for Servia, the British conscience had, of course, been deeply shocked -by the murder of the late King, and the Servian Government had been -stood in the diplomatic corner for some years, but the crime had been -more or less expiated by its dramatic elements and the fact that it -had taught everybody a little geography. King Nicholas of Montenegro -was a picturesque figure and had an amiable habit of distributing -decorations. In regard to Greece, there were dynastic reasons why we -should be well disposed towards the descendants of the men who fought -at Marathon, not to mention the presence in our midst of financial -magnates with unmistakably Greek names. Lastly, the Turks. In London, -in 1912, these people enjoyed considerable popularity; they were -considered the only gentlemen in the Balkans, the upper-class ones of -course. Admittedly Turkish administration was corrupt and the Turks -had a distressing habit of cutting down trees everywhere, but their -most serious defect was that they were a little sticky about affording -facilities for Western enterprise. This latter consideration was -considered really important. Matters would improve, it was thought, -after some changes had been made in the Consular Service. - -The war had come at last. Few people in England knew its cause or its -objects; many thought and hoped the Turks would win. We had played the -part of stern moralists when a debauched and tyrannical youth received -summary justice at the hands of his outraged subjects, but we watched -lightheartedly the preparations for a struggle which would soak the -whole Balkan Peninsula in blood. - -Night was falling as we passed under the walls of the old fortress of -Belgrade. During the last hour the conversation had taken a purely -business turn about coal concessions in the Ergene Valley[1] and a -French company which was being formed to exploit Uskub. Both localities -were in Turkish territory, but would change their nationality after the -war, if the Balkan Allies were the victors. - -The steamer ran alongside the jetty; the journey was, for most of us, -at an end. Every one was in high spirits; the near prospect of dinner -in an hotel had produced a general feeling of optimism in regard to the -Near Eastern question. One felt it wouldn’t be the fault of any one -on our steamer if things went wrong. Our advice would always be given -gladly and ungrudgingly, and we would accept any responsibility except -that of putting into execution our own plans. We considered we were -playing quite an important part in the Balkan drama, but, belonging as -we did to big countries or Great Powers, once the fighting began we -were forced to stand aside. - -Belgrade seemed half asleep already. The city is built on a ridge -overlooking the junction of the Save with the Danube. From the quay -a long line of white houses was visible, flanked at one end by the -Cathedral and a dark mass of trees, at the other by a large, ugly -building, behind which stands the Royal Palace. Lights were few and -far between, the aspect of the town was cold and inhospitable, it was -evidently no busy centre eager to swallow up travellers and take their -money. The Servian capital has nothing to offer to pleasure seekers, -and sightseers must be content with scenery. Across the river, half -a mile away, the lights of the Semlin cast a glare upon the sky, one -could even hear faintly the strains of a Hungarian military band. - -Only three of my fellow travellers remained on the landing stage; they -were Austrians. Two of them were going to Semlin in the steamer, the -third was, like myself, waiting for his baggage to be disembarked. This -man and I were to see a good deal of each other during the months that -followed; he was the Austrian Military Attaché at Belgrade. - -The steamer whistle gave the signal for departure and farewells -were exchanged. Just before stepping on board, one of the departing -Austrians said, “Well, Otto, when next we meet I suppose the Turks will -be here,” to which the military representative of the Dual Monarchy -replied, “The sooner the better.” He then got into his cab and drove -off to the house where, for three years, he had enjoyed all the -privileges due to his diplomatic functions. - -I had spent the whole day with a crowd of talkative and communicative -men, but, as a rickety old cab took me up the hill towards the town, -I remembered more distinctly what the comparatively silent Austrians -had said than anything else that I had heard. These men seemed to mix -up private business and politics less than the others; they gave the -impression of thinking on big lines, of representing a policy of some -sort. - -In October, 1912, many people still believed that the British -Government had a Balkan policy. The war had been foreseen for so -many years, its repercussion on Asia Minor and the whole Mohammedan -world could hardly fail to be considerable, while the risk of the -conflagration spreading, so as to involve all Europe, was universally -recognized. Under such circumstances, it seemed incredible that those -responsible for the maintenance of the British Empire would leave -anything to chance. Of course, we British had a policy, but personally -I hadn’t the faintest idea what it was, nor, for the moment, could I -think of any one who had. - -At last the hotel was reached. A sleepy “concierge” showed me to my -room, a vast apartment whose outstanding feature was its painted -ceiling. This work of art was oval in shape and consisted of a vault -of almost inky blue spangled with stars, round which were cherubs and -angels in appropriately exiguous costumes. The subject was perhaps -meant to be a celestial choir, but the artist had somehow missed his -mark; the faces were neither angelic nor cherubic; they wore an air -of mystery not unmingled with self-satisfaction. The figures emerged -in stiff, conventional fashion from the edges of the ceiling into the -central blue, and, if it hadn’t been for their lack of dress and look -of conscious superiority, they might have been a collection of quite -ordinary men, gathered round an oval table stained with ink. One of the -cherubs bore a strong facial resemblance to a distinguished diplomat of -my acquaintance; he was whispering something in his neighbour’s ear, -and the latter seemed amused. The neighbour was a cherub, not an angel; -he had a queer, wizened face of somewhat Slavonic type. - -I was tired out, but I did not sleep well. I had been thinking about -British policy in the Balkans before I fell asleep, and had strange -dreams which were almost nightmares. It was all the fault of the -ceiling; that cherub was so exactly like the diplomat and I dreamed -he was telling the other one a secret, this explained the whispering, -and that it was an important State secret, connected with my visit to -Belgrade. - -Who knows? The artist who had painted that hideous ceiling may have -done so in a mood of irony. He may have chosen, as models for his -cherubs, some well-known personages engaged in propping up a crazy -structure known as “the balance of power in Europe.” - - - - -CHAPTER II - -BELGRADE--OCTOBER, 1912 - -A VIEW FROM A WINDOW - - -Mobilization was nearly completed when I paid my first visit to the -Servian War Office, an unpretentious building situated half way down -a side street leading from the Royal Palace to the River Save. On -entering, I congratulated myself that, at last, I was to meet and speak -with a real Servian; hitherto I had met nearly every other nationality -in the legations, hotels, and other places frequented by visitors to -foreign capitals. At the time of my visit, the only society in Belgrade -consisted of foreign diplomats; the hotels were managed and staffed -by Austrians, Swiss and Italians; the roads were being paved by an -Austrian contractor, employing Austrian workmen and, according to -current gossip, the country was being ruled by the Russian Minister. - -Now that hostilities were imminent, I presumed that the Servians would -be allowed to do their own fighting. This supposition proved to be -correct, the Great Powers had decided not to interfere in what was a -purely Balkan struggle, they intended to keep the ring and see fair -play. - -So much I had already learned in Belgrade, from people in a position to -know and who seemed to know most things except the authentic Plan of -Campaign. Their resentment at not being given this was evident, and -when asked the reason, they would reply that they wanted to communicate -it to their respective governments and War Offices, in the strictest -confidence of course. The Servian General Staff had kept their secret -well, far too well for the cosmopolitan band who earned their living by -acquiring and circulating _strictly confidential information_. I did -not expect to solve the mystery myself, but the prospect of getting to -close quarters with its authors gave me some satisfaction. I had begun -to admire these men one never met, who didn’t seem to ask for advice, -though they often got it, and who were shouldering the responsibility -for Servia’s future action. - -After being conducted to an upstairs room, I was asked to wait, Colonel ----- (then followed two names which I didn’t quite catch, but noted -mentally as beginning, respectively, with a “G” and a “P”) begged to -be excused for keeping me waiting, but would come as soon as he could; -an unexpected visitor had arrived whose business was urgent. This -information was imparted by a young staff officer, in excellent German, -his message given, he left me alone with some straight-backed chairs, a -table with a green baize cover, three pictures, and a large bow window -facing north. - -The pictures were poor. One was a portrait of King Peter, whose -brilliant uniform recalled a play I had seen just before leaving -London. Another represented a battle between Servians and Turks, -dagger and axe were being used freely, the ground was strewn with -dead and wounded, horsemen were riding over foe and friend alike, -some at a dignified walk, others galloping madly, but all seemed -equally indifferent to the feelings of the men on the ground. The -meeting between Wellington and Blucher after Waterloo, as conceived -by a nineteenth-century artist, was child’s play compared to this -battlepiece. The third picture portrayed three horsemen in rich attire -riding abreast along a woodland glade followed by their retainers. The -scene was historical; it was the last ride of the centre horseman, a -former reigning prince, whose companions, and incidentally his kinsmen, -had assassinated him in that very glade. - -These pictures were only too typical of Servia’s past history; they -explained the worn, anxious expression on the old King’s face and, -seen for the first time on the eve of yet another war, gave food for -reflection. Human nature seemed unchanging and unchangeable; history -was about to repeat itself in battles and murder, hatred and anger, -suffering and death. Modern weapons would replace the dagger and the ax -and the men on horseback would be provided with motor cars: these would -be the only differences. - -It is usually better to ride than to walk. Philosophers, as a rule, -prefer the latter form of progression; perhaps that is why so few of -them have been kings and why cities so seldom “rest from their evils.” - -My sole remaining distraction was the window. It commanded a wide view -over the Save and Danube valleys and looked straight down on the great -railway bridge which links Servia with Central Europe. At the far end -of the bridge a Hungarian sentry was clearly visible, and all along the -Save’s Hungarian bank were earthworks and searchlights. Away to the -right, and about a mile distant, were the barracks of Semlin; rumour -said they were full to overflowing. - -Austria-Hungary was watching her small Southern neighbour mobilize and -taking a few precautionary measures, in order, no doubt, to be in a -better position to keep the ring. - -Standing at the open window in that quiet room, I felt I was learning -more about Serbia’s real position than could possibly have been gleaned -from all the talk on the Danube steamer. Perhaps it was the instinct -of an islander, but, as I looked across the river, I had a feeling of -vague uneasiness, amounting almost to physical discomfort; an immensely -greater force was there, passive but watchful, and it was so near, -within easy range of field artillery. - -I remembered being taken in my childhood to see the snakes fed at the -Zoo. Two monster reptiles lay motionless in a glass case. Some live -rabbits were inserted, and at once began to frisk lightheartedly round -their new quarters. Suddenly one of the reptiles raised its head; all -movement ceased for a brief moment; each rabbit crouched, paralysed by -terror; the dry, merciless eyes of the python travelled slowly round -the cage, his mate stirred expectantly, and then! The horrid, darting -jaws did their work--one by one those poor rabbits disappeared. I -recollected having been especially sorry for the last one. In Central -Europe, at least one python State lay north of the Danube, and to the -south were rabbit States, embarking on a ghastly frolic. - -Bathed in bright October sunlight, the scene before me was both varied -and splendid. The town lay immediately below, beyond it the river and -vast spaces framed by mountains, some of them so distant that their -presence was suspected rather than perceived. The line of junction -between the Save and Danube was clearly defined, the white waters of -the former confounding themselves reluctantly with the Danube’s steely -blue. Both rivers seemed to tell a story; the Save told of mountains, -of turbulent, oppressed peoples and their hopes and fears; the Danube -of plains and rich cities, of old Europe’s last triumph over Islam, of -heroes and conquerors, its broad stream carried the echoes of Ulm and -Ratisbon, Vienna and Buda Pesth. - -Here, at Belgrade, the great river seemed to have found a new task--the -task of dividing an ancient empire with immemorial traditions from new -States and young peoples, who still retained a bitter memory of the -Turkish yoke. Here began a divided allegiance, an unnatural schism -between the river’s banks. It was as though the Save had brought down -trouble from the mountains; the white line of foam which marked the -meeting of the waters was a symbol, a symbol of eternal discord between -the past and present. - -The door opened and a short, thick-set man in the uniform of a Colonel -of the Servian General Staff entered the room; he spoke in German, but -with some difficulty, and excused himself for having kept me waiting. -Then followed the usual commonplaces, in which he expressed his -admiration for the British character and our free institutions, while -I assured him of the deep interest taken by all classes at home in the -future prosperity and development of Servia. - -I asked about the mobilization, and he answered that it had astonished -even the most optimistic: 98 per cent. of the reservists had joined -the colours, many of them bringing carts and bullocks as free-will -offerings. The declaration of war had been received with boundless -enthusiasm by the peasants, and volunteers were flocking in from -every part of the kingdom. The field army was well equipped. The -question of transport had presented many difficulties, but had been -solved by ruthlessly cutting down every human requirement to the -absolute minimum; this was possible, he explained, because the Servian -peasant soldiers could live on very little, but I would see for -myself before long. Ammunition? For the first time he hesitated. Yes, -there was enough for a short campaign, if the strictest economy were -exercised--for six months, perhaps; but it was difficult to estimate -expenditure as, except for the Manchurian war, there were no data to go -on. I suggested that stocks could be renewed. He flushed a little and -replied that most of Servia’s arms and ammunition came from Austria. - -Unconsciously, on my part anyhow, we had moved to the window, and while -the Colonel was talking I noticed the almost uncanny frequency with -which his eyes sought the far bank of the Save. Such restless eyes they -were, light grey in colour. One could imagine them blazing with anger, -but occasionally one caught a hunted look, as though they had known -fear. Colonel G---- P----, like most Servian officers, was of peasant -origin. The King himself was the grandson of a swineherd. There had -been a time in Servia when every man, who could, had transferred his -family and household goods to what is now called Montenegro, so great -had been their terror of the Turks. The poorer peasants had remained -and had borne the tyrant’s yoke; their descendants, of either sex, -retained the furtive, quailing glance of ancestors who had lived in -dread. Even the little children had this look of atavistic fear. - -The grey eyes softened when he spoke of the peasants, their simplicity, -their endurance, and their faith in ultimate victory; his one idea -seemed to be to give a fair chance to these peasant soldiers; to avoid -political complications at home and abroad and, above all, to get the -ammunition up to the front line. - -I looked instinctively across the river; the key of the whole situation -was there. He must have guessed my thoughts, for the conversation -turned at once to more general questions. The Colonel was convinced -that the Great Powers would not interfere; their neutrality might even -be benevolent. He had just received from the Austrian Military Attaché -(the visitor who had kept me waiting) most satisfactory assurances in -regard to the supply of ammunition. Belgrade would be entirely denuded -of troops, as also the whole northern frontier. This had been rendered -possible by the assurance that there was no danger of interference -from the North; a Servian force would occupy the Sanjak of Novi Bazar! -He noted my surprise, and added quickly, “With the full knowledge of -the Austro-Hungarian Government.” The main army would advance on Uskub -(he gave the town its Servian name of Skoplje). On its left would be a -mixed Serbo-Bulgar army, and on its right the Third Servian Army under -one of their best generals. All the three armies would converge on -Uskub, near which there would probably be the first big battle. Uskub -was the first objective. He insisted that it was a genuine Servian -town. The Emperor Dushan had held his Court there in the great days of -old Servia. Further south, lay Monastir and Salonika, the real prizes, -of these he did not speak, and I refrained from putting inconvenient -questions, I had learned so much already. - -A chance reference to Servia’s economic and industrial situation -provoked an almost passionate outburst from this hitherto -self-contained man. Servia needed a port, it was her only means of -gaining economic independence. Hitherto, Austria had held Servia by -the throat, but with an outlet to the sea his country could work out -its own salvation. He reeled off some astounding statistics in regard -to the population of the eastern Adriatic seaboard between Trieste -and Montenegro. I ventured to suggest that Austria would not lightly -relax her hold on such valuable possessions--as Cattaro, for example. -He assented, but repeated with vehemence, “Servia’s first economic -objective must be an Adriatic port,” Durazzo or San Giovanni di Medua -would do--to begin with. When I enquired how it was proposed to deal -with the Albanians, an ugly, cruel look crept into his face as he -hissed out a German slang expression for extermination. The Albanians -were, in his opinion, nothing more nor less than thieves and murderers -for whom there was no place in the Peninsula. - -I was beginning to understand. The war about to commence was only -the first phase; success would give to Servia sufficient territory -and economic independence to enable her to prepare for a greater and -inevitable struggle with Austria-Hungary. The pitfalls were many. No -one realized the difficulties more fully than the man standing with me -at that window, who was even anxious to expose them in his eagerness -to gain a little sympathy. He knew that wise and wary statesmanship -would be required in handling the Bulgarian question. The hot-heads -at home would have to be restrained. At all costs peace with Bulgaria -would have to be maintained, and this would be difficult. Servia had -her megalomaniacs who were impatient and heedless of prudent counsels, -whose aspirations in regard to national aggrandizement were boundless, -who wanted to do everything at once and brooked no delay. - -Almost two hours had passed, and it was nearly noon when I rose to -say farewell. While expressing my best wishes for Servia’s success in -this first phase of her great adventure, I remarked that, presumably, -Belgrade would cease to be the capital after Uskub had been taken -and the Albanian coastline reached--a more central and less exposed -position seemed desirable for the Royal residence and seat of -Government. His answer was emphatic--Belgrade must always remain the -capital, the Save was not the northern frontier of old Servia; all -that--and he waved his hand towards the north--was Servian territory -right up to and beyond Karlovci, which, at one time, had been in the -diocese of a Servian bishop. - -When I left the Servian War Office that day I had forgotten all about -rabbits and pythons; those dauby pictures portrayed the past, the -future was the only thing that mattered. A passionate drama would -shortly enact itself under the eyes of a cynical, unbelieving Europe; -in that drama Servia would play a leading part and, if Colonel G---- -P---- was typical of his countrymen, the final act would find another -setting than the Balkans. From an open window this man had looked out -upon a spacious and inspiring scene, had caught its message, and, no -more a mere official speaking a foreign tongue, had found the rugged -eloquence of a true soldier-statesman. He might have been a Servian -Cromwell; such men are dangerous to their oppressors. - -An irresistible craving for quiet and solitude had overcome me. I drove -to a place on the outskirts of Belgrade close to the Danube’s bank, and -walked down to the river’s edge across flat, waterlogged meadows. At -this point, the troubled Save had found peace in the greater stream, -a mighty volume of water slid smoothly past the sedges, whispering -mysteriously; sometimes the whisper swelled, and weed and wave, stirred -by a passing breeze, filled the surrounding space with sighing sounds. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE BATTLE OF KUMANOVO - - -Although the Balkan _bloc_ of 1912 was formed by men whose motives -were as various as their interests and personalities, it was based -on a correct appreciation of the general situation. It offered a -prospect of relieving the intolerable tension which prevailed in the -Balkan Peninsula at the expense of the Ottoman Empire, an Empire whose -natural frontier was in Turkish Thrace,[2] and whose administration -in South-Eastern Europe had been both wasteful and tyrannical. A -continuance of Turkish sovereignty in Macedonia and Albania had become -an anachronism. Justice, however wild, demanded the expulsion of the -Turks, and all who knew the history of the Balkans approved the action -of the Allied States. - -Not only did the creation of this _bloc_ bid fair to provide a solution -of purely Balkan questions; while it lasted it could not fail to have -a stabilizing influence in the “Balance of Power” in Europe. From a -military point of view, the combined forces in Bulgaria, Servia and -Greece were a far from negligible factor; they would have served both -as a buffer between Slav and Teuton and as a deterrent to the ambitions -of Pan-Germans and Pan-Slavs alike. From this combination of the Balkan -States the Western European Powers had everything to gain. - -In the autumn of 1912 an oligarchy of schemers and mediocrities held -the reins of power in Constantinople. Their position was precarious, -their inexperience great; to a large extent they were dependent on the -goodwill of the Great Powers, from whom they sought advice. The advice -given, though inspired by very different motives, had the same effect: -it increased the self-satisfaction of the “Young Turks” and gave them a -sense of security which was wholly unjustified by the circumstances of -the case. - -Great Britain and France posed as indulgent friends of the new régime -in Constantinople, whose liberal professions seemed to announce a moral -convalescence. Loans were to be the solvent of all difficulties. Under -their quickening influence regeneration and reform would blossom in -a desert air, while interests and ideals would march hand in hand. -The policy of the French and British Governments was, in essence, the -maintenance of the _status quo_. Both counselled moderation in all -things, with the possible exception of concessions to certain financial -groups. The “Young Turks” listened dutifully, as people do who are -looking for a loan. - -Austro-Hungarian policy aimed at fomenting disorder in Macedonia and -Albania, with the object of justifying intervention and eventually -annexation. These two Turkish provinces were to share the fate of -Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their acquisition would complete the economic -encirclement of Servia and reduce that country to the position of a -vassal State. Behind Austro-Hungary stood Germany, whose communications -with Asia Minor needed a buttress in the Balkans. The final object of -the Central Empires was the disintegration of Turkey in Europe. In -the autumn of 1912, however, the Turkish plums were not yet ripe for -plucking; a few more years of misrule were required. In the meantime, -the Austro-Hungarian and German Governments encouraged, secretly, -the process known as “Ottomanization” in Macedonia and Albania, with -all its attendant ills. The Young Turks listened gladly; such advice -appealed to their natural and traditional instincts. - -At this period the vision of Italian statesmen hardly extended beyond -the Eastern Adriatic seaboard. Moreover, Italy was a member of the -Triple Alliance and held a merely watching brief in and around -Constantinople. - -Alone among the Great Powers, Russia was in close touch with the Balkan -situation. For some years Russian diplomats and military agents had -possessed preponderating influence in all the Balkan capitals; they had -appreciated the scope and intensity of the smouldering passions which, -however transitorily, were to force into concerted action the Bulgars, -Serbs and Greeks; they alone had estimated correctly the military -efficiency of the armies of the Balkan States and, almost alone, they -knew the contents of the Secret Treaty, signed in February, 1912, which -brought into existence the Balkan _bloc_. Russian policy was definitely -anti-Turk: it aimed at the fulfilment of the testament of Peter the -Great, at the expulsion of the Turks from Europe, at the establishment -of Russian sovereignty over the Bosphorus and the Golden Horn. It is an -old saying that diplomatists are paid to lie abroad for the benefit of -their countries; successive Russian ambassadors at Constantinople plied -the Sublime Porte with soothing words; all was for the best in the best -of all possible Turkeys, while plots matured and hostile armaments were -perfected. The Young Turks listened somewhat fearfully; it seemed too -good to be true, but still they listened and believed. - -False counsel reacting on inertia had an inevitable result; the -declaration of war found the Ottoman Empire utterly unprepared. The -mobilization of the Balkan armies was completed with unexpected -rapidity and was followed by a simultaneous invasion of Turkey in -Europe by Bulgarian, Greek and Servian forces. The Bulgars crossed -the frontier of Thrace, without encountering serious opposition, -and advanced towards the line Adrianople-Kirk-Kilise; the Greeks -entered Southern Macedonia, where the Turkish garrisons were weak and -scattered; the Serbs invaded the Vilayet of Kossovo and joined hands -with the Montenegrins in the Sanjak of Novibazar. At every point the -Balkan armies had penetrated into Turkish territory. In Constantinople -confusion reigned supreme; disasters were exaggerated, sinister rumours -passed from lip to lip, even the shrine dedicated to the “Divine -Wisdom”[3] was not considered safe. - -The Russian Government looked on complacently--its plans were taking -shape. In London and Paris curiosity was more in evidence than any -emotion which might have been dictated by knowledge or foresight. In -Vienna and Berlin the news was received with anger and astonishment; -better things had been expected from King Ferdinand of Bulgaria. The -stubborn fact remained, however, and called for immediate action. A -German military mission had for some years directed the training of the -Turkish army; the time had now come for that mission to direct Turkish -strategy. Events had moved too quickly for the cynical, realistic -policy of the Central Empires, but they could be turned to good -account if, at the outset of the campaign, the Serbs were crushed. And -so, while yielding ground in Thrace and Southern Macedonia, the Turks -massed troops at Uskub, and made their plans for an offensive battle -against the Serbs advancing southward into Kossovo. - -My lot had been cast with the Serbian forces and, by great good -fortune, I was able to join the First Army as it poured through -the defiles of the Kara Dagh into the region called “Old Servia.” -At Belgrade the talk had been of a war of liberation from economic -thraldom, of a conflict between the Crescent and the Cross; with the -armies it was otherwise. No thought of policy or secret treaties, or -even of religion, confused the minds of Servia’s peasant soldiers; they -marched like men called to fulfil their country’s destiny, singing -the story of their race, making the mountains echo with their martial -songs. There was no need to understand their language to catch the -meaning of these singers; they sang of sorrow and tribulation, of -centuries of helplessness in oppression, but the note of defiance -was never absent; defeat was admitted but never despair. Something -unconquerable was in their hearts, stirring their blood and nerving -every muscle--the spirit of revenge. Bacon, in his famous essay, says: -“The most tolerable sort of revenge is for those wrongs which there is -no law to remedy.” The Serbs had five centuries of wrongs to avenge, -and the Great Powers had produced no law as a remedy, except the law of -force; by force these peasants, in their turn, meant to obtain “a kind -of wild justice.” - -For them, the plains of Kossovo were sacred; there had been made -the last heroic stand against a cruel and implacable foe; there had -occurred the dreadful rout, whose few survivors told the tale, at -first in frightened whispers, then in songs--long, wailing songs, like -dirges. Songs are the chronicles of Slavonic races, they pass into the -nation’s ritual and permeate its life. Succeeding generations sang -these songs of Kossovo, and so the legend grew, and spread to all the -Balkan lands; each humble home, even in far Rumania, had heard of -Lazar, a Tsar who led his people and gave his life up for them on a -battlefield known as “the Field of Blackbirds.” When princes perish -thus, servility conspires with pity to make them martyrs. The dead Tsar -led his people still, and far more potently in death than life; his -legendary form, looming gigantic through the mists of time, beckoned -them, irresistibly, to blood-soaked fields, where, once again, the -Turks and Serbs would meet in mortal strife. - -The First Servian Army, under the command of the Crown Prince -Alexander, had crossed the old Serbo-Turkish frontier near Vranje. -After two exhausting marches in enemy territory, the leading units, -emerging from the mountains, saw in front of them an undulating plain; -in the distance some minarets, surmounting a collection of whitewashed -houses, stood out against the sky. The Serbs were in sight of Kumanovo, -a town situated 15 miles north-east of Uskub, on the western fringe of -a vast stretch of pasture land bearing the local name of “Ovce Polje” -or “Sheepfield.” Running across the plain, from east to west, a line of -trenches was clearly visible; on the railway track from Salonica many -trains were standing, from which men descended and, after forming into -groups, moved outwards to the trenches. It required no special military -acumen to appreciate the fact that the Turks intended to make a stand -at Kumanovo. The battlefield was flanked on the west by a railway and -on the east by a small river, an affluent of the Vardar; to the north -lay mountains, to the south the plain extended as far as the eye could -reach. - -Night was falling, in a hurricane of wind and rain, when the Servian -advanced guards reached the northern limit of the plain and began to -place their outposts. During the day there had been skirmishes with -hostile patrols; every one was soaked to the skin, and supplies were -a march behind. I must have seen several hundred infantry soldiers -take up their appointed positions in a cluster of stony kopjes, which -marked the extreme left of the Servian outpost line, and not a murmur -of complaint or grumbling reached my ears. Sometimes men passed who -muttered to themselves. I asked a Servian staff officer what they were -saying; he replied simply, “Their prayers.” And on this note began -their vigil. - -All through the night the rain-sodden, wearied troops were arriving at -their bivouacs. The front taken up was unduly extended and, notably -on the extreme left, there were many gaps. The dawn revealed a scene -of desolation and considerable disorder. Soon after sunrise the Turks -attacked. - -Throughout the first day of battle the Turks pursued offensive tactics, -attempting repeatedly to turn the Servian left. More than once the -situation on this flank became critical. Reinforcements arrived in -driblets and in an exhausted condition; they were at once absorbed in -the fighting line, without regard for any other consideration except -the saving of a local situation. Of higher leading there was little, it -was just a soldier’s battle--hard, brutal fighting, stubborn valour in -the front line, chaotic confusion behind. - -Late in the evening I saw a small party of horsemen moving rapidly -from battalion to battalion immediately behind the front line. Riding -by himself, a little in advance of the others, was a young man with a -thin, sallow face, wearing _pince-nez_. He stopped frequently and spoke -with the officers and men. When he had passed on, they followed him -with their eyes and seemed to move more briskly about their business. -To these rough men from all parts of Servia this brief visit had a -special interest; the young man who rode alone and in front was the -Crown Prince Alexander, and most of them were seeing him for the first -time. - -In more senses than one the Crown Prince was alone that day. His -exalted rank had conferred on him the command of an army; his extreme -youth made it hard for him to impose his will on a staff of military -experts. At the headquarters of the First Servian Army there was the -usual percentage of senior officers whose peace training had taken from -them any human or imaginative qualities they may ever have possessed; -who regarded war as a science, not a drama; men without elasticity of -mind, eternally seeking an analogy between their own situation, at any -given moment, and some vaguely similar situation in the career of their -favourite strategist (usually von Moltke). Since in war, at least, -analogies are never perfect, such men lack quick decision and, almost -invariably, they take the line of least resistance. - -During the afternoon preceding the evening visit of the Crown Prince to -his troops, several influential and elderly officers had been advising -retreat; they had studied the map carefully, and in their opinion no -other course was left to the Commander of the First Army. All the text -books confirmed this view, and in these books were embodied the great -principles of strategy. They pointed out to Prince Alexander that he -owed it to himself and his country to retire, as soon as possible, -to a new position and fight again another day. They were absolutely -sincere and were convinced that, since the Serbian left was in process -of being turned, all the military experts would approve of what might, -euphemistically, be termed “a strategic retirement.” - -Many great military reputations have been made by the skilful conduct -of a retreat and, according to their lights, the advocates of such -tactics on this occasion were not far wrong in their reasoning. Only -outsiders judge by results; military experts live in a charmed and -exclusive international circle, in which method is everything. - -The Crown Prince had a great deal at stake. This battle marked a -turning point in his life, and with him lay the final decision. He -never hesitated. “Stand fast and counter-attack all along the line -at the earliest possible moment” was the order issued, and then this -descendant of a warrior swineherd mounted his horse and went to see -his soldiers. Bad strategy, perhaps, but understandable to the men who -were bearing the brunt of the battle on the “Sheepfield” of Northern -Macedonia. - -At General Headquarters Colonel G---- P---- shared and interpreted the -Crown Prince’s views. He knew the almost superhuman powers of endurance -of the Servian peasants, and put his faith in them. King Peter upheld -his son’s decision; reinforcements and ammunition were sent to the 1st -Army, on whose prowess depended the future fate of Servia. - -The second day of battle dawned fair, from early morning onwards the -Turkish assaults were launched in rapid succession, and without regard -for loss of life. It was evident that the Turks were making their -great effort in this theatre of operations. By skilful manipulation -of the Press the Bulgars had given the impression that every theatre, -except their own in Thrace, was secondary; they argued that the Turks -would be so terrified by the Bulgarian threat to Constantinople that -all available forces would be concentrated for the protection of -the Turkish capital, and that a purely defensive attitude would be -maintained in Macedonia. The facts were all against these suppositions. -The only theatre in which the Turks were acting offensively was -Macedonia; in Thrace, after being completely surprised by the Bulgarian -advance, they were in full retreat; in Northern Macedonia a plan, -dictated by the Central Empires, was being put into execution, and the -destruction of the 1st Servian Army was its objective. - -From prisoners’ statements the Turks appeared to be certain of success, -a large force of cavalry under Ali Mechmet Pasha was being held in -reserve south of Kumanovo ready to take up the pursuit. - -On the morning of the third day the Servian front was still unbroken. -During the preceding night reinforcements had arrived from the general -reserve, the gaps in the front line had been filled up, and the -heavy artillery moved into position. The Turkish offensive persisted -throughout the day, but late in the afternoon the Serbs made several -successful local counter-attacks. After dark an unusually large number -of priests visited the front line, the men crowded round them eagerly, -and listened to their words. - -At daybreak, on the fourth day, a large force of Turks was seen moving -towards the Servian left flank; the Turkish commander was making a last -bid for victory. Advancing in close formation the attacking columns -suffered heavy losses from the fire of some batteries of howitzers. On -other parts of the front an ominous calm prevailed. Servian soldiers -were swarming in the ragged trenches which had been thrown up during -the course of the battle. Priests in their flowing black robes were -everywhere. - -Suddenly, from the centre of the Servian line, a salvo of guns gave a -signal! It was the signal for the counter-attack. - -Surely, never since Friedland has such a sight been seen. - -As though by magic the space between the Turkish trenches and the -Servian front was seamed by lines of infantry dashing recklessly -forward with bayonets fixed. Their onrush was irresistible, the Turkish -front was not pierced--it was swept away. - -Within one hour of that amazing charge the battle of Kumanovo was lost -and won. The Turkish General’s last hope must have disappeared when a -well-aimed refale from a group of Servian howitzers threw the massed -squadrons of Ali Mechmet Pasha into hopeless confusion. Hundreds of -riderless horses scoured the plain, and through them, ever pressing -forward, surged the grey lines of Servia’s indomitable infantry. The -Turks were not merely driven back, they were routed, a rabble of -unarmed men fled across the plain to Uskub and spread panic in the -town; no attempt was made to man the forts, a general _sauve qui peut_ -took place; a well-equipped and numerous army melted away in headlong -flight. - -By noon Uskub had ceased to be a Turkish town, its name was, once more, -Skoplje. - -During the afternoon I came across some regiments, which had fought on -the extreme right, forming up about five miles north of the town. The -men grinned with pride and satisfaction as they showed the blood-stains -on their bayonets; they had come far for this, but knew no fatigue. -Though so fierce in battle and filled with blood-lust, they were -curiously gentle in their ways with the wounded of both sides and their -prisoners; one felt that one was with a lot of big, strong children who -would bear almost anything up to a certain point, but that beyond that -point it was most inadvisable to go. - -All sorts of wild stories were being circulated. It was said that -a man, dressed in white and riding a white horse, had led the -charge--many had seen the apparition, and had recognized Czar Lazar. - -A strange meeting took place that evening. The Consuls of the Great -Powers in Uskub had remained in the panic-stricken town. When the last -vestige of Turkish authority had left, they sallied forth in carriages -to meet the conquering host, bringing with them the keys of the town. -On reaching the Servian outpost line they were forced to alight, and, -after being blindfolded, to proceed on foot to the headquarters of -the Crown Prince, a distance of 1½ miles. The scene was not without -a certain irony. On the one hand, a young Balkan Prince, elated with -victory, surrounded by his Staff; on the other, the representatives -of Great Britain, France, Russia and Italy blindfolded, muddy and -dishevelled by a long tramp in goloshes through black, sticky mud. Fine -feathers make fine birds, national prestige has, after all, something -to do with gold lace. - -The conqueror received these unexpected envoys graciously and accepted -the keys, but he slept that night among his soldiers on the ground -that they had won. - -Few triumphs have found a more appropriate setting. To the south -the plain terminated in an arc of hills already dimmed by gathering -twilight; spanning the arc the River Vardar shone like a band of -silver; between the river and the hills lay Skoplje, the minarets -of its numerous mosques served as reminders of the conquered Turk; -commanding both the valley and the town a fortress stood, its old grey -walls had sheltered Dushan, the greatest of all the Servian Tsars. -These were the fruits of victory--and the tokens of revenge. - -I rode back to our bivouac with the Russian Military Attaché, and -quoted to him the words of Goethe after Valmy; we were indeed entering -on a new world in the Balkans. My companion put his thoughts into -far more concrete form:[4] “C’est la liquidation de l’Autriche” was -his comment on the situation. The wish was father to the thought, a -frequent source of error in Russian calculations; Servia’s victory -was, undoubtedly, a discomfiture for the Ball Platz,[5] but the -final liquidation of Austria-Hungary was not yet accomplished. That -consummation was reserved for a later date, and for a more universal -tragedy. - -Our road led across the battlefield. On every side were traces of the -struggle, corpses of men, dead and dying horses. Near the railway we -found a Turkish gun team of which five of the horses had been killed -or wounded by a shell, the sixth horse, a big solemn-looking grey, was -standing uninjured by his fallen comrades, an image of dumb distress. A -Servian soldier, charged with the collection of loose horses, appeared -upon the scene, and, after putting the wounded animals out of their -pain, turned to the grey, which had been standing quietly watching -the man at work. Obviously, the next step was departure, but here -a difficulty arose. The solitary survivor of the gun team was loth -to leave, and the look in his honest, wistful eyes was infinitely -pathetic. A colloquy ensued between the representative of the Russian -Empire and the Servian peasant. Both were Slavs, and, in consequence, -horse lovers; both agreed that this horse deserved and desired death; -there and then an act of extravagance, almost impossible in any -other army, was perpetrated, and the gun team was reunited in some -equine Nirvana known only to Slavs and Arabs. “Another victim of the -war,” I remarked to my companion, as we continued on our road. He -evidently considered this observation as typical of my British lack -of imagination, and proceeded to recite a poem describing the fall of -snowflakes. Russians can witness human suffering with indifference, but -are curiously sentimental in regard to nature, animals and flowers; -nearly all Slavs possess a dangerous charm, the charm of men with -generous impulses uncontrolled by guiding principles; their speech is -splendid and inspiring, their actions uncertain, since they are ever at -the mercy of lurking passions and events. - -Just before darkness fell a number of birds, coming from all -directions, settled upon the battlefield, they were black in colour; -round Kumanovo spread another “Field of Blackbirds.” But these -were not blackbirds in the ordinary sense; they were carrion crows -brought by some instinct from their lonely haunts to batten on man’s -handiwork littering that death-strewn plain. A raucous cawing made the -evening hideous; sometimes a cry, more harsh and guttural than the -rest, seemed to propound a question, an answering clamour followed, -approving, quarrelling; it might have been a parliament of birds, -summoned fortuitously, already passing laws to regulate this unexpected -intercourse. Gloating, but not yet satisfied, the stronger birds had -made themselves lawgivers, and meant to impose respect for property -upon their weaker brethren. - -That night the Austrian Military Attaché left Servian Headquarters for -Vienna. His Russian colleague explained his sudden departure on the -ground that, according to the Austro-Hungarian program, the Turks ought -to have won. It may have been unwise for a small Balkan State to cross -the wishes of so great a Power; but neither doubts nor fears assailed -the Serbs that night; they had gained at Kumanovo the first pitched -battle of the war, and it had been a famous victory. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -MACEDONIA--1912 - - -Macedonia is a tangle of mountains, whose higher levels are often bare -and rocky; the intervening valleys are fertile, and in some cases, -sufficiently extensive to be described as plains. These plains are -the granaries of Macedonia, and contain the larger towns like Skoplje -and Monastir, their population consists of peasants and farmers -representing all the Balkan races, mingled with these, and living by -their toil, are traders of almost every nationality. The scenery is -wild and picturesque by turns, good roads are few and far between, they -link the plains, which lie like oases in a wilderness of mountains, -spaces of white, brown, green or yellow, according to the season. - -The victory of the Serbs at Kumanovo had been decisive, it had settled -the fate of Northern Macedonia. Similar success had attended the -operations in Northern Albania, where the Turks had abandoned their -positions and were falling back on Scutari, pursued by the 3rd Servian -Army advancing westward to the Adriatic. After a short delay at -Skoplje, devoted to the reorganization of the 1st and 2nd Armies, the -Serbs continued their offensive towards Southern Macedonia; the bulk of -their available forces, under the command of the Crown Prince, moved -south in the direction of Monastir, while a detachment of all arms -descended the Vardar Valley, its objective being Salonika. - -These dispositions were dictated by sound strategy, which, for the -moment, and quite justifiably, overrode all political considerations. -The enemy’s Field Army in Macedonia had to be found and beaten; the -remnants of that army were rallying for the defence of a second Plevna, -covering the richest inland town in Macedonia, situated west of the -Vardar Valley, and joined with Salonika by a railway. At this period, -so far as I could judge, the Serbs were acting as loyal allies. The -fact that no Bulgars were participating in the operations could be -explained on administrative grounds. - -I decided to remain with the Crown Prince’s reconstituted army, and -arrived at his headquarters in the middle of November; they were -established at Prilip, a prosperous little town situated at the -northern extremity of the plain of Monastir. Winter had already set in, -rain was falling on the plain and snow lay on the hills. - -A lodging had been provided for me in a peasant’s house, whose spotless -cleanliness was most reassuring. In this small dwelling were crowded -the representatives of Great Britain, France, Russia and Italy, with a -Servian officer as guide and interpreter, the owner of the house was -absent with the armies, his wife both cooked and served our meals. I -asked the Servian officer of what race she was. He replied, “Oh, she is -a Bulgar, there are a few Bulgarian farmers in this district.” - -At Servian Headquarters the situation was discussed with a frankness -which had been lacking while the Austro-Hungarian Military Attaché was -present. Every one agreed that the task before the Servian Army was one -of unusual difficulty. The Turkish forces were still numerous, they -disposed of excellent communications with Salonika, and the position -they occupied was of great natural strength. The Serbs, on the other -hand, were far from their base, the roads connecting Prilip with the -railway were almost impassable for heavy-wheeled vehicles, and the -train service with Servia was irregular and inefficient. Fortunately, -the inhabitants of Prilip had come to the rescue by supplying the -troops with 30,000 loaves of bread daily. - -The spirit of the Servian soldiers was still excellent, they were -flushed with victory and confident of success; but they had slaked -their passion for revenge, their thoughts were with their families and -homes, to which they expected to return so soon as this next and last -battle should have been fought and won. - -A change had taken place in the mood of the Russian Military Attaché; -he seemed pre-occupied, and had made himself unpopular at Servian -Headquarters by urging the inclusion of Bulgarian forces for the attack -on Monastir. This suggestion had first been made at Skoplje, and had -met with a flat refusal; it was renewed at Prilip when the inhabitants -agreed to supply the troops with bread. Incensed by a second refusal, -the Russian so far forgot his diplomatic self as to state in public -that such conduct on the part of the Serbs was idiotic, in view of -the fact that the great majority of the population of the town and -district were Bulgars. I asked him to which town he referred, “Monastir -or Prilip,” he replied, “both.” A sidelight was now being cast on the -contents of the “Secret Treaty,” already an inkling could be gained of -the troubles that were to come. - -Two roads lead south from Prilip. One traverses the plain throughout -its length, the other skirts its eastern boundary, following the left -bank of the Cerna, a tributary of the Vardar. The Serbs advanced by -both these roads, the main body debouched upon the plain, while a -detachment took the river route, a metalled road built on swampy ground -between the Cerna and a range of lofty mountains. Snow had fallen -during the night preceding this advance, and when day broke billows of -mist obscured the Cerna’s course and blotted out the hills beyond. At -the southern limit of the plain a ridge, covered with new-fallen snow, -screened from our view the town of Monastir; this ridge was the Turkish -position, which faced almost due north with its right flank resting on -the Cerna; the river had overflowed its banks and caused a widespread -inundation. The left flank terminated in a cluster of foothills between -the northern end of Lake Prespa and Monastir; the nature of the country -and the absence of roads protected this flank from a turning movement. -For two days the Serbs wasted their energies in frontal attacks against -this carefully prepared position; each assault broke like a wave on -the barbed-wire entanglements which covered the Turkish trenches. For -the first time the Servian infantry had been checked, and a feeling -akin to dismay was spreading in their ranks; it seemed impossible -to scale that ridge, behind which nestled Monastir, invisible and -unattainable. Success now depended on the action of the detachment on -the Cerna road. Here, the Turks had committed a serious error, the -extensive inundations on their right flank had led them to believe -that it was inaccessible, and they allowed the Serbs to advance, -practically unopposed, along the river as far as Novak, a village on -the left bank, situated due east of Monastir, and connected with it -by a built-up chaussée. The error consisted in under-estimating the -qualities of the peasants and fishermen of Servia, men inured from -their youth to hardships and exposure, to whom few natural obstacles -are insurmountable. Another factor supervened--the factor of morale. -Over their comrades on the plain the troops of Novak had one great -advantage--they could see the town lying behind the snow-clad ridge. - -War is a pilgrimage for simple soldiers, long days of marching, longer -nights of vigil; they know not where they go, nor why--until the day -of battle; if then they see the goal they fight with clearer purpose, -and knowledge born of vision casts out their doubts and fears. So it -was with the Serbs that day at Novak; they looked across a waste of -water and saw before them Monastir--the Mecca of their pilgrimage; -the sight inspired these humble pilgrims, they set their faces to the -west, entered the icy flood, crossed it unflinchingly, and by this bold -manœuvre snatched victory from defeat. - -By the evening of the third day of battle the right flank of the -Turkish position had been turned, the Turks had abandoned their -positions north of Monastir, and had effected their retreat into the -mountains of Albania. Greek cavalry arrived at Florina (a town on the -Monastir-Salonika railway) during the course of the battle, but took -no part in the fighting. A Bulgarian column, descending the Struma -Valley, had already reached the Rupel Pass, where the mountains merge -into the coastal plain. For all practical purposes the Balkan Allies -were masters of Macedonia; Greek, Bulgarian and Servian forces were -converging on Salonika, whose fall was imminent. - -On November 20, two days after the capture of Monastir, the 3rd Servian -Army, in co-operation with the Montenegrins, captured Alessio, and -thus gained access to the Adriatic seaboard. So far as Servia was -concerned little remained to be done, old Servia had been reconquered, -an outlet to the sea had been acquired. Servia, the State, had more -than gained her object; Servia, the Ally, the Member of the Balkan -League, was at the parting of the ways. Under the terms of the Secret -Treaty, Monastir passed into Bulgaria’s sphere of influence. This -Macedonian town, if held as one of the fruits of Servia’s victory, was -bound to become an apple of discord. Every thinking man in Servia knew -it, but knowledge is not always power. - -The Prime Minister of Servia in 1912 was M. Pasitch, already a veteran -among Balkan statesmen, and a man of patriarchal mien. The enemies of -M. Pasitch said that his long, white beard had made his reputation as a -statesman; his friends deplored an accent which was not purely Servian, -he had been born at Pirot, on the Bulgarian frontier, where races, -languages and politics were apt to get somewhat mixed. To foreigners -M. Pasitch was a man of mystery, who spoke French badly, German rather -better, and dealt in platitudes. Yet, beyond doubt, he was one of -Servia’s great old men, with or without his beard. King Peter, weighed -down by age and suffering, had left to him the cares of State, and he -had borne the heat and burden of the day unruffled by abuse or calumny. -At times he was pathetic, as, for example, when he said that the worst -enemies of his country and himself were those he tried to rule. These -words conveyed a bitter truth. M. Pasitch was a Servian institution, -a Nestor in the Council, but, like most Balkan politicians, only -retained office by submission to forces independent of the Government. -The foreign policy of Servia was dictated by M. Hartwig, the Russian -Minister, and a diplomat of conspicuous ability; within certain limits -this arrangement worked well, however galling it may have been to -citizens of a sovereign State. Servia’s internal affairs were at the -mercy of factions and secret societies; of these the most influential -was a society known as the “Black Hand,” which included among its -members some of the ablest men in the country, whose patriotism was -beyond dispute, but who had all the vices of their virtues. The very -qualities which had made them fight so well fostered a spirit of -unreasonableness; they mistook moderation for lack of zeal and prudence -for timidity, in their eyes it was statesmanship to give free rein to -the unbridled appetites of ignorant, short-sighted men intoxicated by -success. - -In an evil hour for Servia a combination of irresponsible forces -directed Servian policy in regard to Monastir. The attitude of the -Serbs was at least comprehensible, they could urge their sacrifices and -the rights of conquest, that of M. Hartwig was inexplicable. This man -knew the contents of the Secret Treaty, on which was based the Balkan -League, and by which Servia renounced her claims to Monastir. He could -not have ignored Bulgarian sentiment in Macedonia, nor the statistics -of the population; yet he--a chief creator of the Balkan Bloc, an -ardent Slav, a clever, gifted man, steeped in the politics of Central -Europe--connived at denunciation of the Secret Treaty within a few -months of its signature. - -Interference by the Great Powers in Balkan affairs has always been -disastrous, because it has been selfish. M. Hartwig may have considered -the Serbs as little brothers, but he used them as an advanced guard of -Pan-Slavism without regard for their real interests or preparedness -for the task. Like the Russian Military Attaché, he thought that the -victories of Kumanovo and Monastir had brought about “la liquidation de -l’Autriche,” and that in future Russia alone would control the Balkan -situation. He was wrong, and his and Servia’s mistaken policy gave -Austria-Hungary her opportunity. - -The reaction of policy in strategy soon became manifest. In spite of -the fact that a Turkish Army, led by Djavid Pasha (the best of Turkey’s -generals), was still in being, all active operations were suspended, -and the Serbian forces were distributed throughout the conquered -territory and became an army of occupation. Monastir, renamed Bitolja, -was held by a garrison consisting exclusively of Serbs, the civil -administration was taken over by Serbian officials. - -Monastir had become a part of Serbia, and a very unhappy part at that. -The reasons were not far to seek--the population was not Servian, -78[6] per cent. of the inhabitants of the vilayet were Bulgars, and -of the rest only a small proportion were Serbs. Ruthless repression -of every institution or business which did not profess a Servian -origin only served to embitter popular feeling, and reveal the real -facts of the situation. Ignorance of the Servian language was counted -as a crime; publicans and other comparatively innocuous traders were -flogged for infringing decrees published in Servian which they could -not understand. Twelve lashes applied by an athletic gendarme are, no -doubt, a powerful incentive to learning foreign languages, but many -residents so mistrusted their linguistic talents that, rather than -face a second lesson, they left their homes, preferring the lot of -refugees to tyranny and persecution. Monastir was a town in torment, -lamentations resounded in the Consulates of all the Great Powers, the -publicans were not alone in regretting the departure of the backward -but tolerant Turk. - -In the army of occupation, although discipline was strictly maintained, -a revulsion of feeling had taken place. The poor in every Balkan State -were suffering, as they always do, on them had fallen the burden of the -war, shorn of its bloody splendour. The misery in Macedonia sickened -the Servian peasants, they feared for their own homes, and deserted in -large numbers. Armies are not machines, they are dynamic bodies whose -health depends on action, kept stationary amid a strife of tongues they -melt away. - -The Greeks had won the race for Salonika without much bloodshed, it was -said that the Turkish military governor had sold the town for 300,000 -francs. The Bulgars arrived a few hours after the triumphal entry of -the Greek troops. They were received coldly, like unwelcome visitors. -The Serbs were greeted more cordially, but as guests rather than Allies. - -At all Ægean ports the sea breezes compete unsuccessfully with -unsavoury odours, resulting from insanitary conditions, dried fish and -garlic; Salonika was no exception to the rule, but at the time of my -arrival the moral atmosphere was even more unwholesome. Greeks, Serbs -and Bulgars jostled each other in the narrow streets, proclaiming -by their presence the downfall of Turkish rule in Macedonia. Yet, -though success was sweet, its aftermath had turned to bitterness. -Something had been smashed, something they had all feared and hated; -and now they were face to face with one another, the broken pieces -in their hands, themselves a prey to envy, greed, and, worst of all, -uncertainty. The Balkan Allies were writhing in the net of an alliance -concluded secretly, its clauses were known only to a chosen few, who -dared not to tell the truth. Each nation had its version of the Treaty, -twisting the facts to suit its special interests. Brawls occurred daily -in the streets between the Allied soldiers, their leaders wrangled in -hotels. Many wealthy Turks had remained, they wore the look of men who, -if not over-honest, still hoped, when the thieves fell out, to come -into their own again. - -Greece claimed Salonika on the ground of prior occupation; Bulgaria -demanded that the port and its hinterland should be under the same -administration, or, in other words, her own; Servia had no direct -interest in Salonika, but clung doggedly to Monastir, in spite of the -Treaty. - -The Greek and Bulgarian Governments then in power were anxious to -reach a settlement, but neither Government dared abate its claims; -public opinion in both Greece and Bulgaria was supposed to be against -concessions, because some organs of the Press had said it was so. -A curious illusion this, though prevalent in every country. In the -Balkans many important papers were subsidized with foreign money, yet -still were believed to voice the views of peasants who could neither -read nor write. - -Colonel G---- P----, while discussing the possibility of obtaining -ammunition from the Western Powers through Salonika, had suggested -that the port should be internationalized. This was, of course, the -only practical solution of the problem; but coming from a Serb it -would have had more weight if it had been accompanied by a promise -to surrender Monastir. Unfortunately, no such surrender, either -immediate or prospective, was within the sphere of practical politics. -M. Gueshoff, the Bulgarian Prime Minister, went so far as to offer -to leave the town and a part of Macedonia to the Serbs until the -Servian aspirations in other directions should have been gratified. An -agreement to this effect was reached during a private meeting with M. -Pasitch, but it came to naught; neither Prime Minister could control -the sinister forces which worked like a poisonous leaven in their -countries, and were rapidly wrecking the Balkan “Bloc.” - -By the middle of December, 1912, it had become evident that no peaceful -settlement of the Macedonian question was possible if the Balkan States -were left to their own devices. Collective intervention by the Great -Powers was precluded by the attitude of at least three among them, who -were deliberately exploiting the rivalry of the Balkan Allies, and -hoped to fish in troubled waters. - -In the Bay of Salonika a British warship lay at anchor, a symbol of -the Armada whose tentacles were on every sea, but a symbol and nothing -more. To the men on shore, some of whom were looking at the sea for -the first time, this ship was an object of respect and curiosity; they -had heard of Great Britain’s habitual gesture when Abdul Hamid became -obstreperous, and they may have wondered whether Salonika was not -regarded in the same light as Besika Bay;[7] it may even have occurred -to some of them that perhaps the British Government had a policy in -the Ægean, where a new situation had arisen, requiring prompt attention -from the Mistress of the Seas. - -It was then, as it is now, my firm conviction that if, at this critical -period, the British and French Governments had sent a Note insisting -on Salonika being made an international port, and that if the Note had -been supported by the dispatch to Salonika of a squadron of warships, -Greece and Bulgaria would have complied. The rulers of the Balkan -States would have welcomed such a method of escape from the dilemma -in which they found themselves; they knew, none better, how devoid of -a comprehensive Macedonian policy they were, how the swift advance -of the armies had outstripped their calculations, and what would be -the consequences if they failed to reach agreement. The Note would -have indicated the course to pursue; the display of force would have -justified compliance in the eyes of their own peoples. Objections to -this course of action might have been raised by the Central Powers, but -they could hardly have made it a _casus belli_, the pretext would have -been too flimsy; further, while the Balkan _Bloc_ was still in being a -prudent policy was imposed. On the other hand, the Russian Government, -partly owing to the advocacy of M. Hartwig, and partly from anxiety in -regard to the Bulgarian advance towards Constantinople, had become the -partisan of Servia, and was not directly interested in Salonika. - -No such step was taken, and a great opportunity was lost. The action -of each of the Great Powers was characteristic--the British Government -suggested a conference of Balkan representatives in London; French -agents, working in the interest of Schneider, secured orders from the -Servian Government for guns and ammunition; Italy sent Servia a warning -about the Adriatic; Austria-Hungary began a partial mobilization. If -further proof had been needed, this mobilization should have convinced -the most purblind observers of Austria-Hungary’s underlying motives; -the veriest tyro in geography must have known that Salonika was more -accessible to the fleets than to the armies of the Great Powers; a -display of force in Bosnia and Herzegovina could not effect appeasement -at Salonika, it could only terrorize the Montenegrins and the Serbs, -and at the same time encourage the Turks still left in Europe to -prolong their resistance. Nor did Austro-Hungarian policy overlook the -possibilities presented by Bulgaria; the Bulgars, so far, had gained -little by the war, the Greeks were at Salonika, and the Serbs at -Monastir; they, the Bulgars, had not yet captured Adrianople, and their -hearts were filled with bitterness and resentment. After all, they had -some cause to grumble, and some excuse for listening to the tempter. - -The belligerent States accepted the invitation to confer in London. -While the delegates conferred, wearied soldiers, immobilized by frost -and snow, burrowed in holes like hibernating animals. - -I returned to Belgrade for Christmas, 1912. The town was full to -overflowing, and, as usual, foreigners, posing as Balkan experts, did -all the talking. The Serbs themselves were feeling the pinch of war, -hunger and cold had brought typhus in their train; the angel of death -was claiming many victims still. - -Walking back from dinner with a journalist who enjoyed a European -reputation, I got what my companion called “a peep behind the scenes.” -It was a most unedifying spectacle, and as remote from reality as the -moon, which, sailing high in heaven, lit up that winter night. - -In all that concerned the Balkans the Great Powers were in truth _les -Grandes Impuissances_.[8] Blinded by ignorance, greed and prejudice, -they were laying the foundations of a pyramid, whose blocks would be -errors piled on errors through seven succeeding years. The Great Powers -were the master-builders, and the Balkan States their pupils. Apt -pupils these, ready to learn and accustomed to obey. The lessons given -and received were base, unworthy and a negation of all moral sense. - -To any one who knew and faced the facts the situation had the elements -of a Greek tragedy. The Balkan experts had played the part of a -Bacchanalian chorus and created a suitable atmosphere. The first act -was completed, its stage a little known, romantic land, to many a land -of promise. One wondered whether the cast was yet complete, and what -new players might be added. Ruthlessly, logically and inevitably the -climax would be reached. But where and how? No one could then foresee. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -ALBANIA--1912-1913 - - -After the victory at Kumanovo, as already mentioned, the 3rd Servian -Army marched westwards into Albania. The northern part of this Turkish -province had a special value in Servian eyes. It included the so-called -Adriatic ports--Durazzo and San Giovanni di Medua. - -Colonel G---- P---- had given me some idea of the hatred felt by -his countrymen for Albanians generally. The misgivings aroused at -Belgrade by his reference to this subject were more than confirmed by -the conduct of the Albanian campaign. No detailed narrative of these -operations has been obtained, but the fragmentary reports received, -both from neutrals and belligerents, left no doubt as to the atrocities -which accompanied and stained indelibly the heroism and endurance of -the Servian soldiers. Whole villages were wiped out, old men, women -and children were either slaughtered in their homes or driven forth to -die of cold and famine, the countryside was wasted, an orgy of wanton -destruction was permitted, if not encouraged, by the Servian Staff. -As the army penetrated more deeply into the mountains, fresh horrors -were added; winter set in, the passes became blocked with ice and snow, -men and animals fell from slippery tracks into abysses, disease and -insanity were rife, a line of corpses marked the passage of the army. -Numbers dwindled rapidly; only the strongest survived; stragglers were -left to die in awful solitudes. The Albanian peasants, aided by the -Turks, defended their mountains step by step; bands of them hovered -round the line of march, seeking a chance for grim reprisals. Quarter -was neither asked nor given; men fought like barbarians with a veneer -of science, which made their actions doubly hideous. Episodes described -by competent and impartial observers leave an impression as painful as -it is confusing; nothing more terrible has taken place in any part of -the world, or in the whole history of war. - -Servian activities in Albania provoked a protest on the part of two of -the Great Powers, but not on humanitarian grounds. From both Vienna and -Rome there came a note of warning: “Ne touchez pas l’Adriatique”[9] was -the purport of the message. The attitude of the Austro-Hungarian and -Italian Governments was frankly interested; it was that of a big dog -who sees a terrier gnawing a bone within tempting reach of its (the -big dog’s) kennel. This prohibition was not to be lightly disregarded, -but the Government at Belgrade showed unexpected firmness. Strong -in their faith in Russia and in M. Hartwig, the Serbs continued to -advance. After a month of ceaseless struggle against Turks, Albanians, -the elements and nature, this vanguard of Pan-Slavism in the Balkans -came within sight of the forbidden coast, between Alessio and Durazzo. -The soldiers raised a shout of exultation. Behind them lay a barrier -of mountains, impassable in winter; before them was the sea, to reach -whose shores they had endured and risked so much. Some troopers -galloped quickly to the beach and spurred their famished horses into -the sparkling water, and when they found it was not fit to drink they -murmured helplessly. The men of Servia proper, unlike their kinsmen of -Dalmatia, had not the habit of the sea; for them it still remained a -mystery, pregnant with disillusionment both present and to come. - -The Turks had withdrawn the bulk of their forces to Scutari and the -Serbs occupied Alessio without encountering serious opposition. This -ancient town is situated at the junction of the new road from the -coast at San Giovanni di Medua with the main road connecting Durazzo -and Scutari. It formed, in consequence, an admirable base for future -operations. For the time being, however, the 3rd Servian Army was -incapable of further efforts; the troops were exhausted, supplies and -ammunition were scarce, boots for the men and shoes for the horses -were alike lacking, and, until sea communications with Servia through -Salonika could be established, a continuance of the offensive was -impossible. Unfortunately, the confusion which reigned at Salonika -prevented the immediate despatch of supplies and reinforcements to San -Giovanni di Medua; the army was immobilized by force of circumstances -and degenerated into an army of occupation, holding a strip of -territory between the mountains and the sea. - -The invasion of Albania had been undertaken prematurely and in a -spirit of exaggerated optimism; impatience and want of foresight had -rendered fruitless an achievement which, however marred by atrocities, -was a splendid feat of arms. Servia’s position in Albania became more -precarious with every day that passed in inactivity. The key of the -situation was Scutari. While that fortress remained in Turkish hands, -conquest was incomplete, and at any moment one or more of the Great -Powers might intervene; already there were indications that the Dual -Monarchy[10] was losing patience and fretting against a policy which -kept the ring. - -Alessio is noted as the burial place of Scanderbeg, an Albanian -chieftain and son of a Servian princess. During the 15th century he -had waged war against the Turks for over twenty years; his name was a -household word in Servia, as that of one who had fought a common foe. -Time had wrought many changes since those days. The narrow streets -around the hero’s tomb were thronged by an invading host of Serbs, with -devastation in their track, their hands imbrued with Albanian peasants’ -blood. An evil genius seemed to possess the Servian leaders. The war, -no more a war of liberation, had loosed their basest passions; success -had made them cruel, vindictive and tyrannical, the very faults for -which they blamed the Turks. - -As Bacon says: “Prosperity is not without many fears and distastes; -and adversity is not without comforts and hopes.” While Servia groaned -beneath the Turkish yoke, cycles of songs had fortified her faith and -poetized defeat. Only a “Hymn of Hate” could chronicle this victory--a -fierce lament, resounding through a land of desolation, echoing a -people’s cries of woe. - -Winter passed without any active protest on the part of the Great -Powers in regard to the presence of Servian troops in Northern Albania. -In the early part of February, the Young Turks, under the leadership -of Enver Pasha, broke off the peace negotiations in London, and -hostilities recommenced in Thrace and Albania. Macedonia was clear of -Turks and, from a purely Servian point of view, the only remaining -military operation was the capture of Scutari. The troops on the spot -were unequal to the task, and the Servian Government decided on the -despatch of reinforcements, by sea, to San Giovanni di Medua. Time -pressed. The Serbs had learned at the London Conference that a _fait -accompli_[11] was a better basis for bargaining with their Allies and -the Great Powers than the most righteous cause; they feared that, at -an early date, a second armistice might be imposed upon them, and they -were determined to, if possible, attend the next conference as masters -of Scutari and the adjacent coast. - -The organization of the expeditionary force was completed rapidly -and efficiently, and by the end of February the Servian troops were -concentrated at Salonika. Unfortunately for the Serbs, they were -dependent on their Greek allies for overseas transport and a naval -escort. The intentions of the Greek Government may have been excellent, -but their administrative services left much to be desired. It was not -until March 17 that the fleet of transports steamed out of Salonika -harbour; at least 14 days had been wasted in vexatious, and in some -cases unnecessary, delays. - -The ships were overcrowded to an extent which would hardly have been -justified if the voyage had been made in time of peace, when it would -have lasted only four or five days; in time of war, and more especially -in view of the recent activity of the Turkish cruiser _Hamidieh_, a -prolongation of the voyage should have been allowed for and suitable -arrangements made; they were not, and once again the soldiers had to -suffer for the optimism of the Headquarters Staff. In point of fact, -the _Hamidieh_ was never within 1,000 miles of the Adriatic, but -its name inspired dread, and the transports dared not move without -an escort of Greek warships. At the last moment these were not -forthcoming, owing to the occurrence of a naval display at the Piræus, -on the occasion of the funeral of King George of Greece, who had been -assassinated a few days earlier in the streets of Salonika. Twelve -precious days were spent between the Ægean and the Gulf of Corinth. -The convoy reached the Ionian Sea and anchored off San Giovanni di -Medua after a journey lasting 17 days. So long a voyage in crowded, -insanitary transports had its inevitable result; typhus had broken out -among the troops, many men were buried at sea, the horses and oxen -suffered terribly; some had been embarked a fortnight before we left -Salonika. Without firing a shot the Servian Expeditionary Force had -lost much of its fighting value, mainly through the muddling of the -military and naval staffs. War is at all times wasteful. When Allied -States share in an enterprise officials speak in many tongues, their -jealousies are national as well as personal, the waste is augmented out -of all proportion to the results achieved. - -As we approached our moorings at San Giovanni di Medua, I was standing -on the bridge of the flagship with Colonel G---- P----. After looking -through his field glasses at the coastline for some minutes, he turned -to me with the laconic remark, “Dasz ist ein groszes nichts.”