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diff --git a/old/53354-0.txt b/old/53354-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b92629a..0000000 --- a/old/53354-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5393 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone, by Various - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone - 1876-1887 - -Author: Various - -Release Date: October 23, 2016 [EBook #53354] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IMPERIALISM AND MR. GLADSTONE *** - - - - -Produced by John Campbell and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Bold text is denoted by =equal signs=. - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - More detail can be found at the end of the book. - - - - - BELLS ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS - - _General Editors_: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A. - - - - - IMPERIALISM AND MR. GLADSTONE - - - - -BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS. - -_Volumes now Ready. 1s. net each._ - - - =1154-1216. The Angevins and the Charter.= Edited by S. M. - TOYNE, M.A., Headmaster of St. Peter's School, York, and late - Assistant Master at Haileybury College. - - =1307-1399. War and Misrule= (special period for the School - Certificate Examination, July and December, 1913). Edited by A. - A. LOCKE. - - =1485-1547. The Reformation and the Renaissance.= Edited by F. - W. BEWSHER, Assistant Master at St. Paul's School. - - =1547-1603. The Age of Elizabeth.= Edited by ARUNDELL ESDAILE, - M.A. - - =1603-1660. Puritanism and Liberty.= Edited by KENNETH BELL, - M.A. - - =1660-1714. A Constitution in Making.= Edited by G. B. PERRETT, - M.A. - - =1714-1760. Walpole and Chatham.= Edited by K. A. ESDAILE. - - =1760-1801. American Independence and the French Revolution.= - Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A. - - =1801-1815. England and Napoleon.= Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A. - - =1816-1836. Peace and Reform.= Edited by A. C. W. EDWARDS, - Assistant Master at Christ's Hospital. - - =1876-1887. Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone.= Edited by R. H. - GRETTON. - - - =1535-Present-Day. Canada.= Edited by H. J. MUNRO, M.A. - - _Other volumes, covering the whole range of English History - from Roman Britain are in active preparation, and will be - issued at short intervals._ - - - LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. - - - - - IMPERIALISM AND MR. GLADSTONE - - (1876--1887) - - - COMPILED BY - R. H. GRETTON - FORMERLY DEMY OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD - AUTHOR OF "A MODERN HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE" - - [Illustration: (Publisher's colophon)] - - - LONDON - G. BELL & SONS, LTD. - 1913 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -This series of English History Source Books is intended for use -with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has -conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an -indispensable--adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of -two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close -of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook -is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and -exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are -admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_, Part -I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish -to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise -his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials -hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very -moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within -reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to -take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here -is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and -taught. - -Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades -of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys -in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What -differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is -not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount -they can read into or extract from it. - -In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the -natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, -we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our -intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in -style--that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even -strongly partisan--and should not so much profess to give the truth -as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible -variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads -and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, -London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, -are represented in these pages. - -The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being -numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text -is modernized, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no -difficulties in reading. - -We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us -suggestions for improvement. - - S. E. WINBOLT. - - KENNETH BELL. - - -NOTE TO THIS VOLUME - - I acknowledge, with thanks to the authors concerned, and to - Messrs. Macmillan and Co., their kind permission to reprint in - this volume the following passages: that on p. 102, from the - _Life of Lord Randolph Churchill_, by the Right Hon. Winston - Churchill; three extracts, on pp. 59, 62, 83, from _Mahdiism - and the Egyptian Soudan_, by Sir Francis Wingate; the passages - from Lord Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, on pp. 97, 98, 101, - 110; and the passages from Lord Cromer's _Modern Egypt_, - on pp. 68, 69, 70, 87. I acknowledge also with thanks the - permission of the proprietors of _The Times_ to reprint the - various extracts from that journal; and the permission of the - proprietors of _The Saturday Review_ to reprint the extract on - p. 35. In dealing with a period so recent, I have inevitably - been very dependent upon the courtesy of the owners of - copyright, and I wish to express my gratitude for the readiness - with which that courtesy has been extended in these important - cases. - - I am also indebted to Messrs. Longmans, Green and Co. for - permission to print extracts from Professor Mackail's _Life of - William Morris_, and from Mr. Bernard Holland's _Life of the - late Duke of Devonshire_, and to Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co. for - similar permission to quote from _General Gordon's Journal_. - - R. H. G. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PAGE - INTRODUCTION v - - DATE - 1876. PURCHASE OF THE SUEZ CANAL SHARES 1 - 1876. ENGLAND, RUSSIA, AND AFGHANISTAN 3 - 1876. THE QUEEN AS EMPRESS OF INDIA 5 - 1876. BULGARIAN ATROCITIES 8 - I. THUNDER FROM MR. GLADSTONE 8 - II. COLD WATER FROM DISRAELI 11 - 1877. SIR THEOPHILUS SHEPSTONE'S COMMISSION 15 - 1877. RUSSIA DECLARES WAR ON TURKEY 16 - 1877. IRISH OBSTRUCTION IN ITS EARLY DAYS 17 - 1877. PLEVNA AFTER THE SIEGE 18 - 1878. STRAINED RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA 21 - 1878. PEACE WITH HONOUR 24 - 1878. THE SECRET AGREEMENTS IN BEACONSFIELD'S POCKETS 25 - 1878. GLADSTONE INDIGNANT AGAIN 27 - 1878. RUSSIAN INTRIGUE AT CABUL 28 - 1878. SHERE ALI 30 - 1879. DEATH OF SHERE ALI 31 - 1879. THE GANDAMAK TREATY 31 - 1879. THE CABUL MASSACRE 32 - 1879. THE MIDLOTHIAN CAMPAIGN 35 - 1880. BEACONSFIELD KEEPS COOL 37 - 1880. THE MAIWAND DISASTER 37 - 1880. THE BRADLAUGH CASE 40 - 1880. SOCIAL AMELIORATIONS 40 - EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY 40 - FUNDED MUNICIPAL DEBT 41 - ELECTRIC LIGHT, THE TELEPHONE, NEW HOTELS 42 - 1880. PARNELL AND THE LAND LEAGUE 43 - 1880. CAPTAIN BOYCOTT 44 - 1880. THE BOER RISING 45 - PROCLAMATION 46 - 1881. BEFORE MAJUBA 46 - 1881. AFTER MAJUBA 47 - 1881. RITUAL CONTROVERSY 48 - 1881. A SHORT WAY WITH OBSTRUCTION 49 - 1881. THE DEATH OF BEACONSFIELD 50 - 1881. THE WITHDRAWAL FROM CANDAHAR 51 - 1881. THE SALVATION ARMY 54 - 1881. ARABI 54 - 1882. THE FIRST CLOSURE 56 - 1882. BIMETALLISM 56 - 1882. BRIGHT'S RESIGNATION 57 - 1883. THE ILBERT BILL 58 - 1883. FENIANS AGAIN 58 - 1883. THE MAHDI 59 - 1883. END OF CAREY THE INFORMER 61 - 1883. SLAUGHTER OF HICKS PASHA'S ARMY 62 - 1884. TRANSVAAL CONVENTION 65 - 1884. GORDON'S MISSION TO KHARTOUM 66 - 1884. DIFFICULTIES OF GORDON'S CHARACTER 69 - 1884. ZOBEIR PASHA 71 - 1884. SOME OF GORDON'S TELEGRAMS 73 - 1884. CROSS PURPOSES 75 - 1884. GORDON'S POSITION 78 - 1884. GORDON'S OWN MEDITATIONS 80 - 1884. THE FRANCHISE AND REDISTRIBUTION 82 - 1884. FEEDING POOR SCHOOL CHILDREN 83 - 1885. THE DEATH OF GORDON 83 - 1885. THE GOVERNMENT'S RESPONSIBILITY 87 - 1885. THE VOTE OF CENSURE 87 - 1885. MORE FENIANISM 90 - 1885. NEW LABOUR MOVEMENTS 91 - 1885. THE UNEMPLOYED 92 - 1885. WORKING MEN MAGISTRATES 93 - 1885. TORY OLIVE-BRANCH TO IRELAND 93 - 1885. THE FIRST SUBMARINE 96 - 1885. THE UNAUTHORIZED PROGRAMME 97 - 1885. THE IRISH VOTE 98 - 1885. THE NEW ELECTORATE 100 - 1886. THE OPENING OF THE RIFT 101 - 1886. "ULSTER WILL FIGHT" 102 - 1886. SALISBURY ON HOME RULE 104 - 1886. MR. GLADSTONE'S APPEAL 106 - 1886. LIBERAL UNIONISM 107 - 1886. THE UNEMPLOYED RIOTS 107 - 1886. BIMETALLISM AND LABOUR DISPUTES 109 - 1886. PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA 110 - 1886. THE FINAL HOME RULE RUPTURE 110 - 1887. THE COMING OF TECHNICAL EDUCATION 112 - 1887. THE FIRST "GUILLOTINE" CLOSURE 113 - 1887. JUBILEE RETROSPECTS 114 - 1887. "REMEMBER MITCHELSTOWN" 118 - 1887. "BLOODY SUNDAY" 119 - 1887. FIRST REPORT ON THE RAND 120 - - - - -IMPERIALISM AND MR. GLADSTONE - -(1876--1887) - - - - -PURCHASE OF THE SUEZ CANAL SHARES (1876). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 227, col. 95 (Debate on -the Address, February, 1876). - - -MR. DISRAELI: ... When we acceded to office two years ago an -International Commission had only just ceased its labours at -Constantinople upon the dues of the Suez Canal, and upon the means -of ascertaining and maintaining a limit of them, and it had arrived -at reasons entirely protested against by the proprietary. What was -the state of affairs there? Lord Derby had to deal with them. The -proprietary of the canal threatened, and not only threatened, but -proceeded, to stop the canal. They refused pilots; they threatened -to change the signals; they took steps which would have interrupted -that mode of intercourse with India.... From that moment it became -a matter of interest to those responsible for the government of -this country to see what could be done to remedy those relations -with the Suez Canal.... But it suddenly comes to our knowledge that -the Khedive, on whose influence we mainly depended, is going to -part with his shares. We received a telegram from Cairo informing -us that the Khedive was anxious to raise a considerable sum of -money upon his shares in the Suez Canal, and offered them to -England. We considered the question immediately, and it appeared -to us to be a complicated transaction--one to which there were -several objections; and we sent back to say that we were favourably -disposed to assist the Khedive, but that at the same time we were -only prepared to purchase the shares outright. What was the answer? -The answer was that the Khedive was resolved, if he possibly -could, to keep his shares, and that he could only therefore avail -himself of a loan. There matters seemed to end. Then suddenly -there came news to the Government of this country that a French -society--Société Générale--was prepared to offer the Khedive a -large sum of money--very little inferior to the four millions--but -on very onerous conditions. The Khedive communicated with us, and -said that the conditions were so severe that he would sooner sell -the shares outright, and--which I had forgotten to mention--that, -in deference to his promise that England should always have the -refusal of the shares if he decided to sell them, he offered them -to the English Government. It was absolutely necessary to decide at -that moment what course we should take. It was not a thing on which -we could hesitate.... To pretend that Lord Derby has treated this -business as a mere commercial speculation is idle. If he did not -act in accordance with the principles of high policy, I should like -to know what high policy is, and how a man can pursue it. - -Apart from looking upon this as an investment, if the shares had -been offered, and if there had been no arrangement of paying -interest for nineteen years, so far as I am concerned, I should -have been in favour of the purchase of the shares. I should have -agreed with Lord Derby in thinking that England would never be -satisfied if all the shares of the Suez Canal were possessed by -a foreign company. Then it is said, if any obstacles had been -put in your way by the French proprietors of the canal, you -know very well that ultimately it must come to force, and you -will then obtain at once the satisfaction of your desire. Well, -if the government of the world was a mere alternation between -abstract right and overwhelming force, I agree there is a good -deal in that observation; but that is not the way in which the -world is governed. The world is governed by conciliation, -compromise, influence, varied interests, the recognition of the -rights of others, coupled with the assertion of one's own; and, -in addition, a general conviction, resulting from explanation and -good understanding, that it is for the interests of all parties -that matters should be conducted in a satisfactory and peaceful -manner.... I cannot doubt that the moral influence of England -possessing two-fifths of the shares in this great undertaking -must have made itself felt, must have a considerable influence -upon the conduct of those who manage the company.... England -is a Mediterranean Power; a great Mediterranean Power. This is -shown by the fact that in time of war always, and frequently in -time of peace, she has the greatest force upon those waters. -Furthermore, she has strongholds upon those waters which she will -never relinquish. The policy of England, however, is not one of -aggression. It is not provinces she wants. She will not interest -herself in the redistribution of territory on the shores of the -Mediterranean, as long as the redistribution does not imperil -the freedom of the seas and the dominion which she legitimately -exercises. And therefore I look upon this, that in the great -chain of fortresses which we possess, almost from the Metropolis -to India, that the Suez Canal is a means of securing the free -intercourse of the waters, is a great addition to that security, -and one we should prize. - - - - -ENGLAND, RUSSIA, AND AFGHANISTAN (1876). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Afghanistan," C 2, 190, -of 1878, p. 156. - - -_Extract from Lord Salisbury's Despatch to the Viceroy of India, -dated February 28, 1876._ - -The increasing weakness and uncertainty of British influence in -Afghanistan constitutes a prospective peril to British interests; -the deplorable interruption of it in Khelat inflicts upon them an -immediate inconvenience by involving the cessation of all effective -control over the turbulent and predatory habits of the trans-Indus -tribes. In view of these considerations, Her Majesty's Government -have ... instructed the Viceroy to find an early occasion for -sending to Cabul a temporary mission, furnished with such -instructions as may, perhaps, enable it to overcome the Ameer's -apparent reluctance to the establishment of permanent British -Agencies in Afghanistan, by convincing His Highness that the -Government of India is ... willing to afford him material support -in the defence of his territories from any actual and unprovoked -external aggression, but that it cannot practically avert or -provide for such a contingency without timely and unrestricted -permission to place its own agents in those parts of his dominions -whence they may best watch the course of events. It appears to -Her Majesty's Government that the present moment is favourable -for the execution of this last-mentioned instruction. The Queen's -assumption of the Imperial title in relation to Her Majesty's -Indian subjects, feudatories, and allies will now for the first -time conspicuously transfer to her Indian dominion, in form as well -as in fact, the supreme authority of the Indian Empire.... The -maintenance in Afghanistan of a strong and friendly power has at -all times been the object of British policy. The attainment of this -object is now to be considered with due reference to the situation -created by the recent and rapid advance of the Russian arms in -Central Asia towards the Northern frontiers of British India. Her -Majesty's Government cannot view with complete indifference the -probable influence of that situation upon the uncertain character -of an Oriental Chief whose ill-defined dominions are thus brought, -within a steadily narrowing circle, between the conflicting -pressures of two great military Empires, one of which expostulates -and remains passive, whilst the other apologizes and continues -to move forward. It is well known that not only the English -newspapers, but also all works published in England upon Indian -questions, are rapidly translated for the information of the Ameer, -and carefully studied by His Highness. Sentiments of irritation -and alarm at the advancing power of Russia in Central Asia find -frequent expression through the English press, in language which, -if taken by Shere Ali for a revelation of the mind of the -English Government, must have long been accumulating in his mind -impressions unfavourable to its confidence in British power.... Her -Majesty's Government would not, therefore, view with indifference -any attempt on the part of Russia to compete with British influence -in Afghanistan, nor could the Ameer's reception of a British Agent -(whatever be the official rank or function of that Agent) in any -part of the dominions of His Highness afford for his subsequent -reception of a Russian Agent any pretext to which the Government -of Her Majesty would not be entitled to, except as incompatible -with the assurances spontaneously offered to it by the Cabinet of -St. Petersburg. You will bear in mind these facts when framing -instructions for your mission to Cabul.... The conduct of Shere Ali -has more than once been characterized by so significant a disregard -of the wishes and interests of the Government of India that the -irretrievable alienation of his confidence in the sincerity and -power of that Government is a contingency which cannot be dismissed -as impossible. Should such a fear be confirmed by the result of -the proposed negotiation, no time must be lost in reconsidering, -from a new point of view, the policy to be pursued in reference to -Afghanistan. - - - - -THE QUEEN AS EMPRESS OF INDIA (1876). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 227, col. 1,736 (Debate on -Royal Titles Bill, March 9, 1876). - - -MR. GLADSTONE: ... In my opinion this is a matter of the greatest -importance. We have had some declarations in this House with -respect to India. The hon. member for West Cumberland (Mr. Percy -Wyndham), on the night when the right hon. gentleman first made -his proposal, said that an Imperial title would be the one most -suitable, because it would signify that Her Majesty governed India -without the restraints of law or constitution. - -MR. PERCY WYNDHAM: I said that the Government of India was a -despotic Government, not in the hands of one person, and not, -as in this country, a constitutional Government in the hands of -the Queen and the Houses of Lords and Commons. The Government of -India is essentially a despotic Government as administered by us, -although it includes more than one individual. - -MR. GLADSTONE: I am very much obliged, and I perceive completely -the hon. member's meaning; but I am sorry that to that meaning, -as it stands, I take the greatest objection. If it be true--and -it is true--that we govern India without the restraints of law, -except such law as we make ourselves; if it be true that we have -not been able to give to India the benefit and blessings of free -institutions, I leave it to the hon. gentleman--I leave it to the -right hon. gentleman if he thinks fit--to boast that he is about -to place that fact solemnly upon record. By the assumption of the -title of Empress, I for one will not attempt to turn into glory -that which, so far as it is true, I feel to be our weakness and -our calamity.... It is plain that the government of India--that -is, the entire India--never has yet, by statute, been vested in -Her Majesty; but that which has been vested is the government of -the countries which were held in trust for Her Majesty by the East -India Company. I would be the last man to raise this question -if it were a mere verbal quibble. It is as far as possible from -being a question merely verbal.... I am under the belief that to -this moment there are important Princes and States in India over -which we have never assumed dominion, whatever may have been our -superiority of strength. We are now going, by Act of Parliament, -to assume that dominion, the possible consequences of which no man -can foresee; and when the right hon. gentleman tells us the Princes -desire this change to be made, does he really mean to assure us -that this is