[12] No -better description could have been made in words. - -Lying before us was a bay sheltered from the north by a low headland, -below which could be seen a sandy beach with two jetties; to the east -of the beach was the mouth of the River Drin; from here the coastline -ran in a southerly direction and was fringed by mangroves. The only -human habitations in sight were two houses on the headland, and in the -distance, about six miles away, Alessio. Stranded on the beach were -two Greek steamers, victim of the _Hamidieh_. San Giovanni di Medua -was not a port, it was an open roadstead, affording no shelter from a -south-west wind. - -The reinforcements sent by sea brought the total number of Servian -combatants in Albania up to 23,000 of all arms, with a good proportion -of artillery. At this stage of the war, and taking into consideration -the jealousies which divided the Turkish commanders, a force of such -size and composition had Scutari at its mercy. One determined assault -would have brought about the fall of the fortress. For reasons which -have never been explained, the Servian General, who directed also the -operations of the Montenegrin Army, continually postponed the day for -the assault. This procrastination was destined to have disastrous -consequences. - -Nearly three weeks had passed since the landing when, one evening at -dinner time, I was informed that the general assault would take place -at dawn on the following day. The infantry and guns were already in -their advanced positions, and every one was confident of success. -Towards the end of the meal a Servian Staff Officer entered with a -message for Colonel G---- P----, who, after reading it, leaned across -me and addressed the General. Both men seemed agitated, and left the -tent together. A few minutes later I was asked to join them. A curious -document was put before me. It was signed by a British admiral, who -described himself as the commander of an international squadron of -warships, anchored at the time of writing off San Giovanni di Medua. -There was nothing ambiguous about this document. It was a formal order -to the Servian General to withdraw his forces from the neighbourhood of -Scutari and bring them back to the coast; no diplomatic verbiage was -employed and no explanations were given. - -The first effect of this amazing communication on the two Servian -officers was stupefaction, which soon gave way to strong resentment. -They, not unnaturally, considered such treatment as an affront to the -sovereignty of their country and a flagrant breach of neutrality. -They found some consolation, however, in the fact that a British -admiral had signed. It gave them a sense of security, so they said. -Everywhere in the Balkans one found this sentiment towards the British. -It touched the heart and flattered pride of race; one tried to forget -the ignorance and detachment of the British Government, to justify -this simple trust and to be worthy of it. The signature was not very -legible, but the name was already sufficiently well known for me to -recognize it as Cecil Burney. - -No steps were taken to countermand the assault, which would undoubtedly -have taken place had not a telegram from Belgrade arrived at midnight -containing full instructions as to the future conduct of the Servian -forces in Albania. The withdrawal of all troops to the sea-coast -whence they had come was to be absolute and immediate; advanced posts -were to be withdrawn under cover of darkness, to minimize the risk -of rearguard actions with the enemy. On arrival at San Giovanni di -Medua, preparations were to be made at once to re-embark the troops on -specially provided transports, already on their way from Salonika. - -The Serbs marched back to the coast bursting with anger and despair. -All their hardships and sufferings had been endured in vain. Coming -down the valley towards the beach they saw before them a great array -of warships, flying the flags of six Great Powers, and learned another -bitter lesson. The sea was not for them--not yet at least. A swift -reaction followed. The force that daunted them was force afloat, on -land they held themselves invincible, and asked for nothing better than -to return to Macedonia, to conquests nearer to their hearts and homes; -to mountains and inland plains where water was not salt; where men and -animals were not cooped up in stifling holds, and did not have their -stomachs turned by the uneasy movements of the sea. - -They thought they had been tricked, and from this mood a frame of mind -emerged which brooked no compromise at Monastir. The “Black Hand” -society got many new adherents from the Servian Army in Albania during -these fateful days. Made bitter by helplessness and disappointment, -the belief spread among the men that that society alone stood up for -Servia’s rights, and so they joined the ranks of the enemies of peace. - -Colonel G---- P---- looked grey and haggard; this termination of an -enterprise of which he had been the principal organizer was a set-back -in his career, but to all personal considerations he was indifferent. -The causes of this sudden display of energy on the part of the Great -Powers did, however, give him food for anxious reflection. He saw the -handiwork of Austria-Hungary, and said bitterly: “Albania is a small -country, but it contains three races and four religions. There is only -one way of maintaining peace here, and that is by dividing this country -between Servia and Greece. At the beginning it would be hard, but no -harder for the Albanians than when they were under the Turks, from whom -we have liberated them. Austria wants an autonomous Albania, though -she knows it is an absurdity, because she does not want peace in the -Balkans, except on her own terms. Great Britain and France are helping -Austria--God knows why! What do your people know about Albania?” He -pointed to the warships in the bay and added: “Today is the first -birthday of autonomous Albania; it is a bad day for all the Balkan -States.” - -I thought of that suburb in Berlin where there was one bank too -many, and then of a Conference of Ambassadors in London, called to -resolve the Albanian riddle. Burian[13] would be there as well as -Mensdorff.[14] Austria would speak with no uncertain voice. If the -British Government had a policy in Albania, it was surely an Austrian -policy. A division of Albania between Servia and Greece was the logical -outcome of the Balkan War of 1912; it might have been effected under -the control of the Great Powers and guarantees could have been exacted -for the protection of the different nationalities. For harder questions -have been dealt with on these lines, since the expulsion of the Serbs -from the Albanian coast. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE SECOND BALKAN WAR AND THE TREATY OF BUCHAREST - - -In April, 1913, representatives of the Balkan States were summoned, -for the second time, to Great Britain, and once again the negotiations -threatened to drag on interminably. They were cut short, however, by -Sir Edward Grey, who had lost patience with the procrastinating methods -of the delegates, and a treaty was signed, known as the “Peace of -London.” - -So ended the first Balkan War. Turkey lost all her territory in Europe -except Turkish Thrace, which served as a hinterland to Constantinople; -Bulgaria acquired Adrianople and Dede Agatch as her share of the spoil; -the Greeks retained Salonika and Cavalla; the Serbs still occupied -Monastir; Albania was declared an autonomous kingdom, whose frontiers -were to be delimited under the direction of an Ambassadors’ Conference -in London, while an International Commission assisted the local -Government, pending the appointment of a King. - -The Peace Treaty registered the defeat of Turkey; it did little more, -and was merely a rough and ready attempt to reconcile the conflicting -aims and aspirations of the victors. Rumania added fresh complications -by demanding compensation from Bulgaria for having played a neutral -part during a Balkan War. Another conference of Ambassadors was -assembled in Petrograd to arbitrate upon this point. - -The Bulgarian delegate in London had been M. Daneff, a rude, -overbearing Macedonian who incensed and irritated all those with whom -he came in contact. The selection of this man for so delicate a mission -was, to say the least, unfortunate. To many it appeared suspicious -that M. Daneff should have been sent, when M. Gueshoff, the Prime -Minister, and a man of reasonable and moderate views, could have gone -in his place; it looked as if King Ferdinand of Bulgaria had already -become entangled in the meshes of Austro-Hungarian diplomacy, whose -object was the disruption of the Balkan League. M. Daneff rejected -the overtures and proposals of Greeks, Serbs, Rumanians and Turks -with equal contempt. As a result, Bulgaria became more and more -isolated. Potential enemies surrounded her on every side, but, blinded -by arrogance and false counsel, she disdained the alliance of any -neighbouring State. - -At the end of June, the storm broke. The signature of peace had enabled -the Bulgarian Government to concentrate troops in Eastern Macedonia, -in close proximity to the Servian army of occupation. The soldiers of -the two armies fraternized with one another and, to all appearances, -the Bulgars had the friendliest intentions. The first act of war took -place before dawn on June 30 when, without warning, the Servian outpost -line was attacked and driven in by a numerically superior force of -Bulgars. The Serbs recovered themselves speedily, reinforcements were -hurried to the front attacked, and a counter-attack was made which -drove the Bulgars in confusion from the field. Servian successes had an -immediate effect on the Government at Sofia. The treacherous offensive -of June 30 was repudiated and ascribed to the personal initiative of -General Savoff, one of Bulgaria’s most notorious “men of action” and -a favourite of the King. The repudiation came too late. All the other -Balkan States combined against Bulgaria, and within three months of the -signing of peace in London, Greeks and Serbs were fighting their late -ally in Macedonia, while Turks and Rumanians invaded her territory from -the east and north. - -The Bulgars soon found themselves in a desperate plight; no amount -of stubborn valour at Carevoselo[15] could protect Sofia against -the Rumanians or save Adrianople from the Turks. By the end of July -the Bulgarian Government was forced to sue for an armistice to save -the country from utter ruin. The day of reckoning had come for an -inexcusable and odious crime. - -In the first week of August, the delegates of the Balkan States -assembled at Bucharest to negotiate yet another peace. Their task was -not an easy one. Public opinion in Servia and Greece was exultant -and clamouring for vengeance; in Turkey, Enver Pasha, the saviour of -Adrianople, was at the zenith of his fame. From elements such as these -a judicial frame of mind was not to be expected; they were blinded by -hatred, pent up through decades of jealousy and fear. Enver cherished -ambitious dreams, counted on German help, and knew no scruples. The -majority of the Greeks and Serbs aimed at reducing Bulgaria to a state -of impotence. Had it been possible, they would have exterminated the -entire race. - -A few courageous voices were raised in protest against a too brutal -application of the principle that every country has the government it -deserves; they declared it a crime to visit the sins of the rulers on -their hapless subjects; they claimed that the Bulgarian people, as -distinct from their rulers, had been punished enough already; that -Bulgaria had been bled white and had made many sacrifices in a common -cause; that she had lost much of her power for evil, and might, if -properly handled, lose the will; they pleaded that justice should be -tempered with common sense, if not with mercy, and urged that the folly -of exasperating millions of virile peasants, and thereby driving them -into closer union with the Central Empires, against all their racial -instincts, should be foreseen and checked. - -The men who dared to speak with the voice of reason were called -pro-Bulgars in Greece and Servia; they went to Bucharest, hoping to -find a more objective spirit. - -Many factors combined to make the Rumanian capital the most suitable -meeting-place for the Balkan delegates on this momentous occasion. -Rumania had struck the decisive blow without bloodshed; her army was -intact and her treasury was not depleted; her territorial claims -were inconsiderable and had been submitted to the Great Powers for -arbitration; lastly, in her King, Rumania possessed a personage -peculiarly fitted to mould and direct, dispassionately, the proceedings -of the Conference. - -King Charles was a man advanced in years who had served his adopted -country both faithfully and well. The Rumanian people felt for him -gratitude and respect. At this period they would have followed loyally -in any course he chose to take. As head of the elder and Catholic -branch of the Hohenzollern family, the King of Rumania was in close -touch with the courts of the Central Empires and with King Constantine -of Greece. - -In short, fate had conferred on this Hohenzollern prince unrivalled -authority in his own country, access to powerful channels of -persuasion, and in relation to the other Balkan States, forces -sufficient to impose his will. He could, had he willed, have been -arbiter of the Balkans and might have changed the course of history. In -the event, he preferred to stand aside. - -History is full of such “might have beens.” Time is a kind of fourth -dimension affecting every human action. King Charles’s opportunity -occurred when he was old and tired. Made over-cautious by his knowledge -of the play of external forces on the Balkan situation, he feared a -general conflagration, which might consume his life’s work at a stroke. -And so he left ill alone, and hoped to end his days in peace. - -Probably the best known of King Charles’s ministers in 1912 was M. Take -Jonescu, whose tireless energy in the cultivation of relationships -and souvenirs in foreign capitals had earned for him the title of -“the Great European.” This title was not undeserved, though applied -ironically in nine cases out of ten. M. Take Jonescu had acquired the -habit of generalizing from Rumanian affairs so as to make them embrace -the whole of the old world and the new; this had enlarged his horizon -and given him a vision which at times was startlingly prophetic. -He recognized more clearly than any of his countrymen the rôle of -Rumania at the Conference and what could and should be done. The -restless, versatile man of the people was fascinated by the splendid -possibilities of a bold and imaginative Rumanian policy. Not so his -colleagues of the Conservative Party; they opposed inertia to ideas, -and behind them stood the King. M. Take Jonescu had a lawyer’s training -and was no champion of lost causes. This cause was lost indeed while -King Charles was on the throne; only a cataclysm could have saved -it--a “Cascade des Trônes.”[16] The Rumanian statesman foresaw, and in -his vaguely anarchic fashion wished for this consummation, about which -he was to write a few years later, but the lawyer threw up his brief -and devoted his undoubted talents to bargaining and the conclusion of a -Treaty which King Charles himself described as a “drum-head truce.” In -the Near East, men have a passion for subtle and tortuous negotiations, -which are comprehended in the phrase “un marchandage Balkanique,”[17] -which end in compromises, effect no settlement, and serve to postpone -the evil day. - -The Austro-Hungarian representative in Bucharest must have heaved a -sigh of relief when it became clear that Rumania’s participation in the -Conference would be restricted to land-grabbing in the Dobruja.[18] -Silistria and a district from which one of the best Bulgarian infantry -regiments drew its recruits were claimed, and eventually annexed, by -Rumania. No great extent of territory this, but enough to hurt. - -The French and British press, skimming lightly on the surface of the -Conference, dealt with personalities in preference to principles. M. -Venizelos was their favourite delegate, and held that position to the -end. Success in any walk of life is profitable; success in rebellion -is the shortest road to fame. M. Venizelos had begun his career as -a Cretan rebel. In 1913 he shared with King Constantine the honours -of two victorious campaigns in Macedonia, and was credited with the -resurrection of the old Hellenic spirit. At Bucharest this remarkable -man was in a difficult position; his sole rival in the affections of -the Greek people was his sovereign, to whom he owed the allegiance of a -subject and with whom his personal relations were far from cordial. The -considered judgments of M. Venizelos favoured concessions to Bulgaria -in regard to Cavalla and its hinterland; to any such suggestions -the King replied with a categorical refusal. Fearful of forfeiting -popularity by any act which would diminish the aggrandizements of -Greece, M. Venizelos was perpetually balancing between his conception -of Balkan statesmanship and concern for his own reputation. Eventually, -the latter gained the day. Cavalla was retained by Greece and another -bone of contention was created between Greeks and Bulgars. The presence -of Servian and Turkish delegates at Bucharest was purely formal. -Like the daughters of the horse-leech, their cry was--give; to have -given them more than what they had already taken would have brought -on another war, and no one was prepared for that. Servia’s retention -of Monastir was sanctioned, the Turks remained at Adrianople. The -Bulgars, crestfallen and daunted for a time, retained a part of Thrace, -including Dede Agatch and Porto Lagos; they were alone and friendless; -the sympathies of Russia, the one-time liberator, had been estranged. -They turned their eyes, reluctantly, towards the Central Empires and -nursed a fell revenge. - -In due course, the Treaty of Bucharest was signed by the contracting -parties. It has never been officially recognized by the Great Powers, -yet by many it is accepted as a basis for future readjustments in -the Balkan Peninsula. Fallacies are of rapid growth, they none the -less die hard. The negotiations had been, in fact, a diplomatic duel -between Russia and Austria-Hungary, the first clash between two mighty -movements--the “Drang nach Osten”[19] and Pan-Slavism. Austria-Hungary -had won. The new frontiers were a triumph for her diplomacy. -Servia, though victorious, was enclosed as in a net; on the East an -irreconcilable Bulgaria; on the West, Albania torn by internal discord, -and fast becoming an outpost of the Central Empires; on the South -Greece, where German influence was daily gaining ground. Killed by its -authors, the Balkan “Bloc” was dead. A new element had been introduced -into the balance of power in Europe. Servia and Bulgaria were doubtful -States no longer, they were in opposite camps, and, when the lassitude -caused by two cruel wars had passed, they could be set at each other’s -throats again to fight for interests not their own. - -Great Britain had held aloof from the proceedings of the Conference. -Our Minister in Bucharest had received instructions to take neither -part nor lot in the negotiations; if called upon for an opinion he was -to endorse that of his Russian colleague. If the British Government -had any Balkan policy at all it was, apparently, a Russian policy, a -vicarious partnership, an acquiescence in the pernicious doctrine that -two wrongs may make a right. - -A gaping wound had been made in Europe’s side, the surgeons had met -together at Bucharest, and fearing to probe had sewn it up with clumsy -stitches. Wounds are not healed by surgery such as this, not only do -they open up again, their poison spreads, attains some vital organ, -and causes death. Good surgery needs knowledge, foresight, courage, -the power and will to act. The men, who from ignorance or inertia -neglected and dallied with the Balkan problem, were scarcely less -guilty than the criminals who, of set purpose, made a peace which sowed -the seeds of war. - -During the summer of 1913 a spell of intense heat occurred in the -fertile plains of the Danube valley. In every village dirt and -insanitary conditions encouraged flies, winged insects swarmed by night -and day, revelling in filth and carrying disease. The Rumanian peasants -who had marched into Bulgaria had been attacked by a more deadly enemy -than the Bulgarian hosts--the cholera microbe pursued them to their -homes; the malady assumed an epidemic form and raged at first unchecked. - -To some it seemed an act of retribution for an unrighteous peace, a -manifestation of stern justice, dubbed divine, although its victims -were the innocent and weak. The rich escaped by fleeing to hill -stations or the sea, the poor, perforce, remained and died by hundreds, -their families were decimated, their fields were left untilled, a -blight had fallen on this pleasant land. - -In her hour of trial Rumania discovered an unexpected source of -strength and consolation. Calamity had called, and from her castle in -the mountains an English Princess came, leaving the fragrant coolness -of the woods for stifling heat and misery in myriad shape, down in the -sun-scorched plain. In every cholera camp her white-clad form was seen -moving from tent to tent, bringing the tonic of her beauty, restoring -hope, dealing out pity with a lavish hand. To humble folk weighed -down by suffering, it was as though an angel passed, and memories -cluster still around those days, weaving a web of gratitude and loving -kindness, a web to outward seeming, frail and unsubstantial, but -unbreakable, surviving all the shocks of war, binding the people to -their Queen. - -I returned to London through Sofia and Belgrade. After the festivities -of Bucharest the aspect of both these Capitals was sad indeed. Victor -and vanquished alike were reaping the aftermath of war; bedraggled -soldiers thronged the streets, no longer saviours, not even heroes, -merely idle citizens, useless until demobilized. - -From Belgrade my duties called me to Vienna. As the train crossed -the railway bridge to Semlin, I saw again the guns and searchlights -on the Save’s Hungarian bank. Austria-Hungary had not yet decided on -her course of action, but she was ready. The Balkan Allies of 1912, -like rabbits unconscious of the presence of hungry pythons, had had -their frolic. Now, they had paused for breath and had time to think. -No longer Allies, they were helpless. Victims, not wholly innocent, -they would crouch and wait; already it seemed as if a Python-State had -stirred. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -TWO MEN WHO DIED - - -I. FIRST MAN. A SIMPLE SOLDIER - -Near Krivolak, in the Vardar Valley, a road strikes westward, joining -the railway with the plains lying beyond a wall of mountains. At first, -it winds in tortuous fashion, following a streamlet’s rocky bed, and, -ever rising, leads to a tableland where other roads are met, and -signposts point the way to Monastir. - -The Vardar Valley is a rift of gentle beauty in a wild, inhospitable -land, the mother of many tributaries coming from east and west. It -broadens on its journey to the sea, the plains adjoin and almost touch -each other, like glowing pearls strung on a silver thread. One of these -plains lies north of Krivolak, and here the valley of the winding -stream and road sinks like a lovely child into its mother’s lap. The -war had made it a Gehenna, where wagons creaked and jolted, and the -once silent spaces echoed with moans of pain. - -In the main valley, close to the railway station, some tents were -grouped around a mast, and from the mast there waved a Red Cross flag. -During the hours of darkness a lamp replaced the flag; both served as -guide and landmark to the countryside, inviting all who needed help to -this outpost of humanity. - -Here were received convoys of sick and wounded, some to regain their -health and strength, others to join their comrades in the graveyard -which grew in size with each succeeding day. They arrived in a -lamentable condition, bruised by rough travel in springless wagons, -their wounds neglected, and too often gangrened. From them one learned -how long the way had seemed, how from afar their eager, straining eyes -had sought the fluttering flag or the red lamp, which marked the bourne -where respite would be found after long days and nights of misery. - -Amid the scores of human wrecks littering the Red Cross camp one man -attracted my especial notice--a young Servian soldier. He lay at full -length on a stretcher, and sometimes raised himself to a half-sitting -posture, but soon fell back again exhausted by the effort. Both -his legs had been shattered by shrapnel below the knees, a blanket -concealed them mercifully, he did not know the worst. The surgeon -whispered that it was a hopeless case, gangrene was far advanced, the -long, well-coupled legs were doomed, only by amputation could his life -be saved. - -He thanked me for some cigarettes and smiled a boyish smile, showing a -row of splendid teeth. His uniform was caked with mud and hung in rags, -the muscles rippled on his arms and chest, which, though unwashed, were -clean, nature had kept them so. - -The war had been a great event for him, he quite ignored its tragic -side, and talked of battles and a charge, of how he’d killed a Turk, -and then he added: “In a few months I will be well again and fit to -fight the Austrians.” His home was in the Drina highlands, he had grown -up under the shadow of the northern neighbours, and learned to hate -them with his mother’s milk. Yet still he kept his sunny temperament, -the priests who preached race hatred had not destroyed his soul. - -Our conversation had a sudden ending. Two orderlies came to take the -stretcher and bear it to a tent, the movement made the blanket slip, -and once again the soldier raised himself instinctively--saw what was -waiting for the surgeon’s knife, a mangled mass of splintered bones, -torn tendons, rotting flesh, and fell back dead. - -Perhaps it was better thus. A kindly providence had done what no man -dared to do. That lithe and sinewy form, without its legs, might have -contained a bitter heart, and added yet another drop to hatred’s -overflowing cup. - - -II. SECOND MAN. A PEASANT - -In the Balkan Peninsula, monasteries are more than places of refuge for -people with monastic minds, they minister to a wider public, and are -at once hostels and shrines, centres of food supply and travellers’ -gossip, where merchants market, while monks pray and sing. Their pious -founders have left a saintly work behind them, theirs is an incense -burnt in the furnace of affliction, mounting to heaven on waves of -gratitude. - -The Monastery of St. Joachim stands in a quiet valley, a mile or more -from the main road which links Bulgarian Kjustendil with Turkish Uskub, -or in Servian Skoplje. Down this main road the tide of war had swept, -leaving a trail of empty granaries, of violated homes, and frightened, -wailing children. The people bore these trials patiently, there was -naught else to do, but when despair had overcome their hope, they one -and all, Christians and infidels alike, sought consolation at the -monastery set amid dark green trees. Thither there flocked a hungry, -homeless crowd, seeking first food and shelter, then repose, and -finding all in the great caravanserai, left standing by the tolerant -Turks. - -One evening, during the first Balkan War, a Servian officer and I -arrived on horseback at the monastery gate. Close by there rose a -spring covered with slabs of stone, the water tricking through an iron -pipe into a rough-hewn trough. We paused to let our horses drink, and -saw, lying upon the ground, a man, or what was left of one. His form -was rigid, motionless, only the eyes moved, bright, black, beady eyes, -which flitted restlessly from face to face, then turned towards the -setting sun and stared, undazzled, at the flaming pageant, only to -leave it soon, and throw quick glances here and there at objects nearer -and more human. - -His story was soon told. He was a Bulgarian soldier, struck by a -Turkish bullet near the spine and paralysed. Some peasants had found -him in a field, and, filled with pity, had brought him to where he lay, -so that, at least, he should not die alone. - -A woman had brought a pillow for his head, a monk knelt at his other -side repeating words that solace dying men. - -And then he spoke. The voice, though weak, rang clear; in a hushed -silence, it gave the final message of a man whose earthly course was -run. - -Neither the woman nor the priest had touched the peasant’s heart. His -thoughts were far away, but not with wife or children, nor did the -welfare of his soul trouble his dying moments. He had a farm in the -Maritza valley, not far from Philippopolis, there he had spent his -life, and lavished all his love and care. To him that strip of land was -very dear, and, dying, he remembered it, to give some last instructions -for the next autumn sowing. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -“1914” PEACE AND WAR - - -In the early spring of 1914 a revolution broke out in Southern Albania. -The Christian Epirotes, renouncing allegiance to the Prince of Wied -(the sovereign appointed by the Great Powers), had set up a provisional -and independent Government at Argyrocastron, a mountain village about -twenty miles north-east of Santi Quaranta. This port lies within easy -distance of Corfu, and, by a stroke of fortune, I was able to land -there, in spite of the fact that it was held by the insurgents. After a -short stay at Argyrocastron I went to Athens, where I was received by -both King Constantine and M. Venizelos. - -The former regarded the revolution from a strictly military point of -view. He said he had decided to take disciplinary measures against -officers and men of the Greek Army who aided or abetted the Epirotes, -and seemed to think that the only duty of Greek soldiers was to their -King, to whom they owed so much. As, apparently, he was without any -detailed information on the subject, I did not tell him that numerous -Greek soldiers, wearing uniform, were already with the insurgent -bands. The King was at this time the most popular man in Greece, and -the consciousness of this had become an obsession. He had won his -popularity by two campaigns, and was meditating a third, against -Turkey, so soon as his army and his fleet would be reorganized and -re-equipped. Prussian military methods were to be followed, as far as -possible, in spite of the fact that a French Military Mission had been -charged with the training of the troops. King Constantine talked like -a young officer who had recently emerged from a staff college; coming -from the ruler of a country his conversation left an impression of -irresponsibility, one felt he was a dangerous, though well-meaning man. - -M. Venizelos was moved, almost to tears, on hearing of the pitiable -condition of the Greek refugees from Central Albania, but explained -his utter helplessness to relieve their lot. Albania was under the -protection of the Great Powers, and he feared that any practical -sympathy for revolutionaries, within the frontiers made sacrosanct by -the Ambassadors’ Conference, might entail serious consequences for -himself and Greece. He inquired after M. Zografos, the head of the -Provisional Government, and one of his most bitter political opponents. -The latter had referred to M. Venizelos in unflattering terms, -describing him as both incompetent and unprincipled, but, although it -was evident that no love was lost between the two men, the man in power -disdained vituperation. - -M. Venizelos spoke with real feeling about the religious side of the -revolution and the sincerity of the peasants in all that concerned -their faith. He seemed amused at the idea of M. Zografos being -associated with three Archbishops in the Provisional Government. I -asked the reason. He confined himself to saying that M. Zografos was -very rich. I replied that, from what I had seen at Argyrocastron, -at least one of the Archbishops accepted with patriotic resignation -this disqualification for the Kingdom of Heaven on the part of his -political chief, and that he had even seemed to enjoy some excellent -dinners prepared by the rich man’s cook. - -The Prelates in question were, in point of fact, the real leaders of -the revolution. Between them they combined all the qualities needed by -their peculiar environment. Archbishop Basileus was a worldly-minded -old gentleman who, beneath a venerable exterior, concealed political -ability of no mean order. Of the other two--one was a meek and learned -monk, possessed of great authority among the local clergy; the third, -Germanos by name, was a striking and interesting personality. Young, -handsome, ascetic, gifted with fiery eloquence, and as religious as his -flock, he supplied a moral impulse which redeemed much that was trivial -in the conduct of the revolution; his premature death from consumption -was a real loss to Epirus and its already hopeless cause. - -M. Venizelos said little about general Balkan matters, he appeared -tired and dispirited, and it was evident that the Greek Government -was not going to get itself into trouble over the Epirotes, in spite -of their pure Greek origin. These unfortunate people constituted the -wealthiest and most civilized element in the population of Albania, -they had an indisputable right to a large share in the Government of -that country. This they had not got, and, with the full knowledge -of the Great Powers, they had been left, politically, to the tender -mercies of men saturated with Turkish traditions, under the nominal -Kingship of a conceited and ignorant German Prince. - -I reached Belgrade early in April, 1914. The city had resumed its -normal aspect. The General Staff were talking and planning war, the -general public was more interested in the working of the Commercial -Convention with Greece. In political and diplomatic circles vague -references were made to certain concessions to Bulgaria in the Vardar -Valley. These latter appeared to me to be so inadequate as to be hardly -worth discussing, and yet, as matters stood, the Serbs refused to -offer more. This attitude, however unfortunate, was more reasonable -in 1914 than at any previous period. In the absence of direct railway -communication between Greece and Servia, the Commercial Convention -would lose half its point, since the only railway line available passed -by the Vardar Valley through the heart of the “Contested Zone.” No -practicable trace for another line existed, except a tortuous route -impinging on Albania. - -Ethnical and geographical conditions had conspired to make Macedonia a -“Debatable Land,” the creation of an independent Albania had added fuel -to the flames of discord, it had not only shortened the Serbo-Greek -frontier and prevented all communication by sea, but, by thwarting -Servian and Greek aspirations in that direction, had engendered in both -countries an uncompromising state of mind. Bulgaria’s claims remained -unaltered, they had become crystallized by defeat and disappointment; -amid the shifting sands of Balkan politics they stood out like a rock. - -The Great Powers had sacrificed the interests of Greece and Servia -directly, and those of Bulgaria indirectly, on the altar of an -Autonomous Albania. Ingenuous people claimed that this course had been -dictated by high-minded motives, by a benevolent, if tardy, recognition -of the principles of self-government, whose application in other lands -could wait on this strange experiment. Naïveté is charming when not -contaminated with hypocrisy, but one swallow does not make a summer; a -single act, however specious, cannot efface a decade of intrigue. - -An active economic policy in Macedonia had already been initiated by -the Austro-Hungarian Government. The first move was characteristic, -a share in the control of the Belgrade-Salonika Railway was claimed, -on the ground that a large part of the capital for its original -construction had been subscribed by citizens of the Dual Monarchy. -British newspapers dealt fully with the financial aspects of the -case, but refrained from criticizing a proposition which deprived a -sovereign independent State of the sole control of a railway within -its frontiers. The Servian Government tried to float a loan with which -to buy out the foreign shareholders, but failed--high finance is -international and obdurate to the poor. _On ne prête qu’aux riches_.[20] - -I stayed in Vienna for a few days on my way to London. Here, it was -generally recognized that, in regard to Servia, a dangerous situation -was developing, which could not be neglected. Many serious people -frankly expressed the hope that some incident would occur which would -provide a pretext for taking military action against the Serbs. No -one wanted war, but every one felt that an end had to be put to “an -intolerable state of affairs”; the time for conciliatory measures had -passed, the Southern-Slav movement was assuming menacing proportions, -and would wreck the Austro-Hungarian Empire, if steps were not promptly -taken to nip it in the bud. - -Such were the opinions expressed, in private circles, by men and women -who did not know with what skill and ingenuity the net had been spread -for Servia. In official circles confidence was the prevailing note; -the lessons of the last two wars had been forgotten in the Austrian -War Office, where the efficiency of the Servian Army was, as usual, -under-estimated. Diplomats professed to have no faith in the sincerity -of Russia’s intentions when posing as the champion of the Southern -Slavs; such a policy struck them as being too unselfish for the -Government of the Czar. - -Cynics are bad psychologists; to them Russia has always been an enigma -and a source of error. M. Hartwig expressed the Pan-Slav point of view: -Servia was part of Russia, the Serbs were “little brothers,” destined -once more to reach the Adriatic, to bar the highway to Salonika, to -fight again, if need arose, in Slavdom’s sacred cause. - -The Serbs themselves wanted independence, complete and definite; they -hoped to gain it with the help of Russia, and then to found an Empire -of their own. That Empire could be created only at the expense of -Austria-Hungary, Germany’s ally, mate of a monster Python State which -soon would raise its head. - -Though outwardly at peace, Servia and Bulgaria were arming with -feverish haste, preparing to take their places in Europe’s opposing -camps. The pyramid was rising, taking shape; issues were narrowing, -effect was succeeding cause; the disintegration of the Balkan _bloc_ -had left the Slavs and Teutons face to face, the arena was cleared for -a titanic struggle, those who knew anything of Europe foretold the -coming storm. - -Austria-Hungary had not long to wait for the desired pretext. The -assassination of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand was a sufficiently -sensational incident to satisfy the most exacting. The Dual Monarchy -took the fatal step, and sent an ultimatum which was its own death -warrant. - -Civilization stood aghast and feigned a moral indignation which -was far from being sincere. Austria-Hungary, in thus using a weak -and neighbouring race, was acting in strict conformity with moral -standards which the Great Powers themselves had set. Junkers in -Germany, Cosmopolitan financiers in Paris, Reactionaries in England, -and the Czar’s ministers in Russia had acted, or were prepared to -act in precisely similar fashion, each in their separate sphere. In -the eyes of these men, national sentiment was the appanage of Great -Powers, the day of small States had passed. They had admitted the -independence of Albania from motives of expediency, and at the instance -of Austria-Hungary, the very State which now they should have judged. - -The relations between the different European States were those which -exist between the denizens of a jungle--no moral laws restrained them, -the weak were the natural victims of the strong. The peoples were -sometimes passive, at others artificially excited, but always helpless -and inarticulate, driven like cattle in a herd. The “Jingo” Press in -every Christian land glorified might as right, eminent soldiers told a -respectful public that militarism alone could save the Commonwealth, -and that without its wholesome discipline the nations would decay; -science collaborated in the race of armaments, which had become a -source of riches and a patriotic cult. - -The murder at Sarajevo gave Austria-Hungary an opening, she pressed her -advantage like a bully bent on the destruction of a weak antagonist. -Not only had the weak to go to the wall, and go there with every -circumstance of humiliation, a still more signal ignominy was needed -to mollify the wounded pride of men like Tisza;[21] who insisted that -Belgrade should be occupied, and that Servian peasants should, once -more, endure the horrors of an alien yoke. Only by such means could -an Archduke be avenged and jungle law maintained. Blinded by passion, -Austria-Hungary had forgotten that there were other carnivori in the -jungle whose interests were involved. - -The Junkers, capitalists, journalists and soldiers, who had led -Europe to the verge of the abyss, now realized what lay before -them,--something incalculable, immense and elemental. Self-interest -was forgotten for a moment, even _their_ callous minds recoiled. -These men had spent their lives talking of European War, and making -costly preparations for it, but at its near approach they flinched. -In Petrograd a supreme effort was made to avert the cataclysm, it was -cynical enough and revealed the morality of the “Balance of Power” in -Europe in a brief but pregnant phrase[22]--“_Lâchez l’Autriche et nous -lâcherons les Français_” was the message to the German Government. It -came too late; public opinion in Russia was dangerously excited, and -behind the Russian people stood another Power which also was suffering -from “an intolerable state of affairs.” For nearly fifty years the -French had lived beneath a sword of Damocles wielded with German -arrogance; they supported with difficulty the “Three Years’ Service” -system, and had lent much money to the Russians. The French Government -seized its opportunity, France made the Servian Cause her own. - -Three crowned heads symbolized the might and power of Central -Europe--one, senile, embittered, selfish, surrounded by a mediaeval -Court; another, pompous, vain, ambitious, a war-lord, the apex of -a social pyramid which recognized no law but force; the third, an -autocrat whose will was law to millions, a man both weak and obstinate, -whose character was a riddle to those who knew him best. Men such as -these could not prevent the conflagration; considering their influence -and position one wondered why it had not come before. - -When war became inevitable, the British Empire was utterly unprepared -in both a mental and material sense; many educated people of the upper -classes were amazed at each other’s ignorance of geography; the man in -the street awoke from his wonted lethargy, and studied geography, as -well as ethics, in the pages of the _Daily Mail_. - -On August 10, 1914, a troop train passed through Woking Station bound -for Southampton Harbour. The men were typical “Tommies” of the old -Army, and were in the highest possible spirits. One of them, more -curious-minded than the rest, shouted to a be-spectacled civilian on -the platform, “’Ow far is it from ’ere to Servia, guv’nor?” The train -was in motion, and time did not admit of a satisfactory reply. - -After all, at that time, it did not matter where or how far away an -unknown land like Servia might be; all the best strategists were agreed -that Servia’s future destiny would be settled by a great battle in -the West. Poor Servia, it would take more than that to save her from -invasion; for the moment, anyhow, Heaven was too high, and her Allies -were too far. - -A little over twelve months later, British and French troops were being -disembarked at Salonika and hurried thence to reinforce the already -beaten and retreating Serbs. I’ve wondered sometimes whether the -lighthearted boy, who tried to learn geography at Woking Station, was -of their number. - -He may have struggled up the Vardar Valley and penetrated narrow -gorges, where the railway, for want of space, follows the ancient road. -He may have seen the mountains of Old Servia and caught an echo from -their frowning heights: “Too late, too late, ye cannot enter now.” - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE NEUTRAL BALKAN STATES--1915 - - -My duties recalled me to the Balkan Peninsula in the early spring of -1915. None too soon, the Allied Governments had turned their attention -to Near Eastern problems and had decided to dispatch an Expeditionary -Force to retrieve their damaged prestige in the East. The main -objectives were the Dardanelles and Constantinople, respectively the -gateway and the pivot of the Ottoman Empire and points of inestimable -strategic value for the future conduct of a world-wide war. Imperial -policy, in its widest and truest sense, dictated this course of action -and, as was natural and logical, the Allied Power which had most at -stake supplied the initiative and took the lead. - -Great Britain, in its dual capacity of guardian of the sea-routes -of the world and the greatest Mohammedan Power, has seldom been in -a more critical position. Germany and Turkey acting in combination -could approach the Suez Canal through Asia Minor, the Red Sea through -Arabia and the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia. Enemy successes in -these three directions could hardly fail to have an adverse influence -on Mohammedan opinion and, under such conditions, India itself would -not be safe. The foundations of the British Empire were endangered, -threatened by forces both open and insidious; a British policy, framed -by men who understood their business, was the only Allied policy which -could properly meet the case. The British statesmen then in office -faced this grave situation with steady eyes, and reached a conclusion -which, at the time, was widely criticized, but, to their credit, they -persisted in it. - -The fiat went forth from Downing Street, and on the experts of -Whitehall devolved the task of evolving a strategy in harmony with -policy. - -Experts, of any kind, are good servants but bad masters; they are prone -to pessimism when called to work outside their special spheres, and -are, as a rule, indifferent prophets; like the Spaniards, they often -seem wiser than they are. Expert and official opinion on both sides -of Whitehall was opposed to the expedition to the Dardanelles. The -North Sea drew the Navy like a magnet, there it was felt the decisive -battle would be fought, and the desire of islanders was natural to -make security doubly sure. Mr. Winston Churchill devoted all the -resources of his forceful and energetic personality to Eastern Naval -preparations, he had both courage and imagination, and brushed aside -the protests of officials within his jurisdiction, but these were -not the only obstacles--sometimes he must have wondered whether a -chasm had not replaced the thoroughfare which separates the Admiralty -from the War Office. In the latter building, an old machine, under -new and inexperienced direction, was creaking uneasily, barely able -to stand the strain caused by the war in France. To the War Office -staff, it seemed as if Pelion had been piled on Ossa, when they were -asked to co-operate with the Navy in a distant expedition, whose -scope and nature brought into strong relief their mental and material -unpreparedness. Refuge was sought in procrastination, difficulties -were exaggerated, the many human cogs of a complex machine groaned in -the throes of a new and unwelcome effort. - -In enterprises of this nature, risks must be taken, a circumspect and -timid strategy misses the mark. In this particular instance, time was -the essence of the problem; a single Division, at the psychological -moment, was worth nine arriving late; a military force of 20,000 men, -acting in close support of the Allied Navies, could have achieved -success where a host a few weeks later, even if ably led, might fail. -The stakes were enormous, the obstacles, both naval and military, -formidable but not insuperable. A calm appreciation of the situation -should have convinced the most doubting spirits that Constantinople -could be taken by a well-timed and vigorous stroke. At this period -Turkey was isolated, her forces were disorganized and short of -ammunition, the Germans were unable to send either reinforcements or -war material to this theatre, except in driblets. The position of Enver -Pasha was precarious, his enemies were numerous and active, they had -viewed with profound misgivings the rapid growth of German influence, -and were ready for a change. Constantinople was ripe for revolution; -the wheel had turned full circle, the Allies, by the irony of fate, -could count on assistance from reactionary elements, converted by -mistrust of Germany into potential supporters of our cause. The neutral -Balkan States were waiting and, in their hearts, longing for Allied -intervention, it meant the solution of many complicated problems, and -they preferred even unpleasant certitude to doubt. - -A turning point in history had been reached; statesmen had ordained -the expedition and left its execution to amphibious experts; prompt, -energetic action based on careful plans was needed, action combining -force on land and sea. A watching world was wracked with expectation, -something portentous was about to happen, the Small States held their -breath. In Whitehall, an official mountain trembled slightly, and forth -there crept a tardy, unready mouse. - -While troops were being crowded pell-mell into transports and hurried -to Gallipoli, the Foreign Office in London and Paris took up the -question of the neutral Balkan States. A suggestion that reinforcements -should be sent to Servia had gained support in certain Allied quarters -and, since the only available port of disembarkation was Salonika, -for this, if for no other reason, friendly relations with the Greeks -were sought. Under the cloak of the commercial convention with Servia, -ammunition was already passing freely up the Vardar Valley, and it -was hoped that the precedent thus established might be extended so as -to cover a still more benevolent neutrality, and allow of the passage -of French and British troops. Greece was the only Balkan State which -depended for its existence on sea communications, she was completely -at the mercy of the Allies, and no amount of German intrigue, in court -and military circles, could twist the logic of hard facts. Neither -King Constantine nor his advisers were prepared to accept formally a -technical violation of Greek neutrality, they would have been helpless, -however, if the Allies had insisted. To a layman, the diplomatic -situation seemed to be typical of those described in a certain class -of novel, in which suave but firm diplomacy, supported by overwhelming -force, meets every protest with a soothing phrase and lends an air of -elegance to the most sordid bargain. When people or States are weak, -the path of consent descends by hesitating stages from “No” through -“Perhaps” to “Yes.” - -The Allies did not negotiate upon these lines. They invited the -Greeks to send practically the whole of their army to reinforce the -Serbs; in return, they undertook to protect Greek communications with -Salonika, by occupying the “_non_-contested” zone in Macedonia with -Allied troops. In all my travels in the Balkan peninsula, I had never -come across a region to which the description “non-contested” could -be applied with any accuracy; in London and Paris it was visualized -by a miracle of self-deception, and acted like a charm. Here was the -solution of the Balkan question, an Allied force, immobilized in this -mysterious zone, would hold the Bulgarians in check, encourage the -Serbs and reassure the Greeks; Rumania would see what efforts we were -making and hurry to our aid; the Turks, trembling for Adrianople, would -make a separate peace. - -For the moment the Greek Government was unable to entertain the -proposed arrangement; King Constantine and the Greek General Staff -rejected the suggested plan of operations and put forward another of -their own, which envisaged a second campaign against Turkey and opened -up alluring prospects further East. Temporarily, the negotiations -failed to secure either the co-operation of the Greek Army or a more -benevolent neutrality on the part of Greece. The political situation in -Athens became more and more confused. Allied diplomacy paid assiduous -court to M. Venizelos and, thereby, excited the jealousy and mistrust -of the King. Telegrams from an Imperial War Lord addressed to “Tino” -flattered the monarch’s vanity as a strategist, he laughed, with some -reason, at our tactics, and grew convinced we could not win the war. - -Sofia presented a very different aspect from Athens. In the Bulgarian -capital there was little bustle in the streets, political excitement -was not apparent, the inhabitants went about their business quietly -and, in the case of most of them, that business was military in its -nature. Bulgaria, though unwilling to commit herself permanently, still -nursed her wrongs; to obtain redress for these was the object of the -entire people, and no neutral State was better prepared for war. - -The alliance of Bulgaria was on the market, obtainable by either set -of belligerents at a price; that price was the territory in Thrace -and Macedonia, of which Bulgaria considered she had been wrongfully -deprived by the Treaty of Bucharest. If the Allies could have satisfied -the Bulgarian Government on this point, the Bulgarian Army would have -been employed with the same soulless ferocity against the Turks as, in -the end, it displayed against the Serbs. - -The situation was clearly defined, and the rôle of diplomacy limited -to the manipulation of cross-currents of popular feeling and personal -sympathies, which, in Bulgaria as in every other State, divided -opinion among several political camps. Unfortunately for the Allies, -neither the British nor the French representative in Sofia had the -requisite qualifications for making verbiage about a “non-contested” -zone pass for a definite policy in the Balkans. The British Minister -was--rightly or wrongly--credited with Servian sympathies, the French -Minister was not a “persona grata” with King Ferdinand, whose favour -was all-important in a diplomatic sense. There does not appear to have -been any reason for the retention of either of these officials in their -posts, except the habitual unwillingness of government departments to -disturb routine. The difficulty of finding substitutes did not arise -in either case. Our Foreign Office had at its disposal a brilliant -young diplomatist, with a unique experience of Balkan capitals, -who could have rendered more useful services as Minister in Sofia -than as Counsellor of Embassy in Washington; a well-selected French -aristocrat would have received a cordial welcome from a Prince of the -Orleans family, who himself controlled Bulgaria’s foreign policy, and -whose “spiritual home” was France. The foregoing were some of the -imponderable factors in Bulgaria; in 1914 they could have been turned -to good account, in 1915 it was perhaps too late. - -In time of war, a diplomatic duel is like a game of cards in which -victories are trumps; no amount of diplomatic skill can convert defeat -into success. During the spring and summer of 1915, our Diplomats in -the Balkans fought an unequal fight. The conviction that a stalemate -existed on the front in France and Flanders was daily gaining ground, -public attention was concentrated on the Dardanelles, and here the -operations were followed with an interest as critical as it was -intelligent. During the war against Turkey, the topographical features -in this theatre had been closely studied by the Bulgarian General -Staff, when a portion of the Bulgarian Army had penetrated into -Turkish Thrace as far as the lines of Bulair. To these men our tactics -became daily more incomprehensible. At first, the assaults on the -Western extremity of the Gallipoli Peninsula were taken to be feints, -intended to cover a landing in the neighbourhood of Enos, but, when -it was realized that these were the major operations, when thousands -of lives were sacrificed for the capture of a few bare and waterless -cliffs, their bewilderment became intensified, and into all their minds -there crept a doubt. General Fitcheff, the Chief of Staff and a man -whose English sympathies were widely known, ran considerable risks -by giving his expert advice in regard to a landing on the coast near -Enos; he was no arm-chair critic but a practical soldier with recent -and personal experience of battlefields in Thrace. His views were -identical with those of the King of Greece and, indeed, of the vast -majority of soldiers in the Balkans. They were rejected or ignored; a -pseudo-omniscient optimism pervaded Allied counsels and acted like a -blight. - -Our friends in Bulgaria contemplated the useless slaughter at Gallipoli -with horror and dismay, waverers turned to German agents, who took -full advantage of every change of mood. An influx of German officers -and officials began about this time; they had access to all Government -departments, and assumed control of part of the Bulgarian railway -system; as one result of their activities Constantinople received -supplies of ammunition, whose Bulgarian origin was suspected if not -known. - -The journey from Sofia to Bucharest lasts less than twenty-four hours, -its one noteworthy feature is the abrupt transition from a Slavonic -to a Latin race. The Bulgars are reserved and taciturn, strangers are -treated coldly, they are not wanted unless they come on business whose -utility can be proved. I left Sofia impressed by the efficiency and -self-confidence of the people, but chilled by their morose and almost -sullen ways. On crossing the Danube a new world was entered, where -hearts were warm and life was gay and easy, where every one talked -cleverly and much, and where, perhaps, words counted more than deeds. - -In the spring of 1915 Bucharest was a diplomatic arena, in which all -the Great Powers were making prodigious efforts. Russia had ceased to -treat her southern neighbour as a revolted colony; the Central Empires -had developed a sudden sympathy for Rumania’s national aspirations, -more especially in the direction of Bessarabia; Great Britain had made -a loan of £5,000,000, on little or no security, and, as a further -proof of disinterested friendship, was buying a large proportion of -the output of the oilfields, regardless of the impossibility of either -using or exporting this more than ever precious product. A golden age -had dawned, business men were doing a roaring trade, cereals were being -bought at fancy prices and, looming ahead, were brighter prospects -still. - -I looked for the warlike preparations of which the War Office in London -had so confidently spoken. Of officers there appeared to be no dearth, -the streets and cafés were crowded with brilliant uniforms, whose -wearers sauntered slowly to and fro, bestowing glances on the softer -sex which were returned in kind. To seek the favour of the fair has at -all times been a martial occupation. A wise man once remarked: “I know -not how, but martial men are given to love,” and added some comments on -perils, wine and pleasures which seemed to fit this case. But war is -not made with officers alone, men are required, men of the people, who -have no decorative functions in the piping times of peace. These were -lacking, they were neither on the streets nor in the barracks, they -were in their homes, producing wealth and not yet bearing arms. - -Rumania was not prepared for war; no reservists had been mobilized, -training depots were at normal strength, there was a shortage of -horses for the Cavalry and Field Artillery, the Heavy Artillery was -deficient both in quality and quantity, the aviation equipment was out -of date, last but not least, the reserve stocks of ammunition had been -depleted, and the Rumanian arsenals lacked the plant needed for their -replenishment and the maintenance of an army in the field. - -A policy which co-ordinated diplomacy and strategy would have carefully -weighed the “pros” and “cons” of an alliance with Rumania. The mere -presence of an army in a certain geographical position means little, -unless that army is an organization ready to act, containing within -itself the means whereby its action can be sustained. Rumania was a -granary of corn, a reservoir of oil, both valuable commodities, though -more so to our enemies than ourselves, but, from a military point -of view, the co-operation of this land of plenty involved a heavy -charge. To meet this charge, not only had guns and ammunition to be -sent, the Rumanian Army was short of everything, including boots and -clothes. Supply alone, though at this period difficult enough, did not -completely solve the problem, delivery required communications capable -of transporting at least 300 tons a day. No such communications existed -between Rumania and the Western Powers. Imports could reach Bucharest -or Jassy only through Servia or Russia, the railways in both countries -were inefficient and congested, to send ammunition by these routes, in -time of war, was to pass it through a sieve. The prophecy, made in May, -1915, that the then existing communications could not deliver more -than a seventh of Rumania’s requirements was well within the mark. - -In short, in the spring and summer of 1915, the alliance of Rumania -would have been for the Western Powers a doubtful advantage and a heavy -responsibility. The first of these considerations might, at least, have -restrained the French Minister at Bucharest from demanding Rumanian -intervention with a vehemence which too frequently degenerated into -insult; it was fully appreciated by the Grand Duke Nicholas who, in his -quality of Russian Generalissimo, described as “une folie furieuse” -what the French Diplomat thought would turn the scale in favour of the -Allied cause. The second consideration should have appealed to the -British Government, the representatives of a people who look before -they leap. British statesmanship had inspired the Near Eastern policy -of the Allies, and had chosen as first objectives Constantinople and -the Dardanelles. Impartial historians will justify this choice; here -lay the key of the whole Balkan situation, here were the lever and -the fulcrum with which to actuate the Neutral States. Once masters of -Constantinople and its waterways, the Allies would have found Rumania -willing, when ready with their help, to co-operate in a concerted plan. -Her army, based on the Black Sea and the Danube, would have become -dynamic, a source of strength, instead of weakness, to an inert and -passive Russian front; Bulgaria, reduced to impotence, would either -have kept a strict neutrality or, breaking unnatural bonds, have -returned to the Russian fold; the Greeks, with their eyes on Smyrna, -could not have held aloof. - -During the early months of 1915, diplomatic activity in Athens and -Sofia might have achieved results, it might, conceivably, have secured -the co-operation of the Greeks and Bulgars in our operations at the -Dardanelles; at Bucharest the position was wholly different. To urge -Rumanian intervention at this period was foolish and immoral, it -demanded an immense sacrifice from the Rumanian people which could not -help the Allies and might do their cause incalculable harm. - -Owing to geographical conditions, the Central Empires were able to -offer Rumania more than merely contingent support in return for her -co-operation and alliance. Numerous railways cross the Carpathians and -by means of these the Rumanian army could have been promptly equipped -and efficiently maintained during a forward movement into Bessarabia, a -province described by German Diplomats as Rumania’s “promised land.” - -Rumania lay between the upper and the nether millstones of belligerent -diplomacy, the mill was working at high pressure, but was not -grinding small. M. Bratiano, the Rumanian Prime Minister, was equally -uninfluenced by the promises of Germany, the blandishments of Russia, -the taunts of France, and the loans of Great Britain. He refused to -deviate from a policy of more or less impartial neutrality, and awaited -what he himself described as “le moment opportun.”[23] - -Disgruntled allied diplomats and many of his countrymen reproached M. -Bratiano with lethargy and cowardice, in reality they owed him a debt -of gratitude; better than they he knew the unreadiness of the army and -the country for an adventurous policy, and, fortunately for Rumania -in 1915, he possessed sufficient sense and courage to reject their -amateurish plans. On the other hand, he had too sound a judgment to -be dazzled by proposals, however spacious, which held out prospects -of territorial conquest at the expense of Russia, although, as his -father’s son,[24] he suspected all Russians of treachery and guile. - -Since the death of King Charles in November, 1914, M. Bratiano had -been the guiding force in Rumanian political life; he stood between -the extremists, who clamoured for intervention on the Allied side -without regard for consequences, and the Pro-germans, whose hatred and -mistrust of Russia had overcome the instincts of men of a Latin race; -his influence with King Ferdinand was undisputed, he used it to impose -a neutral attitude, both in the Council and at Court. This man had many -qualities of high statesmanship, he loved his country and had at least -one deep conviction--he was convinced that in the end the Allies would -win the war. - -“Le moment opportun” of M. Bratiano was the moment when Rumania could -take up arms to fight on the Allies’ side, under conditions which -would confer a reasonable prospect of success; in his more expansive -moods he confessed to cherishing the hope, and even the belief, that -the Rumanian Army would deal the decisive blow. A proud thought this, -coming from a citizen of a little Neutral State during so great a war; -but Ion Bratiano was nothing if not proud. - -Events were to put a heavy strain on the Prime Minister’s faith and -hope, times of trial and temptation lay ahead, when more garrulous -champions of the Entente were to give way to doubt. The withdrawal -from the Dardanelles, Bulgaria’s alliance with the Central Powers and -Servia’s subsequent rout were incidents charged with grave import to -Rumania, and destined to postpone indefinitely “le moment opportun.” -M. Bratiano never wavered, he waited patiently, by thus resisting the -impulses of interest and sentiment, he faithfully interpreted the -Rumanian people’s will. - -1915 was a black year for the Allies, a period of diplomatic defeats -and military disasters. The officials and experts had had their -way; the policy, which had frightened them and of which they had -disapproved, had been reversed; Servia, the victim of predigested -plans, had been overrun, the succour so long demanded had been sent -three months too late; the Near East, save for some ragged remnants, -immobilized in Macedonia, had been denuded of troops and abandoned to -the enemy; the legend of British tenacity and perseverance had been -tried in a fiery furnace and had not survived the test. - -Confusion, both mental and material, prevailed throughout the -British Empire; a vague uneasiness had entered every mind; a race of -hero-worshippers had vainly sought a hero and the market place was -strewn with broken idols. The war had introduced a new dimension, an -all pervading influence, a nightmare which haunted waking moments, a -great winding-sheet, a deluge submerging human thought. - -During these days of evil omen, one reassurance was vouchsafed, one -thought consoled, lightening an atmosphere of gloom like a rainbow in a -lowering sky. The British people, though disillusioned and humiliated, -still kept the virtues of their race; in their hour of trial, they -rose above misfortune, and proved themselves worthy descendants of -the inspired adventurers whose heritage they held. Men to whom war -was odious developed into seasoned warriors, and women, who had never -worked before, gave up their lives to toil. - -On battlefields, heroic valour was regarded as a commonplace, in -countless homes, self-sacrifice became a daily rite. In British -hearts, despair had found no place, theirs was a confidence born of -consciousness of strength, the strength which in Kinglake’s glowing -words is: “Other than that of mere riches, other than that of gross -numbers, strength carried by proud descent from one generation to -another, strength awaiting the trials that are to come.” - - - - -CHAPTER X - -SLEEPING WATERS - - Oh Angel of the East one, one gold look - Across the waters to this twilight nook, - The far sad waters, Angel, to this nook! - - ROBT. BROWNING. - - -Before Rumania became a kingdom, and while Wallachia and Moldavia were -separate Principalities, under the suzerainty of Turkish Sultans, a -Russian Army occupied the land, the pretext for its presence being -the maintenance of law and order. The Russian Government appointed as -Pro-Consul a certain General Kissileff, who planted trees and laid out -roads and proved himself a wise administrator; the good he did survives -him, one of the roads he planned and built commemorates his name. - -The Chaussée Kissileff, or for short _The_ Chaussée, is an avenue of -lime trees, which forms the first stage of Rumania’s “Great North -Road.” Four lines of trees border two side tracks and the Central -Chaussée. During the winter months, their spreading branches afford -protection from the wind and rain, in spring and summer, they fill the -air with fragrance and cast a grateful shade. This thoroughfare is -a boon to Bucharest, it is at once an artery and a lung. Here, when -Rumania was a neutral, courted State, beauty encountered valour, while -nursemaids, children, dogs and diplomats, of every breed and nation, -walked, toddled, gambolled, barked, or passed on scandal, according to -their nature and their age. - -Beyond the race course the Chaussée bifurcates. One branch I have -already called Rumania’s “Great North Road,” it leads, as its name -implies, due north to the oilfields and the mountains; the other is -a humbler route, trending westward across a stretch of open country -towards a wooded, dim horizon. It I will name Rumania’s “Pilgrim’s Way.” - -When I was a dweller in the plain, few houses, large or small, stood on -“The Pilgrim’s Way,” which, after dipping to a stream, curved to the -west and followed the northern bank, its bourne some feathery treetops, -its only guardians cohorts of unseen frogs, whose multitudinous voices -rose in chorus, ranging the diapason of croaking, guttural sounds. This -was no intermediate zone athwart the road to Hades, but the frontier -of a region known to some as “Sleeping Waters,” whose chief city was a -garden on the stream’s bank and beyond the distant trees. - -The votaries of wealth and recreation followed the “Great North -Road,” seeking Ploesti’s oily treasures or villas and a casino at -Sinaia, where the gay world of Bucharest breathed mountain air in the -Carpathian foothills, and summer heat was tempered amid perennial pines. - -“The Pilgrim’s Way” was less frequented, but the pilgrims, though not -numerous, were, not the less select. Among them were the Monarch and -his Queen, the Prime Minister, the representatives of several foreign -Powers, and men and women bearing names which rang like echoes of -Rumania’s history when Princes ruled the land. - -If asked why they made their pilgrimage so often, the pilgrims would -have answered with a half-truth: “We seek serenity in a garden fair, -and shade and quiet after the city’s heat and noise”--they certainly -did not go to meet each other, nor did they, like Chaucer’s characters, -tell tales and gossip as they fared along the road--they went to the -same shrine, but went separately, they made their vows to the same -Deity, but they made them one by one. - -Two landmarks lay beside the road, serving as measures of the Pilgrim’s -Progress, both were pathetic and symbolical--one was a broken bridge, -which was always being repaired in slow and dilatory fashion, the other -a mill, which never appeared to work. - -Bratiano himself had built bridges in his youth, and, speaking both as -expert and Prime Minister, he declared one day that when the bridge -would be completely mended Rumania would forswear neutrality and -join the Allied Cause. A whimsical conceit indeed, but illustrative -of its author’s mood. When Italy, a Latin and a sister State, bound, -like Rumania, by a Treaty to both the Central Powers, had taken the -irrevocable step, work was resumed upon the bridge with greater energy; -but soon it languished, and blocks of rough-hewn stone encumbered the -wayside, mute symbols of the hesitation which was still torturing a -cautious statesman’s mind. - -The mill stands at the western end of a broad reach of the same stream -which traverses the realm of frogs; the waters, held up by a dam, are -as still and motionless as a standing pond, and yet they once had -turned the mill wheel, although, no doubt, they had always seemed to -sleep. A village begins here where the waters broaden; three years -ago it was a straggling street of squalid houses, where peasants -dwelt in the intervals of laborious days. Rumanian peasants, at this -period, lived under laws which left them little liberty, and gave them -few delights. Their toil accumulated riches for their masters, the -hereditary owners of the soil, while they eked out a scanty livelihood, -and though in name free men, in fact they were half slaves. - -Peasants when slaves are seldom rebels. Spartacus has won a place in -history by being the exception to the rule, a rule well known to men -who never read a book, but feel instinctively that they themselves -are helpless to redress their wrongs. Such is the bitter truth, and -those who should know better often presume on it, until their victims, -exasperated by neglect and insolence, lose for a while the habit of -forbearance, flame into sudden anger, indulge in fierce reprisals, and -when exhaustion follows relapse into dull despair. Wrongs unredressed -resemble pent-up waters, which seek an outlet, useful or wasteful as -the case may be, and finding none, in time they sweep away the stoutest -dam, causing widespread destruction by their dissipated force. - -In 1907 a large number of Rumanian peasants had revolted. Order, -so-called, had been restored by employing other peasants, clothed in -uniforms, to shoot their fellow-sufferers down. The tragedy of violence -and repression was of but short duration; once more the peasants -resigned themselves to fate, once more their smouldering passions were -pent up by a dam of military force. - -Bratiano, as leader of the Liberal Party, became Prime Minister at -the end of 1913; he realized more clearly than his predecessors that -Rumania’s peasant population was one of the country’s greatest assets, -and that, under the then existing conditions, this asset was not being -fully utilized. His Government was pledged to a scheme of agrarian -reform, and began its task with a characteristic act--money was needed, -but increased taxation meant loss of popularity, and so the Army vote -was drawn upon, and the equipment of the troops neglected. Like many -others, Bratiano had refused to believe that the German people would so -abase themselves before the Junkers as to permit the latter to provoke -a European war; he had been mistaken, he had erred by rating common -sense too high. When Germany’s criminal folly became an accomplished -fact, it found the Rumanian Army unprepared, and shattered Bratiano’s -plans. Rumania, though a neutral State, lived in the shadow of the -cataclysm, perpetually a prey to excursions and alarms; reforms in such -an atmosphere were impossible, the old abuses lingered, the middle -classes reaped a golden harvest, and further claims were made on the -patience of the poor. - -Mad misdirection and abuse of human effort were disintegrating Central -Europe, and had paralysed progressive legislation in every neighbouring -State. During his frequent pilgrimages, a disappointed statesman had -time for sombre meditations, he may have seen a symbol of them in a -wide stretch of sleeping waters stagnating round a disused mill. - -An avenue of elm trees leads westward from the mill, skirting the -water’s edge; it runs in a straight line on level ground, and so, a -pilgrim entering by the gate could see at the far end, although it was -a kilometre distant, a walnut tree against a white background. When -blazing sunlight beat down on the fields and swirls of dust choked -travellers on the road, this avenue was always cool and green and, like -a vast cathedral’s nave, soothed anxious, troubled spirits and rested -dazzled eyes. At all seasons of the year, an innumerable host of rooks -circled above the elms, and from a choir in the clouds bird-voices -pealed in deep-toned rapturous crescendos, lulling the memories of -petty strife and discord brought from the city in the plain. - -Three years ago, a low two-storied building, in colour mainly white, -with wide verandahs embowered in creepers, stood out against the sky -beyond the walnut tree. The house faced south, on both sides and behind -it were open spaces flanked by greenhouses and walled gardens, through -which there ran an avenue of Italian poplars, linking the village with -a private chapel; in front, the “sleeping waters” spread out in their -full glory, a broad and placid surface fringed with willows, which -leaned away from the supporting banks as though they sought their own -reflection. Between the waters and the house a palace stood, empty but -not a ruin, a monumental relic of a bygone reign and period; standing -four square, crowned and protected by a roof of slate. Such buildings -can be seen in Venice and Ragusa, with fluted columns poised on -balustrades of rich and fanciful design, composing graceful loggias. - -More than two centuries have passed since Bassarab Brancovan, a ruling -prince, first brought Italian craftsmen to Wallachia. The tokens of -these exiles’ art are numerous, but nowhere do they find such perfect -and complete expression as in this palace, built for the prince -himself, whose pale, brick walls, with fretted cornices and sculptured -Gothic windows, are mirrored in a glassy surface and framed by willow -trees. - -Within the dwelling-house, the rooms looked larger than they were, -an optical illusion being produced by shadows on floor and ceiling -and corners obscured in gloom. The curtains hung upon the walls like -draperies, and chairs and tables were disposed in groups, with an -unerring instinct for achieving harmony between utility and taste. -Flowers were never absent from these rooms, and made the house a floral -temple, whose forecourt was alternately the greenhouse and the garden, -the former produced in January what the latter gave in June. - -Such was the shrine--the presiding Deity was a lady still young in -years, but learned in history and the arts, beyond the compass of most -men. With her there lived her daughter and an English governess, a -peacock in the garden and a mouse-coloured Persian cat. - -Here, men whose lives were darkened by suspicion found a rare -atmosphere, where mystery was physical, and did not hide the truth; -here, could be learned the story of a race from one whose memory was -saturated with traditions, who faced the future calmly, knowing its -perils, sustained by hope and faith; here could be heard the twin -voices of sanity and reason, expounding not what Rumania was supposed -to think, but what Rumania thought. - -In Bucharest, a very different tone prevailed--sentimentality, not -wholly free from interest, combined with unscrupulous propaganda to -misrepresent the issues before the Rumanian people and the Government. -Even official representatives of the Allied Powers joined in the -conspiracy of deception. In the month of April, 1915, the French -Military Attaché announced, with all the authority conferred by his -position and access to secret sources of information, that the Germans -could not continue the war for more than two months from the date on -which he spoke, as their stocks of copper were exhausted; the argument -based on this astounding statement was that Rumania should intervene -at once, and lay hands on Transylvania before it would be too late. In -private life a man who tried to gain advancement by such methods would -be locked up for fraud. - -In England and France the ignorance about Rumania, even in official -circles, was amazing; for knowledge ready substitutes were found in -prejudices and preconceived ideas. These ideas were based on reports -furnished by Secret Service agents of the most obvious description, -whose exemplars were the villains in the novels of Le Queux, and who -were regarded with amusement and contempt by people on the spot. The -information thus obtained consisted of echoes from the cafés and -excerpts from the gutter press. It was sensational enough, though -mischievous and misleading, and gave satisfaction to officials who -never faced realities, unless they suited their desires. - -By certain circles at Bucharest, the foibles of the Allied Governments -were systematically exploited: politicians emerged from the shades of -opposition into a meretricious limelight; bankers and business men made -deals which opened up an El Dorado, and social grudges were revived -under the cloak of patriotic zeal. While Rumania remained a neutral -State, Bucharest was a city divided against itself. Two camps were -formed, a war of words was waged; slander and calumny were the weapons, -and were wielded by both men and women with venom and impunity. - -To minds possessed and poisoned by this ignoble strife, the calm -serenity of “the sleeping waters” was anathema; the extremists and -their partisans viewed with suspicion a detachment which was as natural -as it was sincere. They could not understand, far less forgive, an -attitude of aloofness to their cliques and combinations; they were -enraged by such neglect, since, with some reason, they took it for -disdain. Thoughtless themselves, and caught up in a vortex of mental -confusion and unreason, they poured the vials of their jealousy and -hate upon a head as innocent as fair, because it dared to think. - - * * * * * - -By a strange turn of fate, I meditate this fragment of past memories -down by the waters of Old Nile. Behind me rise the columns of a temple, -whose capitals portray the Lotus and Papyrus, signs of the River God. -Before me lies the tank, where the god lived three thousand years ago. -By the same path on which I stand were hurried shrieking victims, as -sacrifices to a crocodile, an animal so dangerous to river folk that -they worshipped it, and sought to propitiate the object of their fear -with their own flesh and blood. - -Man’s nature has changed little since those days; his cruelty takes -more subtle forms, but is not a whit less harsh. His god is Mammon, and -his victims the poor and weak, or those who, by innate superiority, -are an unconscious menace and reproach. The sacrificial act does not -consist in killing--to Mammon, oblations must be made in such a way as -not to roughly kill the victims but first to spoil their lives. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE DISASTER IN RUMANIA--1916 - - -During the early months of 1916, Bucharest had been comparatively -neglected by the Foreign Offices of the belligerent States. So far as -could be seen, the Central Empires had abandoned the hope of obtaining -Rumanian co-operation against Russia. Count Czernin[25] had expressed -himself openly to that effect, and his German colleague, though more -discreet, in all probability shared his views. The French and Italian -Ministers were a prey to exasperation and suspicions; to them it seemed -outrageous that a little Latin State should refuse to act on French -advice or to follow Italy’s example; their prejudices warped their -judgment, they lost their sense of dignity, and sank to the level of -mere partisans. Such men could not influence the coldly logical mind -of Bratiano, who treated them with scorn. The British and Russian -Ministers were the buttresses of allied diplomacy in Bucharest. Both -stood for so much; one was the spokesman of a people whose good faith -and love of fair play were still unquestioned, the other was the envoy -of the only Allied Power in direct contact with Rumania, a Power whose -past conduct had justified mistrust but whose size inspired fear. -Through no fault of their own, these two men were unable to exert their -proper influence; neither of them had definite instructions from his -Government, and both had learned, from past experience, that under -such conditions it was better to “wait and see.” To any dispassionate -observer on the spot, this meant--to wait on events and see disaster -come. - -The perils of premature intervention, both for the Allies and the -Rumanian people, were only too obvious. While Rumania’s sole link with -the Western Powers was a precarious line of communications through -Russia, her neutrality was preferable to her alliance; the former -was no doubt unsatisfactory, but the latter exposed a reservoir of -food supplies and petrol to invasion from the south and west. Even -if properly equipped and efficiently maintained, the Rumanian Army -would have had no easy task; in the absence of these conditions it was -madness to go to war. - -In Paris, the irritation was profound. The French Government had -assumed control of the negotiations with the neutral Balkan States, and -was mastered by an impatience born of intolerance and fear. This frame -of mind had been induced by a total misconception of the real facts -of the case. There was no danger that the Rumanian people, however -tempted, would join the Central Powers. Bratiano surveyed the European -situation through the same telescope as the Allies. He saw their final -triumph clearly, but knew it was not so close as they imagined. His -vision, perhaps, had magnified the distance by looking through the -larger end, but, unlike them, he knew the complexity of the problem to -be dealt with in the East; they viewed it merely as an adjunct to the -slaughter in the West. - -The Quai d’Orsay was quite incapable of appreciating the Rumanian -point of view; its self-appointed task was “to bring Rumania in.” -Persuasion, on moral and sentimental grounds, had been unavailing. -Some details of the Italian Treaty had leaked out, and had revealed -a marked absence of the principles of self-sacrifice and abnegation, -in the cause of liberty, on the part of a greater Latin State. It was -clear that Rumania, like Italy, would have to get her price; much would -depend, however, on the way that price was paid. - -Rumania claimed Transylvania, together with Bukovina and the Banat,[26] -as her share of the spoil, in the event of Allied victory; she was -eager to fight for these Austro-Hungarian provinces, if given a -fighting chance. Unfortunately for the Allies, no amount of eloquence -could improve the communications through the Russian Empire, and a -second attempt to force the Dardanelles was excluded from their plans. -Arguments based on the presence of Allied troops at Salonika, with -which it was suggested the Rumanian Army might co-operate, were without -effect, and the statement in this connection that the shortest way to -Budapest was via Sofia was regarded as more picturesque than true. The -Rumanian Government had no desire to make war on the south bank of -the Danube, where nothing was to be gained, and the Rumanian General -Staff knew, from experience, the difficulties of a Danube crossing if -seriously opposed. An operation of this nature would have absorbed a -large proportion of the Rumanian forces, leaving an insufficient number -to hold the frontier in the Carpathians, which was longer than the -Allied front in France, while the distance from its nearest point to -Bucharest was less than 100 miles. - -The foregoing were some of the obstacles to Rumanian intervention. -To overcome them by fair means demanded considerable efforts from -the Allies as part of a concerted plan. No such plan existed; France -could offer nothing except promises of ammunition, Great Britain could -provide ships and money, Russia alone could give support and, if the -need arose, apply pressure to this neutral State. - -The case of Greece was simpler. There, reluctance could be dealt with -and “unnatural” behaviour punished. The Piræus could be reached by sea, -whereas Rumania was land-locked to the Allies. The Russian Empire was -the neighbour and the only highway, and Germany was near. - -“All is fair in love and war.” The Allies had passed through the stage -of courtship with Rumania; their blandishments and arguments had -yielded no results. Cajolery of agents behind the back of Bratiano had -also been tried and failed. Now they declared war on her neutrality, -and, through the force of circumstances, let Russia take the lead. - -The British Government had, as usual, no policy in the Balkans, and -was amenable to French advice. A series of diplomatic rebuffs at -Athens had confirmed our Foreign Office in its traditional attitude of -disinterestedness, and the general feeling was that Rumania, in common -honesty, should intervene, because she had accepted loans. Some people -think that British gold can purchase anything, including a little -country’s soul. The War Office Staff was absorbed by the operations -in France and Flanders, to the exclusion of all other theatres in -a world-wide war. To the strategists of Whitehall the military -participation of Rumania was just another “side-show,” which they -accepted with some reserves and treated as the lighter side of the war; -they were prepared to endorse any plan which did not involve the use -of British soldiers, and left their own selves free to duplicate the -work of Army Staffs and other exponents of “Grand Tactics” already on -the Western front. Ignorance and indifference made these officers the -echoes of Frenchmen who posed as experts; the protests of Englishmen -who pointed out that the Rumanian Army was, figuratively, “in the air,” -were brushed aside as technical objections, which would have carried -weight in the “main theatre,” but were pretexts, in a “side-show,” -for inaction and delay. These military “Panglosses” had chosen to -forget their own shortsightedness and mismanagement at Gallipoli, the -fate of Servia contained no lesson for them, they urged Rumania to do -what they themselves would not have done, and stilled the voice of -conscience with the hope that all would be for the best in the best of -all possible alliances, if not at once at any rate in the end. What -that end would be or when it would occur, the official mind could not -foresee. It foresaw nothing except a chance of self-advancement, and -that it promptly seized. - -In Petrograd there had never been great enthusiasm in regard to -Rumanian intervention. Russian military opinion, as expressed by the -Grand Duke Nicholas in 1915, had been opposed to an extension of the -Eastern front by the Rumanian Army, whose unpreparedness was well known -to the Russian Staff. This reasoning had at the time been eminently -sound, and the fact that in the intervening period Bulgaria had joined -forces with the Central Powers only increased its cogency. Another -factor supervened: the men who ruled Russia at this period had not -forgotten Plevna.[27] Great Powers dislike being under obligations to -little neighbouring States, and are apt to be bad debtors when it comes -to paying debts. Though not over-burdened with scruples, the Russian -Government realized that, on this occasion, a contract entered into -with Rumania might have to be fulfilled. The Pan-Slavist elements in -Petrograd objected to any aggrandizement of the southern neighbour, and -thought Rumania’s price too high; in their eyes, postponement of final -victory was preferable to having, for the second time, so exacting a -partner in success. Hitherto, Russia had worked to keep Rumania out, -while France and Great Britain tried to bring her in. - -The Russian character is a strange amalgam; some of its moods are noble -and poetic, others are fierce and ruthless as those of a wild beast. -When the Allies had used persuasion with Rumania, Russia had stood -aside, but when a different note was sounded, when growing irritation -and impatience decided the Government in Paris to force Rumania’s hand, -a ready and willing instrument was found in the Government of the Czar. -Here was a policy which gave full scope to strength and cunning; Great -Britain and France might preach morality and justice, Russia would act -with violence and guile. - -From the beginning of June onwards, a veil of secrecy shrouded the -negotiations of the Allies as to the plan of action in Rumania. The -“High Contracting Parties” might well have quoted the hero[28] of a -double murder when he said, “Not easily have we three come to this.” -Though they were only planning murder, it was essential for that -plan’s success to protect it from all criticism until it had done its -work. - -Early in July the first overt move was made. It took the form of a -message from Russian General Headquarters, and was sent by General -Alexieff, the Chief of Staff of all the Russian armies, who, of -course, acted in his Imperial master’s name. The general tenor of -this communication was to the effect that a favourable opportunity -had presented itself for Rumania’s intervention, which, if not seized -without delay, might pass irrevocably, since her assistance would -no longer be required and she would not even be permitted to make a -triumphal entry into Transylvania; the concluding words were, “Now -or never.” A statement, a taunt, and a threat made up the Russian -ultimatum, for it was nothing else, and, as was only fitting, it was -communicated by the Russian Military Attaché to the Rumanian Chief -of Staff and to the Prime Minister in his dual capacity of Minister -for War. Within a few days, the British and French Military Attachés -received instructions from their respective War Offices to endorse -the communication made verbally by their Russian colleague. So far, -apparently, the Allied Ministers in Bucharest had had no instructions -in the matter, and two of them, at least, continued to “wait and see.” - -After the first shock of disgust, Bratiano was inclined to pay no -attention to proceedings so irregular, as to suggest ignorance of -international usages on the part of certain officers, although they -were Chiefs of Staff. He may have been right about their ignorance, but -the second move must have dispelled any doubts as to their pertinacity -and intentions. It emanated from Paris and from a distinguished -military authority. General Joffre instructed the French Military -Attaché to inform the Rumanian War Office that the Central Empires -_could_ not send more than ten divisions to operate against Rumania; -five of these would be German and five Austro-Hungarian divisions. The -latter were described as being of inferior class. No reference was -made to Bulgarian or Turkish forces, an omission which justified the -inference that those already on the southern frontier could not be -reinforced. The British and Russian Attachés were instructed to confirm -this estimate. The Italian Attaché had standing orders from his War -Office, under all and any circumstances, to agree with the other three. - -General Joffre was much respected in Rumania. His opinion on military -matters could not fail to impress a civilian, and that opinion had -been uttered in no uncertain voice. For the first time, Bratiano -wavered. The Rumanian Army consisted of sixteen divisions, of which ten -were fairly well equipped. If Joffre’s estimate of enemy forces were -correct, the invasion of Transylvania could be undertaken with fair -chances of success. Agents reported that Germany was weakening and that -Austro-Hungary was verging on collapse; there might be some truth in -the Russian General’s statement, and perhaps “le moment opportun” had -come. - -The Prime Minister was the son of a great Rumanian patriot and -wished to follow in his father’s steps; the father had united two -Principalities in a kingdom, the son had set himself the task of -extending that kingdom beyond the western mountains, and aspired to -be the architect of the Greater Rumania of his father’s prophetic -dreams. Fear of not winning makes men gamble, and this anticipatory -fear pervaded Bratiano’s mind; he in whom courage went with pride now -quailed before prospective self-reproach. - -Allied diplomacy was quick to perceive the effect of the first two -moves; these had been, respectively, a threat and an assurance, the -third was a promise: before Rumania intervened, General Sarrail’s[29] -army would make an offensive on a scale large enough to prevent the -dispatch of enemy reinforcements from the Salonika front to the -Dobrudja or the Danube. The strength of the enemy forces in Northern -Bulgaria was variously estimated, but the Rumanian General Staff was -informed that _their_ figures were exaggerated and an emphatic denial -was given as to the presence of Turkish troops. The Allied Intelligence -Service overlooked the fact that Rumania still had her representatives -in Sofia, and among them at least one officer who had both eyes and -ears. - -About this time the Bulgarian Government made overtures to the Rumanian -Prime Minister in regard to a separate peace. How far these overtures -were sincere it would be hard to say. Their purpose was to use Rumania -as an intermediary; their effect was to remove the last misgivings -from Bratiano’s mind. He attached no great importance to the Salonika -offensive, except so far as it might strengthen Bulgaria’s desire for -peace. - -By the end of July the negotiations for Rumanian intervention were -far advanced. In these, Russia played the leading part; proposals and -counter-proposals passed continually between Russian Headquarters -and the Rumanian War Office, while in Petrograd acquiescence was, at -last, obtained for the full payment of Rumania’s price. On August -16 a Treaty and Military Convention were signed by Bratiano and -the representatives of the four leading Allied States. The Treaty -guaranteed to Rumania, in the event of the Allies being victorious, -all the territory she claimed in Austria-Hungary, including the whole -of the region called the Banat at the confluence of the Danube and the -Theiss. In the Military Convention, the Allies promised, among other -things: - -An offensive on the Salonika front, to begin ten days before Rumania’s -first act of war; - -A Russian offensive in the Carpathians during Rumania’s mobilization; - -The dispatch of Russian forces to the Dobruja, consisting of two -infantry divisions and one cavalry division; - -Supplies of ammunition delivered in Rumania at the rate of 300 tons per -day. - -Rumania, on her side, undertook to declare war against and attack -_Austria-Hungary_ with all her land and sea forces, at latest, ten days -after the commencement of the Allied offensive on the Salonika front. -The declaration of war was to be made on the first day of mobilization, -when it was agreed the Rumanian frontier troops would attack the -Austro-Hungarian position in the Carpathian passes. The only reference -to any enemy State other than Austria-Hungary concerned Bulgaria; it -was indirect, since it applied to the Russian forces to be sent to the -Dobruja, and laid down that these would co-operate with the Rumanians -against the Bulgars, although the Treaty of Alliance did not, as -regards the latter people, envisage a state of war. In this connection -there had been a difference of opinion between the French and Russians; -the former still hankered after an invasion of Bulgaria, the latter -insisted that Rumania’s main effort should be made in Transylvania. -The Russian point of view had prevailed, owing to the fact that the -Rumanian General Staff refused to undertake any operations against -Bulgaria without reinforcements of at least 150,000 Russian troops. -General Alexieff declared he could not spare this number, and was -reluctant to spare even three divisions for the protection of Rumania -beyond a certain line. That line, as events soon proved, was not in -the Southern Carpathians nor on the Danube; it was the shortest line -between his own left flank and the coast of the Black Sea. - -During the night of August 27-28, the first act of war took place; -Rumanian troops stormed and captured the enemy position in the -Carpathians along the whole length of frontier, and on the following -day war was declared formally against Austria-Hungary. The news was -flashed throughout the world and was considered a triumph for the -Allies. The wildest stories circulated; the Rumanian Army was described -as well-equipped and numerous, a host unwearied by the strain of war -and capable of marching through the mountains as far as Budapest. In -Paris, joy bordered on hysteria, self-satisfaction knew no limits, and -the men who had planned this master-stroke were the heroes of the hour. -London and Petrograd were less excited; official appetites were whetted -but not yet satisfied; in the former, Rumanian intervention was still -regarded as a “side-show”; in the latter, some schemers saw the curtain -rising on a new drama in the East. The mass of people in the Allied -States knew nothing about the situation, but, like the “Tommies” in the -trenches, they cheered the long-awaited tidings that Rumania had come -in. - -Germany at once made common cause with Austria-Hungary. The German -Minister[30] in Bucharest left the Rumanian capital, under escort, -disgruntled if not surprised. Events had moved too quickly for this -diplomat. The inevitable had happened. He had all along foreseen it; -his annoyance was due to the fact that it had come too soon. He left -behind him tell-tale proofs of the baseness to which his country -could descend in order to win a war; if his departure had not been -so hurried, the means for poisoning a city’s water would either have -been taken with him or put to fearful use. As the train in which he -travelled was crossing the River Sereth,[31] he said to the officer of -the escort, “Here is the future frontier between Austria-Hungary and -Russia.” He may have been merely speculating, as any cynic might, or, -on the other hand, he may have had an inkling of Russia’s secret plans. -This river marked the shortest line between the Russian left in the -Carpathians and the coast of the Black Sea. North of it lay Moldavia, -a pastoral land and poor; south of it lay Wallachia, teeming with corn -and oil. Rumania was a pygmy State and had entered on a war of giants; -to both her greater neighbours it would not have been displeasing -if she were broken on the wheel. In Petrograd, it was rumoured that -certain members of the Government were inclined for a separate peace, -and it was common knowledge that the Central Empires stood in desperate -need of Wallachia’s resources. To an intelligent German diplomat, these -were the elements of a deal. - -The details of the campaign in Rumania will form the subject of a -detailed history and, in so far as the conduct of the Rumanian -peasants was concerned, will furnish a record of heroism and endurance -unsurpassed in any theatre of war. From the very outset the Rumanian -General Staff was confronted with the impossible task of undertaking -simultaneously an offensive in a mountainous country and holding two -lengthy frontiers converging in a narrow salient. In most essential -respects the Allies broke their promises, as set forth in the -Convention they had signed. Ten days after the first invasion of -Transylvania, General Sarrail announced that the preparations for his -offensive were “pursuing their normal course,” an offensive which -should have started some twenty days before. The Russians remained -inactive in the Carpathians and, so far from anticipating the forward -movement of the Rumanian Army, failed to co-operate when it had been -made. The supplies of ammunition, so confidently promised, arrived in -driblets; the average quantity received was 80 tons per day. - -To the surprise of both Bratiano and the Government in Petrograd, -Bulgaria acted with her Allies. Up to the last moment the Prime -Minister had believed in the sincerity of the peace overtures, and -most Russian officers were convinced that their mere presence in the -Dobruja would have a pacifying effect. In the event, Bulgarian forces -attacked (without a declaration of war) the Rumanian bridgeheads on -the south bank of the Danube and invaded the Dobruja, where they were -reinforced by Turks. A situation had arisen which had not been foreseen -in the Military Convention. The southern frontier was now seriously -threatened, and the Russian detachment was not strong enough, in -co-operation with six weak Rumanian divisions, to hold it throughout -its length. - -General Joffre’s estimate of the enemy forces which could be brought -against Rumania, so far from being approximately exact, was eventually -exceeded more than threefold. Fresh troops were continually launched -against the wearied Rumanian soldiers, who, from sheer fatigue, at last -became demoralized. Retreats followed in quick succession on the first -brilliant advance in Transylvania; the Rumanians were forced to abandon -all their conquests, since, at every point of contact, they were -outnumbered and outgunned. Paris and London were not sparing in advice, -but of that Rumania had no need. She needed guns and men; Russia alone -could give them and, for the moment, Russia would not give. A storm of -criticism now arose. The men who had forced Rumania’s hand perceived -that disaster was impending, they sought an explanation for it, and -blamed the Rumanian troops. - -War, it is claimed, discovers many virtues. It does not create them but -it does provide an opportunity for their exploitation by men who do not -fight on battlefields. To these latter, war is Jack Horner’s pie; they -pull out all the plums complacently, and sit in safe but not secluded -corners, clinging like limpets to official rank. They mask with mystery -their mediocrity and take the line of least resistance. Success in life -has taught them that responsibility, especially when moral, is one of -the things to shirk. They never are to blame when failure issues from -their plans; that is the fault of other men, who are simple enough to -fight. - -While such men retain their present influence, the peoples must prepare -for war. No League of Nations will control them; they will control the -League. - -On November 24, a detachment of German troops crossed the Danube 56 -miles south-west of Bucharest, under cover of a thick fog. The end -had come. Bucharest was doomed; enemy forces were converging on the -capital from three directions; they were already in possession of the -rich corn lands of Wallachia, and were threatening the oilfields both -from the north and west. The Rumanian General Staff made a last appeal -for Russian reinforcements and some were sent, but their movements -were so slow and their co-operation so half-hearted, that even Russian -representatives at Rumanian Headquarters joined in indignant protests. - -As early as September, General Alexieff had advised a retirement to the -Sereth, although he must have realized that such an operation involved -abandoning, without a struggle, the two main objectives of the Central -Empires, viz., the resources of Wallachia and access to the Danube -ports between Galatz and the Iron Gate. If this man was honest, he was -incompetent; no other explanation can be given of such fatal obstinacy -and pride. His advice had not been taken, so he left Wallachia -unsupported and flooded Moldavia with Russian Army Corps. These troops -lived on the country-side like locusts and drained it of supplies, but -they did not make the offensive so long promised, that was indefinitely -postponed. - -Despondency and alarm pervaded Bucharest. The civilian elements did -not fear the Germans, but they dreaded the Turks and Bulgars, whose -atrocities in the Dobruja had appalled the stoutest hearts. The seat of -Government had been transferred to Jassy, a few officials had remained, -but their loyalty was more than doubtful to what appeared a losing -cause. The population of the city was like a flock of sheep without -its shepherd and wandered aimlessly about, seeking for information -and encouragement which no honest man could give. Orders had been -posted broadcast, instructing the inhabitants to stay quietly in their -homes. So far, the poorer people had obeyed and watched, with patient -if puzzled resignation, the departure of the rich and privileged in -motor cars and trains. South of the town a battle was in progress, and -bulletins from Presan[32] spoke of a great success; the simple were -hoping for a victory, which would save their hearths and homes. - -Throughout the war, a flag had waved over the Royal Palace, and, though -the King and Queen had left, during these first days of Rumania’s -agony, it had remained unfurled, for the palace was a hospital and -under Royal care. To anxious watchers in the street, this flag was a -comfort and a sign; it proved the presence of some occupants, who, -if danger threatened, would surely be removed. One morning, early in -December, the people walking past the palace saw that the flag had gone. - -The army in the south had been defeated and was in full retreat. -Hundreds of wounded men and stragglers confirmed the rumours of -disaster; they were its human symbols, their broken and dejected mien -banished all optimistic doubts. - -An exodus ensued; an exodus as unpremeditated as it was unreasoning. -The fugitives did not consider why they fled, nor whither they would -go: they were unnerved by months of strain and almost daily bombing: -an uncontrollable impulse forced them to leave the stricken town. -A motley crowd, on foot and horseback, in every sort of vehicle, in -every stage of misery and despair, streamed past the lime trees of the -Chaussée Kisileff and surged up the Great North Road. - -The season was far advanced. Out of the north-east came an eager wind -and snow began to fall, large flakes fell softly but persistently -from a surcharged, leaden sky, and lay upon the country-side like -a widespreading shroud; a shroud for many little children, their -innocence had not availed to save them; cunning and selfishness are -better safeguards than youth and innocence in time of war. - -I caught up what might be called the rearguard of this lamentable -procession two miles to the south of a little Wallachian town, which -lay close to the frontier of Moldavia and General Alexieff’s shortest -line. Motor cars, country carts and wagons stood four abreast across -the road in a long column stretching northwards, whose immobility -impeded further progress, however slow; the gathering darkness and -exhaustion had set a period to this tragic flight. - -On foot, I reached the Headquarters of Count Keller, the commander of -a Russian Cavalry Corps; the General had just finished dinner when I -entered, and, perhaps for this reason, his outlook on the situation was -less gloomy than otherwise it might have been. Count Keller was not -devoid of human feeling, the welter of suffering outside his lodging -would have touched a heart of stone; but, as a soldier, he was filled -with indignation against the Rumanian Government, for having permitted -thousands of civilians to use the only highway in this region, and -thereby to block, for two whole days, the forward movement of his -corps. The obvious retort was that his presence there was useless: he -had arrived two months too late. - -On the following day, the refugees from Wallachia crossed the Sereth -into Moldavia, and found security behind a screen composed of Russian -troops. About half a million Russian soldiers had arrived in the -Northern Principality and more were yet to come. Wild, uncouth -Cossacks swarmed in every village, their first thoughts plunder and -the satisfaction of gross appetites; some tried to sell their splendid -horses for alcohol in any form. - -The first act of the Rumanian tragedy was drawing to its close. A -little Latin country had yielded to bribes and threats and had entered, -under Russian auspices, into a European war. Now it lay crushed and -broken, the victim of two invasions: one, by the enemy in the south; -the other, by Russians in the north. - -The Western Powers were lavish in their sympathy; they had little else -to give and were the helpless witnesses of the evil they had done. In -France, a restless, ignorant optimism had conceived a selfish plan; -Great Britain had endorsed it, and Russia, in the name of Allied -interests, had pursued a traditional Russian policy, which had been -both sinister and obscure. - -“He that builds a fair house upon an ill seat, committeth himself -to prison.” In 1912, the Great Powers, of those days, had laid the -foundations of their policy in the Balkans. Ignorance, inertia, -selfishness and greed had characterized their statecraft: an ill seat -this on which to build, but one well fitted for a pyramid of errors. -That pyramid was rising fast and one more block had just been added, an -error as tragic as the rest. Though no fair house, it was to hold its -master builders like a prison; for one among them,--Tsarist Russia, it -was destined to fulfil its proper function--the function of a tomb. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION AND THE RUSSO-RUMANIAN OFFENSIVE--1917 - - -By the middle of January, 1917, the front in Rumania had become -stabilized on what was, in point of fact, General Alexieff’s shortest -line. This line had its right near Dorna Vatra[33] (the Russian left -before Rumania intervened) and traversed the Carpathian foothills until -it reached the Sereth Valley, north-east of the town of Focsani; thence -it followed the left bank of the river to its junction with the Danube -close to Galatz. East of this latter place the front was vague and -variable, the swampy region round the Danube’s mouth being a veritable -“No Man’s Land.” - -Nearly a million Russian soldiers had, by this time, been sent into -Moldavia; they were organized in thirteen cavalry divisions and a -dozen army corps. The Rumanian Army had been reduced by losses and -disorganization to six weak divisions; these held a sector of the front -about twenty miles in length. - -Winter weather and mutual exhaustion precluded the immediate -continuation of hostilities, and the opposing armies faced each other -under conditions of discomfort which could hardly have been worse. - -During this period of comparative calm, it was possible to appreciate -the situation both from an Allied and an enemy point of view. - -The Allies had, undoubtedly, lost prestige. Great Britain had forfeited -the confidence which had been our most precious asset in the earlier -stages of the war; the British Government was regarded by Rumanians as -the tool of French and Russian diplomacy, and our warmest partisans -found little comfort in benevolent intentions which were never -translated into deeds. The French burked criticism, to some extent, -by an immense display of energy. Hundreds of officers and men were -incorporated in the Rumanian Army, who by their spirit and example did -much to raise the morale of the troops. The Russians, to a greater -degree than ever, inspired distrust and fear. The Germanophiles in -Rumania had always been Russophobes; during this period they gained -many new adherents, both in the army and the business class. - -Allied prestige, and more especially that of Great Britain, could have -been restored by a decisive success in a direction which would have -enabled Rumania to recommence hostilities, in the spring or summer, -independently of Russia. That direction was obviously Constantinople, -the key of the Near East; no other remedy for Rumania’s plight was -either practicable or just. - -The loss of Wallachia had deprived Rumania of four-fifths of her food -supplies, almost all her petrol and her principal railway centres. -Moldavia had to support, in addition to the normal population, -thousands of refugees from Wallachia and, to a great extent, the -Russian forces. So defective were the road and railway communications, -that the supply services functioned only with the greatest difficulty -while the troops remained at rest. To attempt to even utilize this -region as an advanced base for offensive operations was to invite -defeat. Operations on a large scale for the recovery of Wallachia could -only have been carried out by using the Danube as a supplementary line -of communication; to do so, it was essential for the Allies to be -undisputed masters of the Black Sea, and this involved a reinforcement -of the Russian Fleet. While the Dardanelles remained in enemy hands, -the Black Sea was as much German and Turkish as it was Russian; naval -engagements were of rare occurrence and invariably indecisive. - -Speculation was busy at Rumanian Headquarters as to the invaders’ -future course of action. If further conquests were envisaged, their -position on the Danube conferred on them the power of turning the -left flank of the Sereth line by the occupation of Galatz, against -which place their communications by rail and river would have made -possible the rapid concentration of numerically superior forces. Once -in possession of Galatz, the invasion of Bessarabia could have been -undertaken, since the establishment of an Allied front on the line of -the River Pruth[34] would have been forestalled. - -The Central Empires, however, made no serious effort to capture Galatz; -they appeared to be content with Braila and complete control of the -Danube Valley between that port and the Iron Gate. From a strategical -point of view their position was good. An immense force of Russians -was immobilized in Moldavia and held there by the threat to Odessa; -this force could only be freed for offensive operations by a complete -reversal of Allied policy in the Near East, a contingency not likely -to occur. In the meantime, the stocks of corn in Wallachia were being -transferred to Germany and restorative measures were being taken in -the oilfields, where the machinery and plant had been destroyed in -wholesale fashion during the retreat. - -Famine was approaching in Moldavia and typhus was raging in the towns -and countryside, when the Allies convened a conference at Petrograd to -determine their future plans. - -General Gourko had replaced General Alexieff as Chief of the Russian -Staff, owing to the illness of the latter. At the outset of the -Conference, Russia’s principal military delegate submitted an -appreciation of the military situation which, in so far as it concerned -Rumania, either displayed an inexcusable ignorance of the facts or -was intentionally false. He described new railway lines in Bessarabia -as approaching completion, whose construction could not be commenced -before the spring was far enough advanced to melt the ice and snow; -on such premises as these he based a plan of operations, which even -_Russian_ Generals on the spot described as suicide. The other Allied -representatives listened with grateful ears; for them, a Russo-Rumanian -offensive in the spring had many great advantages--it would relieve -the pressure on the Western front and help Cadorna on the Carso. They -argued that if the General Staff in Petrograd thought this offensive -could be made, it was the best solution of the problem, and all that -remained for them to do was to arrange for liberal supplies of war -material and guns. - -It is difficult to believe that the Government of the Czar, had it -survived, would have permitted this offensive to take place; a few -ambitious Generals may have been in favour of it, but the rulers of -Russia had realized that autocracies which made war on the Central -Empires, were undermining the last barrier against the advancing flood -of democratic sentiment, and were, in fact, cutting their own throats. -Both at the Imperial Court and in Government circles, German influence -was gaining ground, and the Russian people as a whole were profoundly -pessimistic. Germany was considered irresistible, officers of high rank -admitted that if Mackensen invaded Bessarabia, salvation could be found -only in retreat. They talked of a retirement to the Volga even, and the -Rumanians listened with dismay. - -In all human probability, the proposals for an offensive made to the -Conference at Petrograd were intended to deceive the Western Allies, -and to gain time for the final liquidation of Rumania. Already the -Russian Government controlled Rumania’s supplies of ammunition,[35] -and, by an adroit interpretation of Articles VIII and IX[36] of the -Military Convention, the Rumanian Army had, for all practical purposes, -been brought under the Russian High Command. The next step was to -assume control of the Rumanian civil administration. On the pretext -that the confusion and congestion on the Moldavian railway system would -preclude offensive operations, the Russian General Staff suggested a -wholesale evacuation of Rumanian elements from Moldavia into Russian -territory. This evacuation was to include the Government, the civil -population, and all military units not actually on the front. Apart -from its total impracticability with the communications available, the -object of this suggestion was sufficiently clear--it was the conversion -of Moldavia into a Russian colony. When that had been accomplished, -a separate peace could be concluded between Russia and the Central -Empires, and the prophecy of Baron von der Büsche[37] would have been -amply verified. - -During the proceedings of the Conference there had been much talk of -revolution, but few of the Allied representatives believed in it. -Society in Petrograd scoffed at the idea of a political upheaval, it -was held to be impossible while the lower classes were so prosperous -and comparatively well fed. At the end of February the Conference broke -up, the British, French and Italian delegates left by the Murmansk -route, convinced that, at last, the Russian “steam roller” was going to -advance. - -A few days later the Revolution began. The soldiers joined the -people. Their motives for so doing were natural and logical, they -should have been a lesson to those who were next to try to rule in -Russia, if vanity and false ideas had not conspired to make Kerensky -the puppet of occidental plans. Many senior generals supported the -Revolution. _Their_ motives were variously ascribed to patriotism and -ambition--when generals and soldiers act alike a distinction must be -drawn. - -Western democracies gave an enthusiastic reception to the new order in -Russia--so much so that our Ambassador in Petrograd, of all men the -most innocent and above suspicion, was accused of complicity in the -revolutionary plot. Liberals spoke of the awakening of Russia, and -they were absolutely right. It was, indeed, an awakening of oppressed, -exploited people, and was thorough, abrupt and rude. Officials in -Paris and London were not without misgivings, but they perceived some -advantages in the situation--a central soviet at Petrograd, or even -a Republic, ruled by idealists, would be a more docile instrument -than the Government of the Czar. Superficially, they were right. This -shortsighted view was justified by events during the first four months -of confusion and excitement. Fundamentally, they were wrong. They had -misjudged the Revolution, and had not recognized that lassitude and -exasperation pervaded the Russian armies, and that men in this frame of -mind were better left alone. - -The fate of Rumania had trembled in the balance when left to the -tender mercies of the men who ruled in Russia under the old régime. -The Revolution had brought a chance of respite, and admitted a ray of -hope. Great Britain and France could have helped the Rumanian people -by using their influence to insist on strict adherence to the terms -of the Military Convention. If this had been done, and if patience -and foresight had been exercised, the natural desire of the Army and -the Government, to take an active part in the reconquest of their -territory, might have been gratified on sane strategic lines. The -Rumanian Army might have been reorganized and re-equipped, and then -could have played a useful part in a concerted Allied plan. - -This was not to be. The Allied plan was fixed and immutable. Though -everything had changed in Russia, this plan was the direct outcome of -Gourko’s fantasies: it consisted in a gigantic offensive operation, -without adequate communications and with ill-equipped armies, on -more than one hundred miles of front. The Rumanian forces were to be -wedged between two Russian armies and thus deprived of the power -of independent movement, while their rôle was limited to that of an -insignificant fraction of an incoherent mass. Ignorance and optimism -ruled the Allied Councils; they were to be as fatal to Rumanian -interests as Russian guile and greed. - -I returned to Jassy from Petrograd towards the middle of March. The -Russian forces in Moldavia had caught the revolutionary infection; -their Commander-in-Chief, a Russian prince, had found prudence to be -the better part of valour and assisted at committee meetings wearing -a red cockade. Revolution softens the manners and customs of even the -most violent natures. Officers, who a few months before had kicked -their soldiers in the streets for not saluting, now, when they got a -rare salute, returned it with gratitude. - -The Rumanian peasants remained faithful to their King and Government. -They had suffered much, but their pride of race and native sense -prevented them from flattering the hated intruders by imitating Russian -methods for the redress of wrongs. In Jassy, some Socialists who had -been arrested were liberated by their friends: these may have included -some Rumanians, but their number was not considerable and their -activities were not a source of danger to the commonwealth, which was -threatened only from outside. - -On the front an extraordinary situation had arisen. Fraternization -between the opposing armies was general and unrestrained, except on the -Rumanian sector. The Russian soldiers were in regular correspondence -with their Austrian and German adversaries, by means of post-boxes -placed between the lines and verbal intercourse. Men, whose respective -Governments were still at war, fished in the waters of the Sereth. -“Angling is somewhat like poetry, men are to be born so.” No doubt -these anglers thought, with Isaac Walton, that they were brothers of -the angle. Barbed wire was put to peaceful uses, entanglements were -used as drying lines and were covered with fluttering shirts. The -revolution had accomplished something; it had given some very dirty -soldiers the time to wash their clothes. - -A unique opportunity for propaganda had presented itself. The Germans -utilized it to circulate letters inviting the Russian and Rumanian -soldiers to desert their “real enemies”--France and England. These -appeals had no effect. The Russians received them philosophically; they -had, already, got a sort of peace and, in the front-line trenches, a -sufficiency of food. The Rumanians had other reasons for rejecting such -advice. Peace with invaders had no meaning for them, their only friends -were France and England. The peasants realized instinctively that -Russia was a foe. - -In their impatience for offensive action, the Allies failed to grasp -some essential features of the situation, which might have been turned -to good account. The Russian armies were in a state of convalescence -after the first fever of the revolution, the majority of the men were -inert, if not contented, and no longer indulged in deeds of violence; -they were still influenced by the revolutionary spirit, but not in -a rabid sense. They were a source of contagion to the enemy but, -relatively, harmless to themselves. Fraternalization on the Rumanian -front was more hurtful to the Central Empires than to the Allies. -The Austro-Hungarians were war-weary and demoralized; inactivity had -encouraged hopes of peace and, after close on three years of war, -such hopes die hard. Even the Germans were disaffected, their iron -discipline had grown more lax. During one of my visits to the Russian -trenches, a German private brought a message from his comrades, -advising the “Soldiers’ Committee” to cease passing convoys along a -certain road, because “our pigs of officers may make us shoot.” - -Disintegrating forces were at work among the enemy troops; they were -the product of social and political conditions and, whatever might be -their later repercussion, from an immediate and practical point of -view, they were more powerful aids to victory for the Allies than any -offensive on this front. A premature Russo-Rumanian offensive, with -unwilling Russian soldiers, could have but one effect--its futility -was evident to the humblest combatants in the opposing ranks; it could -only serve to rally doubters and, thereby, postpone another revolution. -That revolution was inevitable: it might have been precipitated by an -intelligent adaptation of Allied policy to facts. - -So far as could be seen, the Allies had no policy at this period. -Statesmen no longer ruled. The German system had been followed by -making the General Staffs omnipotent. To men obsessed by one single -facet of a many-sided problem, the Russian Revolution was an incident -without significance beyond its bearing on the Western Front; for -them the Russian armies were machines, whose functions had undergone -no change as the result of revolution. They regarded an offensive on -the Eastern Front as a subsidiary operation, which would relieve the -pressure in the West: that was the aim and object of their strategy, -and everything was subordinated to the achievement of that end. - -With very few exceptions, the Russian Generals who had retained -commands, after the abdication of the Czar, favoured the Allied -plan; it appealed not only to their personal ambition but also to a -conviction, which they shared with many others, that further slaughter -would allay political unrest. The most influential member of the new -Russian Government was Kerensky, an idealist whose support for any -enterprise could be secured by flattering his vanity, which, as with -many democratic leaders, had assumed the proportions of disease. The -motives of this man were comparatively disinterested, but he was young -and inexperienced. He became the most ardent advocate of the offensive -plan and turned himself into a recruiting sergeant instead of directing -the affairs of State. Brains and calm judgment are seldom used in -war. It is much easier to enrol thousands of simple men to serve in -what the Russians called “Battalions of Death” than it is to find one -man possessed of sense. Kerensky raised many such battalions and, to -do him justice, he did not deceive the victims of his eloquence more -completely than himself. - -In Rumania hope alternated with despair in regard to future operations; -the former was spasmodic and inspired by the French Military Mission, -the latter was bound to invade any reflective mind. Certain Rumanian -Generals were frankly optimistic in regard to the reconquest of -Wallachia, others professed to be so to gain the approval of the -French. With either of these two types discussion was impossible; it -would have been cruel to rob them of any source of consolation by -insisting on the truth. - -General Ragosa, who commanded the 2nd Russian Army, expressed himself -emphatically against a renewal of offensive tactics by Russian troops, -before they had been equipped on the same scale as other armies. He -declared that Brusiloff’s much advertised offensives had been conducted -without due preparation or regard for loss of life, and that though -that general had gained much personal glory, he had broken the spirit -of his men. The attitude of the rank and file more than confirmed -this view; the revolutionary soldiers lacked neither patriotism nor -courage, but they had come to suspect and hate the blundering, ruthless -generals who held their lives so cheap. They knew that on the Western -Front slaughter was mitigated by mechanical devices, whereas they were -regarded as mere cannon fodder and of less value than their transport -mules. When French and British officers urged them to make further -sacrifices, they put a searching question: “Do your soldiers pull down -barbed wire entanglements with their bare hands?” Such questions were -disconcerting to fervent foreign propagandists, and did not stimulate -their curiosity to hear other unpleasant truths. In spite of the fact -that “Soldiers’ Committees” had been established in almost every -unit, and were largely, though not completely, representative, these -spokesmen of a mass of inarticulate opinion were neglected by the -partisans of immediate offensive action, who seemed to have forgotten -that the Russian Revolution had ever taken place. - -Once again, the Western Powers were asking the armies on the Eastern -Front to do what their own armies would not have been allowed to do. -Their motives were selfish and their propaganda false: when ignorance -is wilful it becomes immoral, when combined with mediocrity of mind, -it fails to recognize the natural limitations of a situation and has a -boomerang effect. Wise men, however immoral they may be, know where to -stop; the stupid, when unrestrained by fear or scruples, push blindly -on and never seek enlightenment, they cause more suffering by their -folly than the most cruel tyrants by their vice. - -At the beginning of July the offensive began; by some it was called the -“French” offensive, and the name was not inapt. It came as a surprise -to the enemy Army Commanders, who had not expected this solution of -a problem whose political aspects were causing them grave concern. -The Austro-Hungarian and German soldiers could still be counted on -to retaliate if attacked; this sudden onslaught put an end to the -fraternalization between the armies and could be dealt with easily by -even an inferior number of well-led and well-organized troops. - -The history of these ill-fated operations is too well known to need -recapitulation. By the end of July the Russo-Rumanian offensive had -collapsed completely. The Russian forces were everywhere in retreat, -the Rumanians, after making a twelve-mile advance and fighting with -great gallantry and determination, were forced to withdraw to the line -from which they had started, owing to the retirement of the Russian -armies on both their flanks. - -A total misconception of the internal situation in Russia had brought -about a military disaster of unprecedented magnitude. The Russian -armies had ceased to exist as fighting forces, the soldiers had flung -away their arms and offered no opposition to invasion, all Western -Russia was at the mercy of the Germans, who had only to advance. - -With the disappearance of all military cohesion, the political -situation in Russia became desperate. The dumb driven herd had, in -the end, stampeded and put the herdsmen in a fearful quandary, from -which there was no escape. Millions of men had demobilized themselves -and roved about the country or poured into the towns; they had been -brutalized by three years of war and showed it by their deeds. Six -months before the Russian people had lost confidence in themselves. -With a new form of Government new hope had come, but now that hope was -dashed. Russian Democracy had been tried and failed. Kerensky and his -fellows had destroyed an evil system, but had put nothing but rhetoric -in its place. They had convinced themselves that they were Russia’s -saviours, and had not realized that revolutions which are caused by -war have but one object--a return to peace. They might have saved the -situation by a temporizing policy; far greater men have not disdained -inaction based on calculation, and Russia’s history had shown that in -her wide and distant spaces lay her most sure defence. Instead, the -leaders of the Revolution, having no Russian policy, had embarked on an -enterprise which every thinking Russian knew was foredoomed to failure; -thereby they had destroyed the trust of the people in their Western -Allies, who had become objects of resentment, for having urged the last -offensive without regard for ways and means. - -To distracted soldiers, workmen and peasants in all parts of Russia, -the Bolshevist doctrine made a strong appeal; it promised not only -peace, but a form of self-government, and these leaderless, misgoverned -men snatched eagerly at the prospect. Lenine and Trotsky had long -perceived the real need of the Russian people, their international -theories effaced any sentiment of loyalty to the Allies, and, after -sweeping away the last vestiges of Kerensky’s Government, they asked -Germany for an armistice. - -In Southern Moldavia, the Rumanians still held their ground, covering -the crossings of the Sereth. They were completely isolated--on one -side anarchy, on the other a ring of steel. The situation of this -dismembered country was tragic and appalling; in the words of the -Prophet Isaiah, Rumania was “as the small dust of the balance.” Her -fate was linked with that of Russia, she was small dust indeed, -compared to that ponderous mass. - -The impatience of the Western Powers had exposed Rumania to the -machinations of a haughty, overbearing ally and an enemy in disguise. -From these the Revolution had delivered her, but only in the hour of -defeat and on the eve of irretrievable disaster. She was to drain the -cup of bitterness down to its very dregs, and, at the bidding of the -Bolshevists, to conclude a separate peace. - -It has been said that the Bolshevists betrayed Rumania. This accusation -is unfounded and unjust. The Bolshevists were the outcome of a -pernicious system, for which the Revolution had found no remedy; -Rumania had undoubtedly been betrayed, but the betrayal was not -Lenine’s work. When he assumed control in Russia, Rumania’s plight was -hopeless, and, at least, he left her what she might have lost--the -status of an Independent State. - -The Alliance had lost a limb which spread across two Continents and -bestrode the Eastern world. Its strength had been exaggerated, but -it had rendered priceless services at the outset of the war. At last -it had broken down from overwork, directed by men who had neither -understood its functions nor realized that it was something human, -though different from the rest. The Russian people had not changed with -a change of Government, but the same men were abused as traitors under -Lenine, who had been praised as patriots and heroes when subjects of -the Czar. - -The amputation had been self-inflicted, and the limb was left to rot. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -A MIDNIGHT MASS - - -On Easter Eve, it is the practice of the Orthodox Greek Church to hold -a Special Vigil, which terminates at midnight on Holy Saturday. In the -year 1917 this vigil had unusual significance for the Rumanian people, -who were passing through a time of tribulation, the words “Kyrie -Eleison”[38] were in every heart, and even the irreligious sought the -solace of Mother Church. - -I had been with the Armies, and had returned to Jassy late on Easter -Saturday. My way had lain through almost deserted country, with here -and there a sparsely populated village, whose tolling church bells -called the peasants to their prayers. - -The Moldavian capital was densely crowded. Since early in the evening, -a great concourse had been assembling in the Cathedral Square. At the -time of my arrival, thousands of patient waiting people stood there, -a sea of faces blanched in the moonlight, pinched by want and cold. -Many Russian soldiers were sharing in this outer vigil. Just before -midnight, after the King and Queen had entered the Cathedral, some of -them broke through the cordon of Rumanian troops and tried to force an -entrance. They also wished to worship in accordance with the ritual of -their church, but were held back and roughly handled. There was not -room for all who wished to enter in, and these were soldiers of the -Revolution wearing the red cockade. One of them, quite a boy in years, -fell prostrate and inarticulate on the steps, and was permitted to -remain. - -The vigil ended shortly after midnight, and at its close the Archbishop -led a procession to the precincts, where massed bands played, rockets -soared high in Heaven, and true believers kissed each other, saying: -“Christ is risen.” - -Once more we entered the Cathedral, and what I have called a Midnight -Mass or Liturgy was celebrated. The term may well be a misnomer. There -may not have been a mystical destruction, but there were prayers of -penitence and praise, of supplication and thanksgiving, and these we -are taught are the four ends of the sacrifice of the Mass. - -Jassy Cathedral is not one of those vast Gothic structures, whose -symmetry and gorgeous decoration serve as memorials of the inspired -human efforts which graced a more religious age. It is a plain -unostentatious building of no great size. This night, however, it -appeared transformed; height, length and breadth assumed immense, -mysterious proportions--the chancel blazed with light, all other parts -of the interior of the building were wrapped in obscurity, side chapels -loomed like cavernous recesses, the nave was filled with flickering -shadows, its vault resembled a dark firmament above a tense expectant -multitude, a seemingly innumerable host, stretching far back in serried -lines and ever deepening gloom. - -Rumanian soldiers predominated in the congregation, the radiance from -the altar was reflected on swart, fierce faces, and shone in countless -eyes. Queen Mary, surrounded by her ladies, stood near the centre of -the transept, a group of white-clad figures gleaming softly against the -grey background. The King and his second son occupied two thrones on -the south side of the chancel, facing them were the representatives of -seven Allied States. - -At the commencement of the service the music was subdued, treble and -alto voices recited canticles and chanted antiphons. Sometimes a clear -soprano rang out alone. I could not understand the words, but one of -the melodies recalled an air by Handel, a touching declaration of faith -triumphant, a woman’s voice proclaiming that her Redeemer lives. Later, -the character of the music changed. From a gallery at the Cathedral’s -western end, a choir of men thundered out pæans of rejoicing, which -rose in shattering crescendos, and surged up to the altar in waves of -sonorous sound. - -The climax of the ceremony was reached when the Archbishop left the -altar steps and knelt before the King. The old Primate’s work was done. -This learned monk and priest of God was a Rumanian citizen. As such, he -surrendered to his temporal sovereign the symbol of all Christendom, -and his own most sacred charge. King Ferdinand received it reverently, -and a Catholic Hohenzollern Prince stood as the Head of Church and -State holding a jewelled cross. - -An unexpected movement followed. Most of the foreign diplomats and -soldiers pressed round the Royal throne, and paid homage to both -spiritual and temporal power by kissing first the crucifix and then the -Monarch’s hand. - -This gesture was neither premeditated nor prompted by a spirit of -Erastianism. It was the act of men under the influence of deep -emotion. Something had touched their hearts; something, perhaps, which -brought back memories of boyhood, when belief was ready, and young -imaginations glowed, and youth was vowed to noble needs; something -which stirred feelings numbed by contact with worldliness and cruelty -on life’s rough way; something still fragrant and redolent of -innocence, which they had lost long since and found awhile. - -To the peasant soldiers, the music, the incense and the vestments -combined to make a beatific vision, a light to those who walked in -darkness, and whose simple faith was strong and real. They believed -implicitly in the second advent of a man who had been, and would be -again--Wonderful, a Counsellor, a Good Shepherd, and a Prince of Peace. -They had known sorrow and defeat, the enemy was in their land, famine -and pestilence were ravaging their homes, but they were soldiers of the -Cross and undismayed. More battles would be fought, battles without the -pomp and circumstance of those in theatres less remote. The last heroic -stand at Marasesti[39] would be made by humble men, who, this night -throughout Moldavia, were met together for a festival of their Church, -not to sing songs of lamentation, but to cry Hallelujah and Hosanna, to -tell the joyful tidings--“Christ is risen.” - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -“WESTERNERS” AND “EASTERNERS” - - -For many years before the “Great World War,” the German Army had been -the most formidable fighting machine in existence. It had filled -professional soldiers in all countries with envy and admiration, as the -supreme expression of a warlike and disciplined race. - -When the war began the Allied Armies were unprepared, and were -unable to withstand an offensive which was a triumph of scientific -organization and almost achieved complete success. The partial success -of this first German offensive had two important results: it carried -the war on the Western Front into French and Belgian territory, and -more than confirmed the worst fears of Allied military experts as to -the efficiency of the German Army. - -After the Battle of the Marne, a mood of extravagant optimism -prevailed. One British general prophesied in September, 1914, that -by the end of March, 1915, the Russians would be on the Oder and the -French and British on the Rhine. With the advent of trench warfare on -the Western Front and the retreat of the Russians in East Prussia and -Poland, the outlook became less rosy, and the Allies settled down to -a form of war which was to last, with slight variations, until the -armistice. - -Generally speaking, this form of war involved the subordination of -Policy to Grand Tactics. Policy had for its object the protection of -vital interests, more especially in the East, and aimed at securing -the co-operation of neutral States with a view to strengthening the -Alliance. Grand Tactics demanded the sacrifice of every consideration -to ensuring victory on the Western Front. The failure of the expedition -to the Dardanelles put statesmen, for a time at least, at the mercy -of professional soldiers, of whom the vast majority, both French and -British, were so-called “Westerners.” - -The ideas of these men were simple. If pursued to their logical -conclusion they would have required the concentration of all Allied -forces (including Serbs and Russians) somewhere in France and Flanders. -The more rabid Westerners did desire this, as they honestly believed -that on their front there was no middle course between a decisive -victory and a crushing defeat. Others admitted a Russian, and later an -Italian Front with its appendage at Salonika, but, in their eyes, the -only object of these two fronts was to hold as many enemy troops as -possible and facilitate a victory in the West. That victory was to be -preceded by a war of attrition, which would culminate in a final battle -on classic lines--the infantry and artillery would make a gap through -which massed cavalry would pour. - -The French Staff was characteristically optimistic, the British less -so. Many senior British officers had a profound respect for the German -Military System, it was to them the embodiment of excellence from every -point of view, and had to be imitated before it could be beaten. - -In the autumn of 1915, the era of Allied counter-offensives began. The -slaughter on both sides was immense, but no appreciable results were -achieved. While these operations were being carried out, Bulgaria -joined the Central Empires, the greater part of Servia and Albania -was over-run, and, according to an official report on the operations -against the Dardanelles, “the flow of munitions and drafts fell away.” - -Throughout the whole of 1916, the war of attrition was waged in deadly -earnest and exacted a ghastly toll. By the end of the year no decision -had been reached on the three main fronts, but the richest part of -Rumania had fallen into the hands of the enemy. - -Public opinion in both France and Great Britain seemed to approve -the methods of the Westerners. The French naturally desired above -everything to drive the invaders out of France, and the British people -had become resigned to a war of workshops, which was lucrative to those -who stayed at home. - -From a purely military point of view, the attitude of the Westerners -was comprehensible. The Western Front was close to the Allied bases of -supply, it had good communications, the climate was healthy, on this -front the Germans were encountered, and they formed the backbone of the -hostile combination. Undoubtedly a victory in the West was the ideal -way to win the war. No one disputed that, but at the end of 1916 that -victory was still remote. Germany’s position on the Western Front was -very strong, her army was homogeneous, her communications were superior -to ours, and her recent conquests in the East had mitigated the effects -of two years of blockade. - -Since September, 1914, both sets of belligerents had made offensives, -but these had failed, though in each case an initial success had raised -the highest hopes. Stupendous preparations had been made, artillery -had been employed on an unprecedented scale, lives had been sacrificed -ruthlessly, but, invariably, the forward movement had been arrested, -had ebbed a little and immobility had ensued. Some law appeared to -operate in this most modern form of warfare. Killing without manœuvre -had become an exact science, but battles are not merely battues, -the armies must advance, and this they could not do--their mass -and the enormous assemblage of destructive appliances, necessary -for the preliminary process of annihilation, produced a congestion -which brought the best organized offensive to a standstill. In such -circumstances it seemed that final victory might be postponed for -months and even years. - -In 1917. The Central Empires held the land routes of South-Eastern -Europe and Turkey was their vassal State, whereas the Allies disposed -of precarious sea communications, which linked them with no more -than the periphery of the Ottoman Empire and the Balkans at three -widely separated points. In these regions the populations were being -Germanized, inevitably and in spite of themselves. The Germans were -on the spot, they might be arrogant and unsympathetic, but they were -efficient, and suffering, unsophisticated people could justifiably -argue that these intruders were better as friends than enemies, and -that it paid to be on their side. To neglect this situation, until -we had won a victory in the West, exposed the Allies to the risk of -letting German influence become predominant throughout the Middle East. -For the British Empire such a state of affairs would have spelled -disaster; after untold sacrifices in the Allied cause, Great Britain -would have lost the war. - -These weighty considerations had influenced certain British statesmen -ever since the intervention of Turkey on the side of the Central -Empires, but their plans had been frustrated by official inertia and -mismanagement. At last, a serious effort was made to restore our -prestige in the East by operations in the direction of Palestine and -in Mesopotamia. These operations were against the same enemy and were -carried out almost exclusively by British forces, but were independent -of each other and not part of a concerted plan. The British War Office -had undertaken the supply and maintenance of three “side-shows” -(including Salonika), but had neither the time nor the inclination to -prepare a scheme for the co-ordination of operations in the Eastern -theatres. Perhaps it was feared that such a scheme would involve the -dispatch of reinforcements. - -The Eastern situation demanded, in the first place, statesmanship. A -military policy was needed which, while recognizing the preponderating -importance of securing the Western Front, would aim at bringing -pressure to bear on every part of the enemy combination; which would -not be content with local successes, but would attack Pan-Germanism, -the real menace to the British Empire, where its activities were -centred; which would strike at Germany through her Near Eastern allies, -complete the circle of blockade on land and retrieve the sources of -supply which had been taken from Rumania. - -Military operations alone would not suffice; the co-operation of -the navy was essential to reduce the risks from submarines which -infested the Eastern Mediterranean. The shipping problem presented -many difficulties. These could be overcome only by Governmental -action based on policy. If dealt with by subordinate officials, the -distribution of available tonnage would follow the line of least -resistance in the form of short trips to France. - -If the broad lines of an Eastern policy had been laid down and insisted -on by the Allied Governments, a plan could have been put into execution -which, while offensive operations were in progress in Mesopotamia, -Palestine and Macedonia, would have directed against the heart of the -Ottoman Empire a strategic reserve, concentrated with that objective -in view at one or more of the Eastern Mediterranean ports. The force -required would not have been considerable. The Turkish and Bulgarian -armies were held on three widely separated fronts, leaving weak and -scattered garrisons in Thrace for the protection of the Dardanelles. - -The difficulties were many, but the stakes were big. The fall of -Constantinople would have revolutionized the Near Eastern situation. It -would have forced Turkey to make a separate peace, and would, thereby, -have freed a large proportion of our forces in Palestine and Macedonia -for employment in other theatres. It would have had an immediate effect -in Bulgaria, where the resentment against Germany, on account of the -partitioning of the Dobrudja, was bitter and widespread. It would have -opened up communications by sea with the Rumanian and Russian armies -in Moldavia, and made it possible to maintain and quicken the Southern -Russian front. An opportunity would have presented itself for settling -the Macedonian question on its merits, the Western Powers would have -been the arbiters, and their decisions would have been respected -as those of all-powerful allies or potential conquerors. A just -settlement of this question could not have failed to secure a separate -peace with Bulgaria. - -Any Balkan settlement, which fulfilled our treaty and moral obligations -to Rumania and Servia respectively, involved the partial dismemberment -of Austria-Hungary. An invasion of the Eastern and South-Western -provinces of the Dual Monarchy was the natural corollary of an Eastern -military policy. This invasion could have been effected by national -armies advancing towards their ethnological frontiers. The Rumanians, -after the reconquest of Wallachia, could have operated in Transylvania -and along the Danube Valley towards the Banat. The Serbs in Bosnia and -Herzegovina towards the Dalmatian Coast. In all these provinces the -populations were awaiting with impatience the arrival of the Allies to -throw off the hated yoke of Austria-Hungary. - -Operations of this nature would have had a repercussion in Croatia -and Bohemia, where the inhabitants were disaffected and ready to -revolt. Their attitude would have facilitated an extension of the -invasion in the direction of Trieste. The occupation of Trieste would -have completed the encirclement of German Austria and Germany. The -German Western front would have been turned strategically, policy -and strategy, working in harmony, could have undertaken the task of -isolating Prussia, the centre of militarism and the birthplace of -Pan-Germanism. Munich and Dresden are closer to Trieste than to any -point in France or Flanders. - -Such, in brief outline, was an Eastern military policy which had -been submitted repeatedly since the early stages of the war. It was -first proposed as a complement to the operations on the Western and -Eastern fronts. With the intervention of Italy, the possibility of its -extension towards Croatia and Istria was perceived. At the beginning -of 1917 it did not involve the detachment of many additional divisions -from other theatres. The aggregate casualties in one of the big -offensives would have more than met requirements. This detachment could -have been justified on strategical grounds, since it would have forced -the enemy to conform to at least an equal extent. It was an attempt -to harmonize strategy with policy, and on the principle of _solvitur -ambulando_ to deal, during the progress of the war, with a mass of -vexed racial problems which, during an armistice or in time of peace, -are surrounded by intrigue. - -The advocates of an Eastern policy were described as “Easterners,” a -term which was susceptible of various interpretations. It meant, at -best, a visionary, at worst, a traitor, according to the degree of -indignation aroused in “Westerners.” - -Notwithstanding the failure of their previous efforts, the “Westerners” -still claimed in 1917 that a decisive victory could and would be won -on the Western front, if the Russo-Rumanian offensive came up to -expectations. They had organized the British nation for a special form -of war. Thanks to a highly developed Intelligence Department, they knew -exactly what they had to deal with. Hundreds of able-bodied officers -had worked with all the ardour of stamp collectors at identifying enemy -units, and had produced catalogues which in the judgment of archivists -were impeccable, though at the time of issue they may have been out of -date. The French Armies were commanded by the hero of Verdun,[40] and -were full of the offensive spirit. The Italians were holding their -own on the Carso and the Isonzo. The framework of the war was set, the -far-flung buckler of the Central Empires would be pierced, where they -were strongest, the Germans would be beaten by their own methods, and -at any cost. - -Once more the “Westerners” had their way. Once more their hopes were -disappointed. At the end of 1917, in spite of local tactical successes, -the Western front remained unbroken, the Italians had retreated to -the line of the Piave, and the Eastern front had dissolved in the -throes of revolution. In Palestine and Mesopotamia, the Allies had -struck two heavy blows at Turkey, and the Ottoman Empire was drifting -into chaos. A direct blow at Constantinople would have encountered -slight opposition, it would have been welcomed by the masses of the -people as a deliverance. In Macedonia the Bulgars were showing signs -of disaffection, but here inaction, both military and diplomatic, -continued the stalemate. The alliance of America had saved the -financial situation, but no effective military support could be -expected from this quarter for many months to come. - -Fortunately for the British Empire and for civilization, German policy -was also controlled by “Westerners.” These men were essentially -experts, past masters of technique, but indifferent exponents of the -military art when applied to a world-wide war. They had failed to -seize their opportunity in 1914, when Paris and the Channel Ports were -at their mercy. During 1915 and 1916, they had squandered lives and -ammunition in costly offensives on the Western front, when they might -have taken Petrograd. In 1917, they lacked the insight to perceive -that their conquests on the Eastern front more than compensated the -check to overweening aspirations in the West, which, owing to their -past mistakes, could not be gratified. If at the end of 1917 the German -Government had offered terms of peace, based on the evacuation of -France and Belgium and including the cession of Alsace and Lorraine, -and had during the winter months withdrawn their troops to the right -bank of the Meuse, the Allied Governments could hardly have refused. - -In France the drain on man-power had been appalling. A continuance of -hostilities involving further losses would have aroused opposition in -influential circles, and would have been denounced as illogical and -quixotic, as a sacrifice of French interests on the altar of Great -Britain, when peace could be had on advantageous terms. The position -of the other Allies would have been difficult in the extreme. To -continue the war in the West, without France as a base, would have been -impossible. The only alternative would have been an intensification -of the blockade and the operations in the Eastern theatres. These -operations would no longer have been confined to Turks and Bulgars, -and new bases would have been required to mount them on a proper -scale; further, the non-existence of a comprehensive Eastern policy -would have been a cause of much delay. America had not declared war -against either Turkey or Bulgaria. The Italians had interests in the -East; but, under these altered circumstances, their position on the -Piave front would have been critical, and might have forced them to -make peace. The Allied peoples were war weary, peace talk would have -aroused their hopes, and have been more convincing than the arguments -of Imperialists. - -By proposing peace, the German Government might have lost prestige, -but would have gained something more substantial--a secure position in -the East. Instead, at the beginning of 1918, everything was sacrificed -to a renewal of offensives on the Western front. The reinforcements -asked for by Bulgaria were not sent, and Turkey was abandoned to her -fate. Ominous mutterings from the working classes in Germany were -disregarded. By a rigorous application of the military system and by -promises of victory, a clique of ambitious generals kept the German -people well in hand. - -If a frontal attack against a sector of an immense entrenched position -could lead to decisive results, the German offensive of March, 1918, -should have had the desired effect. It penetrated to within ten miles -of Amiens, a vital point on the Allied communications, and there, in -spite of the most prodigious efforts, it petered out. The ratio between -the front of attack and the depth of advance had exceeded all previous -records, but just as success seemed certain, human endurance reached -its limits, and proved once more its subjugation to an inhuman and -automatic law. The British front had not been broken, though it had -been badly bent. - -Undeterred by this dreadful and unavailing slaughter, the German -leaders persisted in their efforts, and staked the destiny of their -country on one last gambler’s throw. Four offensives had been repulsed, -a fifth was now attempted with Paris as its goal. It was dictated by -political, and possibly dynastic, considerations, and was not executed -with customary German skill. - -To close observers, it had for some time been apparent that German -strategy was weakening. There had been less coherence in the -operations, and symptoms of indecision on the part of the High -Command. Field-Marshal Foch was undoubtedly a better strategist than -any of his adversaries, and the war of movement, resulting from the -German offensives, gave him an opportunity which he was not slow to -seize. A series of hammer blows along the whole Western front deprived -Ludendorff of the initiative which he had hitherto possessed, and -forced the German armies to evacuate the salients in the direction of -Paris and Amiens. - -Other and more fundamental factors, however, had already undermined -Germany’s powers of resistance. The discontent among the masses of -the German population had assumed menacing proportions; it affected -the troops on the lines of communication directly, and through them -the soldiers on the front. During the last offensives the number of -men who surrendered voluntarily had been above the average, and when -the retirement began, when all hopes of taking Paris in 1918 had -disappeared, when American soldiers had been encountered, proving the -failure of the submarine campaign, the spirit of the German Armies -changed. Certain units still fought well, but the majority of the -German soldiers became untrustworthy, though not yet mutinous. An -eye-witness relates that on their arrival at Château-Thierry, the -German officers were in the highest spirits, and the words “Nach -Paris”[41] were continually on their lips. The men, on the other -hand, seemed depressed and moody, but when the order was issued for -withdrawal, their demeanour brightened, they found a slogan full of -portents, the words were “Nach Berlin”[42] and were uttered with a -smile. This incident is authentic, it took place in July. - -History was repeating itself, misgovernment by a selfish upper class -had produced in Germany the same conditions which had driven the -Russian people into revolution. In both countries a state of war had -accentuated pre-existent evils, by giving a freer rein to those who -exploit patriotism, courage and devotion for their personal ends. -Germany had outlasted Russia because, in her military system, she had -an almost perfect organization from an administrative point of view. -This system, by concentrating all the resources of the nation on a -single purpose and putting them at the disposal of a few resolute, -all-powerful men, had enabled the German people to make incredible -efforts. Had it been controlled by statesmen, total disruption might -have been averted; directed by infatuated and homicidal militarists, -its very excellence enabled it to hold the Empire in its grip until -disaster was complete. - -From June, 1918, onwards, all hope of a German victory on the Western -Front had disappeared. Germany was seething with discontent, her -industrial life was paralised, the supply of munitions had seriously -decreased; yet Ludendorff persevered, he drove the armies with -remorseless energy, a kind of madness possessed him and his acolytes, -imposing desperate courses and blinding them to facts. Their whole -political existence was at stake, failure meant loss of place and -power, of all that made life sweet, so they conceived a sinister -design--if they failed “all else should go to ruin and become a prey.” - -When the crash came, it came from within. For months, the German -armies on the front had been a facade screening a welter of misery and -starvation. The machine had functioned soullessly, causing the useless -massacre of thousands of soldiers, while women and children died by -tens of thousands in the midst of fictitious opulence. During these -last days, the rank and file fought without hope, for an Emperor who -was to save himself by flight, for leaders who treated them like pawns, -for the defence of hearths and homes where famine and disease were -rife. Long years of discipline had made these men automatons, they were -parts of a great projectile whose momentum was not yet exhausted, and -they had long ceased to reason why. - -Unreasoning docility is held by some to be a civic virtue: that was -the German doctrine and the basis of their Military System, which, -though at its inception a defensive system, became an instrument of -conquest, pride and insolence, a menace to the world. The form of war -which Germany initiated and perfected has degraded war itself, it -has organized slaughter with mechanical devices, has made tanks of -more account than brains, and has crowned the triumph of matter over -mind. There was a redeeming glamour about war as made by Alexander and -Napoleon, today it is a hideous butchery, which can be directed by -comparatively mediocre men. It has ceased to be an art and has become -an occupation inextricably interwoven with a nation’s industrial life. - -The downfall of the German Military System is a stern reminder of the -vicissitude of things, and has removed a brooding shadow which darkened -civilization. If calamitous experience serves as a guide to statesmen -in the future, its rehabilitation will be prevented--in any form, -however specious, in any land. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE PEACE CONFERENCE AT PARIS--1919 - - “Until philosophers are kings, or the kings and princes of this - world have the power and spirit of philosophy, and political - greatness and wisdom meet in one, and those commoner natures which - pursue either at the expense of the other are compelled to stand - aside--cities will never rest from their evils, no--nor the human - race, as I believe.”--PLATO. - - -Four days before the official declaration of war on Germany by the -Government of the United States, President Wilson made a speech before -the American Congress which contained the following passage:[43] “We -shall fight ... for Democracy ... for the rights and liberties of small -nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free -peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the -world itself at last free.” A few months later the same spokesman of -a free people declared:[44] “They (men everywhere) insist ... that no -nation or people shall be robbed or punished because the irresponsible -rulers of a single country have themselves done deep and abominable -wrong.... The wrongs ... committed in this war ... cannot and _must_ -not be righted by the commission of similar wrongs against Germany and -her allies.” Later still, when the victory of Democracy had become -certain, a forecast of the terms of peace was given by the same -authoritative voice:[45] “In four years of conflict the whole world has -been drawn in, and the common will of mankind has been substituted -for the particular purposes of individual States. The issues must now -be settled by no compromise or adjustment, but definitely and once for -all. There must be a full acceptance of the principle that the interest -of the weakest is as sacred as the interest of the strongest. That is -what we mean when we speak of a permanent peace.” - -These and a number of similar utterances had produced a deep effect -throughout the world. The ruling classes in Europe professed to regard -them as merely propaganda, and not to be taken seriously, but they -could not escape the uneasy consciousness that their own methods in -the past were being arraigned before an unpleasantly public court of -justice. Moderate opinion in all countries was disposed to welcome -these bold statements of democratic principles as furnishing a -convenient bridge to a more advanced stage in political evolution, -views which would have been condemned as sentimental, and even -anarchic, in a humbler social reformer, on the lips of a President were -considered as a statesman’s recognition of the logic of hard facts. The -masses thought they were the “plain people,” for whom and to whom the -President had spoken, and in their hearts had risen a great hope. - -When Mr. Wilson first arrived in Europe huge crowds acclaimed him, and, -making due allowance for the cynical, the curious and indifferent, -these crowds contained a far from insignificant proportion of ardent, -enthusiastic spirits, who welcomed him not as a President or a -politician, but as the bearer of a message, not as a Rabbi with a -doctrine made up of teachings in the synagogues, but as a latter-day -Messiah come to drive forth the money-changers and intriguers from -the temple of a righteous peace. Eager idealists believed that the -victory of democracy had set a period to the evils resulting from -autocratic forms of government, that with the termination of the war -the topmost block had been placed on a pyramid of errors, that a -real master-builder had appeared, who would lay the foundations of a -cleaner, better world. They saw in him the champion of decency and -morality, a doughty champion, strong in the backing of millions of free -people, who had seen liberty in danger, and had sent their men across -an ocean to fight for freedom in an older world in torment. They were -grateful and offered him their services, loyally and unreservedly, -asking but one thing--to be shown the way. History contains no parallel -to this movement. Savanarola and Rienzi had appealed to local, or at -most national feeling. Here was a man who stood for something universal -and inspiring, who was more than a heroic priest, more than the Tribune -of _a_ people, a man who, while enjoying personal security, could speak -and act for the welfare of _all_ peoples in the name of right. For -such causes, men in the past have suffered persecution and have been -faithful unto death. - -No Peace Conference has ever undertaken a more stupendous task than -that which confronted the delegates of the Allied States in Paris in -January, 1919. Central Europe was seething with revolution and slowly -dying of starvation. Beyond lay Russia, unknown yet full of portents, -more terrible to many timorous souls than ever Germany had been. The -war had come to a sudden and unexpected end, and enemy territory had -not been invaded save at extremities which were not vital points. The -Central Empires and their Allies had collapsed from internal causes. -Germany and Austria could not, for the moment, oppose invasion, which -had lost all its terrors for distracted populations, who hoped that -French and British soldiers would, by their presence, maintain law -and order and ensure supplies of food. On the other hand, neither the -Serbs nor the Rumanians had had their territorial aspirations satisfied -during the progress of the war. Both races had followed the usual -Balkan custom by invading the territories they claimed during the -armistice; this method, when employed against Hungarians, involved the -use of force; it also embittered relations between themselves where, -as in the Banat, their claims clashed and overlapped. Further north, -the Czecho-Slovaks had proclaimed their independence, and Poland was -being resurrected; the frontiers of both these States were vague and -undefined, but their appetites were unlimited, and Teschen, with its -coalfields, was a pocket in dispute. - -Not only had the Peace Conference to endeavour to prevent excessive and -premature encroachment on enemy territory by Allied States, it had also -to compose serious differences between the Western Powers in regard -to the Adriatic coast, Syria, and Asia Minor arising out of secret -treaties. - -These considerations, though embarrassing for the representatives of -Great Britain, France and Italy, did not affect President Wilson to -the same extent; in fact they rather strengthened his position and -confirmed the expectation that he would be the real arbiter of the -Conference. His speeches had, in the opinion of innumerable men and -women, indicated the only solution of the world-problem. The “Fourteen -Points” had outlined, without inconvenient precision, a settlement of -international questions; he was the head of a State untrammelled by -secret treaties, the only State not on the verge of bankruptcy, a State -which could furnish both moral and material aid. When M. Albert Thomas -said that the choice lay between Wilson and Lenine, he may have been -guilty of exaggeration, but he expressed a feeling which was general -and real. Whether that feeling was justified, the future alone will -show. - -In the Declaration of September 27, 1918, President Wilson stated: “All -who sit at the Peace table must be ready to pay the price, and the -price is impartial justice, no matter whose interest is crossed.” Later -on in the same Declaration he added: “the indispensable instrumentality -is a ‘League of Nations,’ but it cannot be formed now.” Five conditions -of peace were set forth; of these, the third laid down that there could -be no alliances or covenants within the League of Nations, and the -Declaration concluded with an appeal to the Allies: “I hope that the -leaders of the Allied Governments will speak as plainly as I have tried -to speak, and say whether my statement of the issues is in any degree -mistaken.” - -The inference, drawn by the ordinary man after perusing this -Declaration, was that its author expected the Conference to deal with -each and every question on its merits, that the “League of Nations” -would eventually be the instrument employed in reaching the final -settlement, and that, following on the establishment of the League, all -previous alliances would cease to exist and future alliances would be -precluded. The questioning form of the concluding sentence suggested -doubts as to the attitude of the Associated Powers, but the presence of -the President at the peace table served as presumptive evidence that -those doubts had been set at rest. - -A “League of Nations” was, undoubtedly, the ideal instrument for -achieving a just settlement of the many and varied questions which -confronted the Peace Conference, but a “League,” or “Society of -Nations” as defined by Lord Robert Cecil,[46] could not be created -before the conclusion of a Preliminary Peace with Germany and her -Allies, with, as its corollary, the inclusion of, at least, Germany, -Austria, and Hungary within the League. In the words of Lord Robert -Cecil, such a Society would be incomplete, and proportionately -ineffective, unless every civilized State joined it. - -The formation of a full-fledged League required time. Further, in the -frame of mind which prevailed in all the Allied and Associated States, -a real “Society of Nations,” implying “friendly association” with -the enemy peoples, as distinguished from their late “irresponsible -Governments,” was impossible. An alternative did, however, exist--an -alternative for which a precedent could be found and which needed moral -leadership rather than cumbrous machinery for its application. This -alternative would have consisted of three processes: the conclusion -of a Preliminary Peace with Germany and her Allies, combined with -suspension of blockade; the admission to the Peace Conference of -delegates representing the different parts of the German Empire, -Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey; collaboration with these -delegates in the settlement of territorial readjustments in accordance -with the principles enunciated in President Wilson’s speeches and -the “Fourteen Points.” The Congress of Vienna had set the precedent -by admitting to its councils Talleyrand, the representative of a -conquered State which had changed its form of government in the -hour of defeat. The conclusion of a “Preliminary Peace” presented -no difficulty. Germany had reached the lowest pitch of weakness; -her military and naval forces had ceased to exist, her population -was dependent on the Allies for supplies of food, she was torn by -internal dissensions, and the Socialist and Democratic parties had -gained the upper hand. Bavaria was showing separatist tendencies, -and her example might be followed by other German States. The same -conditions prevailed in the other enemy countries to an even more -marked degree. In short, the Allies could have counted on acceptance -of any preliminary peace terms which they might have chosen to impose. -They could have ensured their fulfilment, not only by the maintenance -of military forces on provisional and temporary frontiers, but also by -the threat of a reimposition of an effective blockade. In an atmosphere -free from the blighting influences of an armistice, dispassionate -treatment of a mass of ethnical questions would have been possible. -An appeal could have been made to the common sense and interests of -the enemy peoples, through their statesmen and publicists, which -would have disarmed reaction, and which would have made it possible -to utilize the more enlightened elements in the key-States of Central -Europe for the attainment of a durable peace. A Peace Conference so -composed would have been the embryo of a true “Society of Nations,” a -fitting instrument for the practical application of theories not new -nor ill-considered, whose development had been retarded in peaceful, -prosperous times, and which now were imperatively demanded by -multitudes of suffering people weighed down by sorrow and distress. - -Mr. Wilson does not seem to have considered any alternative to the -immediate formulation of a covenant of the “League of Nations.” He -left the all-important question of peace in abeyance, and devoted his -energies to the preparation of a document which would serve as an -outward and visible sign of personal success. Perhaps he was dismayed -by the opposition, in reactionary Allied circles, to moral theories -considered by officials to be impracticable and even dangerous, however -useful they might once have been for purposes of propaganda. He may -have been paralysed amid unaccustomed surroundings where he was not -the supreme authority. At any rate, he neglected to use a weapon whose -potency he, of all rulers, should have known--the weapon of publicity, -which was, as ever, at his service and would have rallied to the causes -he espoused the support and approval of sincere reformers in every -class. He worked in secret and secured adhesion to a draft of the -covenant of the “League of Nations,” whose colourless and non-committal -character betrayed official handiwork. - -The man who had arrived in Paris as the bearer of a message whose -echoes had filled the world with hope, left France the bearer of a -“scrap of paper.” He returned to find his authority lessened. Before, -he had stood alone; he came back to take his place as one of the “Big -Four.” It is given to few men to act as well as to affirm. - -Mr. Lloyd George was unable to help the President; his election -speeches had been the reverse of a moral exposition of the issues, and -the Parliamentary majority they had helped to create allowed no lapses -into Liberalism. More than a year had passed since the Prime Minister -of Great Britain had stated that the British people were not fighting -“a war of aggression against the German people ... or to destroy -Austria-Hungary, or to deprive Turkey of its capital or of the rich and -renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace which are predominantly Turkish -in race.” Teschen had not been heard of then, and the demands of Italy -and M. Venizelos were either forgotten or ignored. Mr. Lloyd George’s -native sense and insight would have avoided many pitfalls; the Bullit -revelations did no more than bare justice to his acumen in regard to -Russia, but he was terrorized by a section of the British Press, which -held him relentlessly to vote-catching pledges, however reckless or -extravagant. - -The Prime Minister of the French Republic was pre-occupied with -revenging past humiliations, with retrieving the fortunes of his -country and making it secure. He did lip-service to the “League of -Nations,” but talked of it with sardonic humour, and did it infinite -harm. A dominating personality and a prodigious intellect enriched -by wide experience were lost to the cause of human progress. No rare -occurrence, when the possessors of these gifts are old. - -With the progress of the Conference, M. Clemenceau’s influence became -stronger. He had made fewer public speeches than his colleagues, and -perhaps that simplified his task. “Certain it is that words, as a -Tartar’s bow, do shoot back upon the understanding of the wisest, and -mightily entangle and pervert the judgment.” - -While precious months were being devoted to framing the draft covenant -of the League of Nations, Commissions appointed by the Peace Conference -had been busy preparing reports on multifarious points of detail. These -reports were the work of experts, and could not fail to influence the -final decisions of the Supreme Council; as a matter of fact, they were -followed textually in some of the weightiest decisions reached. The -men who prepared them were in no sense statesmen, they were trammelled -by official routine and exposed to all manner of outside influences. -The whole tone of life in Paris was inimical to an objective attitude. -Clamours for vengeance distorted the natural desire of honest men -in France and Belgium for security against future aggression by a -resuscitated Germany. The big industrial interests wanted to stifle -German trade and at the same time exact a huge indemnity; they -exploited the expectation of the working classes that, as a result -of victory, Allied industry would be given a fair start in future -competition with the enemy States. - -In the absence of any higher guidance, either moral or informed, -statecraft was entirely lacking in the proceedings of the Conference, -yet the situation was such that, if adroitly handled, measures were -possible which would have contributed powerfully to the security of -France and Belgium, by attenuating and dissipating reactionary elements -in the German Empire. Advantage might have been taken of the distrust -inspired by Prussia in the other German States, to create autonomous -and neutral zones in the Palatinate and the territory formerly -comprised in the Hanseatic League, to assist Bavaria to shake off -Prussian hegemony, and become a component with German Austria of a new -Catholic State in South-Eastern Europe, where conflicting national aims -and unruly populations needed a counterweight. - -No such measures were taken. The Conference was obsessed with details. -Every conceivable question was discussed before the one that was -most urgent--the conclusion of some form of peace which would let the -world resume its normal life. A state of affairs was protracted which -encouraged the greedy and unscrupulous, which checked any expression -of opinion by the “plain people” of President Wilson’s speeches, which -gave an opening to militarists, jingo journalists, and politicians, -whose ideas were those of German Junkers and who still believed in war. - -Jungle law reasserted itself. In an allegoric sense, the Conference -was like a jungle through which a forest fire had passed, destroying -the scanty verdure it had once possessed, leaving bare, blackened -stumps too hard to burn. Some of the larger, fiercer beasts had been -expelled; a few remained, and they, too, had been changed. A solitary -eagle had descended from his distant eyrie and, like a parrot, -screeched incessantly. “Fiume, Fiume, Fiume”--a chuckle followed, it -said--“Fourteen Points” but this was an obvious aside. The performance -was disappointing; polished and well-turned phrases had been expected -from so great a bird. The lion’s majestic mien had altered somewhat, -his movements were uncertain; from time to time his eyes sought, -furtively, a pack of jackals, who should have hunted with him, but, of -late, they had grown insolent to their natural leader and reviled him -in a high-pitched, daily wail. An old and wounded tiger roamed about -the jungle; his strength, so far from being impaired, had become almost -leonine; sometimes the jackals joined his own obedient cubs, and then -he snarled contentedly while the lion roared with jealousy and rage. -The bear was absent; he had turned savage through much suffering, and -the wolves who prowled around the outskirts of the jungle prevented -him from entering; they howled with terror whenever he approached, and -wanted the lion and the tiger to help to kill this dangerous type of -bear. A yellow dragon moaned in the far distance, but was unheeded; he -was no more a peril and had little left for the other beasts to steal. -Jubilant and shrill, the crowing of a cock was heard above the babel of -the jungle, announcing, to all who cared to listen, the dawn of fifteen -years of liberty in the valley of the Saar. - -The Peace Treaties promulgated by the Conference at Paris are -impregnated with the atmosphere in which they were drawn up--an -atmosphere charged with suspicion and hatred, fear and greed; not -one of them is in the spirit of the League of Nations. The Treaty -with Germany, in particular, discloses the predominance of French -influence in Allied councils. An old French nobleman once remarked, -“Les Bourgeois sont terribles lors qu’ils ont eu peur.” The conditions -imposed on a democratized and utterly defeated Germany are terrible -indeed, but curiously ineffective; they are a timid attempt to modify -vindictiveness by a half-hearted application of President Wilson’s -ethical principles; they satisfy no one; this is their one redeeming -feature, since it shows that they might have been even more vindictive -and still more futile for the achievement of their purpose, which -was, presumably, a lasting peace. Militarists and reactionaries could -not conceive a state of peace which did not repose on force and the -military occupation of large tracts of German territory. They were -twenty years behind the time. They did not realize that armies in -democratic countries consist of human beings who observe and think, -who cannot be treated as machines, and bidden to subordinate their -reasoning faculties to the designs of a few selfish and ambitious men. -Liberal thinkers, on the other hand, were shocked at Treaties which -inflamed the hearts of seventy million German-speaking people with -hatred and a desire for revenge, which cemented German unity, which -aroused a widespread irredentism and gave an incentive to industrious, -efficient populations to devote their time and efforts to preparations -for a future war and not to the arts of peace. Such men were neither -visionaries nor sentimentalists, they were practical men of affairs, -who foresaw that security could not be attained by visiting the sins of -outworn mediaeval Governments on the heads of their innocent victims -throughout Central Europe; that by the employment of such methods the -“League of Nations” was turned into a farce; that exasperation would -foster and provoke recalcitrance; that Germany would be a magnet to -every dissatisfied State; that other leagues and combinations might -be formed, on which it would be impossible to enforce a limitation -of their armaments. They pointed out that the imposition of fabulous -indemnities was two-edged, that payment of nine-tenths of the sums -suggested would have to be made in manufactured goods or raw materials, -a mode of payment which, in the end, might be more profitable to those -that paid than to the peoples who received. - -Inaugurated in an idealism which may have been exaggerated but was none -the less sincere, the Peace Conference has blighted the hope and faith -of “plain people” everywhere, and has consecrated cant. Respectability -has been enthroned amid circumstances of wealth and power; in its smug -and unctuous presence morality has found no place. The foundations of a -clearer, better world have not been laid; the apex has been placed on -a pyramid of errors, on which nothing can be built. - - * * * * * - -Versailles was chosen as the setting for a historic ceremony--the -signature of the Peace Treaty with what was still the German Empire, -though the imperial throne was vacant and a workman presided at -the councils of an Imperial Government. The choice was not without -significance. Democracy had triumphed, and, in the hour of victory, had -followed the example of autocratic rulers when making peace with other -autocrats. It was therefore only fitting that this Peace Treaty, whose -terms are inspired by the spirit of the past, should be signed in a -palace of the Kings of France. - -A palace on an artificial eminence, where once had been flat marshes -and wild forest land, built by a monarch to whom nothing was -impossible, and for the indulgence of whose whims no cost was deemed -excessive, either in money or in human lives. Viewed from the west on -misty autumn evenings, it seems an unearthly fabric; the exquisite -harmony of its line crowns and completes the surrounding landscape, -floating, as by enchantment, above the tree tops, as light in texture -as the clouds. A palace such as children dream of, when fairy stories -haunt their minds, peopling the world with princes young and valiant, -princesses beautiful and wayward, whose parents are virtuous Kings and -Queens and live in palaces like Versailles. - -Below the terraces, a broad alley stretches westward and meets the -horizon at two poplars. Beyond these isolated trees an empty sky is -seen. The poplars stand like sentinels guarding the confines of a vast -enclosure, where art and nature have conspired to shut out the ugly -things in life. A French Abbé, whose cultured piety ensures him a -welcome in this world and admission to the next, said that the royalty -of France had passed between and beyond those poplars--into nothingness. - -Amid a galaxy of statues of monarchs, statesmen, warriors, goddesses -and nymphs, only one piece of sculpture serves as a reminder that a -suffering world exists--the face of a woman of the people, graven in -bass-relief upon the central front. An old and tragic face, seamed with -deep wrinkles, sullen, inscrutable, one can imagine it hunched between -shoulders bowed by toil and shrunk by joyless motherhood. The eyes of -stone, to which a sculptor’s art has given life, are hard and menacing, -hopeless but not resigned; beneath their steadfast gaze has passed all -that was splendid in a bygone age, the greatest autocrats on earth and -women of quite a different sort. - - “Sceptre and crown have tumbled down - And in the level dust been laid - With the poor yokel’s scythe and spade.”[47] - -There were many faces in France and other countries which wore this -same expression, even after the triumph of Democracy over the autocrats -of Central Europe. They were not to be seen, however, on the terraces -of the palace when the Treaty of Peace with Germany was signed in the -“Hall of Mirrors,” where men in black were met together on yet another -“Field of Blackbirds,” where, after months of bickering, the larger -birds were expounding to their weaker brethren the latest infamies of -Jungle Law. The well-dressed men and women who thronged those terraces -were something between the proud aristocrats who created the legend of -Versailles and the masses of the underworld who have survived them, and -yet they seemed further from the two extremes than the extremes were -from each other; they were not of the stuff of leaders and were too -prosperous to be led; their manner was almost timid to the soldiers on -duty at this ceremony, who, though men of the people, were disdainful -to civilians after four years of war. One felt that this was a class -which might, at no distant date, attempt to imitate some Roman Emperors -and pay Pretorian Guards. A catastrophic war had contained no lesson -for these people; for them, its culmination at Versailles was far more -a social than a political event; they took no interest in politics, -they wanted security for property and a Government of strong men who -would keep the masses well in hand. They were not real democrats, -and they cheered both long and loud, when the men, who between them -had betrayed Democracy, emerged from the stately palace to see the -fountains play. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -LOOKING BACK AND FORWARD - - -Some one has said that evolution is a fact and progress a sentiment. -This definition casts a doubt on progress: it implies that progressive -thinkers are in the category of sentimentalists who do not deal in -facts. - -If no alternative existed between looking back on the slow advance of -evolution and looking forward in a spirit of sentimental hope, the -present situation would be dark indeed; a pessimist might be inclined -to conclude that civilization had ceased to advance, that, on the -contrary, its movement was retrograde. - -There is surely a middle course--a course not easy to pursue. It -consists in standing on the ground of fact, however miry, with heart -and head uplifted, and looking forward, with the determination not to -let mankind sink to the level of the beasts that perish, eager to reach -some higher ground. - - * * * * * - -Looking back over the past seven years, a reflective mind is appalled -by their futility and waste, and yet an analysis of this period as a -whole reveals that quality of ruthless logic, of inevitable sequence, -to be found in some Greek tragedies, in which the naked truth in all -its horror is portrayed with supreme dramatic art. - -Each phase of this blood-stained period discloses the same carnival of -mendacity and intrigue, the subordination of the public interest to -the designs of a few ambitious men, the exploitation of patriotism, -self-sacrifice, patience and valour by officials, whose inhuman outlook -and mediocrity of mind were screened by a mask of mystery. A piecemeal -study would be profitless. Military instruction might be gained from -oft-recurring slaughter, and hints on how to hoodwink peoples could -certainly be gathered from spasmodic intervals of peace. But these are -not the lessons the world seeks, they are precisely what it wishes to -forget. Rather, the effort must be made to trace the underlying impulse -in this tragic drama, which runs through it like a “leit-motif,” which -welds together processes so varying in their nature, and renders them -cumulative and inseparable, until they culminate in one unified and -comprehensive act. - -In its broadest sense, that impulse had its source in a frame of mind, -in a false conception, expressed in outworn governmental systems left -uncontrolled and tolerated by the victims, who, though suffering, -dreaded change. This frame of mind was general throughout Europe; -it was not confined to the Central Empires, whose ruling classes, -by their superior efficiency, merely offered the supreme example -of autocratic Governments which aimed at world-dominion both in a -political and economic sense. To the junkers and business men in -Germany and Austria-Hungary, the war of liberation in the Balkans -in 1912 was an opportunity to be seized, with a lack of scruple as -cynical as it was frank, because they hoped to fish in troubled waters; -its perversion into an internecine struggle was considered clever -diplomacy. The Treaty of Bucharest in 1913 was regarded as a triumph of -statecraft, since it caused a readjustment of the “Balance of Power” -in favour of themselves. But the so-called democratic Western Powers -gave their tacit acquiescence to these nefarious proceedings; their -association with the Russian Empire, so far from being designed to -correct immorality and injustice, perpetuated all the evils of a system -based on interested motives and selfish fears. The family of nations -consisted of six Great Powers; Small States existed under sufferance -and were treated as poor relations. Their rights were nebulous and -sometimes inconvenient, not to be recognized until they could be -extorted. This happened sometimes. The “Balance of Power” was a net -with closely woven meshes. Even the strongest carnivori in the European -jungle required, at times, the assistance of a mouse. - -Judged by its conduct of affairs in 1912 and the early part of 1913, -the British Government was without a Continental policy; at first, -it seemed to favour Austria-Hungary, the Albanian settlement and the -Treaty of Bucharest were a triumph for the “Ball-Platz,”[48] though -both these transactions were shortsighted and unjust. French policy -was paralysed by fear of Germany, and, owing to a mistaken choice of -representatives in almost all the Balkan capitals, the French Foreign -Office was curiously ill-informed. Italy was the ally of the Central -Powers and could not realize her own colonial aspirations without -their help. Russia, as ever, was the enigma, and Russian policy in -the Balkans, though ostensibly benevolent, aimed at the reduction of -Bulgaria and Servia to the position of vassal States. Rumania was also -an ally of the Central Powers. Dynastic and economic reasons made her -their client. She held aloof from purely Balkan questions, and posed as -the “Sentinel of the East.” - -Under such conditions, it was idle to expect an objective and -reasonable, or even decent, handling of Balkan questions. Bulgaria was -sacrificed ruthlessly to opportunism and expediency. The most efficient -race on the south bank of the Danube was embittered and driven into -unnatural hostility to Russia. The Balkan _bloc_ was disrupted by -skilful manipulation of national feeling, which was in many cases -honest and sincere, and thus, the Central Empires were able to so -dispose the pawns on the European chessboard as to facilitate their -opening moves, if, from a continuance in their policy of expansion, -there should ensue a European War. - -In due course, as was inevitable, the “Great War” came. During -the latter part of 1913 Great Britain had been inclined to favour -Russia’s Balkan policy. This suited France, and so the sides were set. -Throughout the war, the British Empire, save for a brief and disastrous -experiment at Gallipoli, continued to be without an Eastern policy. The -greatest Mohammedan Power in the world allowed itself to be swayed by -French and Russian counsels, and the heritage handed down and perfected -by Warren Hastings, Clive, and Canning was left to the mercy of -events. No Frenchman, however gifted, can grasp the scope and mission -of the British Empire; to the Pan-Slavs who directed Russia’s foreign -policy, our far-flung supremacy in the East was an object of envy and a -stumbling block. - -Although the Balkan States, while they remained neutral, were courted -assiduously by the Allied Powers, they were still looked upon as pawns. -A policy which can only be described as unprincipled was pursued. -British prestige became the tool of French and Russian intrigue, and -Great Britain’s reputation for tenacity, justice and fair play was -jeopardized. - -Rumania, once she became our ally, was treated as a dependency of -Russia, although the most superficial student of the past history of -these two States could have foreseen her fate. But she, like Servia -and Greece, was only a little country and counted as small dust in the -balance. She could be over-run and devastated, once she had played -her part; that was a little country’s lot. The frame of mind which, -subconsciously perhaps, possessed the French and British Governments -was not so unlike that of the actively vicious autocratic Empires; -they, too, relied on experts and officials, to whom Small States and -helpless peoples were negligible factors, who respected only force and -wealth, who viewed human affairs exclusively from those standpoints, -and, wrapped in a mantle of self-satisfaction, as ignorant of -psychology as of true statesmanship, could not perceive the portents of -the times. - -It is possible that historians of the future will select three events -as the outstanding features of the “Great World War”: the participation -of the United States of America, the Russian Revolution, and the -collapse of the German Military System. The first of these was, -undoubtedly, an expression of idealism. Cynics may say that America -was influenced by self-interest, but they invariably judge humanity -by their own worldly standards. The “plain people” of America were -inspired by nobler sentiments; the measure of their sincerity in the -cause of liberty is their present disillusionment, caused by the -failure of democratic Governments to make a democratic peace. The -intervention of America undoubtedly ensured and accelerated the final -triumph of the Allies; but it did more than that, it solidarized -democracy for a brief period, and demonstrated the willingness of free -people to sacrifice their lives and money for an unworldly cause. It -was, to a great extent, an Anglo-Saxon movement, and opened up, till -then, undreamt of vistas; it was a light which, although a transient -gleam, lit up the way for the regeneration of the world. - -The Russian Revolution was the outcome of misgovernment by a corrupt -bureaucracy, and the passionate desire of an exhausted, suffering -population for a return to peace. Misconceived by the rest of Europe -and misdirected by Kerensky, it degenerated into civil war; yet it did -prove that even the most down-trodden people possess the power and -instinct of self-liberation. - -The collapse of the German Military System removed a formidable barrier -to human progress. Its efficiency, as an administrative and national -institution, had seemed to justify the glorification of the State -at the expense of individual freedom; a dangerous example had been -set which militarists in every land took as a model and a guide. Had -Germany been ruled by statesmen, this odious system might have gained a -further lease of life; by a fortunate fatality it became the instrument -of its own destruction, it was the sword on which Old Europe fell, its -very excellence caused that finely tempered blade to last until it -broke into a thousand pieces, thereby providing a conclusive revelation -of the futility of force. - -Events so portentous should have influenced the minds of delegates -who were worthy of the name of statesmen, when they met to make the -Peace at Paris. Unfortunately, this was not the case. The same frame -of mind permeated the Conference as that which had existed before and -throughout the war. Small States and peoples everywhere were sacrificed -to the interests of the greater victorious Powers, whose spokesmen -were the representatives and members of a propertied and privileged -class. Two fears were ever present in their minds: Germany, the monster -python State, had committed suicide, and thus had brought them victory, -but this victory was so sudden and unexpected that they could hardly -understand its meaning. They imagined that following on it would come -a swift reaction, that the old system would revive; in fact, they half -hoped that it would, it conjured up less disturbing visions than this -revolt of a warlike, disciplined people, this abrupt transition from -the old order to the new. Even victory had lost its savour; it seemed -to them a source of danger that the most evil Government should fall, -and so they set to work to recreate the bogy of German militarism -with propaganda’s artful aid. The other bogy was the dread that a -communistic experiment might succeed in Russia. Rather than let that -happen, they were one and all prepared to wage another war. - -Either from vanity or jealousy, the four heads of the Governments of -the Allied and Associated States appointed themselves as principal -delegates at the Conference, in spite of the fact that their presence -was essential in their respective countries, where a host of measures -dealing with social legislation were already long overdue. Further, -their incompetence and unsuitability for the task before them were -manifest, and yet, beyond their decisions, there could be no appeal. -Each of the Big Four had, at one time or another, reached place and -power as a tribune of the people, but when they met in Paris they had -undergone a change. Mr. Lloyd George had sold his soul for a mess of -pottage, in the shape of a Parliamentary majority secured by truckling -to reactionaries and the vulgar clamour of the Jingo Press. Mr. -Wilson failed to make good his eloquent professions as an apostle of -democracy; he succumbed to the atmosphere of Paris, and only succeeded -in irritating Italy without establishing the principles for which he -was supposed to stand. With two such men in charge of Anglo-Saxon -policy, the triumph of M. Clemenceau[49] was not left long in doubt. -He could count in advance on the support of capitalist elements in -Great Britain and the United States; and thus, the power and wealth -of the British Empire and America were used by an aged Frenchman as a -stick to beat helpless, starving peoples and to slake a Latin craving -for revenge. A shameful rôle, indeed, for a race which has never known -ultimate defeat and has always been magnanimous in the hour of victory. - -Mr. Lloyd George and President Wilson took back to their respective -countries a settlement of European questions of which no sensible -English-speaking citizen could possibly approve. It was at best -a liquidation of the war and marked an intermediate phase. The -Austro-Hungarian Empire, as an administrative and economic unit, -has been destroyed, but no serious attempt was made to put anything -practical in its place; Eastern and Central Europe have been -Balkanized, and in the Balkans the evils of the Treaty of Bucharest -have been consummated; frontiers and disabilities have been imposed -upon the German people which have aroused a widespread irredentism and -cannot be maintained; the policy of intervention against the Soviet -Government in Russia has been immoral and inept, while the vacillation -in regard to Turkey cannot fail to have serious repercussion throughout -the whole Mohammedan world. - -A state of moral anarchy has been created, both in the conquered and -victorious States. In France, sane opinion is unable to control the -activities of roving generals obsessed with the Napoleonic legend; in -the United States the general tendency is to leave Europe to its fate, -but disgust with European diplomatic methods has not prevented certain -forms of imitation; in Great Britain, irresponsible politicians have -brought discredit on our Parliamentary system, the House of Commons -does not represent the more serious elements in the country, labour is -restless and dissatisfied, and even moderate men are tempted to resort -to unconstitutional methods, to “direct action,” as the only means of -obtaining recognition for the workers’ reasonable demands. - -The decisions of the Supreme Council of the Allies are without any -moral sanction, because, owing to its past acts, the moral sense of the -entire world is blunted. Despair and misery prevail throughout Central -and Eastern Europe; around and beyond the main centres of infection, -the poison is spreading to the world’s remotest parts; India and -Northern Africa are filled with vague but menacing unrest. When the -lassitude of war is passed, more serious developments must be expected: -D’Annunzio and Bermondt are but the forerunners of many similar -adventurers who, both in Europe and in Asia, will find followers and -funds. - -Truly, Old Europe has committed suicide. The autocratic Empires have -perished by the sword; the Western States, under the rule of spurious -democrats, bid fair to perish by the Peace. Democracy has been betrayed -by its own ignorance and apathy, by misplaced confidence in mediocre -men, by failure to be democratic, by permitting politicians and -officials to usurp the people’s sovereign power. - -A new danger is on the horizon. The men who scoffed at progress, who -at first derided the League of Nations, and to whose influence were -due the prolongation of the Armistice and the worst features of the -Treaties, are alarmed by the present situation. The official mind is -seeking for a remedy, and it now professes to have found it in the -“League of Nations,” to which it does lip-service, meaning to use it, -in the first place, as a buffer, and later as an instrument. These -men do not recognize that with the downfall of the autocratic Empires -materialism in its most efficient form has proved a failure; the fallen -fortunes of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia convey no warning to -them. They think that once again the public can be tricked. They have -made a German peace and are so blind to facts that, in spite of the -testimony of Ludendorff, they do not realize that victory was gained -by peoples, who were unconquerable because they thought their cause -was just. Theirs is the frame of mind of German “Junkers”; to them the -masses are like cattle to be driven in a herd; they will, if given -a free rein, once more subserve the interests of capitalists, and -Governments will be influenced by men who, having great possessions, -take counsel of selfish fears. - -A League which includes Liberia and excludes Germany, Austria, Hungary -and Russia, and whose covenant is embodied in the Peace Treaties, makes -a bad start. The intention has been expressed of inviting Germany, -at some future date, to become a member of the League. Whether this -invitation will be accepted will depend on circumstances; in Europe’s -present state of instability the omens are far from favourable to -acceptance. A truly democratic Germany will be a tremendous force in -Europe, and may find in Russia, under a Soviet Government, an ally -more in sympathy with progress than either Great Britain or the Latin -Powers under reactionary governments. The Russians, once our allies, -regard the French and British with hatred and resentment, and these -same feelings animate all the nationalities on whom have been forced -insulting terms of Peace. Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Yougo-Slavia and the -Greater Rumania are political experiments. These States contain men of -great ability, who may, in the abstract, accept the principles of the -League, but their position is neither safe nor easy; in no single case -can national aspirations obtain full satisfaction without impinging -on the territory of a neighbour, on each and every frontier fixed in -Paris there is a pocket in dispute. It is doubtful whether any of the -small Allied States can be considered trustworthy members of a League, -which, while preaching internationalism, has perverted nationalism into -a “will to power,” for which conditions of membership are defined by -conquerors, whose conduct hitherto has revealed an entire lack of an -international spirit, save in regard to international finance. So many -temptations to recalcitrance exist that, if Germany remains outside the -League, another combination might be formed, under German leadership, -and including Russia, Austria, Hungary, Greater Roumania and Bulgaria. -A combination untrammelled by self-denying ordinances, compact, -almost continuous, controlling the land routes of two continents. No -limitation of its armaments could be enforced on such a combination; it -would have access to Russia’s vast natural resources, and, if war came, -for the first time in history, a coalition of belligerent States would -be impervious to blockade by sea. - -While the Treaties stand, and while the present frame of mind of -the Allied Governments continues, such is the situation into which -the world is drifting, and for which the Covenant of the League, as -drafted, provides no panacea. Even the leading members of that League -are dubious adherents to its moral implications; each of them makes -some reservation, not based on the principles of progress, but inspired -by a distorted sense of patriotism which, in its essence, is the -outcome and cult of private interests. - -The League of Nations was unfortunate in its birthplace. Throughout -the Conference the frenzied merriment in Paris was characteristic -of the cosmopolitan class which has grown up in an industrial age. -These parasites on the wealth of nations possess neither the spirit -of _nobless oblige_ nor any sympathy with the masses, and yet they -influence affairs; they appear light and frivolous, as though they had -no interest in life beyond dancing and feasting on the ruins of Old -Europe, and deadening reflection with the discords of jazz bands; but -behind these puppets in the show are cold and calculating men, who use -“Society” and the atmosphere it creates to kill enthusiasm, to fetter -and sensualize weaker minds. After listening to the conversation at a -semi-official and fashionable gathering last June in Paris, a French -priest pronounced the opinion that only a second redemption could save -the world. This old man was always charitable in his judgments, he -had heard the confessions of many sinners, but he was roused to moral -indignation by the heartless cynicism of the talk around him; his -feelings as a Christian had been outraged, and, although the remark -was made simply and without affectation, it rang like the denunciation -of a prophet, the speaker’s kind eyes kindled and his small, frail -body seemed to grow in size. My mind went back to the Cathedral Church -at Jassy one Easter Eve. There, for a time, had reigned the proper -spirit; it had been fugitive, like all such moods. As Renan says: “_On -n’atteint l’idéal qu’un moment_.”[50] - -If Europe is not to relapse into a race of armaments, world politics -must be controlled by forces less selfish and insidious. A more serious -element is required in public life, an element which will represent -the innumerable men and women who work with their hands and brains. -These are the people who desire peace, who find and seek no profit in -a state of war. They are neither revolutionaries nor faddists, they -are workers; they protest against the Treaties as a flagrant violation -of all principles of right, as an attempt to crush the spirit of the -conquered peoples, to visit the crimes of “irresponsible Governments” -on the heads of innocents; they denounce a policy in Russia which makes -the Russian people pariahs, and despise the men who, before peace had -been ratified with Germany, invited collaboration in the blockade of -Russia from the men they had called the Huns. - -A great fact in evolution has occurred, and now mankind is at the -parting of the ways. Those who await a miracle or a hero to save them -from themselves are unworthy citizens and use an idle form of speech -when they talk of a new world. Old Europe’s suicide will culminate -in world-wide chaos, unless Democracy asserts itself and counsels of -wisdom and sanity prevail. - -Time presses. The reaction of foreign policy on the internal affairs -of every State is becoming increasingly direct. Peace Treaties have -been signed, but slaughter and terrorism continue. In Central Europe, -great rivers, which are serene and splendid highways, are still defiled -with human blood, still serve as barriers and are charged with sighs. -The old discredited methods of “Secret Diplomacy” are being followed -and the destinies of peoples are still at the mercy of officials who -deal in bargains and transactions. In Great Britain and France, both in -the Press and Parliament, reactionary forces have got the upper hand. -As a consequence, trade is paralysed, and human misery exists on an -unprecedented scale. - -While these conditions last, peace will be precarious. But the next -war will not be made by nations; it will be civil war, the misgoverned -will rise against their rulers and the foundations of our social fabric -will rock. The workers in all lands have realised, at last, that their -interests are the same, and that the greatest war in history was, from -their point of view, an internecine struggle. Only the purblind or the -reckless ignore this fact. - -But, portentous as it is, this fact is the one redeeming feature of the -present situation, since it is the expression of a change of spirit, -and the first step towards more rational relationships between the -nations. Despair would be justified indeed if pride and prejudice and -greed permeated the masses as they do the classes, if the doctrines -preached by Jingo newspapers or the conversation in certain classes -of society were correct indices of the thoughts and ideals of our -generation. - -Fortunately, this is not the case. Five years of war have been a -purifying blood-bath, they have taught innumerable men and women, -through suffering, to think. - -A clamour of voices has arisen; their cry is “Forward” and is uttered -by millions of exasperated people, become articulate since the war. -From every quarter comes the tramp of hurrying feet, a mighty movement -is in progress. It cannot, like “sleeping waters,” be pent up, but its -purpose is not destructive. It seeks a useful outlet for a vast store -of human energy, a freer, wider life for manual workers, too long the -victims of exploitation, whose hearts and hands are needed to turn the -new world’s mill. - -All lovers of freedom are in this movement; they are of every race -and creed and possess the true international spirit, whose aim is -progress. Not progress towards some impossible Utopia, where human -nature plays no part, but progress by ordered stages towards a more -reasonable social system, wherein the few will not exploit the many and -unscrupulous efficiency will be held in check; wherein idealism will -count a little and mankind, taught by adversity, will no longer wish -to be deceived; wherein “plain people,” however humble, will shake -off the shackles of apathy and indifference to moral issues, and claim -their birth-right. - - * * * * * - -Egyptian monarchs built pyramids as tombs. Old Europe, during the -process of its suicide, built up a pyramid of errors which may well -serve, not only as the tomb of mediaeval systems, of false conceptions, -but also as a monument to remind succeeding generations of the errors -of the past. - -A pyramid is a structure whose form is final, just bare, blank walls -converging to a point, and there it ends, offering a symbol of that -human pride which dares to set a limit to the progress of mankind. - -Progress admits of no finality. Filled with the sentiment of progress -and standing on the ground of fact, humanity can look forward and ever -upward, and thus can rear a nobler edifice--a temple broad-based on -liberty and justice, whose columns are poised on sure foundations, -columns that soar and spring eternal, emblems of youth and hope. - - -THE END - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] The Ergene is a tributary of the Maritza and lies in Turkish Thrace. - -[2] On the Enos-Midia line, thus leaving Constantinople in Turkish -hands with a small hinterland in Europe. - -[3] Santa Sofia. - -[4] “It is the liquidation of Austria.” - -[5] Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office in Vienna. - -[6] Turkish statistics: There is good reason to believe that these -figures were approximately correct; it is most improbable, in any case, -that the Turks would have exaggerated the number of Bulgars in this -vilayet. - -[7] A bay in the Eastern Mediterranean Coast to which a British -squadron was sent whenever it was necessary to put pressure on the -Turks. - -[8] “The Great Powerless.” - -[9] “Don’t touch the Adriatic.” - -[10] Austria-Hungary. - -[11] “An accomplished fact.” - -[12] That is a big nothing. - -[13] Baron Burian, afterwards Count Burian, a prominent -Austro-Hungarian diplomat both before and during the war. - -[14] Count Albert Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador in London for -15 years. - -[15] A place close to and just outside the S.W. frontier of Bulgaria, -where the Bulgars resisted the combined attacks of the Servian and -Greek armies for 14 days. - -[16] “A Cascade of Thrones.” The title of a series of articles -published by M. Take Jonescu in 1915. - -[17] “Balkan haggling.” - -[18] See map. - -[19] “The Thrust to the East.” - -[20] Loans are made only to the rich. - -[21] Count Tisza, leader of the Hungarian Conservatives and ultimately -assassinated in Budapest by a Hungarian Socialist. - -[22] Abandon Austria and we will abandon the French. - -[23] The opportune moment. - -[24] The father of M. Bratiano was the celebrated Rumanian patriot -who, in 1878, was tricked out of Bessarabia by Prince Gortchakoff, the -Russian Envoy, at the Treaty of Vienna. - -[25] Count Czernin was at this period Austro-Hungarian Minister in -Bucharest; he succeeded Count Berchtold as Chancellor in the Dual -Monarchy after the death of the Emperor Francis Joseph. - -[26] An Hungarian province at the confluence of the Danube and the -Theiss, N.E. of Belgrade. - -[27] In the war of 1877 between Russia and Turkey, Rumania had come to -the rescue of Russia when the Russian army was held up by the Turks -under Osman Pasha at Plevna. - -[28] The husband of Francesca da Rimini, who killed his wife and her -lover. - -[29] The French General commanding the Allied Forces at Salonika. - -[30] Baron von der Büsche; he became later Under-Secretary of State in -the Foreign Office at Berlin. - -[31] The River Sereth divides Wallachia from Moldavia. - -[32] Presan was one of Rumania’s ablest generals; he had commanded the -Northern Army at the commencement of hostilities, and was entrusted -with the direction of the operations for the defence of Bucharest. -After the retreat into Moldavia he became Chief of Staff to the King. - -[33] Dorna Vatra is a town in the Carpathians on the S.W. frontier of -Bukovina. - -[34] The River Pruth defines part of the frontier between Rumania and -Bessarabia and enters the Danube at Galatz. - -[35] About 60 per cent. of the supplies of ammunition sent by the -Western Powers to Rumania were lost or stolen in transit through Russia. - -[36] These Articles prescribed the position of the King of Rumania -as Commander-in-Chief of all forces in Rumanian territory. After the -retreat into Moldavia, advantage was taken of the somewhat inexplicit -character of these Articles and the preponderance of Russian troops to -place King Ferdinand under the orders of the Czar. - -[37] The former German Minister to Bucharest. - -[38] “Kyrie Eleison,” the Greek for “Lord have mercy on us,” described -by Cardinal Wiseman as “that cry for mercy which is to be found in -every liturgy of East and West.” - -[39] Marasesti is a village in the Sereth Valley, where six Rumanian -divisions repelled repeated assaults by numerically superior German and -Austro-Hungarian forces under Field-Marshal Mackensen. The Rumanians -fought unsupported and caused 100,000 casualties in the enemy ranks. -They held their positions until the signature of peace at Bucharest. - -[40] General Nivelles. - -[41] To Paris. - -[42] To Berlin. - -[43] Speech of April 2nd, 1917. - -[44] Message of December 4th, 1917. - -[45] Declaration of September 27th, 1918. - -[46] In a speech at Birmingham University on December 12, 1918, Lord -Robert Cecil said: “Our new ‘Society of Nations’ must not be a group, -however large and important. It is absolutely essential that the -‘League of Nations’ should be open to every nation which can be trusted -by its fellows to accept ‘ex animo,’ the principles and basis of such a -Society.” - -[47] In the original-- - - “Sceptre and crown _will_ tumble down, - And in the level dust _be_ laid,” etc. - -[48] The former Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office in Vienna. - -[49] During the Conference, a well-known Pole, whose reputation for -shrewd observation is established, remarked: “Mr. Lloyd George has a -passion for popularity and is the most popular man in Paris, but the -‘Tiger’ is running the British Empire.” - -[50] The ideal is reached for a moment only. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not -changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced -quotation marks retained. - -Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. - -Text uses both “Fraternalization” and “Fraternization”. - -Page 133: “were” was missing in “Fundamentally, they were wrong”; -changed here. - -Page 150: “battles are not merely battues” was printed that way, and -may have been intentional. - -Page 175: “bass-relief” was printed that way. - -Page 188: “nobless oblige” was printed that way. - -Footnote 2, originally Footnote 1 on page 20: “Enos-Midia line” appeared -to have been misprinted as “Encs-Midia line”; changed here. - -Footnote 18, originally Footnote 1 on page 63, refers to a map. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Old Europe's Suicide - or The Building of a Pyramid of Errors - -Author: Christopher Birdwood Thomson - -Release Date: November 6, 2016 [EBook #53464] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD EUROPE'S SUICIDE *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Charlie Howard, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<h1>OLD EUROPE’S SUICIDE</h1> - -<blockquote class="narrow"> - -<p>“For History of Times representeth the -magnitude of actions and the public faces -and deportments of persons, and passeth -over in silence the smaller passages and motions -of ‘men and matters.’”</p> - -<p class="right"> -—<i>Francis Bacon</i> -</p></blockquote> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="BRIGADIER-GENERAL"></a>BRIGADIER-GENERAL<br /> -CHRISTOPHER BIRDWOOD THOMSON</h2> -</div> - -<p>General Thomson comes of an English family of soldiers. -He is about forty-five years old, and has a career -of active service behind him, having served as subaltern -four years in the Boer War, then having passed the -Staff-College, and subsequently having been employed -by the War Office in Balkan service.</p> - -<p>At the very beginning of the Great War he was engaged -in Staff work at the French front, and in 1915 to -1917 was the British military representative in the -Balkans. In the Palestine campaign he saw active service -in the field until the occupation of Jerusalem.</p> - -<p>When the Supreme War Council was convened at -Versailles, Thomson was recalled and was attached as -British Military Representative in 1918 remaining until -the conclusion of its peace negotiations. In 1919 he -retired with rank of Brigadier General—Royal Engineers.</p> - -<p>He has now entered the field of politics as a member -of the Labour Party and is the selected candidate for -Parliament, standing for Central Bristol. He was a -member of the Labour Party commission which recently -visited Ireland; and his services in the intensive campaign -work of the Labour Party in Great Britain have -occupied the past year.</p> - -<hr /> -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 571px;"> -<img src="images/i_frontis.jpg" width="571" height="501" alt="" /> -<div class="caption"><p>THE PYRAMID OF ERRORS</p></div> -</div> - -<hr /> - -<p class="newpage p4 center xxlarge wspace bold"> -OLD EUROPE’S<br /> -SUICIDE</p> - -<p class="p2 center">OR</p> - -<p class="p1 center large wspace vspace">THE BUILDING OF A PYRAMID<br /> -OF ERRORS</p> - -<p class="p1 center vspace larger">An account of certain events in Europe during<br /> -the Period 1912–1919</p> - -<p class="p2 center vspace wspace">By<br /> -<span class="larger">BRIGADIER-GENERAL<br /> -<span class="larger">CHRISTOPHER BIRDWOOD THOMSON</span></span></p> - -<div class="p2 figcenter" style="width: 91px;"> -<img src="images/i_title.jpg" width="91" height="57" alt="Publiisher's logo" /> -</div> - -<p class="p2 center vspace larger"> -<span class="smcap">New York</span><br /> -<span class="larger">THOMAS SELTZER</span><br /> -1922 -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="newpage p4 center"> -Copyright, 1922, by<br /> -THOMAS SELTZER, <span class="smcap">Inc.</span></p> - -<p class="center"><i>All Rights Reserved</i></p> - -<hr /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="DEDICATION"></a>DEDICATION</h2> -</div> - -<p class="center vspace"> -THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED TO ONE<br /> -I HAVE ALWAYS CALLED<br /> -“<span class="smcap larger">La Belle Sagesse</span>,”<br /> -WHO GREATLY<br /> -LOVES HER COUNTRY AND HER<br /> -GARDEN BY<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smcap larger">The “Sleeping Waters”</span>. -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix">ix</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2> -</div> - -<p>This book is a retrospect covering the period 1912–1919. -It begins with the first Balkan War, and ends -with the Peace Conference at Paris. Many of the events -described have been dealt with by other writers, and the -only justification for adding one more volume to an already -well-stocked library, is that the author was an -eye-witness of all that he relates and enjoyed peculiar -opportunities for studying the situation as a whole. To -impressions derived from personal contact with many of -the principal actors in this world-drama has been added -the easy wisdom which comes after the event. With -these qualifications a conscientious effort has been made -to arrange the subject matter in proper sequence and to -establish some connection between cause and effect—not -with a view to carping criticism, but rather to stress -the more obvious errors of the past and glean from them -some guidance for the future.</p> - -<p>It would be a rash statement to say that a European -conflagration was the inevitable outcome of a little Balkan -War, but metaphor will not be strained by comparing -that same little war to a spark in close proximity to -a heap of combustible material, a spark fanned in secret -by ambitious and unscrupulous men, while others stood -by, and, either from ignorance or indifference, did nothing -to prevent an inevitable and incalculable disaster. -That, as the present writer sees it, is the parable of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x">x</a></span> -Balkan Wars. And so in the first part of this book, -which deals with the period 1912–1914, the selfish intrigues -of the Central Empires are contrasted with the -equally vicious proceedings of the Imperial Russian -Government, with the ignorance and inertia which characterized -Great Britain’s Continental policy and with -the vacillations of the Latin States. In later chapters, -comments are made on the diplomatic negotiations with -the neutral Balkan States in 1915 and 1916, on the conduct -of the war and on the Treaty signed June 28, -1919, in the Palace at Versailles.</p> - -<p>The title refers to the downfall of the Central -Empires, which were the last strongholds of the aristocratic -traditions of Old Europe, both from a social and -a political point of view. It is submitted that these -Empires perished prematurely through the suicidal folly -of their ruling classes. Under wiser statesmanship, -their autocratic governmental system might have survived -another century. Germany and Austria-Hungary -were prosperous States, and were assured of still greater -prosperity if events had pursued their normal course. -But pride, ambition, impatience and an overweening -confidence in efficiency without idealism destroyed their -plans. They put their faith in Force, mere brutal -Force, and hoped to achieve more rapidly by conquest a -commercial and political predominance which, by waiting -a few years, they could have acquired without bloodshed. -In the end, the military weapon they had forged -became the instrument of their own destruction. Too -much was demanded from the warlike German tribes; -an industrial age had made war an affair of workshops, -and against them were arrayed all the resources of -Great Britain and America. Blind to these patent facts,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi">xi</a></span> -a few reckless militarists who held the reins of power -goaded a docile people on to desperate and unavailing -efforts, long after all hope of victory had vanished, and -thus committed suicide as a despairing warrior does who -falls upon his sword.</p> - -<p>The Prussian military system collapsed in the throes -of revolution and the rest of Europe breathed again. -Materialism in its most efficient form had failed, and to -peoples bearing the intolerable burden imposed by armaments -came a new hope. Unfortunately, that hope was -vain. With the cessation of hostilities, the suicide of -Old Europe was not completely consummated. After -the signing of the Armistice, enlightened opinion, though -undoubtedly disconcerted by the rapid march of events, -expected from the sudden downfall of the Central -Empires a swift transition from the old order to the new. -The expectation was not unreasonable that four years of -wasteful, mad destruction would be a lesson to mankind -and, in a figurative sense, would form the apex of a -pyramid of errors—a pyramid rising from a broad base -of primitive emotions, through secret stages of artifice -and intrigue, and culminating in a point on which nothing -could be built. A gloomy monument, indeed, and -useless—save as a habitation for the dead.</p> - -<p>In an evil hour for civilization, the delegates who met -to make the Peace in Paris preferred the prospect of immediate -gain to laying the foundation of a new and better -world. They, and the experts who advised them, -saw in the pyramid of errors a familiar structure, though -incomplete. Its completion demanded neither vision, -nor courage, nor originality of thought; precedent was -their only guide in framing Treaties which crowned the -errors of the past and placed its topmost block.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii">xii</a></span></p> - -<p>The chickens hatched at Versailles are now coming -home to roost. Democracy has been betrayed, our -boasted civilization has been exposed as a thin veneer -overlaying the most savage instincts. Throughout all -Europe a state of moral anarchy prevails, hatred and a -lust for vengeance have usurped the place not only of -charity and decent conduct but also of statesmanship -and common-sense. Peoples mistrust their neighbours -and their rulers, rich territories are unproductive for -lack of confidence and goodwill.</p> - -<p>These ills are moral and only moral remedies will cure -them. Force <em>was</em> required, and has done its work in -successfully resisting aggression by military states now -humbled and dismembered. But Force is a weapon -with a double edge, and plays no part in human progress.</p> - -<p>While this book endeavours to draw some lessons from -the war and from the even more disastrous peace, at the -same time it pleads a cause. That cause is Progress, and -an appeal is made to all thinking men and women to -give their attention to these urgent international affairs, -which affect not only their prosperity, but their honour -as citizens of civilized States. The first step in this direction -is to inform ourselves. If, in the following -pages, a little light is thrown on what was before obscure, -the writer will feel that his toil in the execution of -an unaccustomed task has been rewarded.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="smcap">C. W. Thomson</span> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap">London.</span><br /> -<span class="in3">December 6, 1921.</span> -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiii">xiii</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table id="toc" summary="Contents"> - <tr class="small"> - <td colspan="2"> </td> - <td class="tdr nopad">PAGE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl nopad" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Preface</span></td> - <td class="tdr nopad"><a href="#PREFACE">xi</a></td></tr> - <tr class="small"> - <td class="tdl nopad" colspan="2">CHAPTER</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">I.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">A Day on the Danube</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">1</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">II.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Belgrade—October, 1912: A View from a Window</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">10</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">III.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Battle of Kumanovo</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">20</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">IV.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Macedonia—1912</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">35</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">V.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Albania—1912–1913</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">49</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">VI.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Second Balkan War and the Treaty of Bucharest</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">59</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">VII.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Two Men Who Died</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">69</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">VIII.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">“1914” Peace and War</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">74</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">IX.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Neutral Balkan States—1915</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">84</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">X.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Sleeping Waters</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">99</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">XI.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Disaster in Rumania—1916</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">108</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">XII.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Russian Revolution and the Russo-Rumanian Offensive—1917</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">127</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">XIII.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">A Midnight Mass</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">143</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">XIV.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">“Westerners” and “Easterners”</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">147</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">XV.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Peace Conference at Paris—1919</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">161</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr top">XVI.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Looking Back and Looking Forward</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">177</a></td></tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="OLD_EUROPES_SUICIDE"></a><span class="larger">OLD EUROPE’S SUICIDE</span></h2> -</div> - -<hr /> -<h2 class="nobreak p2 vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">A Day On The Danube</span></span></h2> - -<p>“When the snows melt there will be war in the -Balkans,” had become an habitual formula in the Foreign -Offices of Europe during the first decade of the -twentieth century. Statesmen and diplomats found -comfort in this prophecy on their return from cures at -different Continental spas, because, the season being -autumn, the snow had still to fall, and would not melt -for at least six months. This annual breathing space -was welcome after the anxieties of spring and summer; -the inevitable war could be discussed calmly and dispassionately, -preparations for its conduct could be made -methodically, and brave words could be bandied freely -in autumn in the Balkans. Only an imminent danger -inspires fear; hope has no time limit, the most unimaginative -person can hope for the impossible twenty years -ahead.</p> - -<p>Without regard either for prophecies or the near approach -of winter, Bulgaria, Servia, Greece and Montenegro -declared war on Turkey at the beginning of October, -1912. The Balkan <em>Bloc</em> had been formed, and did -not include Rumania, a land where plenty had need of -peace; King Charles was resolutely opposed to participation -in the war, he disdained a mere Balkan alliance -as unworthy of the “Sentinel of the Near East.”</p> - -<p>Bukarest had, for the moment anyhow, lost interest;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2">2</a></span> -my work there was completed, and a telegram from -London instructed me to proceed to Belgrade. The -trains <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">via</i> Budapest being overcrowded, I decided on -the Danube route, and left by the night train for Orsova, -in company with a number of journalists and business -men from all parts of Rumania. We reached the -port of the Iron Gate before dawn, and found a Hungarian -steamer waiting; soon after daybreak we were -heading up stream.</p> - -<p>Behind us lay the Iron Gate, its gloom as yet unconquered -by the sunrise; on our left the mountains of -North-Eastern Servia rose like a rampart; on our right -the foothills of the Carpathians terminated abruptly at -the river’s edge; in front the Danube shimmered with -soft and ever-changing lights; a stillness reigned which -no one cared to break, even the crew spoke low, like -pious travellers before a shrine. War’s alarms seemed -infinitely distant from those glistening waters set in -an amphitheatre of hills.</p> - -<p>“How can man, being happy, still keep his happy -hour?” The pageant of dawn and river and mountain -faded as the sun rose higher; dim outlines became hard -and sharp; the Iron Gate, surmounted by eddying -wisps of mist, looked like a giant cauldron. The pass -broadened with our westward progress revealing the -plain of Southern Hungary, low hills replaced the mountains -on the Servian bank. A bell rang as we stopped -at a small river port, it announced breakfast and reminded -us, incidentally, that stuffy smells are inseparable -from human activities, even on the Danube, and -within sight of the blue mountains of Transylvania.</p> - -<p>My travelling companions were mainly British and -French, with a sprinkling of Austrians and Italians.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3">3</a></span> -To all of them the latest development in the Balkan -situation was of absorbing interest, and they discussed -it incessantly from every point of view. Their attitude, -as I learnt later, was typical, not one of them -had failed to foresee everything that had happened; -in the case of the more mysterious mannered, one had -a vague impression that they had planned the whole -business, and were awaiting results like rival trainers -of racehorses on the eve of a great race. These citizens -of the Great Powers were, in their commerce with the -Balkan peoples, a curious mixture of patron and partisan. -The right to patronize was, in their opinion, conferred -by the fact of belonging to a big country; the -partisan spirit had been developed after a short residence -in the Peninsula. This spirit was perhaps based -on genuine good will and sincere sympathy, but it certainly -was not wholly disinterested. There was no reason -why it should have been. No man can, simultaneously, -be a good citizen of two countries; he will nearly -always make money in one and spend it in the other. -Patriotism is made to cover a multitude of sins, and, -where money is being made, the acid test of political -professions is their effect on business.</p> - -<p>Listening to the conversation on the steamer I was -astonished by the vivacity with which these self-appointed -champions urged and disputed the territorial -claims of each Balkan State in turn. Remote historical -precedents were dragged in to justify the most extravagant -extension of territory, secret treaties were hinted -at which would change the nationality of millions of -peasants, and whole campaigns were mapped out with -a knowledge of geography which, to any one fresh from -official circles in London, was amazing.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4">4</a></span></p> - -<p>From breakfast on, the babel of voices continued, -and it was curious to note how the different nationalities -grouped themselves. The British were, almost to -a man, pro-Bulgar, they wanted Bulgaria to have the -greater part of Macedonia and Thrace, some of them -even claimed Constantinople and Salonika for their -protégés; they were on the whole optimistic as to the -success of the Allies. The French and Italians urged -the claims of Servia, Greece and Rumania in Macedonia; -in regard to Albania the French were in favour of dividing -that country between Servia and Greece, but this -latter suggestion provoked vehement protests from the -Italians. The three Austrians hardly joined in the discussion -at all, one of them remarked that he agreed -with the writer of the leading article in the <cite>Neue Freie -Presse</cite> of a few days back, who compared the Balkan -Peninsula to a certain suburb of Berlin, where there was -one bank too many, and where, as a consequence, all -banks suffered. In the Balkan Peninsula, according to -this writer, there was one country too many, and a -settled state of affairs was impossible until one of them -had been eliminated; he didn’t say which.</p> - -<p>I asked whether a definite partition of the territory -to be conquered was not laid down in the Treaty of -Alliance. No one knew or, at least, no one cared to -say. There seemed to be a general feeling that Treaties -didn’t matter. The journalists were in a seventh heaven -of satisfaction at the prospect of unlimited copy for several -months to come; the business men expected to increase -their business if all went well. On that Danube -steamer the war of 1912 was popular, the future -might be uncertain, but it was full of pleasant possibilities.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5">5</a></span></p> - -<p>I thought of London and remembered conversations -there three weeks before the declaration of war. The -general opinion might have been summarized as follows: -The Bulgars were a hardy, frugal race, rather like -the Scotch, and, therefore, sympathetic; they were ruled -over by a king called Ferdinand, who was too clever -to be quite respectable. As for Servia, the British conscience -had, of course, been deeply shocked by the murder -of the late King, and the Servian Government had -been stood in the diplomatic corner for some years, but -the crime had been more or less expiated by its dramatic -elements and the fact that it had taught everybody a -little geography. King Nicholas of Montenegro was a -picturesque figure and had an amiable habit of distributing -decorations. In regard to Greece, there were -dynastic reasons why we should be well disposed towards -the descendants of the men who fought at Marathon, -not to mention the presence in our midst of financial -magnates with unmistakably Greek names. Lastly, -the Turks. In London, in 1912, these people enjoyed -considerable popularity; they were considered the only -gentlemen in the Balkans, the upper-class ones of course. -Admittedly Turkish administration was corrupt and the -Turks had a distressing habit of cutting down trees -everywhere, but their most serious defect was that they -were a little sticky about affording facilities for Western -enterprise. This latter consideration was considered -really important. Matters would improve, it was -thought, after some changes had been made in the Consular -Service.</p> - -<p>The war had come at last. Few people in England -knew its cause or its objects; many thought and hoped -the Turks would win. We had played the part of stern<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6">6</a></span> -moralists when a debauched and tyrannical youth received -summary justice at the hands of his outraged -subjects, but we watched lightheartedly the preparations -for a struggle which would soak the whole Balkan Peninsula -in blood.