the case? If so, I require distinct evidence of the -fact. There are Princes in India who, no doubt, have hitherto -enjoyed no more than a theoretical political supremacy, but do -they desire to surrender even that under the provisions of this -Bill? The right hon. gentleman is going to advise the Queen to -become Empress of India. I raise the question, What is India? I -have said that the dominion now vested in Her Majesty is limited -to the territories vested in the East India Company. I ask whether -the supremacy of certain important Native States in India ever was -vested in the Company, or whether it was not? We are bound to ask -the right hon. gentleman--and I think he is bound to answer the -question through the medium of his best legal authorities--whether -this supremacy is so vested or not, and whether he can assure us -upon his responsibility that no political change in the condition -of the Native Princes of India will be effected by this Bill. -If there is a political change effected, I do not hesitate to -say I do not think it would be possible to offer too determined -an opposition to the proposal of the Government.... I feel with -the right hon. gentleman--indeed, I feel a little more than the -right hon. gentleman--the greatness, the unsullied greatness, of -the title which is now borne by the Queen of England. I think -I use the language of moderation when I say that it is a title -unequalled for its dignity and weight, unequalled for the glory -of its historic associations, unequalled for the promise which it -offers to the future, among the titles of the Sovereigns of Europe, -among all the states and nations on earth. Sir, I have a jealousy -of touching that title, and I am not to be told that this is a -small matter. There is nothing small in a matter, in my judgment, -which touches the honour and dignity of the Crown of England.... -The right hon. gentleman has indeed manfully contended that there -is no inferiority in the title of King as compared with that of -Emperor.... I want to know why I am to be dragged into novelties, -or into comparisons on a subject of this sort?... There is one -other point on which I am anxious to make a few comments. I was, I -own, struck by what fell from my right hon. friend the member for -the University of London (Mr. Lowe) the other evening in reference -to the colonies. Whether it be desirable to make any recital with -regard to the colonies or not, it is a subject which requires much -consideration whether we can wisely introduce reference to India -in the title of the Sovereign, while we at the same time take no -notice of the colonies. - - - - -BULGARIAN ATROCITIES (1876). - -I. THUNDER FROM MR. GLADSTONE. - -=Source.=--Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet, _Bulgarian Horrors and the -Question of the East_, 1876, p. 10. - - -In default of Parliamentary action, and a public concentrated as -usual, we must proceed as we can, with impaired means of appeal. -But honour, duty, compassion, and I must add shame, are sentiments -never in a state of _coma_. The working-men of the country, whose -condition is less affected than that of others by the season, have -to their honour led the way, and shown that the great heart of -Britain has not ceased to beat. And the large towns and cities, now -following in troops, are echoing back, each from its own place, -the mingled notes of horror, pain, and indignation.... A curtain -opaque and dense, which at the prorogation had been lifted but a -few inches from the ground, has since then, from day to day, been -slowly rising. And what a scene it has disclosed! And where! - -... I have the fullest confidence in the honour and in the -intelligence of Mr. Baring, who has been inquiring on behalf of -England. But he was not sent to examine the matter until the 19th -of July, three months after the rising, and nearly one month after -the first inquiries in Parliament. He had been but two days at -Philippopolis, when he sent home, with all the despatch he could -use, some few rudiments of a future report. Among them was his -estimate of the murders, necessarily far from final, at the figure -of twelve thousand. - -We know that we had a well-manned Embassy at Constantinople, and -a network of Consulates and Vice-Consulates, really discharging -diplomatic duties, all over the provinces of European Turkey. -That villages could be burned down by scores, and men, women, and -children murdered, or worse than murdered, by thousands, in a -Turkish province lying between the capital and the scene of the -recent excitements, and that our Embassy and Consulates could know -nothing of it? The thing was impossible. It could not be. So -silence was obtained, and relief; and the well-oiled machinery of -our luxurious, indifferent life worked smoothly on.... - -It was on the 20th of April that the insurrection broke out in -Bulgaria.... On the 9th of May Sir Henry Elliot ... observing a -great Mohammedan excitement, and an extensive purchase of arms in -Constantinople, wisely telegraphed to the British Admiral in the -Mediterranean expressing a desire that he would bring his squadron -to Besika Bay. The purpose was for the protection of British -subjects, and of the Christians in general.... These measures were -substantially wise, and purely pacific. They had, if understood -rightly, no political aspect, or, if any, one rather anti-Turkish -than Turkish. But there were reasons, and strong reasons, why -the public should not have been left to grope out for itself the -meaning of a step so serious as the movement of a naval squadron -towards a country disturbed both by revolt and by an outbreak of -murderous fanaticism. In the year 1853, when the negotiations with -Russia had assumed a gloomy and almost a hopeless aspect, the -English and French fleets were sent eastwards; not as a measure -of war, but as a measure of preparation for war, and proximate to -war. The proceedings marked a transition of discussion into that -angry stage which immediately precedes a blow; and the place, to -which the fleets were then sent, was Besika Bay. In the absence -of information, how could the British nation avoid supposing that -the same act, as that done in 1853, bore also the same meaning?... -The expectation of a rupture pervaded the public mind. The Russian -funds fell very heavily, under a war panic; partisans exulted in -a diplomatic victory, and in the increase of what is called our -_prestige_, the bane, in my opinion, of all upright politics. The -Turk was encouraged in his humour of resistance. And this, as we -now know, while his hands were so reddened with Bulgarian blood. -Foreign capitals were amazed at the martial excitement in London. -But the Government spoke never a word.... And this ostentatious -protection to Turkey, this wanton disturbance of Europe, was -continued by our Ministry, with what I must call a strange -perversity, for weeks and weeks.... - -What we have to guard against is imposture--that Proteus with a -thousand forms. A few months ago the new Sultan served the turn, -and very well. Men affirmed that he must have time. And now another -new Sultan is in the offing. I suppose it will be argued that he -must have time too. Then there will be, perhaps, new constitutions; -firmans of reforms; proclamations to commanders of Turkish armies, -enjoining extra humanity. All these should be quietly set down as -simply zero. At this moment we hear of the adoption by the Turks of -the last and most enlightened rule of warfare--namely, the Geneva -Convention. They might just as well adopt the Vatican Council or -the British Constitution. All these things are not even the oysters -before the dinner. Still worse is any plea founded upon any reports -made by Turkish authority upon the Bulgarian outrages.... I return -to, and I end with, that which is the Omega as well as the Alpha -of this great and most mournful case. An old servant of the Crown -and State, I entreat my countrymen, upon whom far more than perhaps -any other people of Europe it depends, to require, and to insist, -that our Government, which has been working in one direction, -shall work in the other, and shall apply all its vigour to concur -with the other States of Europe in obtaining the extinction of the -Turkish executive power in Bulgaria. Let the Turks now carry away -their abuses in the only possible manner--namely, by carrying off -themselves. Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and -their Yuzbachis, their Kaimakams and their Pashas, one and all, bag -and baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province they have -desolated and profaned. This thorough riddance, this most blessed -deliverance, is the only reparation we can make to the memory of -those heaps on heaps of dead; to the violated purity alike of -matron, of maiden, and of child; to the civilization which has -been affronted and shamed; to the laws of God, or, if you like, -of Allah; to the moral sense of mankind at large. There is not a -criminal in a European gaol, there is not a cannibal in the South -Sea Islands, whose indignation would not rise and overboil at the -recital of that which has been done, which has left behind all -the foul and all the fierce passions that produced it, and which -may again spring up, in another murderous harvest, from the soil -soaked and reeking with blood, and in the air tainted with every -imaginable deed of crime and shame. - - -II. COLD WATER FROM DISRAELI. - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 231, col. 1,138, August -11, 1876 (Third Reading of the Appropriation Bill; Bulgarian -Atrocities raised). - -MR. DISRAELI: ... Let me at once place before the House what I -believe is the true view of the circumstances which principally -interest us to-night, for, after the Rhodian eloquence to which -we have just listened, it is rather difficult for the House to -see clearly the point which is before it. The Queen's Ambassador -at Constantinople, who has at all times no easy duty to fulfil, -found himself at the end of April and in the first three weeks -of May in a position of extreme difficulty and danger. Affairs -in Constantinople never had assumed--at least in our time, -certainly--a more perilous character. It was difficult to ascertain -what was going to happen; but that something was going to happen, -and something of a character which might disturb the relations -of the Porte with all the Powers of Europe, and might even bring -about a revolution, the effect of which would be felt in distant -countries, there was no doubt.... In the present instance the -hon. and learned gentleman has made one assumption throughout his -speech--that there has been no communication whatever between the -Queen's Ambassador at Constantinople and Her Majesty's Ministers -upon the subject in discussion; that we never heard of those -affairs until the newspapers published accounts. The state of -the facts is the reverse. From the very first period that these -transactions occurred--from the very commencement--the Ambassador -was in constant communication with Her Majesty's Ministers. -(No, no.) Why, that may be proved by the papers on the table. -Throughout the months of May and June the Ambassador is constantly -referring to the atrocities occurring in Bulgaria and to the -repeated protests which he is making to the Turkish Government, and -informing Her Majesty's Government of interviews and conversations -with the Grand Vizier on that subject. The hon. and learned -gentleman says that when questions were addressed to me in this -House I was perfectly ignorant of what was taking place. But that -is exactly the question we have to settle to-night. I say that we -were not perfectly ignorant of what was taking place.... I agree -that even the slightest estimate of the horrors that occurred in -Bulgaria is quite enough to excite the indignation of this country -and of Parliament; but when you come to say that we were ignorant -of all that was occurring, and did nothing to counteract it, -because we said in answer to Questions that the information which -had reached us did not warrant the statements that were quoted -in the House--these are two entirely different questions. In the -newspaper which has been referred to the first account was, if I -recollect aright, that 30,000 or 32,000 persons had been slain; -that 10,000 were in prison; it was also stated that 1,000 girls had -been sold in the open market, that 40 girls had been burnt alive in -a stable; and cartloads of human heads paraded through the streets -of the cities of Bulgaria--these were some of, though not all, the -statements made; and I was perfectly justified in saying that the -information which had reached us did not justify these statements, -and therefore we believed them to be exaggerated.... Lord Derby -telegraphed to Sir Henry Elliot that it was very important that Her -Majesty's Government should be able to reply to the inquiries made -in Parliament respecting these and other statements, and directed -Sir Henry Elliot to inquire by telegram of the Consuls, and report -as soon as he could. All these statements are untrue. There never -were forty maidens locked up in a stable and burnt alive. That -was ascertained with great care by Mr. Baring, and I am surprised -that the right hon. gentleman the member for Bradford should still -speak of it as a statement in which he has confidence. I believe -it to be an entire fabrication. I believe also it is an entire -fabrication that 1,000 young women were sold in the market as -slaves. We have not received the slightest evidence of a single -sale, even in those journals on which the right hon. gentleman -the member for Bradford founded his erratic speech. I have been -attacked for saying that I did not believe it was possible to have -10,000 persons in prison in Bulgaria. So far as I can ascertain -from the papers, there never could have been more than 3,000. As -to the 10,000 cases of torture, what evidence is there of a single -case of torture? We know very well that there has been considerable -slaughter; that there must have been isolated and individual cases -of most atrocious rapine, and outrages of a most atrocious kind; -but still we have had communications with Sir Henry Elliot, and he -has always assumed from what he knew that these cases of individual -rapine and outrage were occurring. He knew that civil war there was -carried on under conditions of brutality which, unfortunately, are -not unprecedented in that country; and the question is whether the -information we had justified the extravagant statements made in -Parliament, which no one pretends to uphold and defend.... The hon. -and learned member (Sir W. Harcourt) has done full justice to the -Bulgarian atrocities. He has assumed as absolutely true everything -that criticism and more authentic information had modified, and -in some cases had proved not merely to be exaggeration but to -be absolute falsehoods. And then the hon. and learned gentleman -says--"By your policy you have depopulated a province." Well, sir, -certainly the slaughter of 12,000 individuals, whether Turks or -Bulgarians, whether they were innocent peasants or even brigands, -is a horrible event which no one can think of without emotion. -But when I remember that the population of Bulgaria is 3,700,000 -persons, and that it is a very large country, is it not a most -extravagant abuse of rhetoric to say that the slaughter of so -considerable a number as 12,000 is the depopulation of a province? -Well, the hon. and learned gentleman said also that Her Majesty's -Government had incurred a responsibility which is not possessed by -any other country as regards our relations with and our influence -with the Turks. I say that we have incurred no responsibility which -is not shared with us by all the other contracting Powers to the -Treaty of Paris. I utterly disclaim any peculiar responsibility.... -That an hon. and learned gentleman, once a member of a Government -and an ornament of that Government, should counsel as the solution -of all these difficulties that Her Majesty's Government should -enter into an immediate combination to expel the Turkish nation -from Eastern Europe does indeed surprise me. And because we are -not prepared to enter into a scheme so quixotic as that would be, -we are held up as having given our moral, not to say our material, -support to Turkey.... We are, it is true, the allies of Turkey; -so is Austria, so is Russia, so is France, and so are others. We -are also their partners in a tripartite Treaty, in which we not -only generally, but singly, guarantee with France and Austria -the territorial integrity of Turkey. And if these engagements, -renovated and repeated only four years ago by the wisdom of Europe, -are to be treated by the hon. and learned gentleman as idle wind -and chaff, and if we are to be told that our political duty is by -force to expel the Turks to the other side of the Bosphorus, then -politics cease to be an art, statesmanship becomes a mere mockery, -and instead of being a House of Commons faithful to its traditions, -and which is always influenced, I have ever thought, by sound -principles of policy, whoever may be its leaders, we had better at -once resolve ourselves into one of those revolutionary clubs which -settle all political and social questions with the same ease as the -hon. and learned member. - - -[NOTE.--This was Disraeli's last speech as a member of the House of -Commons. He was raised to the peerage on August 12, 1876.] - - - - -SIR THEOPHILUS SHEPSTONE'S COMMISSION (1877). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, January 7. - - -Whereas grievous disturbances have broken out in the territories -adjacent to Our colonies in South Africa, with war between the -white inhabitants and the native races, to the great peril of -the peace and safety of Our said colonies; and whereas, having -regard to the safety of Our said colonies, it greatly concerns -Us that full inquiry should be made into the origin, nature, and -circumstances of the said disturbances, and with respect to the -measures to be adopted for preventing the recurrence of the like -disturbances in the future; and whereas it may become requisite to -this end that the said territories, or portions of them, should be -administered in Our name and in Our behalf. - -Now know you that We, having especial trust and confidence in the -loyalty and fidelity of you, the said Sir Theophilus Shepstone, -have appointed you to be Our special Commissioner for the purpose -of making such inquiry as aforesaid ... and if the emergency seem -to you to be such as to render it necessary, in order to secure -the peace and safety of Our said colonies, and of Our subjects -elsewhere, that the said territories, or any portion or portions of -the same, should be provisionally, and pending the announcement of -Our pleasure, be administered in Our name and on Our behalf, then, -and in such case only, We do further authorize you, the said Sir -Theophilus Shepstone, by proclamation under your hand, to declare -that from and after a day to be therein named, so much of any such -territories aforesaid as to you, after due consideration, shall -seem fit, shall be annexed and form part of Our dominions. - -And We do hereby constitute and appoint you to be thereupon -Administrator of the same provisionally and until Our pleasure is -more fully known. - -Provided, first, that no such proclamation shall be issued by you -with respect to any district, territory, or state, unless you shall -be satisfied that the inhabitants thereof, or a sufficient number -of them, or the Legislature thereof, desire to become Our subjects; -nor if any conditions unduly limiting Our power and authority -therein are sought to be imposed.... - - - - -RUSSIA DECLARES WAR ON TURKEY (1877). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, April 25. - - -We have not a word to say in defence of the Porte. We admit that it -was guilty, as Lord Salisbury has confessed, of infatuation when -it defied the Conference, and that it would have accepted even the -Protocol, if it had possessed a tithe of the sagacity which was -once a better protection of its weakness than ironclads are to-day. -We may even admit that the Protocol was, what Prince Gortchakoff -styles it, the last expression of the united will of Europe. But -his story is fatally incomplete. It would have been desirable to -know whether Russia has done her best to make it easy for Turkey -to accept the undisguised tutelage of the European Powers. That -question calls to mind how much the fanaticism of the Turks was -inflamed by the covert aid which Russia gave to Servia. The Czar -refers to the famous words which he spoke in the Kremlin. They were -indeed the real declaration of war, for they prevented Russia from -accepting anything less than the complete submission of Turkey. -Russia might plead, no doubt, that as war was certain to be found -an absolute necessity in the end, it mattered little how rudely -she ruffled the Osmanli pride. But in that case the negotiations -of the past two years have been a series of hypocrisies. As it -is, the general judgment is expressed by what Lord Derby said -last night. While he found it hopeless to bend the will of Turkey -towards submission, he equally found on the part of her Government -"a deeply seated conviction that, do what they would, sooner or -later war would be forced upon them." He believed that he and -his colleagues have throughout been "engaged in the solution of -a hopeless problem." Such, we fear, is the prosaic truth, and, -whatever be the measure of Turkish obstinacy, Russia cannot escape -condemnation. She has sometimes acted as if she wished to cut off -a way of retreat both from herself and her foe.... Russia has -hastened to stop all further negotiations, and to act as if she -and she alone had an interest in the tranquillity of the Turkish -Empire. Thus she has forfeited any right to speak in the name -of Europe. Nor has she given the Powers assurances which they -had a right to expect. Nothing is said in the same strain as the -declarations at Livadia, that Russia had no objects of territorial -ambition.... The Czar has committed a grave error by neglecting to -proclaim that in no event would he seize Turkish territory. - - - - -IRISH OBSTRUCTION IN ITS EARLY DAYS (1877). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, August 1. - - -Mr. Parnell and his special friends greatly distinguished -themselves in the House of Commons last night by the multiplicity -of the motions in committee on the South Africa Bill. The -Government adopted special means to wear out the tenacity of the -members who thus consume hour after hour, for it had arranged that -the House should sit until the work should be done, even if the -discussion should last till breakfast time. But it does injustice -to Mr. Parnell. He is the most misunderstood and most ill-used man -in the House of Commons. Such is the burden of the long letter from -him which we printed on Monday. He has been accused of trying to -stop public business by floods of irrelevant speech. He has been -charged with something like open disrespect for the authority of -Mr. Speaker. He has been suspected of a wish to make Irish members -intolerable, in the hope that weary Englishmen and Scotchmen would -bid them begone to enjoy the beatitudes of Home Rule. He has made -the Leader of the House, although the mildest of men, propose to -banish him to the penal settlement of silence, and the House has -done him the honour of framing two new rules to impede the flow of -his speech during the rest of the Session.... The incorrectness -of that accusation, he replies, is proved by the comparatively -small use he has made of almost boundless opportunities. If his -enemies speak of what he has done, he appeals to what he might -have done. Has he obstructed every clause of every Bill? Has he -even obstructed every Bill? Has he exhausted all the forms of the -House even yet? These questions oppress us with a sense of his -moderation. If he has done so much, he might have done so much -more! As most Bills have at least ten clauses, as most clauses -contain at least a hundred words, and as at least one amendment -might be moved after each word, Mr. Parnell could have opposed -each Bill with at least a thousand amendments, and he himself, Mr. -Biggar, and Mr. O'Donnell could each have delivered at least a -thousand speeches. - - - - -PLEVNA AFTER THE SIEGE (1877). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 15. - - -_From Our Special Correspondent.--Plevna, December 11._ - -As I rode up the slope of the hill east of Plevna towards the -redoubt defending the road between the town and the village of -Radicheve, a ghastly scene was presented. Hundreds of Russian -skeletons lay glistening on the hillsides, where they had fallen -during the assault of September. The bones were generally -completely bare. Those nearest to the earthwork had been covered -with a few inches of earth, which had been washed off by the first -shower, and now they lay as naked as the others. The Moslem outpost -pits were among these skeletons, many of them not being more than a -yard distant. Singular as it may seem, many of these skeletons had -distinct expressions, both in the attitude in which they had fallen -and in the position of the fleshless jaws. I could distinguish -those who had fallen without suffering from those who had died in -agony, and the effect was such as I shall never forget. The Russian -soldiers who marched into Plevna in the rear of Osman's sallying -force passed among these remains of their unburied comrades.... On -entering the town I was surprised to find it so little injured by -the cannonading.... - -Within a short time after Osman's surrender at the bridge over -the Vid, on the Sofia road, the 16,000 prisoners were turned back -into the town, with the artillery and transport trains.... The -Turks were well fed in appearance, but were generally ragged, and -were all wearing sandals. No boots were to be seen, though most of -them had overcoats.... The contrast between these tatterdemalion -battalions and the well-dressed men guarding them made the war -appear a one-sided affair, until the reflection came that a ragged -man shot as well as one perfectly equipped. Later in the day, -standing on the Sofia road, in the Gravitza valley west of Plevna, -I surveyed the whole basin forming Osman's position. The herbage -and all other growing things had so effectually disappeared that -the earth's surface looked as if a conflagration had swept over -every square foot of it. The colour was a dull brown, and I never -gazed upon a more dismal-looking region. The sides of the basin -were serried by ravines, all centering in the valley where I stood, -and upon the surrounding edges of the basin were the Turkish -and Allied batteries planted in irregular line, but commanding -every vantage-point of the neighbourhood.... Where the Gravitza -_chaussée_ crosses the elevation the Turkish redoubts were weakest, -and here the Russian artillery fire had been chiefly concentrated. -The front and rear of the earthworks were ploughed up by shells, -and in truth there was scarcely a square yard which had not been -struck. Thousands of such missiles, varying from 3 inches to 6 -inches in diameter, lay unexploded upon the surface of the earth. -In a previous telegram I said that these redoubts were battered to -pieces; but I now discover that this was a curious error of vision. -The works are practically uninjured. So far as the earthworks are -concerned, the Russian artillery ammunition has been absolutely -wasted, and from an inspection of the trenches I do not believe -that the garrison has suffered more than their defences. Neither -do I believe that any artillery could have accomplished more. The -fact is that shells against earthworks are useless at a greater -distance than 500 or 600 yards, and then the guns cannot be worked -on account of the enemy's sharpshooters. The Turkish soldiers -in the redoubts had bomb-proof abodes in the back walls of the -pits.... I was very much surprised to find the Turkish lines of -fortification so weak, as far as the quantity of earthwork is -concerned. The redoubts are much smaller than I supposed them to -be.... There are no double lines of infantry trenches--in fact, -no interior lines of any sort; neither are there trenches on the -hillsides below the redoubts. There are no lines of intrenchments -for the reserves; indeed, there were apparently no reserves. -When I saw this technically weak line I could not but admire the -efficiency of