</p> - -<p>Night was falling as we passed under the walls of -the old fortress of Belgrade. During the last hour the -conversation had taken a purely business turn about -coal concessions in the Ergene Valley<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> and a French -company which was being formed to exploit Uskub. -Both localities were in Turkish territory, but would -change their nationality after the war, if the Balkan -Allies were the victors.</p> - -<p>The steamer ran alongside the jetty; the journey -was, for most of us, at an end. Every one was in high -spirits; the near prospect of dinner in an hotel had -produced a general feeling of optimism in regard to the -Near Eastern question. One felt it wouldn’t be the -fault of any one on our steamer if things went wrong. -Our advice would always be given gladly and ungrudgingly, -and we would accept any responsibility except -that of putting into execution our own plans. We considered -we were playing quite an important part in the -Balkan drama, but, belonging as we did to big countries -or Great Powers, once the fighting began we were -forced to stand aside.</p> - -<p>Belgrade seemed half asleep already. The city is -built on a ridge overlooking the junction of the Save -with the Danube. From the quay a long line of white -houses was visible, flanked at one end by the Cathedral -and a dark mass of trees, at the other by a large, ugly -building, behind which stands the Royal Palace. Lights<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7">7</a></span> -were few and far between, the aspect of the town was -cold and inhospitable, it was evidently no busy centre -eager to swallow up travellers and take their money. -The Servian capital has nothing to offer to pleasure seekers, -and sightseers must be content with scenery. Across -the river, half a mile away, the lights of the Semlin cast -a glare upon the sky, one could even hear faintly the -strains of a Hungarian military band.</p> - -<p>Only three of my fellow travellers remained on the -landing stage; they were Austrians. Two of them were -going to Semlin in the steamer, the third was, like myself, -waiting for his baggage to be disembarked. This man -and I were to see a good deal of each other during the -months that followed; he was the Austrian Military -Attaché at Belgrade.</p> - -<p>The steamer whistle gave the signal for departure -and farewells were exchanged. Just before stepping -on board, one of the departing Austrians said, “Well, -Otto, when next we meet I suppose the Turks will be -here,” to which the military representative of the Dual -Monarchy replied, “The sooner the better.” He then -got into his cab and drove off to the house where, for -three years, he had enjoyed all the privileges due to his -diplomatic functions.</p> - -<p>I had spent the whole day with a crowd of talkative -and communicative men, but, as a rickety old cab took -me up the hill towards the town, I remembered more -distinctly what the comparatively silent Austrians had -said than anything else that I had heard. These men -seemed to mix up private business and politics less than -the others; they gave the impression of thinking on big -lines, of representing a policy of some sort.</p> - -<p>In October, 1912, many people still believed that the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8">8</a></span> -British Government had a Balkan policy. The war had -been foreseen for so many years, its repercussion on Asia -Minor and the whole Mohammedan world could hardly -fail to be considerable, while the risk of the conflagration -spreading, so as to involve all Europe, was universally -recognized. Under such circumstances, it seemed incredible -that those responsible for the maintenance of the -British Empire would leave anything to chance. Of -course, we British had a policy, but personally I hadn’t -the faintest idea what it was, nor, for the moment, could -I think of any one who had.</p> - -<p>At last the hotel was reached. A sleepy “concierge” -showed me to my room, a vast apartment whose outstanding -feature was its painted ceiling. This work of -art was oval in shape and consisted of a vault of almost -inky blue spangled with stars, round which were cherubs -and angels in appropriately exiguous costumes. The -subject was perhaps meant to be a celestial choir, but -the artist had somehow missed his mark; the faces were -neither angelic nor cherubic; they wore an air of mystery -not unmingled with self-satisfaction. The figures -emerged in stiff, conventional fashion from the edges of -the ceiling into the central blue, and, if it hadn’t been -for their lack of dress and look of conscious superiority, -they might have been a collection of quite ordinary men, -gathered round an oval table stained with ink. One of -the cherubs bore a strong facial resemblance to a distinguished -diplomat of my acquaintance; he was whispering -something in his neighbour’s ear, and the latter -seemed amused. The neighbour was a cherub, not an -angel; he had a queer, wizened face of somewhat Slavonic -type.</p> - -<p>I was tired out, but I did not sleep well. I had been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9">9</a></span> -thinking about British policy in the Balkans before I -fell asleep, and had strange dreams which were almost -nightmares. It was all the fault of the ceiling; that -cherub was so exactly like the diplomat and I dreamed -he was telling the other one a secret, this explained the -whispering, and that it was an important State secret, -connected with my visit to Belgrade.</p> - -<p>Who knows? The artist who had painted that hideous -ceiling may have done so in a mood of irony. He -may have chosen, as models for his cherubs, some well-known -personages engaged in propping up a crazy structure -known as “the balance of power in Europe.”</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10">10</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Belgrade—October, 1912</span><br /> -<span class="subhead">A VIEW FROM A WINDOW</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Mobilization was nearly completed when I paid my -first visit to the Servian War Office, an unpretentious -building situated half way down a side street leading -from the Royal Palace to the River Save. On entering, -I congratulated myself that, at last, I was to meet -and speak with a real Servian; hitherto I had met nearly -every other nationality in the legations, hotels, and other -places frequented by visitors to foreign capitals. At -the time of my visit, the only society in Belgrade consisted -of foreign diplomats; the hotels were managed -and staffed by Austrians, Swiss and Italians; the roads -were being paved by an Austrian contractor, employing -Austrian workmen and, according to current gossip, the -country was being ruled by the Russian Minister.</p> - -<p>Now that hostilities were imminent, I presumed that -the Servians would be allowed to do their own fighting. -This supposition proved to be correct, the Great Powers -had decided not to interfere in what was a purely Balkan -struggle, they intended to keep the ring and see fair -play.</p> - -<p>So much I had already learned in Belgrade, from -people in a position to know and who seemed to know -most things except the authentic Plan of Campaign. -Their resentment at not being given this was evident,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11">11</a></span> -and when asked the reason, they would reply that they -wanted to communicate it to their respective governments -and War Offices, in the strictest confidence of -course. The Servian General Staff had kept their secret -well, far too well for the cosmopolitan band who earned -their living by acquiring and circulating <em>strictly confidential -information</em>. I did not expect to solve the mystery -myself, but the prospect of getting to close quarters -with its authors gave me some satisfaction. I had -begun to admire these men one never met, who didn’t -seem to ask for advice, though they often got it, and -who were shouldering the responsibility for Servia’s -future action.</p> - -<p>After being conducted to an upstairs room, I was -asked to wait, Colonel —— (then followed two names -which I didn’t quite catch, but noted mentally as beginning, -respectively, with a “G” and a “P”) begged to be -excused for keeping me waiting, but would come as soon -as he could; an unexpected visitor had arrived whose -business was urgent. This information was imparted -by a young staff officer, in excellent German, his message -given, he left me alone with some straight-backed -chairs, a table with a green baize cover, three pictures, -and a large bow window facing north.</p> - -<p>The pictures were poor. One was a portrait of King -Peter, whose brilliant uniform recalled a play I had -seen just before leaving London. Another represented -a battle between Servians and Turks, dagger and axe -were being used freely, the ground was strewn with dead -and wounded, horsemen were riding over foe and friend -alike, some at a dignified walk, others galloping madly, -but all seemed equally indifferent to the feelings of the -men on the ground. The meeting between Wellington<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12">12</a></span> -and Blucher after Waterloo, as conceived by a nineteenth-century -artist, was child’s play compared to this -battlepiece. The third picture portrayed three horsemen -in rich attire riding abreast along a woodland glade -followed by their retainers. The scene was historical; -it was the last ride of the centre horseman, a former -reigning prince, whose companions, and incidentally his -kinsmen, had assassinated him in that very glade.</p> - -<p>These pictures were only too typical of Servia’s past -history; they explained the worn, anxious expression on -the old King’s face and, seen for the first time on the -eve of yet another war, gave food for reflection. Human -nature seemed unchanging and unchangeable; history -was about to repeat itself in battles and murder, -hatred and anger, suffering and death. Modern weapons -would replace the dagger and the ax and the men on -horseback would be provided with motor cars: these -would be the only differences.</p> - -<p>It is usually better to ride than to walk. Philosophers, -as a rule, prefer the latter form of progression; perhaps -that is why so few of them have been kings and why -cities so seldom “rest from their evils.”</p> - -<p>My sole remaining distraction was the window. It -commanded a wide view over the Save and Danube valleys -and looked straight down on the great railway -bridge which links Servia with Central Europe. At the -far end of the bridge a Hungarian sentry was clearly -visible, and all along the Save’s Hungarian bank were -earthworks and searchlights. Away to the right, and -about a mile distant, were the barracks of Semlin; -rumour said they were full to overflowing.</p> - -<p>Austria-Hungary was watching her small Southern -neighbour mobilize and taking a few precautionary measures,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13">13</a></span> -in order, no doubt, to be in a better position to -keep the ring.</p> - -<p>Standing at the open window in that quiet room, -I felt I was learning more about Serbia’s real position -than could possibly have been gleaned from all the talk -on the Danube steamer. Perhaps it was the instinct -of an islander, but, as I looked across the river, I had -a feeling of vague uneasiness, amounting almost to -physical discomfort; an immensely greater force was -there, passive but watchful, and it was so near, within -easy range of field artillery.</p> - -<p>I remembered being taken in my childhood to see the -snakes fed at the Zoo. Two monster reptiles lay motionless -in a glass case. Some live rabbits were inserted, and -at once began to frisk lightheartedly round their new -quarters. Suddenly one of the reptiles raised its head; -all movement ceased for a brief moment; each rabbit -crouched, paralysed by terror; the dry, merciless eyes -of the python travelled slowly round the cage, his mate -stirred expectantly, and then! The horrid, darting jaws -did their work—one by one those poor rabbits disappeared. -I recollected having been especially sorry for -the last one. In Central Europe, at least one python -State lay north of the Danube, and to the south were -rabbit States, embarking on a ghastly frolic.</p> - -<p>Bathed in bright October sunlight, the scene before -me was both varied and splendid. The town lay immediately -below, beyond it the river and vast spaces framed -by mountains, some of them so distant that their presence -was suspected rather than perceived. The line of -junction between the Save and Danube was clearly defined, -the white waters of the former confounding themselves -reluctantly with the Danube’s steely blue. Both<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14">14</a></span> -rivers seemed to tell a story; the Save told of mountains, -of turbulent, oppressed peoples and their hopes -and fears; the Danube of plains and rich cities, of old -Europe’s last triumph over Islam, of heroes and conquerors, -its broad stream carried the echoes of Ulm and -Ratisbon, Vienna and Buda Pesth.</p> - -<p>Here, at Belgrade, the great river seemed to have -found a new task—the task of dividing an ancient -empire with immemorial traditions from new States and -young peoples, who still retained a bitter memory of -the Turkish yoke. Here began a divided allegiance, an -unnatural schism between the river’s banks. It -was as though the Save had brought down trouble from -the mountains; the white line of foam which marked the -meeting of the waters was a symbol, a symbol of eternal -discord between the past and present.</p> - -<p>The door opened and a short, thick-set man in the -uniform of a Colonel of the Servian General Staff -entered the room; he spoke in German, but with some -difficulty, and excused himself for having kept me waiting. -Then followed the usual commonplaces, in which -he expressed his admiration for the British character -and our free institutions, while I assured him of the -deep interest taken by all classes at home in the future -prosperity and development of Servia.</p> - -<p>I asked about the mobilization, and he answered that -it had astonished even the most optimistic: 98 per cent. -of the reservists had joined the colours, many of them -bringing carts and bullocks as free-will offerings. The -declaration of war had been received with boundless -enthusiasm by the peasants, and volunteers were flocking -in from every part of the kingdom. The field army was -well equipped. The question of transport had presented<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15">15</a></span> -many difficulties, but had been solved by ruthlessly cutting -down every human requirement to the absolute minimum; -this was possible, he explained, because the Servian -peasant soldiers could live on very little, but I would -see for myself before long. Ammunition? For the first -time he hesitated. Yes, there was enough for a short -campaign, if the strictest economy were exercised—for -six months, perhaps; but it was difficult to estimate expenditure -as, except for the Manchurian war, there were -no data to go on. I suggested that stocks could be renewed. -He flushed a little and replied that most of -Servia’s arms and ammunition came from Austria.</p> - -<p>Unconsciously, on my part anyhow, we had moved -to the window, and while the Colonel was talking I -noticed the almost uncanny frequency with which his -eyes sought the far bank of the Save. Such restless -eyes they were, light grey in colour. One could imagine -them blazing with anger, but occasionally one caught -a hunted look, as though they had known fear. Colonel -G—— P——, like most Servian officers, was of peasant -origin. The King himself was the grandson of a swineherd. -There had been a time in Servia when every man, -who could, had transferred his family and household -goods to what is now called Montenegro, so great had -been their terror of the Turks. The poorer peasants -had remained and had borne the tyrant’s yoke; their -descendants, of either sex, retained the furtive, quailing -glance of ancestors who had lived in dread. Even the -little children had this look of atavistic fear.</p> - -<p>The grey eyes softened when he spoke of the peasants, -their simplicity, their endurance, and their faith in ultimate -victory; his one idea seemed to be to give a fair -chance to these peasant soldiers; to avoid political complications<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16">16</a></span> -at home and abroad and, above all, to get -the ammunition up to the front line.</p> - -<p>I looked instinctively across the river; the key of the -whole situation was there. He must have guessed my -thoughts, for the conversation turned at once to more -general questions. The Colonel was convinced that the -Great Powers would not interfere; their neutrality might -even be benevolent. He had just received from the -Austrian Military Attaché (the visitor who had kept -me waiting) most satisfactory assurances in regard to -the supply of ammunition. Belgrade would be entirely -denuded of troops, as also the whole northern frontier. -This had been rendered possible by the assurance that -there was no danger of interference from the North; a -Servian force would occupy the Sanjak of Novi Bazar! -He noted my surprise, and added quickly, “With the -full knowledge of the Austro-Hungarian Government.” -The main army would advance on Uskub (he gave the -town its Servian name of Skoplje). On its left would -be a mixed Serbo-Bulgar army, and on its right the -Third Servian Army under one of their best generals. -All the three armies would converge on Uskub, near -which there would probably be the first big battle. -Uskub was the first objective. He insisted that it was a -genuine Servian town. The Emperor Dushan had held -his Court there in the great days of old Servia. Further -south, lay Monastir and Salonika, the real prizes, -of these he did not speak, and I refrained from putting -inconvenient questions, I had learned so much already.</p> - -<p>A chance reference to Servia’s economic and industrial -situation provoked an almost passionate outburst -from this hitherto self-contained man. Servia needed -a port, it was her only means of gaining economic independence.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17">17</a></span> -Hitherto, Austria had held Servia by the -throat, but with an outlet to the sea his country could -work out its own salvation. He reeled off some astounding -statistics in regard to the population of the eastern -Adriatic seaboard between Trieste and Montenegro. I -ventured to suggest that Austria would not lightly relax -her hold on such valuable possessions—as Cattaro, for -example. He assented, but repeated with vehemence, -“Servia’s first economic objective must be an Adriatic -port,” Durazzo or San Giovanni di Medua would do—to -begin with. When I enquired how it was proposed to -deal with the Albanians, an ugly, cruel look crept into -his face as he hissed out a German slang expression for -extermination. The Albanians were, in his opinion, -nothing more nor less than thieves and murderers for -whom there was no place in the Peninsula.</p> - -<p>I was beginning to understand. The war about to -commence was only the first phase; success would give -to Servia sufficient territory and economic independence -to enable her to prepare for a greater and inevitable -struggle with Austria-Hungary. The pitfalls were -many. No one realized the difficulties more fully than -the man standing with me at that window, who was even -anxious to expose them in his eagerness to gain a little -sympathy. He knew that wise and wary statesmanship -would be required in handling the Bulgarian question. -The hot-heads at home would have to be restrained. At -all costs peace with Bulgaria would have to be maintained, -and this would be difficult. Servia had her -megalomaniacs who were impatient and heedless of prudent -counsels, whose aspirations in regard to national -aggrandizement were boundless, who wanted to do everything -at once and brooked no delay.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18">18</a></span></p> - -<p>Almost two hours had passed, and it was nearly noon -when I rose to say farewell. While expressing my best -wishes for Servia’s success in this first phase of her -great adventure, I remarked that, presumably, Belgrade -would cease to be the capital after Uskub had been taken -and the Albanian coastline reached—a more central and -less exposed position seemed desirable for the Royal -residence and seat of Government. His answer was emphatic—Belgrade -must always remain the capital, the -Save was not the northern frontier of old Servia; all -that—and he waved his hand towards the north—was -Servian territory right up to and beyond Karlovci, -which, at one time, had been in the diocese of a Servian -bishop.</p> - -<p>When I left the Servian War Office that day I had -forgotten all about rabbits and pythons; those dauby -pictures portrayed the past, the future was the only -thing that mattered. A passionate drama would shortly -enact itself under the eyes of a cynical, unbelieving -Europe; in that drama Servia would play a leading part -and, if Colonel G—— P—— was typical of his countrymen, -the final act would find another setting than the -Balkans. From an open window this man had looked -out upon a spacious and inspiring scene, had caught its -message, and, no more a mere official speaking a foreign -tongue, had found the rugged eloquence of a true soldier-statesman. -He might have been a Servian Cromwell; -such men are dangerous to their oppressors.</p> - -<p>An irresistible craving for quiet and solitude had overcome -me. I drove to a place on the outskirts of Belgrade -close to the Danube’s bank, and walked down to the -river’s edge across flat, waterlogged meadows. At this -point, the troubled Save had found peace in the greater<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19">19</a></span> -stream, a mighty volume of water slid smoothly past the -sedges, whispering mysteriously; sometimes the whisper -swelled, and weed and wave, stirred by a passing breeze, -filled the surrounding space with sighing sounds.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20">20</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Battle of Kumanovo</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Although the Balkan <em>bloc</em> of 1912 was formed by men -whose motives were as various as their interests and -personalities, it was based on a correct appreciation of -the general situation. It offered a prospect of relieving -the intolerable tension which prevailed in the Balkan -Peninsula at the expense of the Ottoman Empire, an -Empire whose natural frontier was in Turkish Thrace,<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> -and whose administration in South-Eastern Europe had -been both wasteful and tyrannical. A continuance of -Turkish sovereignty in Macedonia and Albania had become -an anachronism. Justice, however wild, demanded -the expulsion of the Turks, and all who knew the history -of the Balkans approved the action of the Allied States.</p> - -<p>Not only did the creation of this <em>bloc</em> bid fair to -provide a solution of purely Balkan questions; while -it lasted it could not fail to have a stabilizing influence -in the “Balance of Power” in Europe. From a military -point of view, the combined forces in Bulgaria, Servia -and Greece were a far from negligible factor; they would -have served both as a buffer between Slav and Teuton -and as a deterrent to the ambitions of Pan-Germans and -Pan-Slavs alike. From this combination of the Balkan -States the Western European Powers had everything to -gain.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21">21</a></span></p> - -<p>In the autumn of 1912 an oligarchy of schemers and -mediocrities held the reins of power in Constantinople. -Their position was precarious, their inexperience great; -to a large extent they were dependent on the goodwill -of the Great Powers, from whom they sought advice. -The advice given, though inspired by very different -motives, had the same effect: it increased the self-satisfaction -of the “Young Turks” and gave them a sense of -security which was wholly unjustified by the circumstances -of the case.</p> - -<p>Great Britain and France posed as indulgent friends -of the new régime in Constantinople, whose liberal professions -seemed to announce a moral convalescence. -Loans were to be the solvent of all difficulties. Under -their quickening influence regeneration and reform -would blossom in a desert air, while interests and ideals -would march hand in hand. The policy of the French -and British Governments was, in essence, the maintenance -of the <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">status quo</i>. Both counselled moderation -in all things, with the possible exception of concessions -to certain financial groups. The “Young Turks” listened -dutifully, as people do who are looking for a -loan.</p> - -<p>Austro-Hungarian policy aimed at fomenting disorder -in Macedonia and Albania, with the object of justifying -intervention and eventually annexation. These two -Turkish provinces were to share the fate of Bosnia and -Herzegovina. Their acquisition would complete the economic -encirclement of Servia and reduce that country -to the position of a vassal State. Behind Austro-Hungary -stood Germany, whose communications with Asia -Minor needed a buttress in the Balkans. The final object -of the Central Empires was the disintegration of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22">22</a></span> -Turkey in Europe. In the autumn of 1912, however, -the Turkish plums were not yet ripe for plucking; a -few more years of misrule were required. In the meantime, -the Austro-Hungarian and German Governments -encouraged, secretly, the process known as “Ottomanization” -in Macedonia and Albania, with all its attendant -ills. The Young Turks listened gladly; such advice appealed -to their natural and traditional instincts.</p> - -<p>At this period the vision of Italian statesmen hardly -extended beyond the Eastern Adriatic seaboard. Moreover, -Italy was a member of the Triple Alliance and held -a merely watching brief in and around Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Alone among the Great Powers, Russia was in close -touch with the Balkan situation. For some years Russian -diplomats and military agents had possessed preponderating -influence in all the Balkan capitals; they -had appreciated the scope and intensity of the smouldering -passions which, however transitorily, were to force -into concerted action the Bulgars, Serbs and Greeks; -they alone had estimated correctly the military efficiency -of the armies of the Balkan States and, almost alone, -they knew the contents of the Secret Treaty, signed in -February, 1912, which brought into existence the Balkan -<em>bloc</em>. Russian policy was definitely anti-Turk: it aimed -at the fulfilment of the testament of Peter the Great, at -the expulsion of the Turks from Europe, at the establishment -of Russian sovereignty over the Bosphorus and -the Golden Horn. It is an old saying that diplomatists -are paid to lie abroad for the benefit of their countries; -successive Russian ambassadors at Constantinople plied -the Sublime Porte with soothing words; all was for the -best in the best of all possible Turkeys, while plots -matured and hostile armaments were perfected. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23">23</a></span> -Young Turks listened somewhat fearfully; it seemed too -good to be true, but still they listened and believed.</p> - -<p>False counsel reacting on inertia had an inevitable -result; the declaration of war found the Ottoman Empire -utterly unprepared. The mobilization of the Balkan -armies was completed with unexpected rapidity and was -followed by a simultaneous invasion of Turkey in Europe -by Bulgarian, Greek and Servian forces. The Bulgars -crossed the frontier of Thrace, without encountering -serious opposition, and advanced towards the line -Adrianople-Kirk-Kilise; the Greeks entered Southern -Macedonia, where the Turkish garrisons were weak and -scattered; the Serbs invaded the Vilayet of Kossovo and -joined hands with the Montenegrins in the Sanjak of -Novibazar. At every point the Balkan armies had penetrated -into Turkish territory. In Constantinople confusion -reigned supreme; disasters were exaggerated, sinister -rumours passed from lip to lip, even the shrine -dedicated to the “Divine Wisdom”<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> was not considered -safe.</p> - -<p>The Russian Government looked on complacently—its -plans were taking shape. In London and Paris curiosity -was more in evidence than any emotion which might -have been dictated by knowledge or foresight. In -Vienna and Berlin the news was received with anger -and astonishment; better things had been expected from -King Ferdinand of Bulgaria. The stubborn fact remained, -however, and called for immediate action. A -German military mission had for some years directed -the training of the Turkish army; the time had now -come for that mission to direct Turkish strategy. Events -had moved too quickly for the cynical, realistic policy of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24">24</a></span> -the Central Empires, but they could be turned to good -account if, at the outset of the campaign, the Serbs were -crushed. And so, while yielding ground in Thrace and -Southern Macedonia, the Turks massed troops at Uskub, -and made their plans for an offensive battle against the -Serbs advancing southward into Kossovo.</p> - -<p>My lot had been cast with the Serbian forces and, by -great good fortune, I was able to join the First Army -as it poured through the defiles of the Kara Dagh into -the region called “Old Servia.” At Belgrade the talk -had been of a war of liberation from economic thraldom, -of a conflict between the Crescent and the Cross; with -the armies it was otherwise. No thought of policy or -secret treaties, or even of religion, confused the minds of -Servia’s peasant soldiers; they marched like men called -to fulfil their country’s destiny, singing the story of their -race, making the mountains echo with their martial songs. -There was no need to understand their language to catch -the meaning of these singers; they sang of sorrow and -tribulation, of centuries of helplessness in oppression, -but the note of defiance was never absent; defeat was -admitted but never despair. Something unconquerable -was in their hearts, stirring their blood and nerving -every muscle—the spirit of revenge. Bacon, in his famous -essay, says: “The most tolerable sort of revenge -is for those wrongs which there is no law to remedy.” -The Serbs had five centuries of wrongs to avenge, and -the Great Powers had produced no law as a remedy, -except the law of force; by force these peasants, in their -turn, meant to obtain “a kind of wild justice.”</p> - -<p>For them, the plains of Kossovo were sacred; there -had been made the last heroic stand against a cruel and -implacable foe; there had occurred the dreadful rout,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25">25</a></span> -whose few survivors told the tale, at first in frightened -whispers, then in songs—long, wailing songs, like dirges. -Songs are the chronicles of Slavonic races, they pass into -the nation’s ritual and permeate its life. Succeeding -generations sang these songs of Kossovo, and so the legend -grew, and spread to all the Balkan lands; each humble -home, even in far Rumania, had heard of Lazar, a Tsar -who led his people and gave his life up for them on a -battlefield known as “the Field of Blackbirds.” When -princes perish thus, servility conspires with pity to make -them martyrs. The dead Tsar led his people still, and -far more potently in death than life; his legendary form, -looming gigantic through the mists of time, beckoned -them, irresistibly, to blood-soaked fields, where, once -again, the Turks and Serbs would meet in mortal strife.</p> - -<p>The First Servian Army, under the command of the -Crown Prince Alexander, had crossed the old Serbo-Turkish -frontier near Vranje. After two exhausting -marches in enemy territory, the leading units, emerging -from the mountains, saw in front of them an undulating -plain; in the distance some minarets, surmounting a collection -of whitewashed houses, stood out against the sky. -The Serbs were in sight of Kumanovo, a town situated -15 miles north-east of Uskub, on the western fringe of -a vast stretch of pasture land bearing the local name of -“Ovce Polje” or “Sheepfield.” Running across the -plain, from east to west, a line of trenches was clearly -visible; on the railway track from Salonica many trains -were standing, from which men descended and, after -forming into groups, moved outwards to the trenches. -It required no special military acumen to appreciate -the fact that the Turks intended to make a stand at -Kumanovo. The battlefield was flanked on the west by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26">26</a></span> -a railway and on the east by a small river, an affluent -of the Vardar; to the north lay mountains, to the south -the plain extended as far as the eye could reach.</p> - -<p>Night was falling, in a hurricane of wind and rain, -when the Servian advanced guards reached the northern -limit of the plain and began to place their outposts. -During the day there had been skirmishes with hostile -patrols; every one was soaked to the skin, and supplies -were a march behind. I must have seen several hundred -infantry soldiers take up their appointed positions in a -cluster of stony kopjes, which marked the extreme left -of the Servian outpost line, and not a murmur of complaint -or grumbling reached my ears. Sometimes men -passed who muttered to themselves. I asked a Servian -staff officer what they were saying; he replied simply, -“Their prayers.” And on this note began their vigil.</p> - -<p>All through the night the rain-sodden, wearied troops -were arriving at their bivouacs. The front taken up was -unduly extended and, notably on the extreme left, there -were many gaps. The dawn revealed a scene of desolation -and considerable disorder. Soon after sunrise the -Turks attacked.</p> - -<p>Throughout the first day of battle the Turks pursued -offensive tactics, attempting repeatedly to turn the Servian -left. More than once the situation on this flank -became critical. Reinforcements arrived in driblets and -in an exhausted condition; they were at once absorbed -in the fighting line, without regard for any other consideration -except the saving of a local situation. Of -higher leading there was little, it was just a soldier’s -battle—hard, brutal fighting, stubborn valour in the -front line, chaotic confusion behind.</p> - -<p>Late in the evening I saw a small party of horsemen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27">27</a></span> -moving rapidly from battalion to battalion immediately -behind the front line. Riding by himself, a little in advance -of the others, was a young man with a thin, sallow -face, wearing <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">pince-nez</i>. He stopped frequently and -spoke with the officers and men. When he had passed -on, they followed him with their eyes and seemed to -move more briskly about their business. To these rough -men from all parts of Servia this brief visit had a special -interest; the young man who rode alone and in front -was the Crown Prince Alexander, and most of them -were seeing him for the first time.</p> - -<p>In more senses than one the Crown Prince was alone -that day. His exalted rank had conferred on him the -command of an army; his extreme youth made it hard -for him to impose his will on a staff of military experts. -At the headquarters of the First Servian Army there was -the usual percentage of senior officers whose peace training -had taken from them any human or imaginative qualities -they may ever have possessed; who regarded war -as a science, not a drama; men without elasticity of mind, -eternally seeking an analogy between their own situation, -at any given moment, and some vaguely similar situation -in the career of their favourite strategist (usually von -Moltke). Since in war, at least, analogies are never -perfect, such men lack quick decision and, almost invariably, -they take the line of least resistance.</p> - -<p>During the afternoon preceding the evening visit of -the Crown Prince to his troops, several influential and -elderly officers had been advising retreat; they had -studied the map carefully, and in their opinion no other -course was left to the Commander of the First Army. -All the text books confirmed this view, and in these books -were embodied the great principles of strategy. They<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28">28</a></span> -pointed out to Prince Alexander that he owed it to himself -and his country to retire, as soon as possible, to a -new position and fight again another day. They were -absolutely sincere and were convinced that, since the -Serbian left was in process of being turned, all the military -experts would approve of what might, euphemistically, -be termed “a strategic retirement.”</p> - -<p>Many great military reputations have been made by -the skilful conduct of a retreat and, according to their -lights, the advocates of such tactics on this occasion were -not far wrong in their reasoning. Only outsiders judge -by results; military experts live in a charmed and exclusive -international circle, in which method is everything.</p> - -<p>The Crown Prince had a great deal at stake. This -battle marked a turning point in his life, and with him -lay the final decision. He never hesitated. “Stand fast -and counter-attack all along the line at the earliest possible -moment” was the order issued, and then this descendant -of a warrior swineherd mounted his horse and -went to see his soldiers. Bad strategy, perhaps, but understandable -to the men who were bearing the brunt of -the battle on the “Sheepfield” of Northern Macedonia.</p> - -<p>At General Headquarters Colonel G—— P—— shared -and interpreted the Crown Prince’s views. He knew the -almost superhuman powers of endurance of the Servian -peasants, and put his faith in them. King Peter upheld -his son’s decision; reinforcements and ammunition were -sent to the 1st Army, on whose prowess depended the -future fate of Servia.</p> - -<p>The second day of battle dawned fair, from early -morning onwards the Turkish assaults were launched -in rapid succession, and without regard for loss of life.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29">29</a></span> -It was evident that the Turks were making their great -effort in this theatre of operations. By skilful manipulation -of the Press the Bulgars had given the impression -that every theatre, except their own in Thrace, was -secondary; they argued that the Turks would be so terrified -by the Bulgarian threat to Constantinople that all -available forces would be concentrated for the protection -of the Turkish capital, and that a purely defensive attitude -would be maintained in Macedonia. The facts -were all against these suppositions. The only theatre -in which the Turks were acting offensively was Macedonia; -in Thrace, after being completely surprised by -the Bulgarian advance, they were in full retreat; in -Northern Macedonia a plan, dictated by the Central Empires, -was being put into execution, and the destruction -of the 1st Servian Army was its objective.</p> - -<p>From prisoners’ statements the Turks appeared to -be certain of success, a large force of cavalry under Ali -Mechmet Pasha was being held in reserve south of Kumanovo -ready to take up the pursuit.</p> - -<p>On the morning of the third day the Servian front -was still unbroken. During the preceding night reinforcements -had arrived from the general reserve, the -gaps in the front line had been filled up, and the heavy -artillery moved into position. The Turkish offensive persisted -throughout the day, but late in the afternoon the -Serbs made several successful local counter-attacks. -After dark an unusually large number of priests visited -the front line, the men crowded round them eagerly, -and listened to their words.</p> - -<p>At daybreak, on the fourth day, a large force of Turks -was seen moving towards the Servian left flank; the -Turkish commander was making a last bid for victory.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30">30</a></span> -Advancing in close formation the attacking columns suffered -heavy losses from the fire of some batteries of -howitzers. On other parts of the front an ominous calm -prevailed. Servian soldiers were swarming in the ragged -trenches which had been thrown up during the course -of the battle. Priests in their flowing black robes were -everywhere.</p> - -<p>Suddenly, from the centre of the Servian line, a salvo -of guns gave a signal! It was the signal for the counter-attack.</p> - -<p>Surely, never since Friedland has such a sight been -seen.</p> - -<p>As though by magic the space between the Turkish -trenches and the Servian front was seamed by lines of -infantry dashing recklessly forward with bayonets fixed. -Their onrush was irresistible, the Turkish front was not -pierced—it was swept away.</p> - -<p>Within one hour of that amazing charge the battle -of Kumanovo was lost and won. The Turkish General’s -last hope must have disappeared when a well-aimed refale -from a group of Servian howitzers threw the massed -squadrons of Ali Mechmet Pasha into hopeless confusion. -Hundreds of riderless horses scoured the plain, and -through them, ever pressing forward, surged the grey -lines of Servia’s indomitable infantry. The Turks were -not merely driven back, they were routed, a rabble of -unarmed men fled across the plain to Uskub and spread -panic in the town; no attempt was made to man the -forts, a general <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">sauve qui peut</i> took place; a well-equipped -and numerous army melted away in headlong -flight.</p> - -<p>By noon Uskub had ceased to be a Turkish town, its -name was, once more, Skoplje.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31">31</a></span></p> - -<p>During the afternoon I came across some regiments, -which had fought on the extreme right, forming up -about five miles north of the town. The men grinned -with pride and satisfaction as they showed the blood-stains -on their bayonets; they had come far for this, but -knew no fatigue. Though so fierce in battle and filled -with blood-lust, they were curiously gentle in their ways -with the wounded of both sides and their prisoners; one -felt that one was with a lot of big, strong children who -would bear almost anything up to a certain point, but -that beyond that point it was most inadvisable to go.</p> - -<p>All sorts of wild stories were being circulated. It was -said that a man, dressed in white and riding a white -horse, had led the charge—many had seen the apparition, -and had recognized Czar Lazar.</p> - -<p>A strange meeting took place that evening. The -Consuls of the Great Powers in Uskub had remained in -the panic-stricken town. When the last vestige of Turkish -authority had left, they sallied forth in carriages to -meet the conquering host, bringing with them the keys -of the town. On reaching the Servian outpost line they -were forced to alight, and, after being blindfolded, to -proceed on foot to the headquarters of the Crown Prince, -a distance of 1½ miles. The scene was not without a -certain irony. On the one hand, a young Balkan Prince, -elated with victory, surrounded by his Staff; on the -other, the representatives of Great Britain, France, Russia -and Italy blindfolded, muddy and dishevelled by a -long tramp in goloshes through black, sticky mud. Fine -feathers make fine birds, national prestige has, after all, -something to do with gold lace.</p> - -<p>The conqueror received these unexpected envoys graciously -and accepted the keys, but he slept that night<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32">32</a></span> -among his soldiers on the ground that they had won.</p> - -<p>Few triumphs have found a more appropriate setting. -To the south the plain terminated in an arc of hills -already dimmed by gathering twilight; spanning the -arc the River Vardar shone like a band of silver; between -the river and the hills lay Skoplje, the minarets of its -numerous mosques served as reminders of the conquered -Turk; commanding both the valley and the town a fortress -stood, its old grey walls had sheltered Dushan, the -greatest of all the Servian Tsars. These were the fruits -of victory—and the tokens of revenge.</p> - -<p>I rode back to our bivouac with the Russian Military -Attaché, and quoted to him the words of Goethe after -Valmy; we were indeed entering on a new world in -the Balkans. My companion put his thoughts into far -more concrete form:<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> “C’est la liquidation de l’Autriche” -was his comment on the situation. The wish was -father to the thought, a frequent source of error in Russian -calculations; Servia’s victory was, undoubtedly, a -discomfiture for the Ball Platz,<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> but the final liquidation -of Austria-Hungary was not yet accomplished. That -consummation was reserved for a later date, and for a -more universal tragedy.</p> - -<p>Our road led across the battlefield. On every side -were traces of the struggle, corpses of men, dead and -dying horses. Near the railway we found a Turkish -gun team of which five of the horses had been killed or -wounded by a shell, the sixth horse, a big solemn-looking -grey, was standing uninjured by his fallen comrades, an -image of dumb distress. A Servian soldier, charged with -the collection of loose horses, appeared upon the scene,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33">33</a></span> -and, after putting the wounded animals out of their pain, -turned to the grey, which had been standing quietly -watching the man at work. Obviously, the next step was -departure, but here a difficulty arose. The solitary survivor -of the gun team was loth to leave, and the look -in his honest, wistful eyes was infinitely pathetic. A -colloquy ensued between the representative of the Russian -Empire and the Servian peasant. Both were Slavs, -and, in consequence, horse lovers; both agreed that this -horse deserved and desired death; there and then an act -of extravagance, almost impossible in any other army, -was perpetrated, and the gun team was reunited in some -equine Nirvana known only to Slavs and Arabs. “Another -victim of the war,” I remarked to my companion, -as we continued on our road. He evidently considered -this observation as typical of my British lack of imagination, -and proceeded to recite a poem describing the -fall of snowflakes. Russians can witness human suffering -with indifference, but are curiously sentimental in -regard to nature, animals and flowers; nearly all Slavs -possess a dangerous charm, the charm of men with generous -impulses uncontrolled by guiding principles; their -speech is splendid and inspiring, their actions uncertain, -since they are ever at the mercy of lurking passions and -events.</p> - -<p>Just before darkness fell a number of birds, coming -from all directions, settled upon the battlefield, they were -black in colour; round Kumanovo spread another “Field -of Blackbirds.” But these were not blackbirds in the -ordinary sense; they were carrion crows brought by some -instinct from their lonely haunts to batten on man’s -handiwork littering that death-strewn plain. A raucous -cawing made the evening hideous; sometimes a cry, more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34">34</a></span> -harsh and guttural than the rest, seemed to propound a -question, an answering clamour followed, approving, -quarrelling; it might have been a parliament of birds, -summoned fortuitously, already passing laws to regulate -this unexpected intercourse. Gloating, but not yet satisfied, -the stronger birds had made themselves lawgivers, -and meant to impose respect for property upon their -weaker brethren.</p> - -<p>That night the Austrian Military Attaché left Servian -Headquarters for Vienna. His Russian colleague explained -his sudden departure on the ground that, according -to the Austro-Hungarian program, the Turks -ought to have won. It may have been unwise for a small -Balkan State to cross the wishes of so great a Power; -but neither doubts nor fears assailed the Serbs that night; -they had gained at Kumanovo the first pitched battle of -the war, and it had been a famous victory.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35">35</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Macedonia—1912</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Macedonia is a tangle of mountains, whose higher -levels are often bare and rocky; the intervening valleys -are fertile, and in some cases, sufficiently extensive to -be described as plains. These plains are the granaries -of Macedonia, and contain the larger towns like Skoplje -and Monastir, their population consists of peasants and -farmers representing all the Balkan races, mingled with -these, and living by their toil, are traders of almost every -nationality. The scenery is wild and picturesque by -turns, good roads are few and far between, they link -the plains, which lie like oases in a wilderness of mountains, -spaces of white, brown, green or yellow, according -to the season.</p> - -<p>The victory of the Serbs at Kumanovo had been decisive, -it had settled the fate of Northern Macedonia. Similar -success had attended the operations in Northern -Albania, where the Turks had abandoned their positions -and were falling back on Scutari, pursued by the 3rd -Servian Army advancing westward to the Adriatic. -After a short delay at Skoplje, devoted to the reorganization -of the 1st and 2nd Armies, the Serbs continued -their offensive towards Southern Macedonia; the bulk of -their available forces, under the command of the Crown -Prince, moved south in the direction of Monastir, while a -detachment of all arms descended the Vardar Valley, its -objective being Salonika.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36">36</a></span></p> - -<p>These dispositions were dictated by sound strategy, -which, for the moment, and quite justifiably, overrode -all political considerations. The enemy’s Field Army -in Macedonia had to be found and beaten; the remnants -of that army were rallying for the defence of a second -Plevna, covering the richest inland town in Macedonia, -situated west of the Vardar Valley, and joined with -Salonika by a railway. At this period, so far as I could -judge, the Serbs were acting as loyal allies. The fact -that no Bulgars were participating in the operations -could be explained on administrative grounds.</p> - -<p>I decided to remain with the Crown Prince’s reconstituted -army, and arrived at his headquarters in the -middle of November; they were established at Prilip, a -prosperous little town situated at the northern extremity -of the plain of Monastir. Winter had already set -in, rain was falling on the plain and snow lay on the -hills.</p> - -<p>A lodging had been provided for me in a peasant’s -house, whose spotless cleanliness was most reassuring. -In this small dwelling were crowded the representatives -of Great Britain, France, Russia and Italy, with a -Servian officer as guide and interpreter, the owner of -the house was absent with the armies, his wife both -cooked and served our meals. I asked the Servian officer -of what race she was. He replied, “Oh, she is a Bulgar, -there are a few Bulgarian farmers in this district.”</p> - -<p>At Servian Headquarters the situation was discussed -with a frankness which had been lacking while the -Austro-Hungarian Military Attaché was present. -Every one agreed that the task before the Servian Army -was one of unusual difficulty. The Turkish forces were -still numerous, they disposed of excellent communications<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37">37</a></span> -with Salonika, and the position they occupied was -of great natural strength. The Serbs, on the other hand, -were far from their base, the roads connecting Prilip -with the railway were almost impassable for heavy-wheeled -vehicles, and the train service with Servia was -irregular and inefficient. Fortunately, the inhabitants -of Prilip had come to the rescue by supplying the troops -with 30,000 loaves of bread daily.</p> - -<p>The spirit of the Servian soldiers was still excellent, -they were flushed with victory and confident of success; -but they had slaked their passion for revenge, their -thoughts were with their families and homes, to which -they expected to return so soon as this next and last -battle should have been fought and won.</p> - -<p>A change had taken place in the mood of the Russian -Military Attaché; he seemed pre-occupied, and had made -himself unpopular at Servian Headquarters by urging -the inclusion of Bulgarian forces for the attack on Monastir. -This suggestion had first been made at Skoplje, -and had met with a flat refusal; it was renewed at Prilip -when the inhabitants agreed to supply the troops with -bread. Incensed by a second refusal, the Russian so far -forgot his diplomatic self as to state in public that such -conduct on the part of the Serbs was idiotic, in view of -the fact that the great majority of the population of the -town and district were Bulgars. I asked him to which -town he referred, “Monastir or Prilip,” he replied, -“both.” A sidelight was now being cast on the contents -of the “Secret Treaty,” already an inkling could -be gained of the troubles that were to come.</p> - -<p>Two roads lead south from Prilip. One traverses the -plain throughout its length, the other skirts its eastern -boundary, following the left bank of the Cerna, a tributary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38">38</a></span> -of the Vardar. The Serbs advanced by both these -roads, the main body debouched upon the plain, while a -detachment took the river route, a metalled road built on -swampy ground between the Cerna and a range of lofty -mountains. Snow had fallen during the night preceding -this advance, and when day broke billows of mist obscured -the Cerna’s course and blotted out the hills beyond. -At the southern limit of the plain a ridge, covered -with new-fallen snow, screened from our view the -town of Monastir; this ridge was the Turkish position, -which faced almost due north with its right flank resting -on the Cerna; the river had overflowed its banks and -caused a widespread inundation. The left flank terminated -in a cluster of foothills between the northern end -of Lake Prespa and Monastir; the nature of the country -and the absence of roads protected this flank from a -turning movement. For two days the Serbs wasted -their energies in frontal attacks against this carefully -prepared position; each assault broke like a wave on the -barbed-wire entanglements which covered the Turkish -trenches. For the first time the Servian infantry had -been checked, and a feeling akin to dismay was spreading -in their ranks; it seemed impossible to scale that -ridge, behind which nestled Monastir, invisible and unattainable. -Success now depended on the action of the -detachment on the Cerna road. Here, the Turks had -committed a serious error, the extensive inundations on -their right flank had led them to believe that it was inaccessible, -and they allowed the Serbs to advance, practically -unopposed, along the river as far as Novak, a -village on the left bank, situated due east of Monastir, -and connected with it by a built-up chaussée. The error -consisted in under-estimating the qualities of the peasants<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39">39</a></span> -and fishermen of Servia, men inured from their -youth to hardships and exposure, to whom few natural -obstacles are insurmountable. Another factor supervened—the -factor of morale. Over their comrades on -the plain the troops of Novak had one great advantage—they -could see the town lying behind the snow-clad -ridge.</p> - -<p>War is a pilgrimage for simple soldiers, long days of -marching, longer nights of vigil; they know not where -they go, nor why—until the day of battle; if then they -see the goal they fight with clearer purpose, and -knowledge born of vision casts out their doubts and fears. -So it was with the Serbs that day at Novak; they looked -across a waste of water and saw before them Monastir—the -Mecca of their pilgrimage; the sight inspired these -humble pilgrims, they set their faces to the west, entered -the icy flood, crossed it unflinchingly, and by this bold -manœuvre snatched victory from defeat.</p> - -<p>By the evening of the third day of battle the right -flank of the Turkish position had been turned, the Turks -had abandoned their positions north of Monastir, and -had effected their retreat into the mountains of Albania. -Greek cavalry arrived at Florina (a town on the Monastir-Salonika -railway) during the course of the battle, -but took no part in the fighting. A Bulgarian column, -descending the Struma Valley, had already reached the -Rupel Pass, where the mountains merge into the coastal -plain. For all practical purposes the Balkan Allies were -masters of Macedonia; Greek, Bulgarian and Servian -forces were converging on Salonika, whose fall was imminent.</p> - -<p>On November 20, two days after the capture of Monastir, -the 3rd Servian Army, in co-operation with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40">40</a></span> -Montenegrins, captured Alessio, and thus gained access -to the Adriatic seaboard. So far as Servia was concerned -little remained to be done, old Servia had been -reconquered, an outlet to the sea had been acquired. -Servia, the State, had more than gained her object; -Servia, the Ally, the Member of the Balkan League, was -at the parting of the ways. Under the terms of the -Secret Treaty, Monastir passed into Bulgaria’s sphere -of influence. This Macedonian town, if held as one of -the fruits of Servia’s victory, was bound to become an -apple of discord. Every thinking man in Servia knew -it, but knowledge is not always power.</p> - -<p>The Prime Minister of Servia in 1912 was M. Pasitch, -already a veteran among Balkan statesmen, and a man -of patriarchal mien. The enemies of M. Pasitch said -that his long, white beard had made his reputation as a -statesman; his friends deplored an accent which was not -purely Servian, he had been born at Pirot, on the Bulgarian -frontier, where races, languages and politics were -apt to get somewhat mixed. To foreigners M. Pasitch -was a man of mystery, who spoke French badly, German -rather better, and dealt in platitudes. Yet, beyond -doubt, he was one of Servia’s great old men, with or -without his beard. King Peter, weighed down by age -and suffering, had left to him the cares of State, and he -had borne the heat and burden of the day unruffled by -abuse or calumny. At times he was pathetic, as, for -example, when he said that the worst enemies of his -country and himself were those he tried to rule. These -words conveyed a bitter truth. M. Pasitch was a Servian -institution, a Nestor in the Council, but, like most Balkan -politicians, only retained office by submission to -forces independent of the Government. The foreign<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41">41</a></span> -policy of Servia was dictated by M. Hartwig, the Russian -Minister, and a diplomat of conspicuous ability; within -certain limits this arrangement worked well, however -galling it may have been to citizens of a sovereign State. -Servia’s internal affairs were at the mercy of factions -and secret societies; of these the most influential was a -society known as the “Black Hand,” which included -among its members some of the ablest men in the country, -whose patriotism was beyond dispute, but who had -all the vices of their virtues. The very qualities which -had made them fight so well fostered a spirit of unreasonableness; -they mistook moderation for lack of zeal and -prudence for timidity, in their eyes it was statesmanship -to give free rein to the unbridled appetites of ignorant, -short-sighted men intoxicated by success.</p> - -<p>In an evil hour for Servia a combination of irresponsible -forces directed Servian policy in regard to Monastir. -The attitude of the Serbs was at least comprehensible, -they could urge their sacrifices and the rights -of conquest, that of M. Hartwig was inexplicable. This -man knew the contents of the Secret Treaty, on which -was based the Balkan League, and by which Servia renounced -her claims to Monastir. He could not have ignored -Bulgarian sentiment in Macedonia, nor the statistics -of the population; yet he—a chief creator of the -Balkan Bloc, an ardent Slav, a clever, gifted man, steeped -in the politics of Central Europe—connived at denunciation -of the Secret Treaty within a few months of its -signature.</p> - -<p>Interference by the Great Powers in Balkan affairs -has always been disastrous, because it has been selfish. -M. Hartwig may have considered the Serbs as little -brothers, but he used them as an advanced guard of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42">42</a></span> -Pan-Slavism without regard for their real interests or -preparedness for the task. Like the Russian Military -Attaché, he thought that the victories of Kumanovo and -Monastir had brought about “la liquidation de l’Autriche,” -and that in future Russia alone would control the -Balkan situation. He was wrong, and his and Servia’s -mistaken policy gave Austria-Hungary her opportunity.</p> - -<p>The reaction of policy in strategy soon became manifest. -In spite of the fact that a Turkish Army, led by -Djavid Pasha (the best of Turkey’s generals), was still -in being, all active operations were suspended, and the -Serbian forces were distributed throughout the conquered -territory and became an army of occupation. -Monastir, renamed Bitolja, was held by a garrison consisting -exclusively of Serbs, the civil administration was -taken over by Serbian officials.</p> - -<p>Monastir had become a part of Serbia, and a very -unhappy part at that. The reasons were not far to seek—the -population was not Servian, 78<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> per cent. of the -inhabitants of the vilayet were Bulgars, and of the -rest only a small proportion were Serbs. Ruthless repression -of every institution or business which did not -profess a Servian origin only served to embitter popular -feeling, and reveal the real facts of the situation. -Ignorance of the Servian language was counted as a -crime; publicans and other comparatively innocuous -traders were flogged for infringing decrees published in -Servian which they could not understand. Twelve -lashes applied by an athletic gendarme are, no doubt, a -powerful incentive to learning foreign languages, but -many residents so mistrusted their linguistic talents that,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43">43</a></span> -rather than face a second lesson, they left their homes, -preferring the lot of refugees to tyranny and persecution. -Monastir was a town in torment, lamentations resounded -in the Consulates of all the Great Powers, the -publicans were not alone in regretting the departure of -the backward but tolerant Turk.</p> - -<p>In the army of occupation, although discipline was -strictly maintained, a revulsion of feeling had taken -place. The poor in every Balkan State were suffering, -as they always do, on them had fallen the burden of -the war, shorn of its bloody splendour. The misery in -Macedonia sickened the Servian peasants, they feared -for their own homes, and deserted in large numbers. -Armies are not machines, they are dynamic bodies whose -health depends on action, kept stationary amid a strife -of tongues they melt away.</p> - -<p>The Greeks had won the race for Salonika without -much bloodshed, it was said that the Turkish military -governor had sold the town for 300,000 francs. The -Bulgars arrived a few hours after the triumphal entry -of the Greek troops. They were received coldly, like unwelcome -visitors. The Serbs were greeted more cordially, -but as guests rather than Allies.</p> - -<p>At all Ægean ports the sea breezes compete unsuccessfully -with unsavoury odours, resulting from insanitary -conditions, dried fish and garlic; Salonika was no -exception to the rule, but at the time of my arrival the -moral atmosphere was even more unwholesome. Greeks, -Serbs and Bulgars jostled each other in the narrow -streets, proclaiming by their presence the downfall of -Turkish rule in Macedonia. Yet, though success was -sweet, its aftermath had turned to bitterness. Something -had been smashed, something they had all feared<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44">44</a></span> -and hated; and now they were face to face with one -another, the broken pieces in their hands, themselves a -prey to envy, greed, and, worst of all, uncertainty. The -Balkan Allies were writhing in the net of an alliance -concluded secretly, its clauses were known only to a -chosen few, who dared not to tell the truth. Each nation -had its version of the Treaty, twisting the facts to suit -its special interests. Brawls occurred daily in the streets -between the Allied soldiers, their leaders wrangled in -hotels. Many wealthy Turks had remained, they wore -the look of men who, if not over-honest, still hoped, -when the thieves fell out, to come into their own again.</p> - -<p>Greece claimed Salonika on the ground of prior occupation; -Bulgaria demanded that the port and its hinterland -should be under the same administration, or, in -other words, her own; Servia had no direct interest in -Salonika, but clung doggedly to Monastir, in spite of -the Treaty.</p> - -<p>The Greek and Bulgarian Governments then in power -were anxious to reach a settlement, but neither Government -dared abate its claims; public opinion in both -Greece and Bulgaria was supposed to be against concessions, -because some organs of the Press had said it was -so. A curious illusion this, though prevalent in every -country. In the Balkans many important papers were -subsidized with foreign money, yet still were believed -to voice the views of peasants who could neither read -nor write.</p> - -<p>Colonel G—— P——, while discussing the possibility -of obtaining ammunition from the Western Powers -through Salonika, had suggested that the port should be -internationalized. This was, of course, the only practical -solution of the problem; but coming from a Serb it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45">45</a></span> -would have had more weight if it had been accompanied -by a promise to surrender Monastir. Unfortunately, no -such surrender, either immediate or prospective, was -within the sphere of practical politics. M. Gueshoff, the -Bulgarian Prime Minister, went so far as to offer to -leave the town and a part of Macedonia to the Serbs until -the Servian aspirations in other directions should have -been gratified. An agreement to this effect was reached -during a private meeting with M. Pasitch, but it came -to naught; neither Prime Minister could control the sinister -forces which worked like a poisonous leaven in -their countries, and were rapidly wrecking the Balkan -“Bloc.”</p> - -<p>By the middle of December, 1912, it had become evident -that no peaceful settlement of the Macedonian question -was possible if the Balkan States were left to their -own devices. Collective intervention by the Great -Powers was precluded by the attitude of at least three -among them, who were deliberately exploiting the rivalry -of the Balkan Allies, and hoped to fish in troubled -waters.</p> - -<p>In the Bay of Salonika a British warship lay at -anchor, a symbol of the Armada whose tentacles were -on every sea, but a symbol and nothing more. To the -men on shore, some of whom were looking at the sea -for the first time, this ship was an object of respect -and curiosity; they had heard of Great Britain’s habitual -gesture when Abdul Hamid became obstreperous, and -they may have wondered whether Salonika was not regarded -in the same light as Besika Bay;<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> it may even -have occurred to some of them that perhaps the British<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46">46</a></span> -Government had a policy in the Ægean, where a new -situation had arisen, requiring prompt attention from -the Mistress of the Seas.</p> - -<p>It was then, as it is now, my firm conviction that if, -at this critical period, the British and French Governments -had sent a Note insisting on Salonika being made -an international port, and that if the Note had been -supported by the dispatch to Salonika of a squadron of -warships, Greece and Bulgaria would have complied. -The rulers of the Balkan States would have welcomed -such a method of escape from the dilemma in which they -found themselves; they knew, none better, how devoid of -a comprehensive Macedonian policy they were, how the -swift advance of the armies had outstripped their calculations, -and what would be the consequences if they -failed to reach agreement. The Note would have indicated -the course to pursue; the display of force would -have justified compliance in the eyes of their own peoples. -Objections to this course of action might have -been raised by the Central Powers, but they could hardly -have made it a <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">casus belli</i>, the pretext would have been -too flimsy; further, while the Balkan <em>Bloc</em> was still in -being a prudent policy was imposed. On the other hand, -the Russian Government, partly owing to the advocacy -of M. Hartwig, and partly from anxiety in regard to -the Bulgarian advance towards Constantinople, had become -the partisan of Servia, and was not directly interested -in Salonika.</p> - -<p>No such step was taken, and a great opportunity was -lost. The action of each of the Great Powers was characteristic—the -British Government suggested a conference -of Balkan representatives in London; French agents, -working in the interest of Schneider, secured orders from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47">47</a></span> -the Servian Government for guns and ammunition; Italy -sent Servia a warning about the Adriatic; Austria-Hungary -began a partial mobilization. If further proof had -been needed, this mobilization should have convinced the -most purblind observers of Austria-Hungary’s underlying -motives; the veriest tyro in geography must have -known that Salonika was more accessible to the fleets -than to the armies of the Great Powers; a display of -force in Bosnia and Herzegovina could not effect appeasement -at Salonika, it could only terrorize the Montenegrins -and the Serbs, and at the same time encourage -the Turks still left in Europe to prolong their resistance. -Nor did Austro-Hungarian policy overlook the possibilities -presented by Bulgaria; the Bulgars, so far, had -gained little by the war, the Greeks were at Salonika, and -the Serbs at Monastir; they, the Bulgars, had not yet -captured Adrianople, and their hearts were filled with -bitterness and resentment. After all, they had some -cause to grumble, and some excuse for listening to the -tempter.</p> - -<p>The belligerent States accepted the invitation to confer -in London. While the delegates conferred, wearied -soldiers, immobilized by frost and snow, burrowed in -holes like hibernating animals.</p> - -<p>I returned to Belgrade for Christmas, 1912. The -town was full to overflowing, and, as usual, foreigners, -posing as Balkan experts, did all the talking. The -Serbs themselves were feeling the pinch of war, hunger -and cold had brought typhus in their train; the angel -of death was claiming many victims still.</p> - -<p>Walking back from dinner with a journalist who enjoyed -a European reputation, I got what my companion -called “a peep behind the scenes.” It was a most unedifying<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48">48</a></span> -spectacle, and as remote from reality as the -moon, which, sailing high in heaven, lit up that winter -night.</p> - -<p>In all that concerned the Balkans the Great Powers -were in truth <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">les Grandes Impuissances</i>.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> Blinded by -ignorance, greed and prejudice, they were laying the -foundations of a pyramid, whose blocks would be errors -piled on errors through seven succeeding years. The -Great Powers were the master-builders, and the Balkan -States their pupils. Apt pupils these, ready to learn and -accustomed to obey. The lessons given and received -were base, unworthy and a negation of all moral sense.</p> - -<p>To any one who knew and faced the facts the situation -had the elements of a Greek tragedy. The Balkan experts -had played the part of a Bacchanalian chorus and -created a suitable atmosphere. The first act was completed, -its stage a little known, romantic land, to many -a land of promise. One wondered whether the cast was -yet complete, and what new players might be added. -Ruthlessly, logically and inevitably the climax would -be reached. But where and how? No one could then -foresee.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49">49</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Albania—1912–1913</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>After the victory at Kumanovo, as already mentioned, -the 3rd Servian Army marched westwards into Albania. -The northern part of this Turkish province had a special -value in Servian eyes. It included the so-called -Adriatic ports—Durazzo and San Giovanni di -Medua.</p> - -<p>Colonel G—— P—— had given me some idea of the -hatred felt by his countrymen for Albanians generally. -The misgivings aroused at Belgrade by his reference to -this subject were more than confirmed by the conduct -of the Albanian campaign. No detailed narrative of -these operations has been obtained, but the fragmentary -reports received, both from neutrals and belligerents, -left no doubt as to the atrocities which accompanied and -stained indelibly the heroism and endurance of the Servian -soldiers. Whole villages were wiped out, old men, -women and children were either slaughtered in their -homes or driven forth to die of cold and famine, the -countryside was wasted, an orgy of wanton destruction -was permitted, if not encouraged, by the Servian Staff. -As the army penetrated more deeply into the mountains, -fresh horrors were added; winter set in, the passes became -blocked with ice and snow, men and animals fell -from slippery tracks into abysses, disease and insanity -were rife, a line of corpses marked the passage of the -army. Numbers dwindled rapidly; only the strongest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50">50</a></span> -survived; stragglers were left to die in awful solitudes. -The Albanian peasants, aided by the Turks, defended -their mountains step by step; bands of them hovered -round the line of march, seeking a chance for grim reprisals. -Quarter was neither asked nor given; men -fought like barbarians with a veneer of science, which -made their actions doubly hideous. Episodes described -by competent and impartial observers leave an impression -as painful as it is confusing; nothing more terrible -has taken place in any part of the world, or in the whole -history of war.</p> - -<p>Servian activities in Albania provoked a protest on -the part of two of the Great Powers, but not on humanitarian -grounds. From both Vienna and Rome there -came a note of warning: “Ne touchez pas l’Adriatique”<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> -was the purport of the message. The attitude of the -Austro-Hungarian and Italian Governments was frankly -interested; it was that of a big dog who sees a terrier -gnawing a bone within tempting reach of its (the big -dog’s) kennel. This prohibition was not to be lightly -disregarded, but the Government at Belgrade showed -unexpected firmness. Strong in their faith in Russia -and in M. Hartwig, the Serbs continued to advance. -After a month of ceaseless struggle against Turks, Albanians, -the elements and nature, this vanguard of Pan-Slavism -in the Balkans came within sight of the forbidden -coast, between Alessio and Durazzo. The soldiers -raised a shout of exultation. Behind them lay a barrier -of mountains, impassable in winter; before them was the -sea, to reach whose shores they had endured and risked -so much. Some troopers galloped quickly to the beach -and spurred their famished horses into the sparkling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51">51</a></span> -water, and when they found it was not fit to drink they -murmured helplessly. The men of Servia proper, unlike -their kinsmen of Dalmatia, had not the habit of the sea; -for them it still remained a mystery, pregnant with disillusionment -both present and to come.</p> - -<p>The Turks had withdrawn the bulk of their forces to -Scutari and the Serbs occupied Alessio without encountering -serious opposition. This ancient town is situated -at the junction of the new road from the coast at San -Giovanni di Medua with the main road connecting Durazzo -and Scutari. It formed, in consequence, an admirable -base for future operations. For the time being, -however, the 3rd Servian Army was incapable of further -efforts; the troops were exhausted, supplies and -ammunition were scarce, boots for the men and shoes for -the horses were alike lacking, and, until sea communications -with Servia through Salonika could be established, -a continuance of the offensive was impossible. Unfortunately, -the confusion which reigned at Salonika prevented -the immediate despatch of supplies and reinforcements -to San Giovanni di Medua; the army was immobilized -by force of circumstances and degenerated into -an army of occupation, holding a strip of territory between -the mountains and the sea.</p> - -<p>The invasion of Albania had been undertaken prematurely -and in a spirit of exaggerated optimism; impatience -and want of foresight had rendered fruitless an -achievement which, however marred by atrocities, was a -splendid feat of arms. Servia’s position in Albania became -more precarious with every day that passed in inactivity. -The key of the situation was Scutari. While -that fortress remained in Turkish hands, conquest was -incomplete, and at any moment one or more of the Great<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52">52</a></span> -Powers might intervene; already there were indications -that the Dual Monarchy<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> was losing patience and fretting -against a policy which kept the ring.</p> - -<p>Alessio is noted as the burial place of Scanderbeg, an -Albanian chieftain and son of a Servian princess. During -the 15th century he had waged war against the -Turks for over twenty years; his name was a household -word in Servia, as that of one who had fought a common -foe. Time had wrought many changes since those -days. The narrow streets around the hero’s tomb were -thronged by an invading host of Serbs, with devastation -in their track, their hands imbrued with Albanian peasants’ -blood. An evil genius seemed to possess the Servian -leaders. The war, no more a war of liberation, had -loosed their basest passions; success had made them -cruel, vindictive and tyrannical, the very faults for -which they blamed the Turks.</p> - -<p>As Bacon says: “Prosperity is not without many fears -and distastes; and adversity is not without comforts and -hopes.” While Servia groaned beneath the Turkish -yoke, cycles of songs had fortified her faith and poetized -defeat. Only a “Hymn of Hate” could chronicle this -victory—a fierce lament, resounding through a land of -desolation, echoing a people’s cries of woe.</p> - -<p>Winter passed without any active protest on the part -of the Great Powers in regard to the presence of Servian -troops in Northern Albania. In the early part of February, -the Young Turks, under the leadership of Enver -Pasha, broke off the peace negotiations in London, and -hostilities recommenced in Thrace and Albania. Macedonia -was clear of Turks and, from a purely Servian -point of view, the only remaining military operation was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53">53</a></span> -the capture of Scutari. The troops on the spot were -unequal to the task, and the Servian Government decided -on the despatch of reinforcements, by sea, to San -Giovanni di Medua. Time pressed. The Serbs had -learned at the London Conference that a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">fait accompli</i><a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -was a better basis for bargaining with their Allies and -the Great Powers than the most righteous cause; they -feared that, at an early date, a second armistice might -be imposed upon them, and they were determined to, if -possible, attend the next conference as masters of Scutari -and the adjacent coast.</p> - -<p>The organization of the expeditionary force was completed -rapidly and efficiently, and by the end of February -the Servian troops were concentrated at Salonika. -Unfortunately for the Serbs, they were dependent on -their Greek allies for overseas transport and a naval -escort. The intentions of the Greek Government may -have been excellent, but their administrative services left -much to be desired. It was not until March 17 that the -fleet of transports steamed out of Salonika harbour; at -least 14 days had been wasted in vexatious, and in some -cases unnecessary, delays.</p> - -<p>The ships were overcrowded to an extent which would -hardly have been justified if the voyage had been made -in time of peace, when it would have lasted only four -or five days; in time of war, and more especially in -view of the recent activity of the Turkish cruiser <i>Hamidieh</i>, -a prolongation of the voyage should have been -allowed for and suitable arrangements made; they were -not, and once again the soldiers had to suffer for the -optimism of the Headquarters Staff. In point of fact, -the <i>Hamidieh</i> was never within 1,000 miles of the Adriatic,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54">54</a></span> -but its name inspired dread, and the transports -dared not move without an escort of Greek warships. -At the last moment these were not forthcoming, owing -to the occurrence of a naval display at the Piræus, on -the occasion of the funeral of King George of Greece, -who had been assassinated a few days earlier in the -streets of Salonika. Twelve precious days were spent -between the Ægean and the Gulf of Corinth. The convoy -reached the Ionian Sea and anchored off San Giovanni -di Medua after a journey lasting 17 days. So -long a voyage in crowded, insanitary transports had its -inevitable result; typhus had broken out among the -troops, many men were buried at sea, the horses and -oxen suffered terribly; some had been embarked a fortnight -before we left Salonika. Without firing a shot -the Servian Expeditionary Force had lost much of its -fighting value, mainly through the muddling of the military -and naval staffs. War is at all times wasteful. -When Allied States share in an enterprise officials speak -in many tongues, their jealousies are national as well as -personal, the waste is augmented out of all proportion -to the results achieved.</p> - -<p>As we approached our moorings at San Giovanni di -Medua, I was standing on the bridge of the flagship -with Colonel G—— P——. After looking through his -field glasses at the coastline for some minutes, he turned -to me with the laconic remark, “Dasz ist ein groszes -nichts.”<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> No better description could have been made -in words.</p> - -<p>Lying before us was a bay sheltered from the north -by a low headland, below which could be seen a sandy -beach with two jetties; to the east of the beach was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55">55</a></span> -the mouth of the River Drin; from here the coastline -ran in a southerly direction and was fringed by mangroves. -The only human habitations in sight were two -houses on the headland, and in the distance, about six -miles away, Alessio. Stranded on the beach were two -Greek steamers, victim of the <i>Hamidieh</i>. San Giovanni -di Medua was not a port, it was an open roadstead, -affording no shelter from a south-west wind.</p> - -<p>The reinforcements sent by sea brought the total number -of Servian combatants in Albania up to 23,000 of all -arms, with a good proportion of artillery. At this stage -of the war, and taking into consideration the jealousies -which divided the Turkish commanders, a force of such -size and composition had Scutari at its mercy. One determined -assault would have brought about the fall of -the fortress. For reasons which have never been explained, -the Servian General, who directed also the operations -of the Montenegrin Army, continually postponed -the day for the assault. This procrastination was destined -to have disastrous consequences.</p> - -<p>Nearly three weeks had passed since the landing when, -one evening at dinner time, I was informed that the general -assault would take place at dawn on the following -day. The infantry and guns were already in their advanced -positions, and every one was confident of success. -Towards the end of the meal a Servian Staff Officer entered -with a message for Colonel G—— P——, who, after -reading it, leaned across me and addressed the General. -Both men seemed agitated, and left the tent together. -A few minutes later I was asked to join them. A curious -document was put before me. It was signed by a -British admiral, who described himself as the commander -of an international squadron of warships, anchored at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56">56</a></span> -the time of writing off San Giovanni di Medua. There -was nothing ambiguous about this document. It was a -formal order to the Servian General to withdraw his -forces from the neighbourhood of Scutari and bring them -back to the coast; no diplomatic verbiage was employed -and no explanations were given.</p> - -<p>The first effect of this amazing communication on the -two Servian officers was stupefaction, which soon gave -way to strong resentment. They, not unnaturally, considered -such treatment as an affront to the sovereignty -of their country and a flagrant breach of neutrality. -They found some consolation, however, in the fact that -a British admiral had signed. It gave them a sense of -security, so they said. Everywhere in the Balkans one -found this sentiment towards the British. It touched -the heart and flattered pride of race; one tried to forget -the ignorance and detachment of the British Government, -to justify this simple trust and to be worthy of it. -The signature was not very legible, but the name was -already sufficiently well known for me to recognize it as -Cecil Burney.</p> - -<p>No steps were taken to countermand the assault, which -would undoubtedly have taken place had not a telegram -from Belgrade arrived at midnight containing full instructions -as to the future conduct of the Servian forces -in Albania. The withdrawal of all troops to the sea-coast -whence they had come was to be absolute and -immediate; advanced posts were to be withdrawn under -cover of darkness, to minimize the risk of rearguard -actions with the enemy. On arrival at San Giovanni di -Medua, preparations were to be made at once to re-embark -the troops on specially provided transports, already -on their way from Salonika.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57">57</a></span></p> - -<p>The Serbs marched back to the coast bursting with -anger and despair. All their hardships and sufferings -had been endured in vain. Coming down the valley towards -the beach they saw before them a great array of -warships, flying the flags of six Great Powers, and -learned another bitter lesson. The sea was not for them—not -yet at least. A swift reaction followed. The -force that daunted them was force afloat, on land they -held themselves invincible, and asked for nothing better -than to return to Macedonia, to conquests nearer to their -hearts and homes; to mountains and inland plains where -water was not salt; where men and animals were not -cooped up in stifling holds, and did not have their stomachs -turned by the uneasy movements of the sea.</p> - -<p>They thought they had been tricked, and from this -mood a frame of mind emerged which brooked no compromise -at Monastir. The “Black Hand” society got -many new adherents from the Servian Army in Albania -during these fateful days. Made bitter by helplessness -and disappointment, the belief spread among the men -that that society alone stood up for Servia’s rights, and -so they joined the ranks of the enemies of peace.</p> - -<p>Colonel G—— P—— looked grey and haggard; this -termination of an enterprise of which he had been the -principal organizer was a set-back in his career, but to -all personal considerations he was indifferent. The -causes of this sudden display of energy on the part of -the Great Powers did, however, give him food for anxious -reflection. He saw the handiwork of Austria-Hungary, -and said bitterly: “Albania is a small country, but it -contains three races and four religions. There is only -one way of maintaining peace here, and that is by dividing -this country between Servia and Greece. At the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58">58</a></span> -beginning it would be hard, but no harder for the Albanians -than when they were under the Turks, from whom -we have liberated them. Austria wants an autonomous -Albania, though she knows it is an absurdity, because -she does not want peace in the Balkans, except on her -own terms. Great Britain and France are helping Austria—God -knows why! What do your people know -about Albania?” He pointed to the warships in the -bay and added: “Today is the first birthday of autonomous -Albania; it is a bad day for all the Balkan States.”</p> - -<p>I thought of that suburb in Berlin where there was -one bank too many, and then of a Conference of Ambassadors -in London, called to resolve the Albanian riddle. -Burian<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> would be there as well as Mensdorff.<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> Austria -would speak with no uncertain voice. If the British -Government had a policy in Albania, it was surely an -Austrian policy. A division of Albania between Servia -and Greece was the logical outcome of the Balkan War -of 1912; it might have been effected under the control -of the Great Powers and guarantees could have been -exacted for the protection of the different nationalities. -For harder questions have been dealt with on these lines, -since the expulsion of the Serbs from the Albanian coast.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59">59</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Second Balkan War and the Treaty of -Bucharest</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In April, 1913, representatives of the Balkan States -were summoned, for the second time, to Great Britain, -and once again the negotiations threatened to drag on -interminably. They were cut short, however, by Sir -Edward Grey, who had lost patience with the procrastinating -methods of the delegates, and a treaty was -signed, known as the “Peace of London.”</p> - -<p>So ended the first Balkan War. Turkey lost all her -territory in Europe except Turkish Thrace, which served -as a hinterland to Constantinople; Bulgaria acquired -Adrianople and Dede Agatch as her share of the spoil; the -Greeks retained Salonika and Cavalla; the Serbs still -occupied Monastir; Albania was declared an autonomous -kingdom, whose frontiers were to be delimited under the -direction of an Ambassadors’ Conference in London, -while an International Commission assisted the local Government, -pending the appointment of a King.</p> - -<p>The Peace Treaty registered the defeat of Turkey; it -did little more, and was merely a rough and ready attempt -to reconcile the conflicting aims and aspirations -of the victors. Rumania added fresh complications by -demanding compensation from Bulgaria for having -played a neutral part during a Balkan War. Another -conference of Ambassadors was assembled in Petrograd -to arbitrate upon this point.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60">60</a></span></p> - -<p>The Bulgarian delegate in London had been M. Daneff, -a rude, overbearing Macedonian who incensed and irritated -all those with whom he came in contact. The selection -of this man for so delicate a mission was, to say -the least, unfortunate. To many it appeared suspicious -that M. Daneff should have been sent, when M. Gueshoff, -the Prime Minister, and a man of reasonable and moderate -views, could have gone in his place; it looked as if -King Ferdinand of Bulgaria had already become entangled -in the meshes of Austro-Hungarian diplomacy, -whose object was the disruption of the Balkan League. -M. Daneff rejected the overtures and proposals of -Greeks, Serbs, Rumanians and Turks with equal contempt. -As a result, Bulgaria became more and more -isolated. Potential enemies surrounded her on every -side, but, blinded by arrogance and false counsel, she disdained -the alliance of any neighbouring State.</p> - -<p>At the end of June, the storm broke. The signature of -peace had enabled the Bulgarian Government to concentrate -troops in Eastern Macedonia, in close proximity to -the Servian army of occupation. The soldiers of the two -armies fraternized with one another and, to all appearances, -the Bulgars had the friendliest intentions. The -first act of war took place before dawn on June 30 when, -without warning, the Servian outpost line was attacked -and driven in by a numerically superior force of Bulgars. -The Serbs recovered themselves speedily, reinforcements -were hurried to the front attacked, and a counter-attack -was made which drove the Bulgars in confusion from -the field. Servian successes had an immediate effect on -the Government at Sofia. The treacherous offensive of -June 30 was repudiated and ascribed to the personal initiative -of General Savoff, one of Bulgaria’s most notorious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61">61</a></span> -“men of action” and a favourite of the King. The -repudiation came too late. All the other Balkan States -combined against Bulgaria, and within three months of -the signing of peace in London, Greeks and Serbs were -fighting their late ally in Macedonia, while Turks and -Rumanians invaded her territory from the east and -north.</p> - -<p>The Bulgars soon found themselves in a desperate -plight; no amount of stubborn valour at Carevoselo<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -could protect Sofia against the Rumanians or save Adrianople -from the Turks. By the end of July the Bulgarian -Government was forced to sue for an armistice to -save the country from utter ruin. The day of reckoning -had come for an inexcusable and odious crime.</p> - -<p>In the first week of August, the delegates of the Balkan -States assembled at Bucharest to negotiate yet another -peace. Their task was not an easy one. Public opinion -in Servia and Greece was exultant and clamouring for -vengeance; in Turkey, Enver Pasha, the saviour of Adrianople, -was at the zenith of his fame. From elements -such as these a judicial frame of mind was not to be expected; -they were blinded by hatred, pent up through -decades of jealousy and fear. Enver cherished ambitious -dreams, counted on German help, and knew no -scruples. The majority of the Greeks and Serbs aimed at -reducing Bulgaria to a state of impotence. Had it been -possible, they would have exterminated the entire race.</p> - -<p>A few courageous voices were raised in protest against -a too brutal application of the principle that every country -has the government it deserves; they declared it a -crime to visit the sins of the rulers on their hapless<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62">62</a></span> -subjects; they claimed that the Bulgarian people, as distinct -from their rulers, had been punished enough already; -that Bulgaria had been bled white and had made -many sacrifices in a common cause; that she had lost -much of her power for evil, and might, if properly -handled, lose the will; they pleaded that justice should -be tempered with common sense, if not with mercy, and -urged that the folly of exasperating millions of virile -peasants, and thereby driving them into closer union -with the Central Empires, against all their racial instincts, -should be foreseen and checked.</p> - -<p>The men who dared to speak with the voice of reason -were called pro-Bulgars in Greece and Servia; they went -to Bucharest, hoping to find a more objective spirit.</p> - -<p>Many factors combined to make the Rumanian capital -the most suitable meeting-place for the Balkan delegates -on this momentous occasion. Rumania had struck the -decisive blow without bloodshed; her army was intact -and her treasury was not depleted; her territorial claims -were inconsiderable and had been submitted to the Great -Powers for arbitration; lastly, in her King, Rumania possessed -a personage peculiarly fitted to mould and direct, -dispassionately, the proceedings of the Conference.</p> - -<p>King Charles was a man advanced in years who had -served his adopted country both faithfully and well. -The Rumanian people felt for him gratitude and respect. -At this period they would have followed loyally in any -course he chose to take. As head of the elder and Catholic -branch of the Hohenzollern family, the King of -Rumania was in close touch with the courts of the Central -Empires and with King Constantine of Greece.</p> - -<p>In short, fate had conferred on this Hohenzollern -prince unrivalled authority in his own country, access<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63">63</a></span> -to powerful channels of persuasion, and in relation to -the other Balkan States, forces sufficient to impose his -will. He could, had he willed, have been arbiter of the -Balkans and might have changed the course of history. -In the event, he preferred to stand aside.</p> - -<p>History is full of such “might have beens.” Time -is a kind of fourth dimension affecting every human -action. King Charles’s opportunity occurred when he -was old and tired. Made over-cautious by his knowledge -of the play of external forces on the Balkan situation, -he feared a general conflagration, which might consume -his life’s work at a stroke. And so he left ill alone, and -hoped to end his days in peace.</p> - -<p>Probably the best known of King Charles’s ministers -in 1912 was M. Take Jonescu, whose tireless energy in -the cultivation of relationships and souvenirs in foreign -capitals had earned for him the title of “the Great European.” -This title was not undeserved, though applied -ironically in nine cases out of ten. M. Take Jonescu had -acquired the habit of generalizing from Rumanian affairs -so as to make them embrace the whole of the old world -and the new; this had enlarged his horizon and given him -a vision which at times was startlingly prophetic. He -recognized more clearly than any of his countrymen the -rôle of Rumania at the Conference and what could and -should be done. The restless, versatile man of the people -was fascinated by the splendid possibilities of a bold -and imaginative Rumanian policy. Not so his colleagues -of the Conservative Party; they opposed inertia to ideas, -and behind them stood the King. M. Take Jonescu had -a lawyer’s training and was no champion of lost causes. -This cause was lost indeed while King Charles was on -the throne; only a cataclysm could have saved it—a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64">64</a></span> -“Cascade des Trônes.”<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> The Rumanian statesman foresaw, -and in his vaguely anarchic fashion wished for this -consummation, about which he was to write a few years -later, but the lawyer threw up his brief and devoted -his undoubted talents to bargaining and the conclusion -of a Treaty which King Charles himself described as a -“drum-head truce.” In the Near East, men have a -passion for subtle and tortuous negotiations, which are -comprehended in the phrase “un marchandage Balkanique,”<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> -which end in compromises, effect no settlement, -and serve to postpone the evil day.</p> - -<p>The Austro-Hungarian representative in Bucharest -must have heaved a sigh of relief when it became clear -that Rumania’s participation in the Conference would -be restricted to land-grabbing in the Dobruja.<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> Silistria -and a district from which one of the best Bulgarian infantry -regiments drew its recruits were claimed, and -eventually annexed, by Rumania. No great extent of -territory this, but enough to hurt.</p> - -<p>The French and British press, skimming lightly on -the surface of the Conference, dealt with personalities -in preference to principles. M. Venizelos was their favourite -delegate, and held that position to the end. Success -in any walk of life is profitable; success in rebellion -is the shortest road to fame. M. Venizelos had begun -his career as a Cretan rebel. In 1913 he shared with -King Constantine the honours of two victorious campaigns -in Macedonia, and was credited with the resurrection -of the old Hellenic spirit. At Bucharest this remarkable -man was in a difficult position; his sole rival<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65">65</a></span> -in the affections of the Greek people was his sovereign, -to whom he owed the allegiance of a subject and with -whom his personal relations were far from cordial. The -considered judgments of M. Venizelos favoured concessions -to Bulgaria in regard to Cavalla and its hinterland; -to any such suggestions the King replied with a categorical -refusal. Fearful of forfeiting popularity by any act -which would diminish the aggrandizements of Greece, M. -Venizelos was perpetually balancing between his conception -of Balkan statesmanship and concern for his own -reputation. Eventually, the latter gained the day. -Cavalla was retained by Greece and another bone of contention -was created between Greeks and Bulgars. The -presence of Servian and Turkish delegates at Bucharest -was purely formal. Like the daughters of the horse-leech, -their cry was—give; to have given them more -than what they had already taken would have brought -on another war, and no one was prepared for that. -Servia’s retention of Monastir was sanctioned, the Turks -remained at Adrianople. The Bulgars, crestfallen and -daunted for a time, retained a part of Thrace, including -Dede Agatch and Porto Lagos; they were alone and -friendless; the sympathies of Russia, the one-time liberator, -had been estranged. They turned their eyes, reluctantly, -towards the Central Empires and nursed a fell -revenge.</p> - -<p>In due course, the Treaty of Bucharest was signed by -the contracting parties. It has never been officially -recognized by the Great Powers, yet by many it is accepted -as a basis for future readjustments in the Balkan -Peninsula. Fallacies are of rapid growth, they none the -less die hard. The negotiations had been, in fact, a -diplomatic duel between Russia and Austria-Hungary,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66">66</a></span> -the first clash between two mighty movements—the -“Drang nach Osten”<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> and Pan-Slavism. Austria-Hungary -had won. The new frontiers were a triumph for -her diplomacy. Servia, though victorious, was enclosed -as in a net; on the East an irreconcilable Bulgaria; on -the West, Albania torn by internal discord, and fast becoming -an outpost of the Central Empires; on the South -Greece, where German influence was daily gaining -ground. Killed by its authors, the Balkan “Bloc” was -dead. A new element had been introduced into the balance -of power in Europe. Servia and Bulgaria were -doubtful States no longer, they were in opposite camps, -and, when the lassitude caused by two cruel wars had -passed, they could be set at each other’s throats again -to fight for interests not their own.</p> - -<p>Great Britain had held aloof from the proceedings of -the Conference. Our Minister in Bucharest had received -instructions to take neither part nor lot in the negotiations; -if called upon for an opinion he was to endorse -that of his Russian colleague. If the British Government -had any Balkan policy at all it was, apparently, -a Russian policy, a vicarious partnership, an acquiescence -in the pernicious doctrine that two wrongs may make a -right.</p> - -<p>A gaping wound had been made in Europe’s side, the -surgeons had met together at Bucharest, and fearing to -probe had sewn it up with clumsy stitches. Wounds are -not healed by surgery such as this, not only do they open -up again, their poison spreads, attains some vital organ, -and causes death. Good surgery needs knowledge, foresight, -courage, the power and will to act. The men, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67">67</a></span> -from ignorance or inertia neglected and dallied with the -Balkan problem, were scarcely less guilty than the criminals -who, of set purpose, made a peace which sowed the -seeds of war.</p> - -<p>During the summer of 1913 a spell of intense heat occurred -in the fertile plains of the Danube valley. In -every village dirt and insanitary conditions encouraged -flies, winged insects swarmed by night and day, revelling -in filth and carrying disease. The Rumanian peasants -who had marched into Bulgaria had been attacked by a -more deadly enemy than the Bulgarian hosts—the cholera -microbe pursued them to their homes; the malady -assumed an epidemic form and raged at first unchecked.</p> - -<p>To some it seemed an act of retribution for an unrighteous -peace, a manifestation of stern justice, dubbed -divine, although its victims were the innocent and weak. -The rich escaped by fleeing to hill stations or the sea, -the poor, perforce, remained and died by hundreds, their -families were decimated, their fields were left untilled, a -blight had fallen on this pleasant land.</p> - -<p>In her hour of trial Rumania discovered an unexpected -source of strength and consolation. Calamity -had called, and from her castle in the mountains an -English Princess came, leaving the fragrant coolness of -the woods for stifling heat and misery in myriad shape, -down in the sun-scorched plain. In every cholera camp -her white-clad form was seen moving from tent to tent, -bringing the tonic of her beauty, restoring hope, -dealing out pity with a lavish hand. To humble folk -weighed down by suffering, it was as though an angel -passed, and memories cluster still around those days, -weaving a web of gratitude and loving kindness, a web to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68">68</a></span> -outward seeming, frail and unsubstantial, but unbreakable, -surviving all the shocks of war, binding the people -to their Queen.</p> - -<p>I returned to London through Sofia and Belgrade. -After the festivities of Bucharest the aspect of both -these Capitals was sad indeed. Victor and vanquished -alike were reaping the aftermath of war; bedraggled -soldiers thronged the streets, no longer saviours, not -even heroes, merely idle citizens, useless until demobilized.</p> - -<p>From Belgrade my duties called me to Vienna. As -the train crossed the railway bridge to Semlin, I saw -again the guns and searchlights on the Save’s Hungarian -bank. Austria-Hungary had not yet decided on her -course of action, but she was ready. The Balkan Allies -of 1912, like rabbits unconscious of the presence of hungry -pythons, had had their frolic. Now, they had -paused for breath and had time to think. No longer -Allies, they were helpless. Victims, not wholly innocent, -they would crouch and wait; already it seemed as -if a Python-State had stirred.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69">69</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Two Men Who Died</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<h3>I. FIRST MAN. A SIMPLE SOLDIER</h3> - -<p>Near Krivolak, in the Vardar Valley, a road strikes -westward, joining the railway with the plains lying -beyond a wall of mountains. At first, it winds in tortuous -fashion, following a streamlet’s rocky bed, and, ever -rising, leads to a tableland where other roads are met, -and signposts point the way to Monastir.</p> - -<p>The Vardar Valley is a rift of gentle beauty in a wild, -inhospitable land, the mother of many tributaries coming -from east and west. It broadens on its journey to -the sea, the plains adjoin and almost touch each other, -like glowing pearls strung on a silver thread. One of -these plains lies north of Krivolak, and here the valley -of the winding stream and road sinks like a lovely child -into its mother’s lap. The war had made it a Gehenna, -where wagons creaked and jolted, and the once silent -spaces echoed with moans of pain.</p> - -<p>In the main valley, close to the railway station, some -tents were grouped around a mast, and from the mast -there waved a Red Cross flag. During the hours of darkness -a lamp replaced the flag; both served as guide and -landmark to the countryside, inviting all who needed -help to this outpost of humanity.</p> - -<p>Here were received convoys of sick and wounded, -some to regain their health and strength, others to join<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70">70</a></span> -their comrades in the graveyard which grew in size with -each succeeding day. They arrived in a lamentable condition, -bruised by rough travel in springless wagons, -their wounds neglected, and too often gangrened. From -them one learned how long the way had seemed, how -from afar their eager, straining eyes had sought the -fluttering flag or the red lamp, which marked the bourne -where respite would be found after long days and nights -of misery.</p> - -<p>Amid the scores of human wrecks littering the Red -Cross camp one man attracted my especial notice—a -young Servian soldier. He lay at full length on a -stretcher, and sometimes raised himself to a half-sitting -posture, but soon fell back again exhausted by the effort. -Both his legs had been shattered by shrapnel below the -knees, a blanket concealed them mercifully, he did not -know the worst. The surgeon whispered that it was a -hopeless case, gangrene was far advanced, the long, well-coupled -legs were doomed, only by amputation could -his life be saved.</p> - -<p>He thanked me for some cigarettes and smiled a boyish -smile, showing a row of splendid teeth. His uniform -was caked with mud and hung in rags, the muscles rippled -on his arms and chest, which, though unwashed, -were clean, nature had kept them so.</p> - -<p>The war had been a great event for him, he quite -ignored its tragic side, and talked of battles and a charge, -of how he’d killed a Turk, and then he added: “In a -few months I will be well again and fit to fight the Austrians.” -His home was in the Drina highlands, he had -grown up under the shadow of the northern neighbours, -and learned to hate them with his mother’s milk. Yet<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71">71</a></span> -still he kept his sunny temperament, the priests who -preached race hatred had not destroyed his soul.</p> - -<p>Our conversation had a sudden ending. Two orderlies -came to take the stretcher and bear it to a tent, the movement -made the blanket slip, and once again the soldier -raised himself instinctively—saw what was waiting for -the surgeon’s knife, a mangled mass of splintered bones, -torn tendons, rotting flesh, and fell back dead.</p> - -<p>Perhaps it was better thus. A kindly providence had -done what no man dared to do. That lithe and sinewy -form, without its legs, might have contained a bitter -heart, and added yet another drop to hatred’s overflowing -cup.</p> - -<h3>II. SECOND MAN. A PEASANT</h3> - -<p>In the Balkan Peninsula, monasteries are more than -places of refuge for people with monastic minds, they -minister to a wider public, and are at once hostels and -shrines, centres of food supply and travellers’ gossip, -where merchants market, while monks pray and sing. -Their pious founders have left a saintly work behind -them, theirs is an incense burnt in the furnace of affliction, -mounting to heaven on waves of gratitude.</p> - -<p>The Monastery of St. Joachim stands in a quiet valley, -a mile or more from the main road which links Bulgarian -Kjustendil with Turkish Uskub, or in Servian -Skoplje. Down this main road the tide of war had -swept, leaving a trail of empty granaries, of violated -homes, and frightened, wailing children. The people -bore these trials patiently, there was naught else to do, -but when despair had overcome their hope, they one and -all, Christians and infidels alike, sought consolation at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72">72</a></span> -the monastery set amid dark green trees. Thither there -flocked a hungry, homeless crowd, seeking first food and -shelter, then repose, and finding all in the great caravanserai, -left standing by the tolerant Turks.</p> - -<p>One evening, during the first Balkan War, a Servian -officer and I arrived on horseback at the monastery gate. -Close by there rose a spring covered with slabs -of stone, the water tricking through an iron -pipe into a rough-hewn trough. We paused to -let our horses drink, and saw, lying upon the ground, a -man, or what was left of one. His form was rigid, -motionless, only the eyes moved, bright, black, beady eyes, -which flitted restlessly from face to face, then turned towards -the setting sun and stared, undazzled, at the -flaming pageant, only to leave it soon, and throw -quick glances here and there at objects nearer and more -human.</p> - -<p>His story was soon told. He was a Bulgarian soldier, -struck by a Turkish bullet near the spine and paralysed. -Some peasants had found him in a field, and, filled with -pity, had brought him to where he lay, so that, at least, -he should not die alone.</p> - -<p>A woman had brought a pillow for his head, a monk -knelt at his other side repeating words that solace dying -men.</p> - -<p>And then he spoke. The voice, though weak, rang -clear; in a hushed silence, it gave the final message of -a man whose earthly course was run.</p> - -<p>Neither the woman nor the priest had touched the -peasant’s heart. His thoughts were far away, but not -with wife or children, nor did the welfare of his soul -trouble his dying moments. He had a farm in the Maritza -valley, not far from Philippopolis, there he had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73">73</a></span> -spent his life, and lavished all his love and care. To -him that strip of land was very dear, and, dying, he -remembered it, to give some last instructions for the -next autumn sowing.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74">74</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">“1914” Peace and War</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In the early spring of 1914 a revolution broke out in -Southern Albania. The Christian Epirotes, renouncing -allegiance to the Prince of Wied (the sovereign appointed -by the Great Powers), had set up a provisional -and independent Government at Argyrocastron, a mountain -village about twenty miles north-east of Santi Quaranta. -This port lies within easy distance of Corfu, and, -by a stroke of fortune, I was able to land there, in spite -of the fact that it was held by the insurgents. After a -short stay at Argyrocastron I went to Athens, where I -was received by both King Constantine and M. Venizelos.</p> - -<p>The former regarded the revolution from a strictly -military point of view. He said he had decided to -take disciplinary measures against officers and men of -the Greek Army who aided or abetted the Epirotes, and -seemed to think that the only duty of Greek soldiers -was to their King, to whom they owed so much. As, apparently, -he was without any detailed information on -the subject, I did not tell him that numerous Greek soldiers, -wearing uniform, were already with the insurgent -bands. The King was at this time the most popular -man in Greece, and the consciousness of this had become -an obsession. He had won his popularity by two campaigns, -and was meditating a third, against Turkey, so -soon as his army and his fleet would be reorganized and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75">75</a></span> -re-equipped. Prussian military methods were to be -followed, as far as possible, in spite of the fact that a -French Military Mission had been charged with the -training of the troops. King Constantine talked like a -young officer who had recently emerged from a staff -college; coming from the ruler of a country his conversation -left an impression of irresponsibility, one felt -he was a dangerous, though well-meaning man.</p> - -<p>M. Venizelos was moved, almost to tears, on hearing -of the pitiable condition of the Greek refugees from -Central Albania, but explained his utter helplessness to -relieve their lot. Albania was under the protection of -the Great Powers, and he feared that any practical sympathy -for revolutionaries, within the frontiers made -sacrosanct by the Ambassadors’ Conference, might entail -serious consequences for himself and Greece. He inquired -after M. Zografos, the head of the Provisional -Government, and one of his most bitter political opponents. -The latter had referred to M. Venizelos in unflattering -terms, describing him as both incompetent and -unprincipled, but, although it was evident that no love -was lost between the two men, the man in power disdained -vituperation.</p> - -<p>M. Venizelos spoke with real feeling about the religious -side of the revolution and the sincerity of the peasants -in all that concerned their faith. He seemed amused -at the idea of M. Zografos being associated with three -Archbishops in the Provisional Government. I asked -the reason. He confined himself to saying that M. Zografos -was very rich. I replied that, from what I had -seen at Argyrocastron, at least one of the Archbishops -accepted with patriotic resignation this disqualification -for the Kingdom of Heaven on the part of his political<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76">76</a></span> -chief, and that he had even seemed to enjoy some excellent -dinners prepared by the rich man’s cook.</p> - -<p>The Prelates in question were, in point of fact, the -real leaders of the revolution. Between them they combined -all the qualities needed by their peculiar environment. -Archbishop Basileus was a worldly-minded old -gentleman who, beneath a venerable exterior, concealed -political ability of no mean order. Of the other two—one -was a meek and learned monk, possessed of great -authority among the local clergy; the third, Germanos -by name, was a striking and interesting personality. -Young, handsome, ascetic, gifted with fiery eloquence, -and as religious as his flock, he supplied a moral impulse -which redeemed much that was trivial in the conduct -of the revolution; his premature death from consumption -was a real loss to Epirus and its already hopeless -cause.</p> - -<p>M. Venizelos said little about general Balkan matters, -he appeared tired and dispirited, and it was evident -that the Greek Government was not going to get itself -into trouble over the Epirotes, in spite of their pure -Greek origin. These unfortunate people constituted the -wealthiest and most civilized element in the population -of Albania, they had an indisputable right to a large -share in the Government of that country. This they -had not got, and, with the full knowledge of the Great -Powers, they had been left, politically, to the tender -mercies of men saturated with Turkish traditions, under -the nominal Kingship of a conceited and ignorant German -Prince.</p> - -<p>I reached Belgrade early in April, 1914. The city had -resumed its normal aspect. The General Staff were talking -and planning war, the general public was more interested<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77">77</a></span> -in the working of the Commercial Convention -with Greece. In political and diplomatic circles vague -references were made to certain concessions to Bulgaria -in the Vardar Valley. These latter appeared to me to -be so inadequate as to be hardly worth discussing, and -yet, as matters stood, the Serbs refused to offer more. -This attitude, however unfortunate, was more reasonable -in 1914 than at any previous period. In the absence of -direct railway communication between Greece and Servia, -the Commercial Convention would lose half its point, -since the only railway line available passed by the Vardar -Valley through the heart of the “Contested Zone.” -No practicable trace for another line existed, except a -tortuous route impinging on Albania.</p> - -<p>Ethnical and geographical conditions had conspired -to make Macedonia a “Debatable Land,” the creation -of an independent Albania had added fuel to the flames -of discord, it had not only shortened the Serbo-Greek -frontier and prevented all communication by sea, but, by -thwarting Servian and Greek aspirations in that direction, -had engendered in both countries an uncompromising -state of mind. Bulgaria’s claims remained unaltered, -they had become crystallized by defeat and disappointment; -amid the shifting sands of Balkan politics -they stood out like a rock.</p> - -<p>The Great Powers had sacrificed the interests of Greece -and Servia directly, and those of Bulgaria indirectly, on -the altar of an Autonomous Albania. Ingenuous people -claimed that this course had been dictated by high-minded -motives, by a benevolent, if tardy, recognition of -the principles of self-government, whose application in -other lands could wait on this strange experiment. -Naïveté is charming when not contaminated with hypocrisy,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78">78</a></span> -but one swallow does not make a summer; a single -act, however specious, cannot efface a decade of intrigue.</p> - -<p>An active economic policy in Macedonia had already -been initiated by the Austro-Hungarian Government. -The first move was characteristic, a share in the control -of the Belgrade-Salonika Railway was claimed, on the -ground that a large part of the capital for its original -construction had been subscribed by citizens of the -Dual Monarchy. British newspapers dealt fully with -the financial aspects of the case, but refrained from criticizing -a proposition which deprived a sovereign independent -State of the sole control of a railway within its -frontiers. The Servian Government tried to float a loan -with which to buy out the foreign shareholders, but -failed—high finance is international and obdurate to -the poor. <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">On ne prête qu’aux riches</i>.<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a></p> - -<p>I stayed in Vienna for a few days on my way to London. -Here, it was generally recognized that, in regard -to Servia, a dangerous situation was developing, which -could not be neglected. Many serious people frankly -expressed the hope that some incident would occur which -would provide a pretext for taking military action -against the Serbs. No one wanted war, but every one -felt that an end had to be put to “an intolerable state of -affairs”; the time for conciliatory measures had passed, -the Southern-Slav movement was assuming menacing -proportions, and would wreck the Austro-Hungarian Empire, -if steps were not promptly taken to nip it in the -bud.</p> - -<p>Such were the opinions expressed, in private circles, -by men and women who did not know with what skill -and ingenuity the net had been spread for Servia. In<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79">79</a></span> -official circles confidence was the prevailing note; the -lessons of the last two wars had been forgotten in the -Austrian War Office, where the efficiency of the Servian -Army was, as usual, under-estimated. Diplomats professed -to have no faith in the sincerity of Russia’s intentions -when posing as the champion of the Southern Slavs; -such a policy struck them as being too unselfish for the -Government of the Czar.</p> - -<p>Cynics are bad psychologists; to them Russia has -always been an enigma and a source of error. M. Hartwig -expressed the Pan-Slav point of view: Servia was -part of Russia, the Serbs were “little brothers,” destined -once more to reach the Adriatic, to bar the highway to -Salonika, to fight again, if need arose, in Slavdom’s -sacred cause.</p> - -<p>The Serbs themselves wanted independence, complete -and definite; they hoped to gain it with the help of -Russia, and then to found an Empire of their own. -That Empire could be created only at the expense of -Austria-Hungary, Germany’s ally, mate of a monster -Python State which soon would raise its head.</p> - -<p>Though outwardly at peace, Servia and Bulgaria were -arming with feverish haste, preparing to take their places -in Europe’s opposing camps. The pyramid was rising, -taking shape; issues were narrowing, effect was succeeding -cause; the disintegration of the Balkan <em>bloc</em> had left -the Slavs and Teutons face to face, the arena was cleared -for a titanic struggle, those who knew anything of Europe -foretold the coming storm.</p> - -<p>Austria-Hungary had not long to wait for the desired -pretext. The assassination of the Archduke Francis -Ferdinand was a sufficiently sensational incident to satisfy -the most exacting. The Dual Monarchy took the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80">80</a></span> -fatal step, and sent an ultimatum which was its own -death warrant.</p> - -<p>Civilization stood aghast and feigned a moral indignation -which was far from being sincere. Austria-Hungary, -in thus using a weak and neighbouring race, was -acting in strict conformity with moral standards which -the Great Powers themselves had set. Junkers in Germany, -Cosmopolitan financiers in Paris, Reactionaries in -England, and the Czar’s ministers in Russia had acted, -or were prepared to act in precisely similar fashion, each -in their separate sphere. In the eyes of these men, national -sentiment was the appanage of Great Powers, the -day of small States had passed. They had admitted the -independence of Albania from motives of expediency, -and at the instance of Austria-Hungary, the very State -which now they should have judged.</p> - -<p>The relations between the different European States -were those which exist between the denizens of a jungle—no -moral laws restrained them, the weak were the natural -victims of the strong. The peoples were sometimes -passive, at others artificially excited, but always helpless -and inarticulate, driven like cattle in a herd. The -“Jingo” Press in every Christian land glorified might -as right, eminent soldiers told a respectful public that -militarism alone could save the Commonwealth, and that -without its wholesome discipline the nations would decay; -science collaborated in the race of armaments, which -had become a source of riches and a patriotic cult.</p> - -<p>The murder at Sarajevo gave Austria-Hungary an -opening, she pressed her advantage like a bully bent on -the destruction of a weak antagonist. Not only had the -weak to go to the wall, and go there with every circumstance -of humiliation, a still more signal ignominy was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81">81</a></span> -needed to mollify the wounded pride of men like Tisza;<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> -who insisted that Belgrade should be occupied, and that -Servian peasants should, once more, endure the horrors -of an alien yoke. Only by such means could an Archduke -be avenged and jungle law maintained. Blinded -by passion, Austria-Hungary had forgotten that there -were other carnivori in the jungle whose interests were -involved.</p> - -<p>The Junkers, capitalists, journalists and soldiers, who -had led Europe to the verge of the abyss, now realized -what lay before them,—something incalculable, immense -and elemental. Self-interest was forgotten for a moment, -even <em>their</em> callous minds recoiled. These men had -spent their lives talking of European War, and making -costly preparations for it, but at its near approach they -flinched. In Petrograd a supreme effort was made to -avert the cataclysm, it was cynical enough and revealed -the morality of the “Balance of Power” in Europe in a -brief but pregnant phrase<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a>—“<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Lâchez l’Autriche et nous -lâcherons les Français</i>” was the message to the German -Government. It came too late; public opinion in Russia -was dangerously excited, and behind the Russian -people stood another Power which also was suffering -from “an intolerable state of affairs.” For nearly fifty -years the French had lived beneath a sword of Damocles -wielded with German arrogance; they supported with -difficulty the “Three Years’ Service” system, and had -lent much money to the Russians. The French Government -seized its opportunity, France made the Servian -Cause her own.</p> - -<p>Three crowned heads symbolized the might and power<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82">82</a></span> -of Central Europe—one, senile, embittered, selfish, surrounded -by a mediaeval Court; another, pompous, vain, -ambitious, a war-lord, the apex of a social pyramid which -recognized no law but force; the third, an autocrat whose -will was law to millions, a man both weak and obstinate, -whose character was a riddle to those who knew him -best. Men such as these could not prevent the conflagration; -considering their influence and position one wondered -why it had not come before.</p> - -<p>When war became inevitable, the British Empire was -utterly unprepared in both a mental and material sense; -many educated people of the upper classes were amazed -at each other’s ignorance of geography; the man in the -street awoke from his wonted lethargy, and studied geography, -as well as ethics, in the pages of the <cite>Daily Mail</cite>.</p> - -<p>On August 10, 1914, a troop train passed through -Woking Station bound for Southampton Harbour. The -men were typical “Tommies” of the old Army, and were -in the highest possible spirits. One of them, more curious-minded -than the rest, shouted to a be-spectacled -civilian on the platform, “’Ow far is it from ’ere to -Servia, guv’nor?” The train was in motion, and time -did not admit of a satisfactory reply.</p> - -<p>After all, at that time, it did not matter where or how -far away an unknown land like Servia might be; all -the best strategists were agreed that Servia’s future -destiny would be settled by a great battle in the West. -Poor Servia, it would take more than that to save her -from invasion; for the moment, anyhow, Heaven was -too high, and her Allies were too far.</p> - -<p>A little over twelve months later, British and French -troops were being disembarked at Salonika and hurried -thence to reinforce the already beaten and retreating<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83">83</a></span> -Serbs. I’ve wondered sometimes whether the lighthearted -boy, who tried to learn geography at Woking -Station, was of their number.</p> - -<p>He may have struggled up the Vardar Valley and -penetrated narrow gorges, where the railway, for want -of space, follows the ancient road. He may have seen -the mountains of Old Servia and caught an echo from -their frowning heights: “Too late, too late, ye cannot -enter now.”</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84">84</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Neutral Balkan States—1915</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>My duties recalled me to the Balkan Peninsula in the -early spring of 1915. None too soon, the Allied Governments -had turned their attention to Near Eastern -problems and had decided to dispatch an Expeditionary -Force to retrieve their damaged prestige in the East. -The main objectives were the Dardanelles and Constantinople, -respectively the gateway and the pivot of the -Ottoman Empire and points of inestimable strategic -value for the future conduct of a world-wide war. Imperial -policy, in its widest and truest sense, dictated this -course of action and, as was natural and logical, the -Allied Power which had most at stake supplied the initiative -and took the lead.</p> - -<p>Great Britain, in its dual capacity of guardian of the -sea-routes of the world and the greatest Mohammedan -Power, has seldom been in a more critical position. Germany -and Turkey acting in combination could approach -the Suez Canal through Asia Minor, the Red Sea through -Arabia and the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia. -Enemy successes in these three directions could hardly -fail to have an adverse influence on Mohammedan opinion -and, under such conditions, India itself would not -be safe. The foundations of the British Empire were -endangered, threatened by forces both open and insidious; -a British policy, framed by men who understood<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85">85</a></span> -their business, was the only Allied policy which could -properly meet the case. The British statesmen then in -office faced this grave situation with steady eyes, -and reached a conclusion which, at the time, was -widely criticized, but, to their credit, they persisted -in it.</p> - -<p>The fiat went forth from Downing Street, and on the -experts of Whitehall devolved the task of evolving a -strategy in harmony with policy.</p> - -<p>Experts, of any kind, are good servants but bad masters; -they are prone to pessimism when called to work -outside their special spheres, and are, as a rule, indifferent -prophets; like the Spaniards, they often seem -wiser than they are. Expert and official opinion on -both sides of Whitehall was opposed to the expedition -to the Dardanelles. The North Sea drew the Navy like -a magnet, there it was felt the decisive battle would be -fought, and the desire of islanders was natural to make -security doubly sure. Mr. Winston Churchill devoted all -the resources of his forceful and energetic personality to -Eastern Naval preparations, he had both courage and -imagination, and brushed aside the protests of officials -within his jurisdiction, but these were not the only -obstacles—sometimes he must have wondered whether a -chasm had not replaced the thoroughfare which separates -the Admiralty from the War Office. In the latter building, -an old machine, under new and inexperienced direction, -was creaking uneasily, barely able to stand the strain -caused by the war in France. To the War Office staff, -it seemed as if Pelion had been piled on Ossa, when they -were asked to co-operate with the Navy in a distant -expedition, whose scope and nature brought into strong -relief their mental and material unpreparedness. Refuge<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86">86</a></span> -was sought in procrastination, difficulties were exaggerated, -the many human cogs of a complex machine -groaned in the throes of a new and unwelcome -effort.</p> - -<p>In enterprises of this nature, risks must be taken, a -circumspect and timid strategy misses the mark. In -this particular instance, time was the essence of the -problem; a single Division, at the psychological moment, -was worth nine arriving late; a military force of 20,000 -men, acting in close support of the Allied Navies, could -have achieved success where a host a few weeks later, -even if ably led, might fail. The stakes were enormous, -the obstacles, both naval and military, formidable but -not insuperable. A calm appreciation of the situation -should have convinced the most doubting spirits that -Constantinople could be taken by a well-timed and vigorous -stroke. At this period Turkey was isolated, her -forces were disorganized and short of ammunition, the -Germans were unable to send either reinforcements or -war material to this theatre, except in driblets. The -position of Enver Pasha was precarious, his enemies -were numerous and active, they had viewed with profound -misgivings the rapid growth of German influence, -and were ready for a change. Constantinople was ripe -for revolution; the wheel had turned full circle, the -Allies, by the irony of fate, could count on assistance -from reactionary elements, converted by mistrust of -Germany into potential supporters of our cause. The -neutral Balkan States were waiting and, in their hearts, -longing for Allied intervention, it meant the solution -of many complicated problems, and they preferred even -unpleasant certitude to doubt.</p> - -<p>A turning point in history had been reached; statesmen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87">87</a></span> -had ordained the expedition and left its execution -to amphibious experts; prompt, energetic action based -on careful plans was needed, action combining force on -land and sea. A watching world was wracked with expectation, -something portentous was about to happen, -the Small States held their breath. In Whitehall, an -official mountain trembled slightly, and forth there crept -a tardy, unready mouse.</p> - -<p>While troops were being crowded pell-mell into transports -and hurried to Gallipoli, the Foreign Office in -London and Paris took up the question of the neutral -Balkan States. A suggestion that reinforcements should -be sent to Servia had gained support in certain Allied -quarters and, since the only available port of disembarkation -was Salonika, for this, if for no other reason, -friendly relations with the Greeks were sought. Under -the cloak of the commercial convention with Servia, ammunition -was already passing freely up the Vardar Valley, -and it was hoped that the precedent thus established -might be extended so as to cover a still more benevolent -neutrality, and allow of the passage of French and -British troops. Greece was the only Balkan State which -depended for its existence on sea communications, she -was completely at the mercy of the Allies, and no amount -of German intrigue, in court and military circles, could -twist the logic of hard facts. Neither King Constantine -nor his advisers were prepared to accept formally a technical -violation of Greek neutrality, they would have -been helpless, however, if the Allies had insisted. To a -layman, the diplomatic situation seemed to be typical -of those described in a certain class of novel, in which -suave but firm diplomacy, supported by overwhelming -force, meets every protest with a soothing phrase and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88">88</a></span> -lends an air of elegance to the most sordid bargain. -When people or States are weak, the path of consent -descends by hesitating stages from “No” through “Perhaps” -to “Yes.”</p> - -<p>The Allies did not negotiate upon these lines. They -invited the Greeks to send practically the whole of their -army to reinforce the Serbs; in return, they undertook -to protect Greek communications with Salonika, by occupying -the “<em>non</em>-contested” zone in Macedonia with -Allied troops. In all my travels in the Balkan peninsula, -I had never come across a region to which the description -“non-contested” could be applied with any accuracy; -in London and Paris it was visualized by a miracle -of self-deception, and acted like a charm. Here was the -solution of the Balkan question, an Allied force, immobilized -in this mysterious zone, would hold the Bulgarians -in check, encourage the Serbs and reassure the -Greeks; Rumania would see what efforts we were making -and hurry to our aid; the Turks, trembling for Adrianople, -would make a separate peace.</p> - -<p>For the moment the Greek Government was unable to -entertain the proposed arrangement; King Constantine -and the Greek General Staff rejected the suggested plan -of operations and put forward another of their own, -which envisaged a second campaign against Turkey and -opened up alluring prospects further East. Temporarily, -the negotiations failed to secure either the co-operation -of the Greek Army or a more benevolent neutrality -on the part of Greece. The political situation -in Athens became more and more confused. Allied -diplomacy paid assiduous court to M. Venizelos and, -thereby, excited the jealousy and mistrust of the King.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89">89</a></span> -Telegrams from an Imperial War Lord addressed to -“Tino” flattered the monarch’s vanity as a strategist, -he laughed, with some reason, at our tactics, and grew -convinced we could not win the war.</p> - -<p>Sofia presented a very different aspect from Athens. -In the Bulgarian capital there was little bustle in the -streets, political excitement was not apparent, the inhabitants -went about their business quietly and, in the -case of most of them, that business was military in its -nature. Bulgaria, though unwilling to commit herself -permanently, still nursed her wrongs; to obtain redress -for these was the object of the entire people, and no -neutral State was better prepared for war.</p> - -<p>The alliance of Bulgaria was on the market, obtainable -by either set of belligerents at a price; that price -was the territory in Thrace and Macedonia, of which -Bulgaria considered she had been wrongfully deprived -by the Treaty of Bucharest. If the Allies could have -satisfied the Bulgarian Government on this point, the -Bulgarian Army would have been employed with the -same soulless ferocity against the Turks as, in the end, -it displayed against the Serbs.</p> - -<p>The situation was clearly defined, and the rôle of -diplomacy limited to the manipulation of cross-currents -of popular feeling and personal sympathies, which, in -Bulgaria as in every other State, divided opinion among -several political camps. Unfortunately for the Allies, -neither the British nor the French representative in -Sofia had the requisite qualifications for making verbiage -about a “non-contested” zone pass for a definite policy -in the Balkans. The British Minister was—rightly or -wrongly—credited with Servian sympathies, the French<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90">90</a></span> -Minister was not a “persona grata” with King Ferdinand, -whose favour was all-important in a diplomatic -sense. There does not appear to have been any reason -for the retention of either of these officials in their posts, -except the habitual unwillingness of government departments -to disturb routine. The difficulty of finding substitutes -did not arise in either case. Our Foreign Office -had at its disposal a brilliant young diplomatist, with a -unique experience of Balkan capitals, who could have -rendered more useful services as Minister in Sofia than -as Counsellor of Embassy in Washington; a well-selected -French aristocrat would have received a cordial welcome -from a Prince of the Orleans family, who himself controlled -Bulgaria’s foreign policy, and whose “spiritual -home” was France. The foregoing were some of the -imponderable factors in Bulgaria; in 1914 they could -have been turned to good account, in 1915 it was perhaps -too late.</p> - -<p>In time of war, a diplomatic duel is like a game of -cards in which victories are trumps; no amount of diplomatic -skill can convert defeat into success. During the -spring and summer of 1915, our Diplomats in the Balkans -fought an unequal fight. The conviction that a -stalemate existed on the front in France and Flanders -was daily gaining ground, public attention was concentrated -on the Dardanelles, and here the operations were -followed with an interest as critical as it was intelligent. -During the war against Turkey, the topographical features -in this theatre had been closely studied by the -Bulgarian General Staff, when a portion of the Bulgarian -Army had penetrated into Turkish Thrace as far -as the lines of Bulair. To these men our tactics became -daily more incomprehensible. At first, the assaults on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91">91</a></span> -the Western extremity of the Gallipoli Peninsula were -taken to be feints, intended to cover a landing in the -neighbourhood of Enos, but, when it was realized that -these were the major operations, when thousands of -lives were sacrificed for the capture of a few bare and -waterless cliffs, their bewilderment became intensified, -and into all their minds there crept a doubt. General -Fitcheff, the Chief of Staff and a man whose English -sympathies were widely known, ran considerable risks -by giving his expert advice in regard to a landing on -the coast near Enos; he was no arm-chair critic but a -practical soldier with recent and personal experience of -battlefields in Thrace. His views were identical with -those of the King of Greece and, indeed, of the vast majority -of soldiers in the Balkans. They were rejected or -ignored; a pseudo-omniscient optimism pervaded Allied -counsels and acted like a blight.</p> - -<p>Our friends in Bulgaria contemplated the useless -slaughter at Gallipoli with horror and dismay, waverers -turned to German agents, who took full advantage of -every change of mood. An influx of German officers and -officials began about this time; they had access to all -Government departments, and assumed control of part -of the Bulgarian railway system; as one result of their -activities Constantinople received supplies of ammunition, -whose Bulgarian origin was suspected if not known.</p> - -<p>The journey from Sofia to Bucharest lasts less than -twenty-four hours, its one noteworthy feature is the -abrupt transition from a Slavonic to a Latin race. The -Bulgars are reserved and taciturn, strangers are treated -coldly, they are not wanted unless they come on business -whose utility can be proved. I left Sofia impressed by -the efficiency and self-confidence of the people, but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92">92</a></span> -chilled by their morose and almost sullen ways. On -crossing the Danube a new world was entered, where -hearts were warm and life was gay and easy, where -every one talked cleverly and much, and where, perhaps, -words counted more than deeds.</p> - -<p>In the spring of 1915 Bucharest was a diplomatic -arena, in which all the Great Powers were making prodigious -efforts. Russia had ceased to treat her southern -neighbour as a revolted colony; the Central Empires -had developed a sudden sympathy for Rumania’s national -aspirations, more especially in the direction of -Bessarabia; Great Britain had made a loan of £5,000,000, -on little or no security, and, as a further proof of disinterested -friendship, was buying a large proportion of -the output of the oilfields, regardless of the impossibility -of either using or exporting this more than ever precious -product. A golden age had dawned, business men were -doing a roaring trade, cereals were being bought at fancy -prices and, looming ahead, were brighter prospects still.</p> - -<p>I looked for the warlike preparations of which the -War Office in London had so confidently spoken. Of -officers there appeared to be no dearth, the streets and -cafés were crowded with brilliant uniforms, whose -wearers sauntered slowly to and fro, bestowing glances -on the softer sex which were returned in kind. To -seek the favour of the fair has at all times been a martial -occupation. A wise man once remarked: “I know not -how, but martial men are given to love,” and added -some comments on perils, wine and pleasures which -seemed to fit this case. But war is not made with officers -alone, men are required, men of the people, who have -no decorative functions in the piping times of peace. -These were lacking, they were neither on the streets nor<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93">93</a></span> -in the barracks, they were in their homes, producing -wealth and not yet bearing arms.</p> - -<p>Rumania was not prepared for war; no reservists had -been mobilized, training depots were at normal strength, -there was a shortage of horses for the Cavalry and Field -Artillery, the Heavy Artillery was deficient both in quality -and quantity, the aviation equipment was out of -date, last but not least, the reserve stocks of ammunition -had been depleted, and the Rumanian arsenals -lacked the plant needed for their replenishment and the -maintenance of an army in the field.</p> - -<p>A policy which co-ordinated diplomacy and strategy -would have carefully weighed the “pros” and “cons” of -an alliance with Rumania. The mere presence of an -army in a certain geographical position means little, unless -that army is an organization ready to act, containing -within itself the means whereby its action can be sustained. -Rumania was a granary of corn, a reservoir of -oil, both valuable commodities, though more so to our -enemies than ourselves, but, from a military point of -view, the co-operation of this land of plenty involved a -heavy charge. To meet this charge, not only had guns -and ammunition to be sent, the Rumanian Army was -short of everything, including boots and clothes. Supply -alone, though at this period difficult enough, did not -completely solve the problem, delivery required communications -capable of transporting at least 300 tons a -day. No such communications existed between Rumania -and the Western Powers. Imports could reach Bucharest -or Jassy only through Servia or Russia, the railways -in both countries were inefficient and congested, to send -ammunition by these routes, in time of war, was to pass -it through a sieve. The prophecy, made in May, 1915,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94">94</a></span> -that the then existing communications could not deliver -more than a seventh of Rumania’s requirements was well -within the mark.</p> - -<p>In short, in the spring and summer of 1915, the alliance -of Rumania would have been for the Western Powers a -doubtful advantage and a heavy responsibility. The -first of these considerations might, at least, have restrained -the French Minister at Bucharest from demanding -Rumanian intervention with a vehemence which too -frequently degenerated into insult; it was fully appreciated -by the Grand Duke Nicholas who, in his quality -of Russian Generalissimo, described as “une folie furieuse” -what the French Diplomat thought would turn -the scale in favour of the Allied cause. The second -consideration should have appealed to the British Government, -the representatives of a people who look before -they leap. British statesmanship had inspired the Near -Eastern policy of the Allies, and had chosen as first -objectives Constantinople and the Dardanelles. Impartial -historians will justify this choice; here lay the key -of the whole Balkan situation, here were the lever and -the fulcrum with which to actuate the Neutral States. -Once masters of Constantinople and its waterways, the -Allies would have found Rumania willing, when ready -with their help, to co-operate in a concerted plan. Her -army, based on the Black Sea and the Danube, would -have become dynamic, a source of strength, instead of -weakness, to an inert and passive Russian front; Bulgaria, -reduced to impotence, would either have kept a -strict neutrality or, breaking unnatural bonds, have returned -to the Russian fold; the Greeks, with their eyes -on Smyrna, could not have held aloof.</p> - -<p>During the early months of 1915, diplomatic activity<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95">95</a></span> -in Athens and Sofia might have achieved results, it -might, conceivably, have secured the co-operation of the -Greeks and Bulgars in our operations at the Dardanelles; -at Bucharest the position was wholly different. To urge -Rumanian intervention at this period was foolish and -immoral, it demanded an immense sacrifice from the -Rumanian people which could not help the Allies and -might do their cause incalculable harm.</p> - -<p>Owing to geographical conditions, the Central Empires -were able to offer Rumania more than merely contingent -support in return for her co-operation and alliance. -Numerous railways cross the Carpathians and by means -of these the Rumanian army could have been promptly -equipped and efficiently maintained during a forward -movement into Bessarabia, a province described by German -Diplomats as Rumania’s “promised land.”</p> - -<p>Rumania lay between the upper and the nether millstones -of belligerent diplomacy, the mill was working -at high pressure, but was not grinding small. M. Bratiano, -the Rumanian Prime Minister, was equally uninfluenced -by the promises of Germany, the blandishments -of Russia, the taunts of France, and the loans of -Great Britain. He refused to deviate from a policy of -more or less impartial neutrality, and awaited what he -himself described as “le moment opportun.”<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a></p> - -<p>Disgruntled allied diplomats and many of his countrymen -reproached M. Bratiano with lethargy and cowardice, -in reality they owed him a debt of gratitude; -better than they he knew the unreadiness of the army -and the country for an adventurous policy, and, fortunately -for Rumania in 1915, he possessed sufficient -sense and courage to reject their amateurish plans. On<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96">96</a></span> -the other hand, he had too sound a judgment to be dazzled -by proposals, however spacious, which held out prospects -of territorial conquest at the expense of Russia, -although, as his father’s son,<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> he suspected all Russians -of treachery and guile.</p> - -<p>Since the death of King Charles in November, 1914, -M. Bratiano had been the guiding force in Rumanian -political life; he stood between the extremists, who clamoured -for intervention on the Allied side without regard -for consequences, and the Pro-germans, whose hatred -and mistrust of Russia had overcome the instincts of -men of a Latin race; his influence with King Ferdinand -was undisputed, he used it to impose a neutral attitude, -both in the Council and at Court. This man had many -qualities of high statesmanship, he loved his country and -had at least one deep conviction—he was convinced that -in the end the Allies would win the war.</p> - -<p>“Le moment opportun” of M. Bratiano was the moment -when Rumania could take up arms to fight on the -Allies’ side, under conditions which would confer a -reasonable prospect of success; in his more expansive -moods he confessed to cherishing the hope, and even the -belief, that the Rumanian Army would deal the decisive -blow. A proud thought this, coming from a citizen of a -little Neutral State during so great a war; but Ion -Bratiano was nothing if not proud.</p> - -<p>Events were to put a heavy strain on the Prime Minister’s -faith and hope, times of trial and temptation lay -ahead, when more garrulous champions of the Entente -were to give way to doubt. The withdrawal from the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97">97</a></span> -Dardanelles, Bulgaria’s alliance with the Central Powers -and Servia’s subsequent rout were incidents charged -with grave import to Rumania, and destined to postpone -indefinitely “le moment opportun.” M. Bratiano never -wavered, he waited patiently, by thus resisting the impulses -of interest and sentiment, he faithfully interpreted -the Rumanian people’s will.</p> - -<p>1915 was a black year for the Allies, a period of diplomatic -defeats and military disasters. The officials and -experts had had their way; the policy, which had frightened -them and of which they had disapproved, had been -reversed; Servia, the victim of predigested plans, had -been overrun, the succour so long demanded had been -sent three months too late; the Near East, save for some -ragged remnants, immobilized in Macedonia, had been -denuded of troops and abandoned to the enemy; the -legend of British tenacity and perseverance had been -tried in a fiery furnace and had not survived the test.</p> - -<p>Confusion, both mental and material, prevailed -throughout the British Empire; a vague uneasiness had -entered every mind; a race of hero-worshippers had -vainly sought a hero and the market place was strewn -with broken idols. The war had introduced a new dimension, -an all pervading influence, a nightmare which -haunted waking moments, a great winding-sheet, a deluge -submerging human thought.</p> - -<p>During these days of evil omen, one reassurance was -vouchsafed, one thought consoled, lightening an atmosphere -of gloom like a rainbow in a lowering sky. The -British people, though disillusioned and humiliated, still -kept the virtues of their race; in their hour of trial, -they rose above misfortune, and proved themselves<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98">98</a></span> -worthy descendants of the inspired adventurers whose -heritage they held. Men to whom war was odious developed -into seasoned warriors, and women, who had -never worked before, gave up their lives to toil.</p> - -<p>On battlefields, heroic valour was regarded as a commonplace, -in countless homes, self-sacrifice became a -daily rite. In British hearts, despair had found no -place, theirs was a confidence born of consciousness of -strength, the strength which in Kinglake’s glowing -words is: “Other than that of mere riches, other than -that of gross numbers, strength carried by proud descent -from one generation to another, strength awaiting the -trials that are to come.”</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99">99</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Sleeping Waters</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Oh Angel of the East one, one gold look<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Across the waters to this twilight nook,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">The far sad waters, Angel, to this nook!<br /></span> -</div> - -<div class="attrib"><span class="smcap">Robt. Browning.</span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="p2">Before Rumania became a kingdom, and while Wallachia -and Moldavia were separate Principalities, under -the suzerainty of Turkish Sultans, a Russian Army occupied -the land, the pretext for its presence being the -maintenance of law and order. The Russian Government -appointed as Pro-Consul a certain General Kissileff, -who planted trees and laid out roads and proved himself -a wise administrator; the good he did survives him, -one of the roads he planned and built commemorates -his name.</p> - -<p>The Chaussée Kissileff, or for short <em>The</em> Chaussée, is -an avenue of lime trees, which forms the first stage of -Rumania’s “Great North Road.” Four lines of trees -border two side tracks and the Central Chaussée. During -the winter months, their spreading branches afford -protection from the wind and rain, in spring and summer, -they fill the air with fragrance and cast a grateful -shade. This thoroughfare is a boon to Bucharest, it is -at once an artery and a lung. Here, when Rumania was -a neutral, courted State, beauty encountered valour, -while nursemaids, children, dogs and diplomats, of every -breed and nation, walked, toddled, gambolled, barked, or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100">100</a></span> -passed on scandal, according to their nature and their -age.</p> - -<p>Beyond the race course the Chaussée bifurcates. One -branch I have already called Rumania’s “Great North -Road,” it leads, as its name implies, due north to the -oilfields and the mountains; the other is a humbler route, -trending westward across a stretch of open country -towards a wooded, dim horizon. It I will name Rumania’s -“Pilgrim’s Way.”</p> - -<p>When I was a dweller in the plain, few houses, large or -small, stood on “The Pilgrim’s Way,” which, after dipping -to a stream, curved to the west and followed the -northern bank, its bourne some feathery treetops, its -only guardians cohorts of unseen frogs, whose multitudinous -voices rose in chorus, ranging the diapason of -croaking, guttural sounds. This was no intermediate -zone athwart the road to Hades, but the frontier of a -region known to some as “Sleeping Waters,” whose -chief city was a garden on the stream’s bank and beyond -the distant trees.</p> - -<p>The votaries of wealth and recreation followed the -“Great North Road,” seeking Ploesti’s oily treasures -or villas and a casino at Sinaia, where the gay world -of Bucharest breathed mountain air in the Carpathian -foothills, and summer heat was tempered amid perennial -pines.</p> - -<p>“The Pilgrim’s Way” was less frequented, but the -pilgrims, though not numerous, were, not the less select. -Among them were the Monarch and his Queen, the Prime -Minister, the representatives of several foreign Powers, -and men and women bearing names which rang like -echoes of Rumania’s history when Princes ruled the land.</p> - -<p>If asked why they made their pilgrimage so often, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101">101</a></span> -pilgrims would have answered with a half-truth: “We -seek serenity in a garden fair, and shade and quiet after -the city’s heat and noise”—they certainly did not go to -meet each other, nor did they, like Chaucer’s characters, -tell tales and gossip as they fared along the road—they -went to the same shrine, but went separately, they made -their vows to the same Deity, but they made them one by -one.</p> - -<p>Two landmarks lay beside the road, serving as measures -of the Pilgrim’s Progress, both were pathetic and -symbolical—one was a broken bridge, which was always -being repaired in slow and dilatory fashion, the other a -mill, which never appeared to work.</p> - -<p>Bratiano himself had built bridges in his youth, and, -speaking both as expert and Prime Minister, he declared -one day that when the bridge would be completely -mended Rumania would forswear neutrality and join -the Allied Cause. A whimsical conceit indeed, but illustrative -of its author’s mood. When Italy, a Latin -and a sister State, bound, like Rumania, by a Treaty to -both the Central Powers, had taken the irrevocable step, -work was resumed upon the bridge with greater energy; -but soon it languished, and blocks of rough-hewn stone -encumbered the wayside, mute symbols of the hesitation -which was still torturing a cautious statesman’s mind.</p> - -<p>The mill stands at the western end of a broad reach -of the same stream which traverses the realm of frogs; -the waters, held up by a dam, are as still and motionless -as a standing pond, and yet they once had turned the -mill wheel, although, no doubt, they had always seemed -to sleep. A village begins here where the waters -broaden; three years ago it was a straggling street of -squalid houses, where peasants dwelt in the intervals of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102">102</a></span> -laborious days. Rumanian peasants, at this period, lived -under laws which left them little liberty, and gave them -few delights. Their toil accumulated riches for their -masters, the hereditary owners of the soil, while they -eked out a scanty livelihood, and though in name free -men, in fact they were half slaves.</p> - -<p>Peasants when slaves are seldom rebels. Spartacus -has won a place in history by being the exception to the -rule, a rule well known to men who never read a book, -but feel instinctively that they themselves are helpless -to redress their wrongs. Such is the bitter truth, and -those who should know better often presume on it, until -their victims, exasperated by neglect and insolence, lose -for a while the habit of forbearance, flame into sudden -anger, indulge in fierce reprisals, and when exhaustion -follows relapse into dull despair. Wrongs unredressed -resemble pent-up waters, which seek an outlet, useful or -wasteful as the case may be, and finding none, in time -they sweep away the stoutest dam, causing widespread -destruction by their dissipated force.</p> - -<p>In 1907 a large number of Rumanian peasants had revolted. -Order, so-called, had been restored by employing -other peasants, clothed in uniforms, to shoot their -fellow-sufferers down. The tragedy of violence and repression -was of but short duration; once more the peasants -resigned themselves to fate, once more their smouldering -passions were pent up by a dam of military force.</p> - -<p>Bratiano, as leader of the Liberal Party, became Prime -Minister at the end of 1913; he realized more clearly -than his predecessors that Rumania’s peasant population -was one of the country’s greatest assets, and that, -under the then existing conditions, this asset was not -being fully utilized. His Government was pledged to a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103">103</a></span> -scheme of agrarian reform, and began its task with a -characteristic act—money was needed, but increased -taxation meant loss of popularity, and so the Army vote -was drawn upon, and the equipment of the troops neglected. -Like many others, Bratiano had refused to believe -that the German people would so abase themselves -before the Junkers as to permit the latter to provoke a -European war; he had been mistaken, he had erred by -rating common sense too high. When Germany’s criminal -folly became an accomplished fact, it found the -Rumanian Army unprepared, and shattered Bratiano’s -plans. Rumania, though a neutral State, lived in the -shadow of the cataclysm, perpetually a prey to excursions -and alarms; reforms in such an atmosphere were -impossible, the old abuses lingered, the middle classes -reaped a golden harvest, and further claims were made -on the patience of the poor.</p> - -<p>Mad misdirection and abuse of human effort were disintegrating -Central Europe, and had paralysed progressive -legislation in every neighbouring State. During his -frequent pilgrimages, a disappointed statesman had -time for sombre meditations, he may have seen a symbol -of them in a wide stretch of sleeping waters stagnating -round a disused mill.</p> - -<p>An avenue of elm trees leads westward from the mill, -skirting the water’s edge; it runs in a straight line on -level ground, and so, a pilgrim entering by the gate -could see at the far end, although it was a kilometre distant, -a walnut tree against a white background. When -blazing sunlight beat down on the fields and swirls of -dust choked travellers on the road, this avenue was always -cool and green and, like a vast cathedral’s nave, -soothed anxious, troubled spirits and rested dazzled eyes.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104">104</a></span> -At all seasons of the year, an innumerable host of rooks -circled above the elms, and from a choir in the clouds -bird-voices pealed in deep-toned rapturous crescendos, -lulling the memories of petty strife and discord brought -from the city in the plain.</p> - -<p>Three years ago, a low two-storied building, in colour -mainly white, with wide verandahs embowered in -creepers, stood out against the sky beyond the walnut -tree. The house faced south, on both sides and behind -it were open spaces flanked by greenhouses and walled -gardens, through which there ran an avenue of Italian -poplars, linking the village with a private chapel; in -front, the “sleeping waters” spread out in their full -glory, a broad and placid surface fringed with willows, -which leaned away from the supporting banks as though -they sought their own reflection. Between the waters -and the house a palace stood, empty but not a ruin, a -monumental relic of a bygone reign and period; standing -four square, crowned and protected by a roof of -slate. Such buildings can be seen in Venice and -Ragusa, with fluted columns poised on balustrades of -rich and fanciful design, composing graceful loggias.</p> - -<p>More than two centuries have passed since Bassarab -Brancovan, a ruling prince, first brought Italian craftsmen -to Wallachia. The tokens of these exiles’ art are -numerous, but nowhere do they find such perfect and -complete expression as in this palace, built for the prince -himself, whose pale, brick walls, with fretted cornices -and sculptured Gothic windows, are mirrored in a glassy -surface and framed by willow trees.</p> - -<p>Within the dwelling-house, the rooms looked larger -than they were, an optical illusion being produced by -shadows on floor and ceiling and corners obscured in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105">105</a></span> -gloom. The curtains hung upon the walls like draperies, -and chairs and tables were disposed in groups, with an -unerring instinct for achieving harmony between utility -and taste. Flowers were never absent from these -rooms, and made the house a floral temple, whose forecourt -was alternately the greenhouse and the garden, -the former produced in January what the latter gave in -June.</p> - -<p>Such was the shrine—the presiding Deity was a lady -still young in years, but learned in history and the arts, -beyond the compass of most men. With her there lived -her daughter and an English governess, a peacock in -the garden and a mouse-coloured Persian cat.</p> - -<p>Here, men whose lives were darkened by suspicion -found a rare atmosphere, where mystery was physical, -and did not hide the truth; here, could be learned the -story of a race from one whose memory was saturated -with traditions, who faced the future calmly, knowing -its perils, sustained by hope and faith; here could be -heard the twin voices of sanity and reason, expounding -not what Rumania was supposed to think, but what -Rumania thought.</p> - -<p>In Bucharest, a very different tone prevailed—sentimentality, -not wholly free from interest, combined with -unscrupulous propaganda to misrepresent the issues before -the Rumanian people and the Government. Even -official representatives of the Allied Powers joined in -the conspiracy of deception. In the month of April, -1915, the French Military Attaché announced, with all -the authority conferred by his position and access to -secret sources of information, that the Germans could -not continue the war for more than two months from -the date on which he spoke, as their stocks of copper<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106">106</a></span> -were exhausted; the argument based on this astounding -statement was that Rumania should intervene at once, -and lay hands on Transylvania before it would be too -late. In private life a man who tried to gain advancement -by such methods would be locked up for fraud.</p> - -<p>In England and France the ignorance about Rumania, -even in official circles, was amazing; for knowledge ready -substitutes were found in prejudices and preconceived -ideas. These ideas were based on reports furnished by -Secret Service agents of the most obvious description, -whose exemplars were the villains in the novels of Le -Queux, and who were regarded with amusement and -contempt by people on the spot. The information thus -obtained consisted of echoes from the cafés and excerpts -from the gutter press. It was sensational enough, -though mischievous and misleading, and gave satisfaction -to officials who never faced realities, unless they -suited their desires.</p> - -<p>By certain circles at Bucharest, the foibles of the -Allied Governments were systematically exploited: politicians -emerged from the shades of opposition into a -meretricious limelight; bankers and business men made -deals which opened up an El Dorado, and social grudges -were revived under the cloak of patriotic zeal. While -Rumania remained a neutral State, Bucharest was a city -divided against itself. Two camps were formed, a war -of words was waged; slander and calumny were the -weapons, and were wielded by both men and women -with venom and impunity.</p> - -<p>To minds possessed and poisoned by this ignoble -strife, the calm serenity of “the sleeping waters” was -anathema; the extremists and their partisans viewed -with suspicion a detachment which was as natural as it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107">107</a></span> -was sincere. They could not understand, far less forgive, -an attitude of aloofness to their cliques and combinations; -they were enraged by such neglect, since, with -some reason, they took it for disdain. Thoughtless themselves, -and caught up in a vortex of mental confusion -and unreason, they poured the vials of their jealousy -and hate upon a head as innocent as fair, because it -dared to think.</p> - -<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div> - -<p>By a strange turn of fate, I meditate this fragment -of past memories down by the waters of Old Nile. Behind -me rise the columns of a temple, whose capitals -portray the Lotus and Papyrus, signs of the River God. -Before me lies the tank, where the god lived three thousand -years ago. By the same path on which I stand were -hurried shrieking victims, as sacrifices to a crocodile, an -animal so dangerous to river folk that they worshipped -it, and sought to propitiate the object of their fear with -their own flesh and blood.</p> - -<p>Man’s nature has changed little since those days; his -cruelty takes more subtle forms, but is not a whit less -harsh. His god is Mammon, and his victims the poor -and weak, or those who, by innate superiority, are an -unconscious menace and reproach. The sacrificial act -does not consist in killing—to Mammon, oblations must -be made in such a way as not to roughly kill the victims -but first to spoil their lives.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108">108</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Disaster in Rumania—1916</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>During the early months of 1916, Bucharest had been -comparatively neglected by the Foreign Offices of the -belligerent States. So far as could be seen, the Central -Empires had abandoned the hope of obtaining Rumanian -co-operation against Russia. Count Czernin<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> had expressed -himself openly to that effect, and his German -colleague, though more discreet, in all probability shared -his views. The French and Italian Ministers were a -prey to exasperation and suspicions; to them it seemed -outrageous that a little Latin State should refuse to act -on French advice or to follow Italy’s example; their -prejudices warped their judgment, they lost their sense -of dignity, and sank to the level of mere partisans. -Such men could not influence the coldly logical mind of -Bratiano, who treated them with scorn. The British and -Russian Ministers were the buttresses of allied diplomacy -in Bucharest. Both stood for so much; one was the -spokesman of a people whose good faith and love of -fair play were still unquestioned, the other was the -envoy of the only Allied Power in direct contact with -Rumania, a Power whose past conduct had justified mistrust -but whose size inspired fear. Through no fault -of their own, these two men were unable to exert their -proper influence; neither of them had definite instructions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109">109</a></span> -from his Government, and both had learned, from -past experience, that under such conditions it was better -to “wait and see.” To any dispassionate observer -on the spot, this meant—to wait on events and see disaster -come.</p> - -<p>The perils of premature intervention, both for the -Allies and the Rumanian people, were only too obvious. -While Rumania’s sole link with the Western Powers -was a precarious line of communications through Russia, -her neutrality was preferable to her alliance; the -former was no doubt unsatisfactory, but the latter exposed -a reservoir of food supplies and petrol to invasion -from the south and west. Even if properly equipped -and efficiently maintained, the Rumanian Army would -have had no easy task; in the absence of these conditions -it was madness to go to war.</p> - -<p>In Paris, the irritation was profound. The French -Government had assumed control of the negotiations -with the neutral Balkan States, and was mastered by an -impatience born of intolerance and fear. This frame -of mind had been induced by a total misconception of -the real facts of the case. There was no danger that the -Rumanian people, however tempted, would join the Central -Powers. Bratiano surveyed the European situation -through the same telescope as the Allies. He saw their -final triumph clearly, but knew it was not so close as -they imagined. His vision, perhaps, had magnified the -distance by looking through the larger end, but, unlike -them, he knew the complexity of the problem to be dealt -with in the East; they viewed it merely as an adjunct to -the slaughter in the West.</p> - -<p>The Quai d’Orsay was quite incapable of appreciating -the Rumanian point of view; its self-appointed task was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110">110</a></span> -“to bring Rumania in.” Persuasion, on moral and sentimental -grounds, had been unavailing. Some details of -the Italian Treaty had leaked out, and had revealed a -marked absence of the principles of self-sacrifice and -abnegation, in the cause of liberty, on the part of a -greater Latin State. It was clear that Rumania, like -Italy, would have to get her price; much would depend, -however, on the way that price was paid.</p> - -<p>Rumania claimed Transylvania, together with Bukovina -and the Banat,<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> as her share of the spoil, in the -event of Allied victory; she was eager to fight for these -Austro-Hungarian provinces, if given a fighting chance. -Unfortunately for the Allies, no amount of eloquence -could improve the communications through the Russian -Empire, and a second attempt to force the Dardanelles -was excluded from their plans. Arguments based on -the presence of Allied troops at Salonika, with which -it was suggested the Rumanian Army might co-operate, -were without effect, and the statement in this connection -that the shortest way to Budapest was via Sofia was -regarded as more picturesque than true. The Rumanian -Government had no desire to make war on the south -bank of the Danube, where nothing was to be gained, -and the Rumanian General Staff knew, from experience, -the difficulties of a Danube crossing if seriously opposed. -An operation of this nature would have absorbed a large -proportion of the Rumanian forces, leaving an insufficient -number to hold the frontier in the Carpathians, -which was longer than the Allied front in France, while -the distance from its nearest point to Bucharest was -less than 100 miles.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111">111</a></span></p> - -<p>The foregoing were some of the obstacles to Rumanian -intervention. To overcome them by fair means demanded -considerable efforts from the Allies as part of a -concerted plan. No such plan existed; France could -offer nothing except promises of ammunition, Great Britain -could provide ships and money, Russia alone could -give support and, if the need arose, apply pressure to -this neutral State.</p> - -<p>The case of Greece was simpler. There, reluctance -could be dealt with and “unnatural” behaviour punished. -The Piræus could be reached by sea, whereas -Rumania was land-locked to the Allies. The Russian -Empire was the neighbour and the only highway, and -Germany was near.</p> - -<p>“All is fair in love and war.” The Allies had passed -through the stage of courtship with Rumania; their -blandishments and arguments had yielded no results. -Cajolery of agents behind the back of Bratiano had also -been tried and failed. Now they declared war on her -neutrality, and, through the force of circumstances, let -Russia take the lead.</p> - -<p>The British Government had, as usual, no policy in -the Balkans, and was amenable to French advice. A -series of diplomatic rebuffs at Athens had confirmed -our Foreign Office in its traditional attitude of disinterestedness, -and the general feeling was that Rumania, -in common honesty, should intervene, because she had -accepted loans. Some people think that British gold can -purchase anything, including a little country’s soul. -The War Office Staff was absorbed by the operations in -France and Flanders, to the exclusion of all other theatres -in a world-wide war. To the strategists of Whitehall -the military participation of Rumania was just another<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112">112</a></span> -“side-show,” which they accepted with some reserves -and treated as the lighter side of the war; they -were prepared to endorse any plan which did not involve -the use of British soldiers, and left their own selves -free to duplicate the work of Army Staffs and other exponents -of “Grand Tactics” already on the Western -front. Ignorance and indifference made these officers -the echoes of Frenchmen who posed as experts; the protests -of Englishmen who pointed out that the Rumanian -Army was, figuratively, “in the air,” were brushed aside -as technical objections, which would have carried weight -in the “main theatre,” but were pretexts, in a “side-show,” -for inaction and delay. These military “Panglosses” -had chosen to forget their own shortsightedness -and mismanagement at Gallipoli, the fate of Servia contained -no lesson for them, they urged Rumania to do -what they themselves would not have done, and stilled -the voice of conscience with the hope that all would be -for the best in the best of all possible alliances, if not at -once at any rate in the end. What that end would be -or when it would occur, the official mind could not foresee. -It foresaw nothing except a chance of self-advancement, -and that it promptly seized.</p> - -<p>In Petrograd there had never been great enthusiasm -in regard to Rumanian intervention. Russian military -opinion, as expressed by the Grand Duke Nicholas in -1915, had been opposed to an extension of the Eastern -front by the Rumanian Army, whose unpreparedness -was well known to the Russian Staff. This reasoning -had at the time been eminently sound, and the fact that -in the intervening period Bulgaria had joined forces -with the Central Powers only increased its cogency. -Another factor supervened: the men who ruled Russia<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113">113</a></span> -at this period had not forgotten Plevna.<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> Great Powers -dislike being under obligations to little neighbouring -States, and are apt to be bad debtors when it comes to -paying debts. Though not over-burdened with scruples, -the Russian Government realized that, on this occasion, -a contract entered into with Rumania might have to be -fulfilled. The Pan-Slavist elements in Petrograd objected -to any aggrandizement of the southern neighbour, -and thought Rumania’s price too high; in their eyes, -postponement of final victory was preferable to having, -for the second time, so exacting a partner in success. -Hitherto, Russia had worked to keep Rumania out, while -France and Great Britain tried to bring her in.</p> - -<p>The Russian character is a strange amalgam; some of -its moods are noble and poetic, others are fierce and -ruthless as those of a wild beast. When the Allies had -used persuasion with Rumania, Russia had stood aside, -but when a different note was sounded, when growing -irritation and impatience decided the Government in -Paris to force Rumania’s hand, a ready and willing instrument -was found in the Government of the Czar. -Here was a policy which gave full scope to strength and -cunning; Great Britain and France might preach morality -and justice, Russia would act with violence and guile.</p> - -<p>From the beginning of June onwards, a veil of secrecy -shrouded the negotiations of the Allies as to the plan of -action in Rumania. The “High Contracting Parties” -might well have quoted the hero<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> of a double murder -when he said, “Not easily have we three come to this.” -Though they were only planning murder, it was essential<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114">114</a></span> -for that plan’s success to protect it from all criticism -until it had done its work.</p> - -<p>Early in July the first overt move was made. It -took the form of a message from Russian General Headquarters, -and was sent by General Alexieff, the Chief of -Staff of all the Russian armies, who, of course, acted in -his Imperial master’s name. The general tenor of this -communication was to the effect that a favourable opportunity -had presented itself for Rumania’s intervention, -which, if not seized without delay, might pass irrevocably, -since her assistance would no longer be required -and she would not even be permitted to make a triumphal -entry into Transylvania; the concluding words were, -“Now or never.” A statement, a taunt, and a threat -made up the Russian ultimatum, for it was nothing else, -and, as was only fitting, it was communicated by the -Russian Military Attaché to the Rumanian Chief of -Staff and to the Prime Minister in his dual capacity of -Minister for War. Within a few days, the British and -French Military Attachés received instructions from -their respective War Offices to endorse the communication -made verbally by their Russian colleague. So far, -apparently, the Allied Ministers in Bucharest had had no -instructions in the matter, and two of them, at least, -continued to “wait and see.”</p> - -<p>After the first shock of disgust, Bratiano was inclined -to pay no attention to proceedings so irregular, as to -suggest ignorance of international usages on the part of -certain officers, although they were Chiefs of Staff. He -may have been right about their ignorance, but the second -move must have dispelled any doubts as to their -pertinacity and intentions. It emanated from Paris and -from a distinguished military authority. General Joffre<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115">115</a></span> -instructed the French Military Attaché to inform the -Rumanian War Office that the Central Empires <em>could</em> -not send more than ten divisions to operate against Rumania; -five of these would be German and five Austro-Hungarian -divisions. The latter were described as being -of inferior class. No reference was made to Bulgarian -or Turkish forces, an omission which justified the inference -that those already on the southern frontier could -not be reinforced. The British and Russian Attachés -were instructed to confirm this estimate. The Italian -Attaché had standing orders from his War Office, -under all and any circumstances, to agree with the -other three.</p> - -<p>General Joffre was much respected in Rumania. His -opinion on military matters could not fail to impress a -civilian, and that opinion had been uttered in no uncertain -voice. For the first time, Bratiano wavered. The -Rumanian Army consisted of sixteen divisions, of which -ten were fairly well equipped. If Joffre’s estimate of -enemy forces were correct, the invasion of Transylvania -could be undertaken with fair chances of success. -Agents reported that Germany was weakening and that -Austro-Hungary was verging on collapse; there might -be some truth in the Russian General’s statement, and -perhaps “le moment opportun” had come.</p> - -<p>The Prime Minister was the son of a great Rumanian -patriot and wished to follow in his father’s steps; the -father had united two Principalities in a kingdom, the -son had set himself the task of extending that kingdom -beyond the western mountains, and aspired to be the -architect of the Greater Rumania of his father’s prophetic -dreams. Fear of not winning makes men gamble, -and this anticipatory fear pervaded Bratiano’s mind;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116">116</a></span> -he in whom courage went with pride now quailed before -prospective self-reproach.</p> - -<p>Allied diplomacy was quick to perceive the effect of -the first two moves; these had been, respectively, a threat -and an assurance, the third was a promise: before Rumania -intervened, General Sarrail’s<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> army would make -an offensive on a scale large enough to prevent the dispatch -of enemy reinforcements from the Salonika front -to the Dobrudja or the Danube. The strength of the -enemy forces in Northern Bulgaria was variously estimated, -but the Rumanian General Staff was informed -that <em>their</em> figures were exaggerated and an emphatic -denial was given as to the presence of Turkish troops. -The Allied Intelligence Service overlooked the fact that -Rumania still had her representatives in Sofia, and -among them at least one officer who had both eyes and -ears.</p> - -<p>About this time the Bulgarian Government made overtures -to the Rumanian Prime Minister in regard to a -separate peace. How far these overtures were sincere it -would be hard to say. Their purpose was to use Rumania -as an intermediary; their effect was to remove the -last misgivings from Bratiano’s mind. He attached no -great importance to the Salonika offensive, except -so far as it might strengthen Bulgaria’s desire for -peace.</p> - -<p>By the end of July the negotiations for Rumanian intervention -were far advanced. In these, Russia played -the leading part; proposals and counter-proposals passed -continually between Russian Headquarters and the Rumanian -War Office, while in Petrograd acquiescence was, -at last, obtained for the full payment of Rumania’s price.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117">117</a></span> -On August 16 a Treaty and Military Convention were -signed by Bratiano and the representatives of the four -leading Allied States. The Treaty guaranteed to Rumania, -in the event of the Allies being victorious, all the -territory she claimed in Austria-Hungary, including the -whole of the region called the Banat at the confluence of -the Danube and the Theiss. In the Military Convention, -the Allies promised, among other things:</p> - -<p>An offensive on the Salonika front, to begin ten days -before Rumania’s first act of war;</p> - -<p>A Russian offensive in the Carpathians during Rumania’s -mobilization;</p> - -<p>The dispatch of Russian forces to the Dobruja, consisting -of two infantry divisions and one cavalry division;</p> - -<p>Supplies of ammunition delivered in Rumania at the -rate of 300 tons per day.</p> - -<p>Rumania, on her side, undertook to declare war against -and attack <em>Austria-Hungary</em> with all her land and sea -forces, at latest, ten days after the commencement of the -Allied offensive on the Salonika front. The declaration -of war was to be made on the first day of mobilization, -when it was agreed the Rumanian frontier troops would -attack the Austro-Hungarian position in the Carpathian -passes. The only reference to any enemy State other -than Austria-Hungary concerned Bulgaria; it was indirect, -since it applied to the Russian forces to be sent -to the Dobruja, and laid down that these would co-operate -with the Rumanians against the Bulgars, although -the Treaty of Alliance did not, as regards the -latter people, envisage a state of war. In this connection -there had been a difference of opinion between the -French and Russians; the former still hankered after an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118">118</a></span> -invasion of Bulgaria, the latter insisted that Rumania’s -main effort should be made in Transylvania. The Russian -point of view had prevailed, owing to the fact that -the Rumanian General Staff refused to undertake any -operations against Bulgaria without reinforcements of at -least 150,000 Russian troops. General Alexieff declared -he could not spare this number, and was reluctant to -spare even three divisions for the protection of Rumania -beyond a certain line. That line, as events soon proved, -was not in the Southern Carpathians nor on the Danube; -it was the shortest line between his own left flank and -the coast of the Black Sea.</p> - -<p>During the night of August 27–28, the first act of -war took place; Rumanian troops stormed and captured -the enemy position in the Carpathians along the whole -length of frontier, and on the following day war was -declared formally against Austria-Hungary. The news -was flashed throughout the world and was considered a -triumph for the Allies. The wildest stories circulated; -the Rumanian Army was described as well-equipped and -numerous, a host unwearied by the strain of war and -capable of marching through the mountains as far as -Budapest. In Paris, joy bordered on hysteria, self-satisfaction -knew no limits, and the men who had planned -this master-stroke were the heroes of the hour. London -and Petrograd were less excited; official appetites were -whetted but not yet satisfied; in the former, Rumanian -intervention was still regarded as a “side-show”; in the -latter, some schemers saw the curtain rising on a new -drama in the East. The mass of people in the Allied -States knew nothing about the situation, but, like the -“Tommies” in the trenches, they cheered the long-awaited -tidings that Rumania had come in.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119">119</a></span></p> - -<p>Germany at once made common cause with Austria-Hungary. -The German Minister<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> in Bucharest left the -Rumanian capital, under escort, disgruntled if not surprised. -Events had moved too quickly for this diplomat. -The inevitable had happened. He had all along foreseen -it; his annoyance was due to the fact that it had -come too soon. He left behind him tell-tale proofs of -the baseness to which his country could descend in order -to win a war; if his departure had not been so hurried, -the means for poisoning a city’s water would either have -been taken with him or put to fearful use. As the train -in which he travelled was crossing the River Sereth,<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> he -said to the officer of the escort, “Here is the future frontier -between Austria-Hungary and Russia.” He may -have been merely speculating, as any cynic might, or, on -the other hand, he may have had an inkling of Russia’s -secret plans. This river marked the shortest line between -the Russian left in the Carpathians and the coast -of the Black Sea. North of it lay Moldavia, a pastoral -land and poor; south of it lay Wallachia, teeming with -corn and oil. Rumania was a pygmy State and had entered -on a war of giants; to both her greater neighbours -it would not have been displeasing if she were broken on -the wheel. In Petrograd, it was rumoured that certain -members of the Government were inclined for a separate -peace, and it was common knowledge that the Central -Empires stood in desperate need of Wallachia’s resources. -To an intelligent German diplomat, these were the elements -of a deal.</p> - -<p>The details of the campaign in Rumania will form the -subject of a detailed history and, in so far as the conduct<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120">120</a></span> -of the Rumanian peasants was concerned, will furnish -a record of heroism and endurance unsurpassed in any -theatre of war. From the very outset the Rumanian -General Staff was confronted with the impossible task -of undertaking simultaneously an offensive in a mountainous -country and holding two lengthy frontiers converging -in a narrow salient. In most essential respects -the Allies broke their promises, as set forth in the Convention -they had signed. Ten days after the first invasion -of Transylvania, General Sarrail announced that -the preparations for his offensive were “pursuing their -normal course,” an offensive which should have started -some twenty days before. The Russians remained inactive -in the Carpathians and, so far from anticipating the -forward movement of the Rumanian Army, failed to co-operate -when it had been made. The supplies of ammunition, -so confidently promised, arrived in driblets; the -average quantity received was 80 tons per day.</p> - -<p>To the surprise of both Bratiano and the Government -in Petrograd, Bulgaria acted with her Allies. Up to the -last moment the Prime Minister had believed in the sincerity -of the peace overtures, and most Russian officers -were convinced that their mere presence in the Dobruja -would have a pacifying effect. In the event, Bulgarian -forces attacked (without a declaration of war) the Rumanian -bridgeheads on the south bank of the Danube -and invaded the Dobruja, where they were reinforced by -Turks. A situation had arisen which had not been foreseen -in the Military Convention. The southern frontier -was now seriously threatened, and the Russian detachment -was not strong enough, in co-operation with six -weak Rumanian divisions, to hold it throughout its -length.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121">121</a></span></p> - -<p>General Joffre’s estimate of the enemy forces which -could be brought against Rumania, so far from being -approximately exact, was eventually exceeded more than -threefold. Fresh troops were continually launched -against the wearied Rumanian soldiers, who, from sheer -fatigue, at last became demoralized. Retreats followed -in quick succession on the first brilliant advance in -Transylvania; the Rumanians were forced to abandon -all their conquests, since, at every point of contact, they -were outnumbered and outgunned. Paris and London -were not sparing in advice, but of that Rumania had no -need. She needed guns and men; Russia alone could -give them and, for the moment, Russia would not give. -A storm of criticism now arose. The men who had -forced Rumania’s hand perceived that disaster was impending, -they sought an explanation for it, and blamed -the Rumanian troops.</p> - -<p>War, it is claimed, discovers many virtues. It does -not create them but it does provide an opportunity for -their exploitation by men who do not fight on battlefields. -To these latter, war is Jack Horner’s pie; they -pull out all the plums complacently, and sit in safe but -not secluded corners, clinging like limpets to official rank. -They mask with mystery their mediocrity and take the -line of least resistance. Success in life has taught them -that responsibility, especially when moral, is one of the -things to shirk. They never are to blame when failure -issues from their plans; that is the fault of other men, -who are simple enough to fight.</p> - -<p>While such men retain their present influence, the -peoples must prepare for war. No League of Nations -will control them; they will control the League.</p> - -<p>On November 24, a detachment of German troops<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122">122</a></span> -crossed the Danube 56 miles south-west of Bucharest, -under cover of a thick fog. The end had come. Bucharest -was doomed; enemy forces were converging on the -capital from three directions; they were already in possession -of the rich corn lands of Wallachia, and were -threatening the oilfields both from the north and west. -The Rumanian General Staff made a last appeal for Russian -reinforcements and some were sent, but their movements -were so slow and their co-operation so half-hearted, -that even Russian representatives at Rumanian Headquarters -joined in indignant protests.</p> - -<p>As early as September, General Alexieff had advised -a retirement to the Sereth, although he must have realized -that such an operation involved abandoning, without -a struggle, the two main objectives of the Central -Empires, viz., the resources of Wallachia and access to -the Danube ports between Galatz and the Iron Gate. -If this man was honest, he was incompetent; no other -explanation can be given of such fatal obstinacy and -pride. His advice had not been taken, so he left Wallachia -unsupported and flooded Moldavia with Russian -Army Corps. These troops lived on the country-side -like locusts and drained it of supplies, but they did not -make the offensive so long promised, that was indefinitely -postponed.</p> - -<p>Despondency and alarm pervaded Bucharest. The -civilian elements did not fear the Germans, but they -dreaded the Turks and Bulgars, whose atrocities in the -Dobruja had appalled the stoutest hearts. The seat of -Government had been transferred to Jassy, a few officials -had remained, but their loyalty was more than -doubtful to what appeared a losing cause. The population -of the city was like a flock of sheep without its shepherd<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123">123</a></span> -and wandered aimlessly about, seeking for information -and encouragement which no honest man could give. -Orders had been posted broadcast, instructing the inhabitants -to stay quietly in their homes. So far, the -poorer people had obeyed and watched, with patient if -puzzled resignation, the departure of the rich and privileged -in motor cars and trains. South of the town a -battle was in progress, and bulletins from Presan<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> spoke -of a great success; the simple were hoping for a victory, -which would save their hearths and homes.</p> - -<p>Throughout the war, a flag had waved over the Royal -Palace, and, though the King and Queen had left, during -these first days of Rumania’s agony, it had remained -unfurled, for the palace was a hospital and under Royal -care. To anxious watchers in the street, this flag was a -comfort and a sign; it proved the presence of some occupants, -who, if danger threatened, would surely be -removed. One morning, early in December, the people -walking past the palace saw that the flag had -gone.</p> - -<p>The army in the south had been defeated and was in -full retreat. Hundreds of wounded men and stragglers -confirmed the rumours of disaster; they were its human -symbols, their broken and dejected mien banished all -optimistic doubts.</p> - -<p>An exodus ensued; an exodus as unpremeditated as -it was unreasoning. The fugitives did not consider why -they fled, nor whither they would go: they were unnerved -by months of strain and almost daily bombing: -an uncontrollable impulse forced them to leave the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124">124</a></span> -stricken town. A motley crowd, on foot and horseback, -in every sort of vehicle, in every stage of misery -and despair, streamed past the lime trees of the -Chaussée Kisileff and surged up the Great North -Road.</p> - -<p>The season was far advanced. Out of the north-east -came an eager wind and snow began to fall, large flakes -fell softly but persistently from a surcharged, leaden -sky, and lay upon the country-side like a widespreading -shroud; a shroud for many little children, their innocence -had not availed to save them; cunning and selfishness -are better safeguards than youth and innocence in -time of war.</p> - -<p>I caught up what might be called the rearguard of -this lamentable procession two miles to the south of a -little Wallachian town, which lay close to the frontier of -Moldavia and General Alexieff’s shortest line. Motor -cars, country carts and wagons stood four abreast across -the road in a long column stretching northwards, whose -immobility impeded further progress, however slow; -the gathering darkness and exhaustion had set a period -to this tragic flight.</p> - -<p>On foot, I reached the Headquarters of Count Keller, -the commander of a Russian Cavalry Corps; the General -had just finished dinner when I entered, and, perhaps -for this reason, his outlook on the situation was -less gloomy than otherwise it might have been. Count -Keller was not devoid of human feeling, the welter of -suffering outside his lodging would have touched a heart -of stone; but, as a soldier, he was filled with indignation -against the Rumanian Government, for having permitted -thousands of civilians to use the only highway in this -region, and thereby to block, for two whole days, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125">125</a></span> -forward movement of his corps. The obvious retort was -that his presence there was useless: he had arrived two -months too late.</p> - -<p>On the following day, the refugees from Wallachia -crossed the Sereth into Moldavia, and found security behind -a screen composed of Russian troops. About half -a million Russian soldiers had arrived in the Northern -Principality and more were yet to come. Wild, uncouth -Cossacks swarmed in every village, their first thoughts -plunder and the satisfaction of gross appetites; some -tried to sell their splendid horses for alcohol in any -form.</p> - -<p>The first act of the Rumanian tragedy was drawing -to its close. A little Latin country had yielded to bribes -and threats and had entered, under Russian auspices, -into a European war. Now it lay crushed and broken, -the victim of two invasions: one, by the enemy in the -south; the other, by Russians in the north.</p> - -<p>The Western Powers were lavish in their sympathy; -they had little else to give and were the helpless witnesses -of the evil they had done. In France, a restless, -ignorant optimism had conceived a selfish plan; Great -Britain had endorsed it, and Russia, in the name of -Allied interests, had pursued a traditional Russian policy, -which had been both sinister and obscure.</p> - -<p>“He that builds a fair house upon an ill seat, committeth -himself to prison.” In 1912, the Great Powers, -of those days, had laid the foundations of their policy -in the Balkans. Ignorance, inertia, selfishness and greed -had characterized their statecraft: an ill seat this on -which to build, but one well fitted for a pyramid of -errors. That pyramid was rising fast and one more -block had just been added, an error as tragic as the rest.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126">126</a></span> -Though no fair house, it was to hold its master builders -like a prison; for one among them,—Tsarist Russia, it -was destined to fulfil its proper function—the function -of a tomb.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127">127</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Russian Revolution and the Russo-Rumanian -Offensive—1917</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>By the middle of January, 1917, the front in Rumania -had become stabilized on what was, in point of fact, General -Alexieff’s shortest line. This line had its right -near Dorna Vatra<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> (the Russian left before Rumania -intervened) and traversed the Carpathian foothills until -it reached the Sereth Valley, north-east of the town of -Focsani; thence it followed the left bank of the river to -its junction with the Danube close to Galatz. East of -this latter place the front was vague and variable, the -swampy region round the Danube’s mouth being a veritable -“No Man’s Land.”</p> - -<p>Nearly a million Russian soldiers had, by this time, -been sent into Moldavia; they were organized in thirteen -cavalry divisions and a dozen army corps. The -Rumanian Army had been reduced by losses and disorganization -to six weak divisions; these held a sector of -the front about twenty miles in length.</p> - -<p>Winter weather and mutual exhaustion precluded the -immediate continuation of hostilities, and the opposing -armies faced each other under conditions of discomfort -which could hardly have been worse.</p> - -<p>During this period of comparative calm, it was possible<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128">128</a></span> -to appreciate the situation both from an Allied and -an enemy point of view.</p> - -<p>The Allies had, undoubtedly, lost prestige. Great -Britain had forfeited the confidence which had been -our most precious asset in the earlier stages of the war; -the British Government was regarded by Rumanians as -the tool of French and Russian diplomacy, and our warmest -partisans found little comfort in benevolent intentions -which were never translated into deeds. The French -burked criticism, to some extent, by an immense display -of energy. Hundreds of officers and men were incorporated -in the Rumanian Army, who by their spirit and -example did much to raise the morale of the troops. The -Russians, to a greater degree than ever, inspired distrust -and fear. The Germanophiles in Rumania had always -been Russophobes; during this period they gained -many new adherents, both in the army and the business -class.</p> - -<p>Allied prestige, and more especially that of Great -Britain, could have been restored by a decisive success -in a direction which would have enabled Rumania to -recommence hostilities, in the spring or summer, independently -of Russia. That direction was obviously Constantinople, -the key of the Near East; no other remedy -for Rumania’s plight was either practicable or just.</p> - -<p>The loss of Wallachia had deprived Rumania of four-fifths -of her food supplies, almost all her petrol and her -principal railway centres. Moldavia had to support, in -addition to the normal population, thousands of refugees -from Wallachia and, to a great extent, the Russian -forces. So defective were the road and railway communications, -that the supply services functioned only -with the greatest difficulty while the troops remained at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129">129</a></span> -rest. To attempt to even utilize this region as an advanced -base for offensive operations was to invite defeat. -Operations on a large scale for the recovery of Wallachia -could only have been carried out by using the Danube -as a supplementary line of communication; to do so, it -was essential for the Allies to be undisputed masters of -the Black Sea, and this involved a reinforcement of the -Russian Fleet. While the Dardanelles remained in -enemy hands, the Black Sea was as much German and -Turkish as it was Russian; naval engagements were of -rare occurrence and invariably indecisive.</p> - -<p>Speculation was busy at Rumanian Headquarters as to -the invaders’ future course of action. If further conquests -were envisaged, their position on the Danube conferred -on them the power of turning the left flank of -the Sereth line by the occupation of Galatz, against -which place their communications by rail and river -would have made possible the rapid concentration of -numerically superior forces. Once in possession of -Galatz, the invasion of Bessarabia could have been undertaken, -since the establishment of an Allied front on -the line of the River Pruth<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> would have been forestalled.</p> - -<p>The Central Empires, however, made no serious effort -to capture Galatz; they appeared to be content with -Braila and complete control of the Danube Valley between -that port and the Iron Gate. From a strategical -point of view their position was good. An immense -force of Russians was immobilized in Moldavia and held -there by the threat to Odessa; this force could only be -freed for offensive operations by a complete reversal of -Allied policy in the Near East, a contingency not likely<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130">130</a></span> -to occur. In the meantime, the stocks of corn in Wallachia -were being transferred to Germany and restorative -measures were being taken in the oilfields, where the -machinery and plant had been destroyed in wholesale -fashion during the retreat.</p> - -<p>Famine was approaching in Moldavia and typhus was -raging in the towns and countryside, when the Allies -convened a conference at Petrograd to determine their -future plans.</p> - -<p>General Gourko had replaced General Alexieff as -Chief of the Russian Staff, owing to the illness of the -latter. At the outset of the Conference, Russia’s principal -military delegate submitted an appreciation of the -military situation which, in so far as it concerned Rumania, -either displayed an inexcusable ignorance of the -facts or was intentionally false. He described new railway -lines in Bessarabia as approaching completion, -whose construction could not be commenced before the -spring was far enough advanced to melt the ice and -snow; on such premises as these he based a plan of operations, -which even <em>Russian</em> Generals on the spot described -as suicide. The other Allied representatives listened -with grateful ears; for them, a Russo-Rumanian offensive -in the spring had many great advantages—it would -relieve the pressure on the Western front and help -Cadorna on the Carso. They argued that if the General -Staff in Petrograd thought this offensive could be made, -it was the best solution of the problem, and all that remained -for them to do was to arrange for liberal supplies -of war material and guns.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to believe that the Government of the -Czar, had it survived, would have permitted this offensive -to take place; a few ambitious Generals may have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131">131</a></span> -been in favour of it, but the rulers of Russia had realized -that autocracies which made war on the Central -Empires, were undermining the last barrier against the -advancing flood of democratic sentiment, and were, in -fact, cutting their own throats. Both at the Imperial -Court and in Government circles, German influence was -gaining ground, and the Russian people as a whole were -profoundly pessimistic. Germany was considered irresistible, -officers of high rank admitted that if Mackensen -invaded Bessarabia, salvation could be found only in -retreat. They talked of a retirement to the Volga even, -and the Rumanians listened with dismay.</p> - -<p>In all human probability, the proposals for an offensive -made to the Conference at Petrograd were intended -to deceive the Western Allies, and to gain time for the -final liquidation of Rumania. Already the Russian Government -controlled Rumania’s supplies of ammunition,<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> -and, by an adroit interpretation of Articles VIII and -IX<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> of the Military Convention, the Rumanian Army -had, for all practical purposes, been brought under the -Russian High Command. The next step was to assume -control of the Rumanian civil administration. On the -pretext that the confusion and congestion on the Moldavian -railway system would preclude offensive operations, -the Russian General Staff suggested a wholesale evacuation -of Rumanian elements from Moldavia into Russian -territory. This evacuation was to include the Government, -the civil population, and all military units not -actually on the front. Apart from its total impracticability<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132">132</a></span> -with the communications available, the object of -this suggestion was sufficiently clear—it was the conversion -of Moldavia into a Russian colony. When that -had been accomplished, a separate peace could be concluded -between Russia and the Central Empires, and -the prophecy of Baron von der Büsche<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> would have -been amply verified.</p> - -<p>During the proceedings of the Conference there had -been much talk of revolution, but few of the Allied representatives -believed in it. Society in Petrograd scoffed -at the idea of a political upheaval, it was held to be impossible -while the lower classes were so prosperous and -comparatively well fed. At the end of February the -Conference broke up, the British, French and Italian -delegates left by the Murmansk route, convinced that, at -last, the Russian “steam roller” was going to advance.</p> - -<p>A few days later the Revolution began. The soldiers -joined the people. Their motives for so doing were natural -and logical, they should have been a lesson to those -who were next to try to rule in Russia, if vanity and -false ideas had not conspired to make Kerensky the puppet -of occidental plans. Many senior generals supported -the Revolution. <em>Their</em> motives were variously ascribed -to patriotism and ambition—when generals and soldiers -act alike a distinction must be drawn.</p> - -<p>Western democracies gave an enthusiastic reception -to the new order in Russia—so much so that our Ambassador -in Petrograd, of all men the most innocent -and above suspicion, was accused of complicity in the -revolutionary plot. Liberals spoke of the awakening of -Russia, and they were absolutely right. It was, indeed, -an awakening of oppressed, exploited people, and was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133">133</a></span> -thorough, abrupt and rude. Officials in Paris and London -were not without misgivings, but they perceived -some advantages in the situation—a central soviet at -Petrograd, or even a Republic, ruled by idealists, would -be a more docile instrument than the Government of the -Czar. Superficially, they were right. This shortsighted -view was justified by events during the first four months -of confusion and excitement. Fundamentally, they were -wrong. They had misjudged the Revolution, and had -not recognized that lassitude and exasperation pervaded -the Russian armies, and that men in this frame of mind -were better left alone.</p> - -<p>The fate of Rumania had trembled in the balance -when left to the tender mercies of the men who ruled in -Russia under the old régime. The Revolution had -brought a chance of respite, and admitted a ray of hope. -Great Britain and France could have helped the Rumanian -people by using their influence to insist on strict -adherence to the terms of the Military Convention. If -this had been done, and if patience and foresight had -been exercised, the natural desire of the Army and the -Government, to take an active part in the reconquest -of their territory, might have been gratified on sane -strategic lines. The Rumanian Army might have been -reorganized and re-equipped, and then could have played -a useful part in a concerted Allied plan.</p> - -<p>This was not to be. The Allied plan was fixed and -immutable. Though everything had changed in Russia, -this plan was the direct outcome of Gourko’s fantasies: -it consisted in a gigantic offensive operation, without -adequate communications and with ill-equipped armies, -on more than one hundred miles of front. The Rumanian -forces were to be wedged between two Russian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134">134</a></span> -armies and thus deprived of the power of independent -movement, while their rôle was limited to that of an insignificant -fraction of an incoherent mass. Ignorance -and optimism ruled the Allied Councils; they were to -be as fatal to Rumanian interests as Russian guile and -greed.</p> - -<p>I returned to Jassy from Petrograd towards the middle -of March. The Russian forces in Moldavia had -caught the revolutionary infection; their Commander-in-Chief, -a Russian prince, had found prudence to be -the better part of valour and assisted at committee meetings -wearing a red cockade. Revolution softens the manners -and customs of even the most violent natures. -Officers, who a few months before had kicked their soldiers -in the streets for not saluting, now, when they got -a rare salute, returned it with gratitude.</p> - -<p>The Rumanian peasants remained faithful to their -King and Government. They had suffered much, but -their pride of race and native sense prevented them -from flattering the hated intruders by imitating Russian -methods for the redress of wrongs. In Jassy, some -Socialists who had been arrested were liberated by their -friends: these may have included some Rumanians, but -their number was not considerable and their activities -were not a source of danger to the commonwealth, which -was threatened only from outside.</p> - -<p>On the front an extraordinary situation had arisen. -Fraternization between the opposing armies was general -and unrestrained, except on the Rumanian sector. The -Russian soldiers were in regular correspondence with -their Austrian and German adversaries, by means of -post-boxes placed between the lines and verbal intercourse. -Men, whose respective Governments were still<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135">135</a></span> -at war, fished in the waters of the Sereth. “Angling is -somewhat like poetry, men are to be born so.” No -doubt these anglers thought, with Isaac Walton, that -they were brothers of the angle. Barbed wire was put -to peaceful uses, entanglements were used as drying -lines and were covered with fluttering shirts. The revolution -had accomplished something; it had given some -very dirty soldiers the time to wash their clothes.</p> - -<p>A unique opportunity for propaganda had presented -itself. The Germans utilized it to circulate letters inviting -the Russian and Rumanian soldiers to desert their -“real enemies”—France and England. These appeals -had no effect. The Russians received them philosophically; -they had, already, got a sort of peace and, in the -front-line trenches, a sufficiency of food. The Rumanians -had other reasons for rejecting such advice. Peace -with invaders had no meaning for them, their only -friends were France and England. The peasants realized -instinctively that Russia was a foe.</p> - -<p>In their impatience for offensive action, the Allies -failed to grasp some essential features of the situation, -which might have been turned to good account. The -Russian armies were in a state of convalescence after -the first fever of the revolution, the majority of the men -were inert, if not contented, and no longer indulged in -deeds of violence; they were still influenced by the revolutionary -spirit, but not in a rabid sense. They were a -source of contagion to the enemy but, relatively, harmless -to themselves. Fraternalization on the Rumanian -front was more hurtful to the Central Empires than to -the Allies. The Austro-Hungarians were war-weary and -demoralized; inactivity had encouraged hopes of peace -and, after close on three years of war, such hopes die<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136">136</a></span> -hard. Even the Germans were disaffected, their iron -discipline had grown more lax. During one of my visits -to the Russian trenches, a German private brought a -message from his comrades, advising the “Soldiers’ Committee” -to cease passing convoys along a certain road, -because “our pigs of officers may make us shoot.”</p> - -<p>Disintegrating forces were at work among the enemy -troops; they were the product of social and political conditions -and, whatever might be their later repercussion, -from an immediate and practical point of view, they were -more powerful aids to victory for the Allies than any -offensive on this front. A premature Russo-Rumanian -offensive, with unwilling Russian soldiers, could have -but one effect—its futility was evident to the humblest -combatants in the opposing ranks; it could only serve -to rally doubters and, thereby, postpone another revolution. -That revolution was inevitable: it might have -been precipitated by an intelligent adaptation of Allied -policy to facts.</p> - -<p>So far as could be seen, the Allies had no policy at -this period. Statesmen no longer ruled. The German -system had been followed by making the General Staffs -omnipotent. To men obsessed by one single facet of a -many-sided problem, the Russian Revolution was an incident -without significance beyond its bearing on the -Western Front; for them the Russian armies were machines, -whose functions had undergone no change as the -result of revolution. They regarded an offensive on the -Eastern Front as a subsidiary operation, which would -relieve the pressure in the West: that was the aim and -object of their strategy, and everything was subordinated -to the achievement of that end.</p> - -<p>With very few exceptions, the Russian Generals who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137">137</a></span> -had retained commands, after the abdication of the -Czar, favoured the Allied plan; it appealed not only to -their personal ambition but also to a conviction, which -they shared with many others, that further slaughter -would allay political unrest. The most influential member -of the new Russian Government was Kerensky, an -idealist whose support for any enterprise could be secured -by flattering his vanity, which, as with many -democratic leaders, had assumed the proportions of disease. -The motives of this man were comparatively disinterested, -but he was young and inexperienced. He -became the most ardent advocate of the offensive plan -and turned himself into a recruiting sergeant instead of -directing the affairs of State. Brains and calm judgment -are seldom used in war. It is much easier to enrol -thousands of simple men to serve in what the Russians -called “Battalions of Death” than it is to find one man -possessed of sense. Kerensky raised many such battalions -and, to do him justice, he did not deceive the victims -of his eloquence more completely than himself.</p> - -<p>In Rumania hope alternated with despair in regard to -future operations; the former was spasmodic and inspired -by the French Military Mission, the latter was -bound to invade any reflective mind. Certain Rumanian -Generals were frankly optimistic in regard to the reconquest -of Wallachia, others professed to be so to gain -the approval of the French. With either of these two -types discussion was impossible; it would have been cruel -to rob them of any source of consolation by insisting on -the truth.</p> - -<p>General Ragosa, who commanded the 2nd Russian -Army, expressed himself emphatically against a renewal -of offensive tactics by Russian troops, before they had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138">138</a></span> -been equipped on the same scale as other armies. He -declared that Brusiloff’s much advertised offensives had -been conducted without due preparation or regard for -loss of life, and that though that general had gained -much personal glory, he had broken the spirit of his -men. The attitude of the rank and file more than confirmed -this view; the revolutionary soldiers lacked neither -patriotism nor courage, but they had come to suspect and -hate the blundering, ruthless generals who held their -lives so cheap. They knew that on the Western Front -slaughter was mitigated by mechanical devices, whereas -they were regarded as mere cannon fodder and of less -value than their transport mules. When French and -British officers urged them to make further sacrifices, -they put a searching question: “Do your soldiers pull -down barbed wire entanglements with their bare hands?” -Such questions were disconcerting to fervent foreign -propagandists, and did not stimulate their curiosity to -hear other unpleasant truths. In spite of the fact that -“Soldiers’ Committees” had been established in almost -every unit, and were largely, though not completely, -representative, these spokesmen of a mass of inarticulate -opinion were neglected by the partisans of immediate -offensive action, who seemed to have forgotten that the -Russian Revolution had ever taken place.</p> - -<p>Once again, the Western Powers were asking the -armies on the Eastern Front to do what their own armies -would not have been allowed to do. Their motives were -selfish and their propaganda false: when ignorance is -wilful it becomes immoral, when combined with mediocrity -of mind, it fails to recognize the natural limitations -of a situation and has a boomerang effect. Wise men, -however immoral they may be, know where to stop; the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139">139</a></span> -stupid, when unrestrained by fear or scruples, push -blindly on and never seek enlightenment, they cause -more suffering by their folly than the most cruel tyrants -by their vice.</p> - -<p>At the beginning of July the offensive began; by -some it was called the “French” offensive, and the name -was not inapt. It came as a surprise to the enemy Army -Commanders, who had not expected this solution of a -problem whose political aspects were causing them grave -concern. The Austro-Hungarian and German soldiers -could still be counted on to retaliate if attacked; this -sudden onslaught put an end to the fraternalization between -the armies and could be dealt with easily by even -an inferior number of well-led and well-organized -troops.</p> - -<p>The history of these ill-fated operations is too well -known to need recapitulation. By the end of July the -Russo-Rumanian offensive had collapsed completely. -The Russian forces were everywhere in retreat, the Rumanians, -after making a twelve-mile advance and fighting -with great gallantry and determination, were forced -to withdraw to the line from which they had started, -owing to the retirement of the Russian armies on both -their flanks.</p> - -<p>A total misconception of the internal situation in -Russia had brought about a military disaster of unprecedented -magnitude. The Russian armies had ceased -to exist as fighting forces, the soldiers had flung away -their arms and offered no opposition to invasion, all -Western Russia was at the mercy of the Germans, who -had only to advance.</p> - -<p>With the disappearance of all military cohesion, the -political situation in Russia became desperate. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140">140</a></span> -dumb driven herd had, in the end, stampeded and put -the herdsmen in a fearful quandary, from which there -was no escape. Millions of men had demobilized themselves -and roved about the country or poured into the -towns; they had been brutalized by three years of war -and showed it by their deeds. Six months before the -Russian people had lost confidence in themselves. With -a new form of Government new hope had come, but now -that hope was dashed. Russian Democracy had been -tried and failed. Kerensky and his fellows had destroyed -an evil system, but had put nothing but rhetoric -in its place. They had convinced themselves that they -were Russia’s saviours, and had not realized that revolutions -which are caused by war have but one object—a -return to peace. They might have saved the situation -by a temporizing policy; far greater men have not disdained -inaction based on calculation, and Russia’s history -had shown that in her wide and distant spaces lay -her most sure defence. Instead, the leaders of the Revolution, -having no Russian policy, had embarked on an -enterprise which every thinking Russian knew was foredoomed -to failure; thereby they had destroyed the trust -of the people in their Western Allies, who had become -objects of resentment, for having urged the last offensive -without regard for ways and means.</p> - -<p>To distracted soldiers, workmen and peasants in all -parts of Russia, the Bolshevist doctrine made a strong -appeal; it promised not only peace, but a form of self-government, -and these leaderless, misgoverned men -snatched eagerly at the prospect. Lenine and Trotsky -had long perceived the real need of the Russian people, -their international theories effaced any sentiment of loyalty -to the Allies, and, after sweeping away the last<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141">141</a></span> -vestiges of Kerensky’s Government, they asked Germany -for an armistice.</p> - -<p>In Southern Moldavia, the Rumanians still held their -ground, covering the crossings of the Sereth. They -were completely isolated—on one side anarchy, on the -other a ring of steel. The situation of this dismembered -country was tragic and appalling; in the words of the -Prophet Isaiah, Rumania was “as the small dust of the -balance.” Her fate was linked with that of Russia, she -was small dust indeed, compared to that ponderous mass.</p> - -<p>The impatience of the Western Powers had exposed -Rumania to the machinations of a haughty, overbearing -ally and an enemy in disguise. From these the Revolution -had delivered her, but only in the hour of defeat -and on the eve of irretrievable disaster. She was to -drain the cup of bitterness down to its very dregs, and, -at the bidding of the Bolshevists, to conclude a separate -peace.</p> - -<p>It has been said that the Bolshevists betrayed Rumania. -This accusation is unfounded and unjust. The -Bolshevists were the outcome of a pernicious system, -for which the Revolution had found no remedy; -Rumania had undoubtedly been betrayed, but the betrayal -was not Lenine’s work. When he assumed control -in Russia, Rumania’s plight was hopeless, and, at -least, he left her what she might have lost—the status of -an Independent State.</p> - -<p>The Alliance had lost a limb which spread across two -Continents and bestrode the Eastern world. Its strength -had been exaggerated, but it had rendered priceless -services at the outset of the war. At last it had broken -down from overwork, directed by men who had neither -understood its functions nor realized that it was something<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142">142</a></span> -human, though different from the rest. The Russian -people had not changed with a change of Government, -but the same men were abused as traitors under -Lenine, who had been praised as patriots and heroes -when subjects of the Czar.</p> - -<p>The amputation had been self-inflicted, and the limb -was left to rot.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143">143</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">A Midnight Mass</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>On Easter Eve, it is the practice of the Orthodox -Greek Church to hold a Special Vigil, which terminates -at midnight on Holy Saturday. In the year 1917 this -vigil had unusual significance for the Rumanian people, -who were passing through a time of tribulation, the -words “Kyrie Eleison”<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> were in every heart, and even -the irreligious sought the solace of Mother Church.</p> - -<p>I had been with the Armies, and had returned to -Jassy late on Easter Saturday. My way had lain -through almost deserted country, with here and there a -sparsely populated village, whose tolling church bells -called the peasants to their prayers.</p> - -<p>The Moldavian capital was densely crowded. Since -early in the evening, a great concourse had been assembling -in the Cathedral Square. At the time of my arrival, -thousands of patient waiting people stood there, -a sea of faces blanched in the moonlight, pinched by -want and cold. Many Russian soldiers were sharing in -this outer vigil. Just before midnight, after the King -and Queen had entered the Cathedral, some of them -broke through the cordon of Rumanian troops and tried -to force an entrance. They also wished to worship in -accordance with the ritual of their church, but were held<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144">144</a></span> -back and roughly handled. There was not room for all -who wished to enter in, and these were soldiers of the -Revolution wearing the red cockade. One of them, quite -a boy in years, fell prostrate and inarticulate on the -steps, and was permitted to remain.</p> - -<p>The vigil ended shortly after midnight, and at its -close the Archbishop led a procession to the precincts, -where massed bands played, rockets soared high in -Heaven, and true believers kissed each other, saying: -“Christ is risen.”</p> - -<p>Once more we entered the Cathedral, and what I have -called a Midnight Mass or Liturgy was celebrated. The -term may well be a misnomer. There may not have -been a mystical destruction, but there were prayers of -penitence and praise, of supplication and thanksgiving, -and these we are taught are the four ends of the sacrifice -of the Mass.</p> - -<p>Jassy Cathedral is not one of those vast Gothic structures, -whose symmetry and gorgeous decoration serve as -memorials of the inspired human efforts which graced a -more religious age. It is a plain unostentatious building -of no great size. This night, however, it appeared transformed; -height, length and breadth assumed immense, -mysterious proportions—the chancel blazed with light, -all other parts of the interior of the building were -wrapped in obscurity, side chapels loomed like cavernous -recesses, the nave was filled with flickering shadows, -its vault resembled a dark firmament above a tense expectant -multitude, a seemingly innumerable host, stretching -far back in serried lines and ever deepening gloom.</p> - -<p>Rumanian soldiers predominated in the congregation, -the radiance from the altar was reflected on swart, fierce -faces, and shone in countless eyes. Queen Mary, surrounded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145">145</a></span> -by her ladies, stood near the centre of the -transept, a group of white-clad figures gleaming softly -against the grey background. The King and his second -son occupied two thrones on the south side of the chancel, -facing them were the representatives of seven Allied -States.</p> - -<p>At the commencement of the service the music was -subdued, treble and alto voices recited canticles and -chanted antiphons. Sometimes a clear soprano rang out -alone. I could not understand the words, but one of the -melodies recalled an air by Handel, a touching declaration -of faith triumphant, a woman’s voice proclaiming -that her Redeemer lives. Later, the character of the -music changed. From a gallery at the Cathedral’s western -end, a choir of men thundered out pæans of rejoicing, -which rose in shattering crescendos, and surged up to -the altar in waves of sonorous sound.</p> - -<p>The climax of the ceremony was reached when the -Archbishop left the altar steps and knelt before the -King. The old Primate’s work was done. This learned -monk and priest of God was a Rumanian citizen. As -such, he surrendered to his temporal sovereign the symbol -of all Christendom, and his own most sacred charge. -King Ferdinand received it reverently, and a Catholic -Hohenzollern Prince stood as the Head of Church and -State holding a jewelled cross.</p> - -<p>An unexpected movement followed. Most of the foreign -diplomats and soldiers pressed round the Royal -throne, and paid homage to both spiritual and temporal -power by kissing first the crucifix and then the Monarch’s -hand.</p> - -<p>This gesture was neither premeditated nor prompted -by a spirit of Erastianism. It was the act of men under<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146">146</a></span> -the influence of deep emotion. Something had touched -their hearts; something, perhaps, which brought back -memories of boyhood, when belief was ready, and young -imaginations glowed, and youth was vowed to noble -needs; something which stirred feelings numbed by contact -with worldliness and cruelty on life’s rough way; -something still fragrant and redolent of innocence, -which they had lost long since and found awhile.</p> - -<p>To the peasant soldiers, the music, the incense and -the vestments combined to make a beatific vision, a -light to those who walked in darkness, and whose simple -faith was strong and real. They believed implicitly in -the second advent of a man who had been, and would -be again—Wonderful, a Counsellor, a Good Shepherd, -and a Prince of Peace. They had known sorrow and -defeat, the enemy was in their land, famine and pestilence -were ravaging their homes, but they were soldiers -of the Cross and undismayed. More battles would -be fought, battles without the pomp and circumstance of -those in theatres less remote. The last heroic stand at -Marasesti<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> would be made by humble men, who, this -night throughout Moldavia, were met together for a festival -of their Church, not to sing songs of lamentation, -but to cry Hallelujah and Hosanna, to tell the joyful -tidings—“Christ is risen.”</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147">147</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">“Westerners” and “Easterners”</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>For many years before the “Great World War,” the -German Army had been the most formidable fighting -machine in existence. It had filled professional soldiers -in all countries with envy and admiration, as the supreme -expression of a warlike and disciplined race.</p> - -<p>When the war began the Allied Armies were unprepared, -and were unable to withstand an offensive which -was a triumph of scientific organization and almost -achieved complete success. The partial success of this -first German offensive had two important results: it -carried the war on the Western Front into French and -Belgian territory, and more than confirmed the worst -fears of Allied military experts as to the efficiency of the -German Army.</p> - -<p>After the Battle of the Marne, a mood of extravagant -optimism prevailed. One British general prophesied in -September, 1914, that by the end of March, 1915, the -Russians would be on the Oder and the French and -British on the Rhine. With the advent of trench warfare -on the Western Front and the retreat of the Russians -in East Prussia and Poland, the outlook became -less rosy, and the Allies settled down to a form of war -which was to last, with slight variations, until the armistice.</p> - -<p>Generally speaking, this form of war involved the -subordination of Policy to Grand Tactics. Policy had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148">148</a></span> -for its object the protection of vital interests, more -especially in the East, and aimed at securing the co-operation -of neutral States with a view to strengthening the -Alliance. Grand Tactics demanded the sacrifice of every -consideration to ensuring victory on the Western Front. -The failure of the expedition to the Dardanelles put -statesmen, for a time at least, at the mercy of professional -soldiers, of whom the vast majority, both French -and British, were so-called “Westerners.”</p> - -<p>The ideas of these men were simple. If pursued to -their logical conclusion they would have required the -concentration of all Allied forces (including Serbs and -Russians) somewhere in France and Flanders. The -more rabid Westerners did desire this, as they honestly -believed that on their front there was no middle course -between a decisive victory and a crushing defeat. Others -admitted a Russian, and later an Italian Front with its -appendage at Salonika, but, in their eyes, the only object -of these two fronts was to hold as many enemy -troops as possible and facilitate a victory in the West. -That victory was to be preceded by a war of attrition, -which would culminate in a final battle on classic lines—the -infantry and artillery would make a gap through -which massed cavalry would pour.</p> - -<p>The French Staff was characteristically optimistic, -the British less so. Many senior British officers had a -profound respect for the German Military System, it -was to them the embodiment of excellence from every -point of view, and had to be imitated before it could be -beaten.</p> - -<p>In the autumn of 1915, the era of Allied counter-offensives -began. The slaughter on both sides was immense, -but no appreciable results were achieved. While<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149">149</a></span> -these operations were being carried out, Bulgaria joined -the Central Empires, the greater part of Servia and Albania -was over-run, and, according to an official report -on the operations against the Dardanelles, “the flow of -munitions and drafts fell away.”</p> - -<p>Throughout the whole of 1916, the war of attrition -was waged in deadly earnest and exacted a ghastly toll. -By the end of the year no decision had been reached on -the three main fronts, but the richest part of Rumania -had fallen into the hands of the enemy.</p> - -<p>Public opinion in both France and Great Britain -seemed to approve the methods of the Westerners. The -French naturally desired above everything to drive the -invaders out of France, and the British people had become -resigned to a war of workshops, which was lucrative -to those who stayed at home.</p> - -<p>From a purely military point of view, the attitude of -the Westerners was comprehensible. The Western Front -was close to the Allied bases of supply, it had good communications, -the climate was healthy, on this front the -Germans were encountered, and they formed the backbone -of the hostile combination. Undoubtedly a victory -in the West was the ideal way to win the war. No one -disputed that, but at the end of 1916 that victory was -still remote. Germany’s position on the Western Front -was very strong, her army was homogeneous, her communications -were superior to ours, and her recent conquests -in the East had mitigated the effects of two years -of blockade.</p> - -<p>Since September, 1914, both sets of belligerents had -made offensives, but these had failed, though in each -case an initial success had raised the highest hopes. -Stupendous preparations had been made, artillery had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150">150</a></span> -been employed on an unprecedented scale, lives had -been sacrificed ruthlessly, but, invariably, the forward -movement had been arrested, had ebbed a little and immobility -had ensued. Some law appeared to operate in -this most modern form of warfare. Killing without -manœuvre had become an exact science, but battles are -not merely battues, the armies must advance, and this -they could not do—their mass and the enormous assemblage -of destructive appliances, necessary for the preliminary -process of annihilation, produced a congestion -which brought the best organized offensive to a standstill. -In such circumstances it seemed that final -victory might be postponed for months and even -years.</p> - -<p>In 1917. The Central Empires held the land -routes of South-Eastern Europe and Turkey was their -vassal State, whereas the Allies disposed of precarious -sea communications, which linked them with no more -than the periphery of the Ottoman Empire and the -Balkans at three widely separated points. In these -regions the populations were being Germanized, inevitably -and in spite of themselves. The Germans were -on the spot, they might be arrogant and unsympathetic, -but they were efficient, and suffering, unsophisticated -people could justifiably argue that these intruders were -better as friends than enemies, and that it paid to be on -their side. To neglect this situation, until we had won -a victory in the West, exposed the Allies to the risk of -letting German influence become predominant throughout -the Middle East. For the British Empire such a -state of affairs would have spelled disaster; after untold -sacrifices in the Allied cause, Great Britain would have -lost the war.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151">151</a></span></p> - -<p>These weighty considerations had influenced certain -British statesmen ever since the intervention of Turkey -on the side of the Central Empires, but their plans had -been frustrated by official inertia and mismanagement. -At last, a serious effort was made to restore our prestige -in the East by operations in the direction of Palestine -and in Mesopotamia. These operations were against -the same enemy and were carried out almost exclusively -by British forces, but were independent of each other -and not part of a concerted plan. The British War -Office had undertaken the supply and maintenance of -three “side-shows” (including Salonika), but had -neither the time nor the inclination to prepare a scheme -for the co-ordination of operations in the Eastern theatres. -Perhaps it was feared that such a scheme would -involve the dispatch of reinforcements.</p> - -<p>The Eastern situation demanded, in the first place, -statesmanship. A military policy was needed which, -while recognizing the preponderating importance of -securing the Western Front, would aim at bringing pressure -to bear on every part of the enemy combination; -which would not be content with local successes, but -would attack Pan-Germanism, the real menace to the -British Empire, where its activities were centred; which -would strike at Germany through her Near Eastern -allies, complete the circle of blockade on land and retrieve -the sources of supply which had been taken from -Rumania.</p> - -<p>Military operations alone would not suffice; the co-operation -of the navy was essential to reduce the risks -from submarines which infested the Eastern Mediterranean. -The shipping problem presented many difficulties. -These could be overcome only by Governmental<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152">152</a></span> -action based on policy. If dealt with by subordinate -officials, the distribution of available tonnage would follow -the line of least resistance in the form of short trips -to France.</p> - -<p>If the broad lines of an Eastern policy had been laid -down and insisted on by the Allied Governments, a -plan could have been put into execution which, while -offensive operations were in progress in Mesopotamia, -Palestine and Macedonia, would have directed against -the heart of the Ottoman Empire a strategic reserve, -concentrated with that objective in view at one or more -of the Eastern Mediterranean ports. The force required -would not have been considerable. The Turkish and -Bulgarian armies were held on three widely separated -fronts, leaving weak and scattered garrisons in Thrace -for the protection of the Dardanelles.</p> - -<p>The difficulties were many, but the stakes were big. -The fall of Constantinople would have revolutionized -the Near Eastern situation. It would have forced Turkey -to make a separate peace, and would, thereby, have -freed a large proportion of our forces in Palestine and -Macedonia for employment in other theatres. It would -have had an immediate effect in Bulgaria, where the resentment -against Germany, on account of the partitioning -of the Dobrudja, was bitter and widespread. It -would have opened up communications by sea with the -Rumanian and Russian armies in Moldavia, and made it -possible to maintain and quicken the Southern Russian -front. An opportunity would have presented itself for -settling the Macedonian question on its merits, the Western -Powers would have been the arbiters, and their -decisions would have been respected as those of all-powerful -allies or potential conquerors. A just settlement<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153">153</a></span> -of this question could not have failed to secure a -separate peace with Bulgaria.</p> - -<p>Any Balkan settlement, which fulfilled our treaty and -moral obligations to Rumania and Servia respectively, -involved the partial dismemberment of Austria-Hungary. -An invasion of the Eastern and South-Western -provinces of the Dual Monarchy was the natural corollary -of an Eastern military policy. This invasion could -have been effected by national armies advancing towards -their ethnological frontiers. The Rumanians, after the -reconquest of Wallachia, could have operated in Transylvania -and along the Danube Valley towards the Banat. -The Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the Dalmatian -Coast. In all these provinces the populations -were awaiting with impatience the arrival of the -Allies to throw off the hated yoke of Austria-Hungary.</p> - -<p>Operations of this nature would have had a -repercussion in Croatia and Bohemia, where the inhabitants -were disaffected and ready to revolt. Their attitude -would have facilitated an extension of the invasion -in the direction of Trieste. The occupation of Trieste -would have completed the encirclement of German Austria -and Germany. The German Western front would -have been turned strategically, policy and strategy, working -in harmony, could have undertaken the task of isolating -Prussia, the centre of militarism and the birthplace -of Pan-Germanism. Munich and Dresden are -closer to Trieste than to any point in France or Flanders.</p> - -<p>Such, in brief outline, was an Eastern military policy -which had been submitted repeatedly since the early -stages of the war. It was first proposed as a complement -to the operations on the Western and Eastern<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154">154</a></span> -fronts. With the intervention of Italy, the possibility -of its extension towards Croatia and Istria was perceived. -At the beginning of 1917 it did not involve the -detachment of many additional divisions from other -theatres. The aggregate casualties in one of the big -offensives would have more than met requirements. This -detachment could have been justified on strategical -grounds, since it would have forced the enemy to conform -to at least an equal extent. It was an attempt to -harmonize strategy with policy, and on the principle of -<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">solvitur ambulando</i> to deal, during the progress of the -war, with a mass of vexed racial problems which, during -an armistice or in time of peace, are surrounded by -intrigue.</p> - -<p>The advocates of an Eastern policy were described -as “Easterners,” a term which was susceptible of various -interpretations. It meant, at best, a visionary, at -worst, a traitor, according to the degree of indignation -aroused in “Westerners.”</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding the failure of their previous efforts, -the “Westerners” still claimed in 1917 that a decisive -victory could and would be won on the Western front, -if the Russo-Rumanian offensive came up to expectations. -They had organized the British nation for a special -form of war. Thanks to a highly developed Intelligence -Department, they knew exactly what they had to -deal with. Hundreds of able-bodied officers had worked -with all the ardour of stamp collectors at identifying -enemy units, and had produced catalogues which in the -judgment of archivists were impeccable, though at the -time of issue they may have been out of date. The -French Armies were commanded by the hero of Verdun,<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> -and were full of the offensive spirit. The Italians were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155">155</a></span> -holding their own on the Carso and the Isonzo. The -framework of the war was set, the far-flung buckler of -the Central Empires would be pierced, where they were -strongest, the Germans would be beaten by their own -methods, and at any cost.</p> - -<p>Once more the “Westerners” had their way. Once -more their hopes were disappointed. At the end of -1917, in spite of local tactical successes, the Western -front remained unbroken, the Italians had retreated to -the line of the Piave, and the Eastern front had dissolved -in the throes of revolution. In Palestine and -Mesopotamia, the Allies had struck two heavy blows at -Turkey, and the Ottoman Empire was drifting into -chaos. A direct blow at Constantinople would have encountered -slight opposition, it would have been welcomed -by the masses of the people as a deliverance. In -Macedonia the Bulgars were showing signs of disaffection, -but here inaction, both military and diplomatic, -continued the stalemate. The alliance of America had -saved the financial situation, but no effective military -support could be expected from this quarter for many -months to come.</p> - -<p>Fortunately for the British Empire and for civilization, -German policy was also controlled by “Westerners.” -These men were essentially experts, past masters -of technique, but indifferent exponents of the military -art when applied to a world-wide war. They had failed -to seize their opportunity in 1914, when Paris and the -Channel Ports were at their mercy. During 1915 and -1916, they had squandered lives and ammunition in -costly offensives on the Western front, when they might -have taken Petrograd. In 1917, they lacked the insight -to perceive that their conquests on the Eastern front<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156">156</a></span> -more than compensated the check to overweening aspirations -in the West, which, owing to their past mistakes, -could not be gratified. If at the end of 1917 the German -Government had offered terms of peace, based on -the evacuation of France and Belgium and including -the cession of Alsace and Lorraine, and had during the -winter months withdrawn their troops to the right bank -of the Meuse, the Allied Governments could hardly have -refused.</p> - -<p>In France the drain on man-power had been appalling. -A continuance of hostilities involving further losses -would have aroused opposition in influential circles, and -would have been denounced as illogical and quixotic, as -a sacrifice of French interests on the altar of Great -Britain, when peace could be had on advantageous -terms. The position of the other Allies would have been -difficult in the extreme. To continue the war in the -West, without France as a base, would have been impossible. -The only alternative would have been an intensification -of the blockade and the operations in the -Eastern theatres. These operations would no longer -have been confined to Turks and Bulgars, and new bases -would have been required to mount them on a proper -scale; further, the non-existence of a comprehensive -Eastern policy would have been a cause of much delay. -America had not declared war against either Turkey or -Bulgaria. The Italians had interests in the East; but, -under these altered circumstances, their position on the -Piave front would have been critical, and might have -forced them to make peace. The Allied peoples were -war weary, peace talk would have aroused their hopes, -and have been more convincing than the arguments of -Imperialists.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157">157</a></span></p> - -<p>By proposing peace, the German Government might -have lost prestige, but would have gained something -more substantial—a secure position in the East. Instead, -at the beginning of 1918, everything was sacrificed -to a renewal of offensives on the Western front. -The reinforcements asked for by Bulgaria were not sent, -and Turkey was abandoned to her fate. Ominous mutterings -from the working classes in Germany were disregarded. -By a rigorous application of the military system -and by promises of victory, a clique of ambitious generals -kept the German people well in hand.</p> - -<p>If a frontal attack against a sector of an immense entrenched -position could lead to decisive results, the -German offensive of March, 1918, should have had the -desired effect. It penetrated to within ten miles of -Amiens, a vital point on the Allied communications, and -there, in spite of the most prodigious efforts, it petered -out. The ratio between the front of attack and the depth -of advance had exceeded all previous records, but just -as success seemed certain, human endurance reached its -limits, and proved once more its subjugation to an inhuman -and automatic law. The British front had not -been broken, though it had been badly bent.</p> - -<p>Undeterred by this dreadful and unavailing slaughter, -the German leaders persisted in their efforts, and staked -the destiny of their country on one last gambler’s throw. -Four offensives had been repulsed, a fifth was now attempted -with Paris as its goal. It was dictated by political, -and possibly dynastic, considerations, and was not -executed with customary German skill.</p> - -<p>To close observers, it had for some time been apparent -that German strategy was weakening. There had been -less coherence in the operations, and symptoms of indecision<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158">158</a></span> -on the part of the High Command. Field-Marshal -Foch was undoubtedly a better strategist than -any of his adversaries, and the war of movement, resulting -from the German offensives, gave him an opportunity -which he was not slow to seize. A series of hammer -blows along the whole Western front deprived Ludendorff -of the initiative which he had hitherto possessed, -and forced the German armies to evacuate the salients in -the direction of Paris and Amiens.</p> - -<p>Other and more fundamental factors, however, had -already undermined Germany’s powers of resistance. -The discontent among the masses of the German population -had assumed menacing proportions; it affected the -troops on the lines of communication directly, and -through them the soldiers on the front. During the last -offensives the number of men who surrendered voluntarily -had been above the average, and when the retirement -began, when all hopes of taking Paris in 1918 had disappeared, -when American soldiers had been encountered, -proving the failure of the submarine campaign, -the spirit of the German Armies changed. Certain units -still fought well, but the majority of the German soldiers -became untrustworthy, though not yet mutinous. An -eye-witness relates that on their arrival at Château-Thierry, -the German officers were in the highest spirits, -and the words “Nach Paris”<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> were continually on their -lips. The men, on the other hand, seemed depressed and -moody, but when the order was issued for withdrawal, -their demeanour brightened, they found a slogan full -of portents, the words were “Nach Berlin”<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> and were -uttered with a smile. This incident is authentic, it took -place in July.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159">159</a></span></p> - -<p>History was repeating itself, misgovernment by a selfish -upper class had produced in Germany the same conditions -which had driven the Russian people into revolution. -In both countries a state of war had accentuated -pre-existent evils, by giving a freer rein to those who -exploit patriotism, courage and devotion for their personal -ends. Germany had outlasted Russia because, in -her military system, she had an almost perfect organization -from an administrative point of view. This system, -by concentrating all the resources of the nation on a -single purpose and putting them at the disposal of a -few resolute, all-powerful men, had enabled the German -people to make incredible efforts. Had it been controlled -by statesmen, total disruption might have been -averted; directed by infatuated and homicidal militarists, -its very excellence enabled it to hold the Empire in its -grip until disaster was complete.</p> - -<p>From June, 1918, onwards, all hope of a German victory -on the Western Front had disappeared. Germany -was seething with discontent, her industrial life was -paralised, the supply of munitions had seriously decreased; -yet Ludendorff persevered, he drove the armies -with remorseless energy, a kind of madness possessed -him and his acolytes, imposing desperate courses and -blinding them to facts. Their whole political existence -was at stake, failure meant loss of place and power, of all -that made life sweet, so they conceived a sinister design—if -they failed “all else should go to ruin and become a -prey.”</p> - -<p>When the crash came, it came from within. For -months, the German armies on the front had been a -facade screening a welter of misery and starvation. The -machine had functioned soullessly, causing the useless<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160">160</a></span> -massacre of thousands of soldiers, while women and children -died by tens of thousands in the midst of fictitious -opulence. During these last days, the rank and file -fought without hope, for an Emperor who was to save -himself by flight, for leaders who treated them like -pawns, for the defence of hearths and homes where famine -and disease were rife. Long years of discipline had -made these men automatons, they were parts of a great -projectile whose momentum was not yet exhausted, and -they had long ceased to reason why.</p> - -<p>Unreasoning docility is held by some to be a civic -virtue: that was the German doctrine and the basis of -their Military System, which, though at its inception -a defensive system, became an instrument of conquest, -pride and insolence, a menace to the world. The form -of war which Germany initiated and perfected has degraded -war itself, it has organized slaughter with mechanical -devices, has made tanks of more account than -brains, and has crowned the triumph of matter over -mind. There was a redeeming glamour about war as -made by Alexander and Napoleon, today it is a hideous -butchery, which can be directed by comparatively mediocre -men. It has ceased to be an art and has become -an occupation inextricably interwoven with a nation’s -industrial life.</p> - -<p>The downfall of the German Military System is a -stern reminder of the vicissitude of things, and has removed -a brooding shadow which darkened civilization. -If calamitous experience serves as a guide to statesmen -in the future, its rehabilitation will be prevented—in -any form, however specious, in any land.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161">161</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Peace Conference at Paris—1919</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<blockquote> - -<p>“Until philosophers are kings, or the kings and princes of this -world have the power and spirit of philosophy, and political greatness -and wisdom meet in one, and those commoner natures which -pursue either at the expense of the other are compelled to stand -aside—cities will never rest from their evils, no—nor the human -race, as I believe.”—<span class="smcap">Plato.</span></p></blockquote> - -<p>Four days before the official declaration of war on -Germany by the Government of the United States, President -Wilson made a speech before the American Congress -which contained the following passage:<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> “We -shall fight ... for Democracy ... for the rights and -liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of -right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring -peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself -at last free.” A few months later the same spokesman -of a free people declared:<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> “They (men everywhere) -insist ... that no nation or people shall be robbed or -punished because the irresponsible rulers of a single -country have themselves done deep and abominable -wrong.... The wrongs ... committed in this war -... cannot and <em>must</em> not be righted by the commission -of similar wrongs against Germany and her allies.” -Later still, when the victory of Democracy had become -certain, a forecast of the terms of peace was given by the -same authoritative voice:<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> “In four years of conflict -the whole world has been drawn in, and the common will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162">162</a></span> -of mankind has been substituted for the particular purposes -of individual States. The issues must now be settled -by no compromise or adjustment, but definitely and -once for all. There must be a full acceptance of the -principle that the interest of the weakest is as sacred -as the interest of the strongest. That is what we mean -when we speak of a permanent peace.”</p> - -<p>These and a number of similar utterances had produced -a deep effect throughout the world. The ruling -classes in Europe professed to regard them as merely -propaganda, and not to be taken seriously, but they -could not escape the uneasy consciousness that their own -methods in the past were being arraigned before an unpleasantly -public court of justice. Moderate opinion in -all countries was disposed to welcome these bold statements -of democratic principles as furnishing a convenient -bridge to a more advanced stage in political evolution, -views which would have been condemned as sentimental, -and even anarchic, in a humbler social reformer, -on the lips of a President were considered as a statesman’s -recognition of the logic of hard facts. The masses -thought they were the “plain people,” for whom and to -whom the President had spoken, and in their hearts had -risen a great hope.</p> - -<p>When Mr. Wilson first arrived in Europe huge crowds -acclaimed him, and, making due allowance for the cynical, -the curious and indifferent, these crowds contained -a far from insignificant proportion of ardent, enthusiastic -spirits, who welcomed him not as a President or a -politician, but as the bearer of a message, not as a Rabbi -with a doctrine made up of teachings in the synagogues, -but as a latter-day Messiah come to drive forth the -money-changers and intriguers from the temple of a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163">163</a></span> -righteous peace. Eager idealists believed that the victory -of democracy had set a period to the evils resulting -from autocratic forms of government, that with the termination -of the war the topmost block had been placed -on a pyramid of errors, that a real master-builder had -appeared, who would lay the foundations of a cleaner, -better world. They saw in him the champion of decency -and morality, a doughty champion, strong in the -backing of millions of free people, who had seen liberty -in danger, and had sent their men across an ocean to -fight for freedom in an older world in torment. They -were grateful and offered him their services, loyally and -unreservedly, asking but one thing—to be shown the -way. History contains no parallel to this movement. -Savanarola and Rienzi had appealed to local, or at most -national feeling. Here was a man who stood for something -universal and inspiring, who was more than a -heroic priest, more than the Tribune of <em>a</em> people, a man -who, while enjoying personal security, could speak and -act for the welfare of <em>all</em> peoples in the name of right. -For such causes, men in the past have suffered persecution -and have been faithful unto death.</p> - -<p>No Peace Conference has ever undertaken a more -stupendous task than that which confronted the delegates -of the Allied States in Paris in January, 1919. Central -Europe was seething with revolution and slowly dying -of starvation. Beyond lay Russia, unknown yet full of -portents, more terrible to many timorous souls than ever -Germany had been. The war had come to a sudden and -unexpected end, and enemy territory had not been invaded -save at extremities which were not vital points. -The Central Empires and their Allies had collapsed -from internal causes. Germany and Austria could not,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164">164</a></span> -for the moment, oppose invasion, which had lost all its -terrors for distracted populations, who hoped that French -and British soldiers would, by their presence, maintain -law and order and ensure supplies of food. On the -other hand, neither the Serbs nor the Rumanians had -had their territorial aspirations satisfied during the progress -of the war. Both races had followed the usual Balkan -custom by invading the territories they claimed -during the armistice; this method, when employed -against Hungarians, involved the use of force; it also -embittered relations between themselves where, as in the -Banat, their claims clashed and overlapped. Further -north, the Czecho-Slovaks had proclaimed their independence, -and Poland was being resurrected; the frontiers -of both these States were vague and undefined, but -their appetites were unlimited, and Teschen, with its -coalfields, was a pocket in dispute.</p> - -<p>Not only had the Peace Conference to endeavour to -prevent excessive and premature encroachment on enemy -territory by Allied States, it had also to compose serious -differences between the Western Powers in regard to the -Adriatic coast, Syria, and Asia Minor arising out of -secret treaties.</p> - -<p>These considerations, though embarrassing for the representatives -of Great Britain, France and Italy, did not -affect President Wilson to the same extent; in fact they -rather strengthened his position and confirmed the expectation -that he would be the real arbiter of the Conference. -His speeches had, in the opinion of innumerable -men and women, indicated the only solution of the -world-problem. The “Fourteen Points” had outlined, -without inconvenient precision, a settlement of international -questions; he was the head of a State untrammelled<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165">165</a></span> -by secret treaties, the only State not on the verge -of bankruptcy, a State which could furnish both moral -and material aid. When M. Albert Thomas said that -the choice lay between Wilson and Lenine, he may have -been guilty of exaggeration, but he expressed a feeling -which was general and real. Whether that feeling was -justified, the future alone will show.</p> - -<p>In the Declaration of September 27, 1918, President -Wilson stated: “All who sit at the Peace table must -be ready to pay the price, and the price is impartial -justice, no matter whose interest is crossed.” Later on -in the same Declaration he added: “the indispensable instrumentality -is a ‘League of Nations,’ but it cannot be -formed now.” Five conditions of peace were set forth; -of these, the third laid down that there could be no -alliances or covenants within the League of Nations, and -the Declaration concluded with an appeal to the Allies: -“I hope that the leaders of the Allied Governments will -speak as plainly as I have tried to speak, and say whether -my statement of the issues is in any degree mistaken.”</p> - -<p>The inference, drawn by the ordinary man after perusing -this Declaration, was that its author expected the -Conference to deal with each and every question on its -merits, that the “League of Nations” would eventually -be the instrument employed in reaching the final settlement, -and that, following on the establishment of the -League, all previous alliances would cease to exist and -future alliances would be precluded. The questioning -form of the concluding sentence suggested doubts as to -the attitude of the Associated Powers, but the presence -of the President at the peace table served as presumptive -evidence that those doubts had been set at rest.</p> - -<p>A “League of Nations” was, undoubtedly, the ideal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166">166</a></span> -instrument for achieving a just settlement of the many -and varied questions which confronted the Peace Conference, -but a “League,” or “Society of Nations” as -defined by Lord Robert Cecil,<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> could not be created before -the conclusion of a Preliminary Peace with Germany -and her Allies, with, as its corollary, the inclusion -of, at least, Germany, Austria, and Hungary within the -League. In the words of Lord Robert Cecil, such a Society -would be incomplete, and proportionately ineffective, -unless every civilized State joined it.</p> - -<p>The formation of a full-fledged League required time. -Further, in the frame of mind which prevailed in all the -Allied and Associated States, a real “Society of Nations,” -implying “friendly association” with the enemy -peoples, as distinguished from their late “irresponsible -Governments,” was impossible. An alternative did, -however, exist—an alternative for which a precedent -could be found and which needed moral leadership rather -than cumbrous machinery for its application. This alternative -would have consisted of three processes: the -conclusion of a Preliminary Peace with Germany and -her Allies, combined with suspension of blockade; the -admission to the Peace Conference of delegates representing -the different parts of the German Empire, Austria, -Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey; collaboration with these -delegates in the settlement of territorial readjustments -in accordance with the principles enunciated in President -Wilson’s speeches and the “Fourteen Points.” The -Congress of Vienna had set the precedent by admitting -to its councils Talleyrand, the representative of a conquered<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167">167</a></span> -State which had changed its form of government -in the hour of defeat. The conclusion of a “Preliminary -Peace” presented no difficulty. Germany had -reached the lowest pitch of weakness; her military and -naval forces had ceased to exist, her population was dependent -on the Allies for supplies of food, she was torn -by internal dissensions, and the Socialist and Democratic -parties had gained the upper hand. Bavaria was showing -separatist tendencies, and her example might be followed -by other German States. The same conditions -prevailed in the other enemy countries to an even more -marked degree. In short, the Allies could have counted -on acceptance of any preliminary peace terms which -they might have chosen to impose. They could have -ensured their fulfilment, not only by the maintenance of -military forces on provisional and temporary frontiers, -but also by the threat of a reimposition of an effective -blockade. In an atmosphere free from the blighting influences -of an armistice, dispassionate treatment of a -mass of ethnical questions would have been possible. An -appeal could have been made to the common sense and -interests of the enemy peoples, through their statesmen -and publicists, which would have disarmed reaction, and -which would have made it possible to utilize the more -enlightened elements in the key-States of Central Europe -for the attainment of a durable peace. A Peace Conference -so composed would have been the embryo of a true -“Society of Nations,” a fitting instrument for the practical -application of theories not new nor ill-considered, -whose development had been retarded in peaceful, prosperous -times, and which now were imperatively demanded -by multitudes of suffering people weighed down -by sorrow and distress.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168">168</a></span></p> - -<p>Mr. Wilson does not seem to have considered any alternative -to the immediate formulation of a covenant of the -“League of Nations.” He left the all-important question -of peace in abeyance, and devoted his energies to -the preparation of a document which would serve as an -outward and visible sign of personal success. Perhaps -he was dismayed by the opposition, in reactionary Allied -circles, to moral theories considered by officials to be -impracticable and even dangerous, however useful they -might once have been for purposes of propaganda. He -may have been paralysed amid unaccustomed surroundings -where he was not the supreme authority. At any -rate, he neglected to use a weapon whose potency he, of -all rulers, should have known—the weapon of publicity, -which was, as ever, at his service and would have rallied -to the causes he espoused the support and approval of -sincere reformers in every class. He worked in secret -and secured adhesion to a draft of the covenant of the -“League of Nations,” whose colourless and non-committal -character betrayed official handiwork.</p> - -<p>The man who had arrived in Paris as the bearer of a -message whose echoes had filled the world with hope, -left France the bearer of a “scrap of paper.” He returned -to find his authority lessened. Before, he had -stood alone; he came back to take his place as one of -the “Big Four.” It is given to few men to act as well -as to affirm.</p> - -<p>Mr. Lloyd George was unable to help the President; -his election speeches had been the reverse of a moral -exposition of the issues, and the Parliamentary majority -they had helped to create allowed no lapses into Liberalism. -More than a year had passed since the Prime Minister -of Great Britain had stated that the British people<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169">169</a></span> -were not fighting “a war of aggression against the German -people ... or to destroy Austria-Hungary, or to -deprive Turkey of its capital or of the rich and renowned -lands of Asia Minor and Thrace which are predominantly -Turkish in race.” Teschen had not been -heard of then, and the demands of Italy and M. Venizelos -were either forgotten or ignored. Mr. Lloyd -George’s native sense and insight would have avoided -many pitfalls; the Bullit revelations did no more than -bare justice to his acumen in regard to Russia, but he -was terrorized by a section of the British Press, which -held him relentlessly to vote-catching pledges, however -reckless or extravagant.</p> - -<p>The Prime Minister of the French Republic was pre-occupied -with revenging past humiliations, with retrieving -the fortunes of his country and making it secure. -He did lip-service to the “League of Nations,” but -talked of it with sardonic humour, and did it infinite -harm. A dominating personality and a prodigious intellect -enriched by wide experience were lost to the -cause of human progress. No rare occurrence, when the -possessors of these gifts are old.</p> - -<p>With the progress of the Conference, M. Clemenceau’s -influence became stronger. He had made fewer public -speeches than his colleagues, and perhaps that simplified -his task. “Certain it is that words, as a Tartar’s bow, -do shoot back upon the understanding of the wisest, and -mightily entangle and pervert the judgment.”</p> - -<p>While precious months were being devoted to framing -the draft covenant of the League of Nations, Commissions -appointed by the Peace Conference had been -busy preparing reports on multifarious points of detail. -These reports were the work of experts, and could not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170">170</a></span> -fail to influence the final decisions of the Supreme Council; -as a matter of fact, they were followed textually in -some of the weightiest decisions reached. The men who -prepared them were in no sense statesmen, they were -trammelled by official routine and exposed to all manner -of outside influences. The whole tone of life in Paris -was inimical to an objective attitude. Clamours for -vengeance distorted the natural desire of honest men -in France and Belgium for security against future aggression -by a resuscitated Germany. The big industrial -interests wanted to stifle German trade and at the same -time exact a huge indemnity; they exploited the expectation -of the working classes that, as a result of victory, -Allied industry would be given a fair start in future -competition with the enemy States.</p> - -<p>In the absence of any higher guidance, either moral -or informed, statecraft was entirely lacking in the proceedings -of the Conference, yet the situation was such -that, if adroitly handled, measures were possible which -would have contributed powerfully to the security of -France and Belgium, by attenuating and dissipating -reactionary elements in the German Empire. Advantage -might have been taken of the distrust inspired by -Prussia in the other German States, to create autonomous -and neutral zones in the Palatinate and the territory -formerly comprised in the Hanseatic League, to assist -Bavaria to shake off Prussian hegemony, and become a -component with German Austria of a new Catholic -State in South-Eastern Europe, where conflicting national -aims and unruly populations needed a counterweight.</p> - -<p>No such measures were taken. The Conference was -obsessed with details. Every conceivable question was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171">171</a></span> -discussed before the one that was most urgent—the conclusion -of some form of peace which would let the world -resume its normal life. A state of affairs was protracted -which encouraged the greedy and unscrupulous, which -checked any expression of opinion by the “plain people” -of President Wilson’s speeches, which gave an opening -to militarists, jingo journalists, and politicians, whose -ideas were those of German Junkers and who still believed -in war.</p> - -<p>Jungle law reasserted itself. In an allegoric sense, -the Conference was like a jungle through which a forest -fire had passed, destroying the scanty verdure it had -once possessed, leaving bare, blackened stumps too hard -to burn. Some of the larger, fiercer beasts had been -expelled; a few remained, and they, too, had been -changed. A solitary eagle had descended from his distant -eyrie and, like a parrot, screeched incessantly. -“Fiume, Fiume, Fiume”—a chuckle followed, it said—“Fourteen -Points” but this was an obvious aside. The -performance was disappointing; polished and well-turned -phrases had been expected from so great a bird. -The lion’s majestic mien had altered somewhat, his movements -were uncertain; from time to time his eyes sought, -furtively, a pack of jackals, who should have hunted -with him, but, of late, they had grown insolent to their -natural leader and reviled him in a high-pitched, daily -wail. An old and wounded tiger roamed about the -jungle; his strength, so far from being impaired, had -become almost leonine; sometimes the jackals joined his -own obedient cubs, and then he snarled contentedly while -the lion roared with jealousy and rage. The bear was -absent; he had turned savage through much suffering, -and the wolves who prowled around the outskirts of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172">172</a></span> -jungle prevented him from entering; they howled with -terror whenever he approached, and wanted the lion and -the tiger to help to kill this dangerous type of bear. -A yellow dragon moaned in the far distance, but was -unheeded; he was no more a peril and had little left for -the other beasts to steal. Jubilant and shrill, the crowing -of a cock was heard above the babel of the jungle, -announcing, to all who cared to listen, the dawn of fifteen -years of liberty in the valley of the Saar.</p> - -<p>The Peace Treaties promulgated by the Conference at -Paris are impregnated with the atmosphere in which -they were drawn up—an atmosphere charged with suspicion -and hatred, fear and greed; not one of them is -in the spirit of the League of Nations. The Treaty -with Germany, in particular, discloses the predominance -of French influence in Allied councils. An old French -nobleman once remarked, “Les Bourgeois sont terribles -lors qu’ils ont eu peur.” The conditions imposed on a -democratized and utterly defeated Germany are terrible -indeed, but curiously ineffective; they are a timid attempt -to modify vindictiveness by a half-hearted application -of President Wilson’s ethical principles; they satisfy -no one; this is their one redeeming feature, since it -shows that they might have been even more vindictive -and still more futile for the achievement of their purpose, -which was, presumably, a lasting peace. Militarists -and reactionaries could not conceive a state of peace -which did not repose on force and the military occupation -of large tracts of German territory. They were -twenty years behind the time. They did not realize -that armies in democratic countries consist of human -beings who observe and think, who cannot be treated as -machines, and bidden to subordinate their reasoning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173">173</a></span> -faculties to the designs of a few selfish and ambitious -men. Liberal thinkers, on the other hand, were shocked -at Treaties which inflamed the hearts of seventy million -German-speaking people with hatred and a desire for -revenge, which cemented German unity, which aroused a -widespread irredentism and gave an incentive to industrious, -efficient populations to devote their time and -efforts to preparations for a future war and not to the -arts of peace. Such men were neither visionaries nor -sentimentalists, they were practical men of affairs, who -foresaw that security could not be attained by visiting -the sins of outworn mediaeval Governments on the heads -of their innocent victims throughout Central Europe; -that by the employment of such methods the “League -of Nations” was turned into a farce; that exasperation -would foster and provoke recalcitrance; that Germany -would be a magnet to every dissatisfied State; that other -leagues and combinations might be formed, on which -it would be impossible to enforce a limitation of their -armaments. They pointed out that the imposition of -fabulous indemnities was two-edged, that payment of -nine-tenths of the sums suggested would have to be -made in manufactured goods or raw materials, a mode -of payment which, in the end, might be more profitable -to those that paid than to the peoples who received.</p> - -<p>Inaugurated in an idealism which may have been exaggerated -but was none the less sincere, the Peace Conference -has blighted the hope and faith of “plain people” -everywhere, and has consecrated cant. Respectability -has been enthroned amid circumstances of wealth and -power; in its smug and unctuous presence morality has -found no place. The foundations of a clearer, better<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174">174</a></span> -world have not been laid; the apex has been placed on a -pyramid of errors, on which nothing can be built.</p> - -<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div> - -<p>Versailles was chosen as the setting for a historic ceremony—the -signature of the Peace Treaty with what was -still the German Empire, though the imperial throne -was vacant and a workman presided at the councils of -an Imperial Government. The choice was not without -significance. Democracy had triumphed, and, in the -hour of victory, had followed the example of autocratic -rulers when making peace with other autocrats. It was -therefore only fitting that this Peace Treaty, whose terms -are inspired by the spirit of the past, should be signed -in a palace of the Kings of France.</p> - -<p>A palace on an artificial eminence, where once had -been flat marshes and wild forest land, built by a monarch -to whom nothing was impossible, and for the indulgence -of whose whims no cost was deemed excessive, -either in money or in human lives. Viewed from the -west on misty autumn evenings, it seems an unearthly -fabric; the exquisite harmony of its line crowns and completes -the surrounding landscape, floating, as by enchantment, -above the tree tops, as light in texture as the -clouds. A palace such as children dream of, when fairy -stories haunt their minds, peopling the world with -princes young and valiant, princesses beautiful and wayward, -whose parents are virtuous Kings and Queens and -live in palaces like Versailles.</p> - -<p>Below the terraces, a broad alley stretches westward -and meets the horizon at two poplars. Beyond these -isolated trees an empty sky is seen. The poplars stand -like sentinels guarding the confines of a vast enclosure, -where art and nature have conspired to shut out the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175">175</a></span> -ugly things in life. A French Abbé, whose cultured -piety ensures him a welcome in this world and admission -to the next, said that the royalty of France had -passed between and beyond those poplars—into nothingness.</p> - -<p>Amid a galaxy of statues of monarchs, statesmen, -warriors, goddesses and nymphs, only one piece of sculpture -serves as a reminder that a suffering world exists—the -face of a woman of the people, graven in bass-relief -upon the central front. An old and tragic face, seamed -with deep wrinkles, sullen, inscrutable, one can imagine -it hunched between shoulders bowed by toil and shrunk -by joyless motherhood. The eyes of stone, to which a -sculptor’s art has given life, are hard and menacing, -hopeless but not resigned; beneath their steadfast gaze -has passed all that was splendid in a bygone age, the -greatest autocrats on earth and women of quite a different -sort.</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Sceptre and crown have tumbled down<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And in the level dust been laid<br /></span> -<span class="i0">With the poor yokel’s scythe and spade.”<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a><br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>There were many faces in France and other countries -which wore this same expression, even after the triumph -of Democracy over the autocrats of Central Europe. -They were not to be seen, however, on the terraces of the -palace when the Treaty of Peace with Germany was -signed in the “Hall of Mirrors,” where men in black -were met together on yet another “Field of Blackbirds,” -where, after months of bickering, the larger birds were -expounding to their weaker brethren the latest infamies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176">176</a></span> -of Jungle Law. The well-dressed men and women who -thronged those terraces were something between the -proud aristocrats who created the legend of Versailles -and the masses of the underworld who have survived -them, and yet they seemed further from the two -extremes than the extremes were from each other; they -were not of the stuff of leaders and were too prosperous -to be led; their manner was almost timid to the soldiers -on duty at this ceremony, who, though men of the people, -were disdainful to civilians after four years of war. -One felt that this was a class which might, at no distant -date, attempt to imitate some Roman Emperors and pay -Pretorian Guards. A catastrophic war had contained -no lesson for these people; for them, its culmination at -Versailles was far more a social than a political event; -they took no interest in politics, they wanted security -for property and a Government of strong men who -would keep the masses well in hand. They were not real -democrats, and they cheered both long and loud, when -the men, who between them had betrayed Democracy, -emerged from the stately palace to see the fountains -play.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177">177</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="vspace"><a id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI<br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Looking Back and Forward</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Some one has said that evolution is a fact and progress -a sentiment. This definition casts a doubt on progress: -it implies that progressive thinkers are in the category -of sentimentalists who do not deal in facts.</p> - -<p>If no alternative existed between looking back on the -slow advance of evolution and looking forward in a -spirit of sentimental hope, the present situation would -be dark indeed; a pessimist might be inclined to conclude -that civilization had ceased to advance, that, on -the contrary, its movement was retrograde.</p> - -<p>There is surely a middle course—a course not easy -to pursue. It consists in standing on the ground of -fact, however miry, with heart and head uplifted, and -looking forward, with the determination not to let mankind -sink to the level of the beasts that perish, eager to -reach some higher ground.</p> - -<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div> - -<p>Looking back over the past seven years, a reflective -mind is appalled by their futility and waste, and yet -an analysis of this period as a whole reveals that quality -of ruthless logic, of inevitable sequence, to be found -in some Greek tragedies, in which the naked truth in all -its horror is portrayed with supreme dramatic art.</p> - -<p>Each phase of this blood-stained period discloses the -same carnival of mendacity and intrigue, the subordination<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178">178</a></span> -of the public interest to the designs of a few ambitious -men, the exploitation of patriotism, self-sacrifice, -patience and valour by officials, whose inhuman outlook -and mediocrity of mind were screened by a mask of -mystery. A piecemeal study would be profitless. Military -instruction might be gained from oft-recurring -slaughter, and hints on how to hoodwink peoples could -certainly be gathered from spasmodic intervals of peace. -But these are not the lessons the world seeks, they are -precisely what it wishes to forget. Rather, the effort -must be made to trace the underlying impulse in this -tragic drama, which runs through it like a “leit-motif,” -which welds together processes so varying in their nature, -and renders them cumulative and inseparable, until they -culminate in one unified and comprehensive act.</p> - -<p>In its broadest sense, that impulse had its source in a -frame of mind, in a false conception, expressed in outworn -governmental systems left uncontrolled and tolerated -by the victims, who, though suffering, dreaded -change. This frame of mind was general throughout -Europe; it was not confined to the Central Empires, -whose ruling classes, by their superior efficiency, merely -offered the supreme example of autocratic Governments -which aimed at world-dominion both in a political and -economic sense. To the junkers and business men in Germany -and Austria-Hungary, the war of liberation in the -Balkans in 1912 was an opportunity to be seized, with -a lack of scruple as cynical as it was frank, because they -hoped to fish in troubled waters; its perversion into an -internecine struggle was considered clever diplomacy. -The Treaty of Bucharest in 1913 was regarded as a -triumph of statecraft, since it caused a readjustment of -the “Balance of Power” in favour of themselves. But<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179">179</a></span> -the so-called democratic Western Powers gave their tacit -acquiescence to these nefarious proceedings; their -association with the Russian Empire, so far from being -designed to correct immorality and injustice, perpetuated -all the evils of a system based on interested motives and -selfish fears. The family of nations consisted of six -Great Powers; Small States existed under sufferance and -were treated as poor relations. Their rights were nebulous -and sometimes inconvenient, not to be recognized -until they could be extorted. This happened sometimes. -The “Balance of Power” was a net with closely woven -meshes. Even the strongest carnivori in the European -jungle required, at times, the assistance of a mouse.</p> - -<p>Judged by its conduct of affairs in 1912 and the early -part of 1913, the British Government was without a -Continental policy; at first, it seemed to favour Austria-Hungary, -the Albanian settlement and the Treaty of -Bucharest were a triumph for the “Ball-Platz,”<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> though -both these transactions were shortsighted and unjust. -French policy was paralysed by fear of Germany, and, -owing to a mistaken choice of representatives in almost -all the Balkan capitals, the French Foreign Office was -curiously ill-informed. Italy was the ally of the Central -Powers and could not realize her own colonial aspirations -without their help. Russia, as ever, was the -enigma, and Russian policy in the Balkans, though ostensibly -benevolent, aimed at the reduction of Bulgaria and -Servia to the position of vassal States. Rumania was -also an ally of the Central Powers. Dynastic and economic -reasons made her their client. She held aloof -from purely Balkan questions, and posed as the “Sentinel -of the East.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180">180</a></span></p> - -<p>Under such conditions, it was idle to expect an objective -and reasonable, or even decent, handling of Balkan -questions. Bulgaria was sacrificed ruthlessly to opportunism -and expediency. The most efficient race on the -south bank of the Danube was embittered and driven -into unnatural hostility to Russia. The Balkan <em>bloc</em> -was disrupted by skilful manipulation of national feeling, -which was in many cases honest and sincere, and -thus, the Central Empires were able to so dispose the -pawns on the European chessboard as to facilitate their -opening moves, if, from a continuance in their -policy of expansion, there should ensue a European -War.</p> - -<p>In due course, as was inevitable, the “Great War” -came. During the latter part of 1913 Great Britain -had been inclined to favour Russia’s Balkan policy. -This suited France, and so the sides were set. Throughout -the war, the British Empire, save for a brief and -disastrous experiment at Gallipoli, continued to be without -an Eastern policy. The greatest Mohammedan -Power in the world allowed itself to be swayed by French -and Russian counsels, and the heritage handed down and -perfected by Warren Hastings, Clive, and Canning was -left to the mercy of events. No Frenchman, however -gifted, can grasp the scope and mission of the British -Empire; to the Pan-Slavs who directed Russia’s foreign -policy, our far-flung supremacy in the East was an object -of envy and a stumbling block.</p> - -<p>Although the Balkan States, while they remained -neutral, were courted assiduously by the Allied Powers, -they were still looked upon as pawns. A policy -which can only be described as unprincipled was pursued. -British prestige became the tool of French and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181">181</a></span> -Russian intrigue, and Great Britain’s reputation for -tenacity, justice and fair play was jeopardized.</p> - -<p>Rumania, once she became our ally, was treated as -a dependency of Russia, although the most superficial -student of the past history of these two States could -have foreseen her fate. But she, like Servia and Greece, -was only a little country and counted as small dust in -the balance. She could be over-run and devastated, once -she had played her part; that was a little country’s lot. -The frame of mind which, subconsciously perhaps, possessed -the French and British Governments was not so -unlike that of the actively vicious autocratic Empires; -they, too, relied on experts and officials, to whom Small -States and helpless peoples were negligible factors, who -respected only force and wealth, who viewed human -affairs exclusively from those standpoints, and, wrapped -in a mantle of self-satisfaction, as ignorant of psychology -as of true statesmanship, could not perceive the portents -of the times.</p> - -<p>It is possible that historians of the future will select -three events as the outstanding features of the “Great -World War”: the participation of the United States of -America, the Russian Revolution, and the collapse of the -German Military System. The first of these was, undoubtedly, -an expression of idealism. Cynics may say -that America was influenced by self-interest, but they -invariably judge humanity by their own worldly standards. -The “plain people” of America were inspired -by nobler sentiments; the measure of their sincerity in -the cause of liberty is their present disillusionment, -caused by the failure of democratic Governments to make -a democratic peace. The intervention of America undoubtedly -ensured and accelerated the final triumph of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182">182</a></span> -the Allies; but it did more than that, it solidarized -democracy for a brief period, and demonstrated the willingness -of free people to sacrifice their lives and money -for an unworldly cause. It was, to a great extent, an -Anglo-Saxon movement, and opened up, till then, undreamt -of vistas; it was a light which, although a transient -gleam, lit up the way for the regeneration of the -world.</p> - -<p>The Russian Revolution was the outcome of misgovernment -by a corrupt bureaucracy, and the passionate -desire of an exhausted, suffering population for a return -to peace. Misconceived by the rest of Europe and -misdirected by Kerensky, it degenerated into civil war; -yet it did prove that even the most down-trodden people -possess the power and instinct of self-liberation.</p> - -<p>The collapse of the German Military System removed -a formidable barrier to human progress. Its efficiency, -as an administrative and national institution, had -seemed to justify the glorification of the State at the -expense of individual freedom; a dangerous example -had been set which militarists in every land took as a -model and a guide. Had Germany been ruled by statesmen, -this odious system might have gained a further -lease of life; by a fortunate fatality it became the instrument -of its own destruction, it was the sword on -which Old Europe fell, its very excellence caused that -finely tempered blade to last until it broke into a thousand -pieces, thereby providing a conclusive revelation -of the futility of force.</p> - -<p>Events so portentous should have influenced the minds -of delegates who were worthy of the name of statesmen, -when they met to make the Peace at Paris. Unfortunately, -this was not the case. The same frame of mind<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183">183</a></span> -permeated the Conference as that which had existed -before and throughout the war. Small States and peoples -everywhere were sacrificed to the interests of the -greater victorious Powers, whose spokesmen were the -representatives and members of a propertied and privileged -class. Two fears were ever present in their -minds: Germany, the monster python State, had committed -suicide, and thus had brought them victory, but -this victory was so sudden and unexpected that they -could hardly understand its meaning. They imagined -that following on it would come a swift reaction, that -the old system would revive; in fact, they half hoped -that it would, it conjured up less disturbing visions than -this revolt of a warlike, disciplined people, this abrupt -transition from the old order to the new. Even victory -had lost its savour; it seemed to them a source of danger -that the most evil Government should fall, and so they -set to work to recreate the bogy of German militarism -with propaganda’s artful aid. The other bogy was the -dread that a communistic experiment might succeed in -Russia. Rather than let that happen, they were one and -all prepared to wage another war.</p> - -<p>Either from vanity or jealousy, the four heads of the -Governments of the Allied and Associated States appointed -themselves as principal delegates at the Conference, -in spite of the fact that their presence was essential -in their respective countries, where a host of measures -dealing with social legislation were already long -overdue. Further, their incompetence and unsuitability -for the task before them were manifest, and yet, beyond -their decisions, there could be no appeal. Each of the -Big Four had, at one time or another, reached place -and power as a tribune of the people, but when they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184">184</a></span> -met in Paris they had undergone a change. Mr. Lloyd -George had sold his soul for a mess of pottage, in the -shape of a Parliamentary majority secured by truckling -to reactionaries and the vulgar clamour of the Jingo -Press. Mr. Wilson failed to make good his eloquent -professions as an apostle of democracy; he succumbed -to the atmosphere of Paris, and only succeeded in irritating -Italy without establishing the principles for which -he was supposed to stand. With two such men in charge -of Anglo-Saxon policy, the triumph of M. Clemenceau<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> -was not left long in doubt. He could count in advance -on the support of capitalist elements in Great Britain -and the United States; and thus, the power and wealth -of the British Empire and America were used by an -aged Frenchman as a stick to beat helpless, starving -peoples and to slake a Latin craving for revenge. A -shameful rôle, indeed, for a race which has never known -ultimate defeat and has always been magnanimous in the -hour of victory.</p> - -<p>Mr. Lloyd George and President Wilson took back to -their respective countries a settlement of European questions -of which no sensible English-speaking citizen could -possibly approve. It was at best a liquidation of the -war and marked an intermediate phase. The Austro-Hungarian -Empire, as an administrative and economic -unit, has been destroyed, but no serious attempt was -made to put anything practical in its place; Eastern -and Central Europe have been Balkanized, and in the -Balkans the evils of the Treaty of Bucharest have been -consummated; frontiers and disabilities have been imposed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185">185</a></span> -upon the German people which have aroused a -widespread irredentism and cannot be maintained; the -policy of intervention against the Soviet Government -in Russia has been immoral and inept, while the vacillation -in regard to Turkey cannot fail to have -serious repercussion throughout the whole Mohammedan -world.</p> - -<p>A state of moral anarchy has been created, both in the -conquered and victorious States. In France, sane opinion -is unable to control the activities of roving generals -obsessed with the Napoleonic legend; in the United States -the general tendency is to leave Europe to its fate, but -disgust with European diplomatic methods has not prevented -certain forms of imitation; in Great Britain, -irresponsible politicians have brought discredit on our -Parliamentary system, the House of Commons does not -represent the more serious elements in the country, -labour is restless and dissatisfied, and even moderate -men are tempted to resort to unconstitutional -methods, to “direct action,” as the only means of obtaining -recognition for the workers’ reasonable demands.</p> - -<p>The decisions of the Supreme Council of the Allies -are without any moral sanction, because, owing to its -past acts, the moral sense of the entire world is blunted. -Despair and misery prevail throughout Central and -Eastern Europe; around and beyond the main centres of -infection, the poison is spreading to the world’s remotest -parts; India and Northern Africa are filled with vague -but menacing unrest. When the lassitude of war is -passed, more serious developments must be expected: -D’Annunzio and Bermondt are but the forerunners of -many similar adventurers who, both in Europe and in -Asia, will find followers and funds.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186">186</a></span></p> - -<p>Truly, Old Europe has committed suicide. The autocratic -Empires have perished by the sword; the Western -States, under the rule of spurious democrats, bid fair -to perish by the Peace. Democracy has been betrayed -by its own ignorance and apathy, by misplaced confidence -in mediocre men, by failure to be democratic, by -permitting politicians and officials to usurp the people’s -sovereign power.</p> - -<p>A new danger is on the horizon. The men who -scoffed at progress, who at first derided the League of -Nations, and to whose influence were due the prolongation -of the Armistice and the worst features of the -Treaties, are alarmed by the present situation. The -official mind is seeking for a remedy, and it now professes -to have found it in the “League of Nations,” to -which it does lip-service, meaning to use it, in the first -place, as a buffer, and later as an instrument. These -men do not recognize that with the downfall of the autocratic -Empires materialism in its most efficient form has -proved a failure; the fallen fortunes of Germany, Austria-Hungary, -and Russia convey no warning to them. -They think that once again the public can be tricked. -They have made a German peace and are so blind to -facts that, in spite of the testimony of Ludendorff, they -do not realize that victory was gained by peoples, who -were unconquerable because they thought their cause -was just. Theirs is the frame of mind of German -“Junkers”; to them the masses are like cattle to be -driven in a herd; they will, if given a free rein, once -more subserve the interests of capitalists, and Governments -will be influenced by men who, having great possessions, -take counsel of selfish fears.</p> - -<p>A League which includes Liberia and excludes Germany,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187">187</a></span> -Austria, Hungary and Russia, and whose covenant -is embodied in the Peace Treaties, makes a bad start. -The intention has been expressed of inviting Germany, -at some future date, to become a member of the League. -Whether this invitation will be accepted will depend on -circumstances; in Europe’s present state of instability -the omens are far from favourable to acceptance. A -truly democratic Germany will be a tremendous force in -Europe, and may find in Russia, under a Soviet Government, -an ally more in sympathy with progress than -either Great Britain or the Latin Powers under reactionary -governments. The Russians, once our allies, -regard the French and British with hatred and resentment, -and these same feelings animate all the nationalities -on whom have been forced insulting terms of Peace. -Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Yougo-Slavia and the Greater -Rumania are political experiments. These States contain -men of great ability, who may, in the abstract, accept -the principles of the League, but their position is -neither safe nor easy; in no single case can national aspirations -obtain full satisfaction without impinging on the -territory of a neighbour, on each and every frontier fixed -in Paris there is a pocket in dispute. It is doubtful -whether any of the small Allied States can be considered -trustworthy members of a League, which, while preaching -internationalism, has perverted nationalism into a -“will to power,” for which conditions of membership -are defined by conquerors, whose conduct hitherto has -revealed an entire lack of an international spirit, save -in regard to international finance. So many temptations -to recalcitrance exist that, if Germany remains -outside the League, another combination might be -formed, under German leadership, and including Russia,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188">188</a></span> -Austria, Hungary, Greater Roumania and Bulgaria. -A combination untrammelled by self-denying ordinances, -compact, almost continuous, controlling the -land routes of two continents. No limitation of its armaments -could be enforced on such a combination; it would -have access to Russia’s vast natural resources, and, if -war came, for the first time in history, a coalition of -belligerent States would be impervious to blockade by -sea.</p> - -<p>While the Treaties stand, and while the present frame -of mind of the Allied Governments continues, such is -the situation into which the world is drifting, and for -which the Covenant of the League, as drafted, provides -no panacea. Even the leading members of that League -are dubious adherents to its moral implications; each of -them makes some reservation, not based on the principles -of progress, but inspired by a distorted sense of -patriotism which, in its essence, is the outcome and cult -of private interests.</p> - -<p>The League of Nations was unfortunate in its birthplace. -Throughout the Conference the frenzied merriment -in Paris was characteristic of the cosmopolitan class -which has grown up in an industrial age. These parasites -on the wealth of nations possess neither the spirit of -<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">nobless oblige</i> nor any sympathy with the masses, and yet -they influence affairs; they appear light and frivolous, -as though they had no interest in life beyond dancing -and feasting on the ruins of Old Europe, and deadening -reflection with the discords of jazz bands; but behind -these puppets in the show are cold and calculating men, -who use “Society” and the atmosphere it creates to -kill enthusiasm, to fetter and sensualize weaker minds. -After listening to the conversation at a semi-official and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189">189</a></span> -fashionable gathering last June in Paris, a French priest -pronounced the opinion that only a second redemption -could save the world. This old man was always charitable -in his judgments, he had heard the confessions -of many sinners, but he was roused to moral indignation -by the heartless cynicism of the talk around him; -his feelings as a Christian had been outraged, and, although -the remark was made simply and without affectation, -it rang like the denunciation of a prophet, the -speaker’s kind eyes kindled and his small, frail body -seemed to grow in size. My mind went back to the -Cathedral Church at Jassy one Easter Eve. There, for -a time, had reigned the proper spirit; it had been fugitive, -like all such moods. As Renan says: “<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">On n’atteint -l’idéal qu’un moment</i>.”<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a></p> - -<p>If Europe is not to relapse into a race of armaments, -world politics must be controlled by forces less selfish -and insidious. A more serious element is required in -public life, an element which will represent the innumerable -men and women who work with their hands and -brains. These are the people who desire peace, who find -and seek no profit in a state of war. They are neither -revolutionaries nor faddists, they are workers; they -protest against the Treaties as a flagrant violation of -all principles of right, as an attempt to crush the spirit -of the conquered peoples, to visit the crimes of -“irresponsible Governments” on the heads of innocents; -they denounce a policy in Russia which makes the -Russian people pariahs, and despise the men who, before -peace had been ratified with Germany, invited collaboration -in the blockade of Russia from the men they had -called the Huns.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190">190</a></span></p> - -<p>A great fact in evolution has occurred, and now mankind -is at the parting of the ways. Those who await a -miracle or a hero to save them from themselves are unworthy -citizens and use an idle form of speech when -they talk of a new world. Old Europe’s suicide will -culminate in world-wide chaos, unless Democracy asserts -itself and counsels of wisdom and sanity prevail.</p> - -<p>Time presses. The reaction of foreign policy on the -internal affairs of every State is becoming increasingly -direct. Peace Treaties have been signed, but slaughter -and terrorism continue. In Central Europe, great -rivers, which are serene and splendid highways, are -still defiled with human blood, still serve as barriers and -are charged with sighs. The old discredited methods of -“Secret Diplomacy” are being followed and the destinies -of peoples are still at the mercy of officials who deal in -bargains and transactions. In Great Britain and -France, both in the Press and Parliament, reactionary -forces have got the upper hand. As a consequence, -trade is paralysed, and human misery exists on an unprecedented -scale.</p> - -<p>While these conditions last, peace will be precarious. -But the next war will not be made by nations; it will be -civil war, the misgoverned will rise against their rulers -and the foundations of our social fabric will rock. The -workers in all lands have realised, at last, that their -interests are the same, and that the greatest war in -history was, from their point of view, an internecine -struggle. Only the purblind or the reckless ignore this -fact.</p> - -<p>But, portentous as it is, this fact is the one redeeming -feature of the present situation, since it is the expression<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191">191</a></span> -of a change of spirit, and the first step towards more -rational relationships between the nations. Despair -would be justified indeed if pride and prejudice and -greed permeated the masses as they do the classes, if -the doctrines preached by Jingo newspapers or the -conversation in certain classes of society were -correct indices of the thoughts and ideals of our generation.</p> - -<p>Fortunately, this is not the case. Five years of war -have been a purifying blood-bath, they have taught -innumerable men and women, through suffering, to -think.</p> - -<p>A clamour of voices has arisen; their cry is “Forward” -and is uttered by millions of exasperated people, -become articulate since the war. From every quarter -comes the tramp of hurrying feet, a mighty movement -is in progress. It cannot, like “sleeping waters,” be -pent up, but its purpose is not destructive. It seeks a -useful outlet for a vast store of human energy, a freer, -wider life for manual workers, too long the victims of -exploitation, whose hearts and hands are needed to turn -the new world’s mill.</p> - -<p>All lovers of freedom are in this movement; they are -of every race and creed and possess the true international -spirit, whose aim is progress. Not progress -towards some impossible Utopia, where human nature -plays no part, but progress by ordered stages towards a -more reasonable social system, wherein the few will not -exploit the many and unscrupulous efficiency will be -held in check; wherein idealism will count a little and -mankind, taught by adversity, will no longer wish to be -deceived; wherein “plain people,” however humble, will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192">192</a></span> -shake off the shackles of apathy and indifference to -moral issues, and claim their birth-right.</p> - -<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div> - -<p>Egyptian monarchs built pyramids as tombs. Old -Europe, during the process of its suicide, built up a -pyramid of errors which may well serve, not only as -the tomb of mediaeval systems, of false conceptions, but -also as a monument to remind succeeding generations of -the errors of the past.</p> - -<p>A pyramid is a structure whose form is final, just -bare, blank walls converging to a point, and there it -ends, offering a symbol of that human pride which dares -to set a limit to the progress of mankind.</p> - -<p>Progress admits of no finality. Filled with the sentiment -of progress and standing on the ground of fact, -humanity can look forward and ever upward, and thus -can rear a nobler edifice—a temple broad-based on liberty -and justice, whose columns are poised on sure -foundations, columns that soar and spring eternal, emblems -of youth and hope.</p> - -<p class="p2 center smaller">THE END</p> - -<div class="chapter"><div class="footnotes"> -<h2 class="nobreak p1"><a id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> The Ergene is a tributary of the Maritza and lies in Turkish Thrace.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> On the Enos-Midia line, thus leaving Constantinople in Turkish -hands with a small hinterland in Europe.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> Santa Sofia.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> “It is the liquidation of Austria.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office in Vienna.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> Turkish statistics: There is good reason to believe that these figures -were approximately correct; it is most improbable, in any case, that -the Turks would have exaggerated the number of Bulgars in this vilayet.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> A bay in the Eastern Mediterranean Coast to which a British squadron -was sent whenever it was necessary to put pressure on the Turks.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> “The Great Powerless.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> “Don’t touch the Adriatic.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> Austria-Hungary.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> “An accomplished fact.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> That is a big nothing.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Baron Burian, afterwards Count Burian, a prominent Austro-Hungarian -diplomat both before and during the war.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> Count Albert Mensdorff, Austro-Hungarian Ambassador in London for -15 years.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> A place close to and just outside the S.W. frontier of Bulgaria, -where the Bulgars resisted the combined attacks of the Servian and -Greek armies for 14 days.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> “A Cascade of Thrones.” The title of a series of articles published -by M. Take Jonescu in 1915.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> “Balkan haggling.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> See map.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> “The Thrust to the East.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> Loans are made only to the rich.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> Count Tisza, leader of the Hungarian Conservatives and ultimately -assassinated in Budapest by a Hungarian Socialist.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> Abandon Austria and we will abandon the French.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> The opportune moment.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> The father of M. Bratiano was the celebrated Rumanian patriot who, -in 1878, was tricked out of Bessarabia by Prince Gortchakoff, the -Russian Envoy, at the Treaty of Vienna.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> Count Czernin was at this period Austro-Hungarian Minister in -Bucharest; he succeeded Count Berchtold as Chancellor in the Dual -Monarchy after the death of the Emperor Francis Joseph.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> An Hungarian province at the confluence of the Danube and the -Theiss, N.E. of Belgrade.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> In the war of 1877 between Russia and Turkey, Rumania had come -to the rescue of Russia when the Russian army was held up by the -Turks under Osman Pasha at Plevna.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> The husband of Francesca da Rimini, who killed his wife and her -lover.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> The French General commanding the Allied Forces at Salonika.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> Baron von der Büsche; he became later Under-Secretary of State -in the Foreign Office at Berlin.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> The River Sereth divides Wallachia from Moldavia.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> Presan was one of Rumania’s ablest generals; he had commanded -the Northern Army at the commencement of hostilities, and was entrusted -with the direction of the operations for the defence of Bucharest. -After the retreat into Moldavia he became Chief of Staff to the King.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> Dorna Vatra is a town in the Carpathians on the S.W. frontier of -Bukovina.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> The River Pruth defines part of the frontier between Rumania and -Bessarabia and enters the Danube at Galatz.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> About 60 per cent. of the supplies of ammunition sent by the Western -Powers to Rumania were lost or stolen in transit through Russia.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> These Articles prescribed the position of the King of Rumania as -Commander-in-Chief of all forces in Rumanian territory. After the -retreat into Moldavia, advantage was taken of the somewhat inexplicit -character of these Articles and the preponderance of Russian troops to -place King Ferdinand under the orders of the Czar.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> The former German Minister to Bucharest.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> “Kyrie Eleison,” the Greek for “Lord have mercy on us,” described -by Cardinal Wiseman as “that cry for mercy which is to be found in -every liturgy of East and West.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> Marasesti is a village in the Sereth Valley, where six Rumanian -divisions repelled repeated assaults by numerically superior German and -Austro-Hungarian forces under Field-Marshal Mackensen. The Rumanians -fought unsupported and caused 100,000 casualties in the enemy -ranks. They held their positions until the signature of peace at Bucharest.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> General Nivelles.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> To Paris.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> To Berlin.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> Speech of April 2nd, 1917.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Message of December 4th, 1917.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> Declaration of September 27th, 1918.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> In a speech at Birmingham University on December 12, 1918, Lord -Robert Cecil said: “Our new ‘Society of Nations’ must not be a group, -however large and important. It is absolutely essential that the ‘League -of Nations’ should be open to every nation which can be trusted by its -fellows to accept ‘ex animo,’ the principles and basis of such a Society.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> In the original— -</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Sceptre and crown <em>will</em> tumble down,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And in the level dust <em>be</em> laid,” etc.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> The former Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office in Vienna.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> During the Conference, a well-known Pole, whose reputation for -shrewd observation is established, remarked: “Mr. Lloyd George has a -passion for popularity and is the most popular man in Paris, but the -‘Tiger’ is running the British Empire.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> The ideal is reached for a moment only.</p></div> -</div> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"><div class="transnote"> -<h2 class="nobreak p1"><a id="Transcribers_Notes"></a>Transcriber’s Notes</h2> - -<p>Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a predominant -preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.</p> - -<p>Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced -quotation marks retained.</p> - -<p>Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.</p> - -<p>Text uses both “Fraternalization” and “Fraternization”.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_133">133</a>: “were” was missing in “Fundamentally, they were -wrong”; changed here.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_150">150</a>: “battles are not merely battues” was printed that -way, and may have been intentional.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_175">175</a>: “bass-relief” was printed that way.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_188">188</a>: “nobless oblige” was printed that way.</p> - -<p><a href="#Footnote_2">Footnote 2</a>, originally Footnote 1 on page <a href="#Page_20">20</a>: “Enos-Midia line” appeared -to have been misprinted as “Encs-Midia line”; changed here.</p> - -<p><a href="#Footnote_18">Footnote 18</a>, originally Footnote 1 on page <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, refers -to a map. The map was included in the 1920 edition, printed in Great Britain, but not in -this 1922 edition, printed in the United States.</p> -</div></div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Old Europe's Suicide, by -Christopher Birdwood Thomson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OLD EUROPE'S SUICIDE *** - -***** This file should be named 53464-h.htm or 53464-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/4/6/53464/ - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Charlie Howard, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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