the weapons with which it had been defended, and -the stubborn tenacity of the men who could hold it against such -assaults as the Allies have delivered against it. The Allies had -double and treble lines around Plevna. Their works are much better -constructed than those of the Turks, so far as finish is concerned; -but for safety I would rather trust myself to the latter.... The -Roumanian trenches, however, were well constructed and capacious. -The best trench is within 25 feet of the Turkish counterscarp [of a -redoubt]. From the bottom of this trench two shafts were sunk about -15 feet in depth, and from the bottom two galleries had been pushed -under the Turkish parapet, and the mines were nearly ready when the -Moslems evacuated their positions. But the strangest part of the -history of this siege is the fact that the Turks had also mined -the Gravitza redoubt opposite, and before leaving their earthwork -they had fired the mining fuse. The Roumanians, discovering their -departure, entered their ditches, found the gallery, and reached -the fuse in time to quench it before it had burned to the explosive -charge; so that each was prepared to blow the other up without -knowing, apparently, that counter-operations were in progress.... - -At noon to-day the Emperor arrived at the redoubt defending -the approach to Plevna by the Gravitza _chaussée_.... [After a -religious service] the whole party rode into Plevna, taking the -less frequented streets, lest some assassin might fire upon the -Emperor. In a small house, surrounded by a high stone wall, lunch -was served, after which there was a sudden hush, and Osman Pasha -was carried into the yard and through the portico by a Cossack -officer and one of his own attendants. As he passed through the -crowd of staff officers, every one saluted him, and shouted, -"Bravo, Osman!" He then passed into the presence of the Emperor, -who shook hands with him, and informed him that, in consideration -of his gallant defence of Plevna, he had given orders that his -sword should be returned to him, and that he could wear it. - - - - -STRAINED RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA (1878). - -I. - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 237, cols. 1,326, 1332 -(Questions, February 8, 1878). - - -THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER: Mr. Speaker, the Government -have received a telegram to-day from Mr. Layard, containing a -summary of the articles of the armistice.... The telegram ends by -saying that the Turks have begun to remove their guns from the -Constantinople lines. Now it is quite evident that, whatever may -have been the arrangements with regard to the neighbourhood of -Constantinople, a neutral zone has been declared, which includes -the lines of Tchekmedje, which protect Constantinople; and -according to the terms of the armistice the Turks are bound not to -retain those fortresses, and accordingly are bound to remove--and -are quietly beginning to remove--their guns and armaments from the -fortifications by lines and to specified places.... The consequence -is that, although the Russians do not occupy those lines -themselves, they occupy an outpost close to them, while the lines -themselves are being thoroughly disarmed. They have the power, -therefore, at any moment, subject to the necessity of giving three -days' notice of the termination of the armistice, of advancing -on Constantinople without hindrance.... I may perhaps venture to -call the attention of the House to one of the papers which we laid -upon the table yesterday. That contains a copy of a Memorandum -which was communicated to the Russian Ambassador by Her Majesty's -Government on the 28th of July last, in which they say they "look -with much anxiety at the state of things in Constantinople, and -the prospect of the disorder and bloodshed, and even anarchy, -which may occur as the Russian forces draw near to the capital. -The crisis which may at any time arrive in Constantinople may be -such as Her Majesty's Government could not overlook, while they -had the means of mitigating its horrors. Her Majesty's Government -are fully determined (unless it should be necessary for the -preservation of interests which they have already stated they are -bound to maintain) not to depart from the line of neutrality which -they have declared their intention to observe; but they do not -consider that they would be departing from this neutrality, and -they think that Russia will not consider they are doing so, if they -should find themselves compelled to direct their fleet to proceed -to Constantinople, and thus afford protection to the European -population against internal disturbance." The Government, I may -add, feel that the state of affairs disclosed by the armistice has -given rise to the danger which they thus apprehended, and they -have, in the circumstances, thought it right to order a portion of -the fleet to proceed at once to Constantinople for the purpose of -protecting the lives and property of British subjects. - - -Cols. 1622-1623 (Questions, February 13, 1878). - -THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER: I stated, I think, or at all -events referred on Monday to the fact, that communications had -been made to the Porte to ascertain whether permission would be -given, or a _firman_ be granted, for the British fleet to enter -the Dardanelles. That permission was refused, but Her Majesty's -Government thought it right to direct the ships to proceed, and -they have proceeded accordingly. No material opposition was -offered, and they are by this time, I presume, anchored in the -neighbourhood of Constantinople. I may perhaps mention that a -communication has been made by the Russian Government to the -effect that, in view of the intended sending of the fleet by Her -Majesty's Government to the neighbourhood of Constantinople, it -would be a matter for the consideration of the Russian Government -whether they should not themselves occupy the city. In answer to -that Her Majesty's Government have sent a communication which will -be laid on the table of the House to-night, in which they protest -against that view, and state that they cannot acknowledge that in -the case of the two countries the circumstances are parallel, or -that the despatch of the British fleet for the purpose indicated -justifies the Russian Government in the step which they announce it -to be their intention to take. - - -II. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, March 29, 1878. - -The uncertainty which has prevailed during the last few days -respecting the course which our Government would pursue, in view -of the difference respecting the Congress which had arisen between -ourselves and Russia, has received a startling and momentous -solution. When the House of Lords met yesterday, Lord Derby no -longer occupied his seat on the Ministerial Bench, and he at once -announced that he had resigned the office of Secretary of State for -Foreign Affairs.... The explanations given yesterday remove all -doubt respecting the relative positions assumed by our Government -and Russia in regard to the Congress. Sir Stafford Northcote -stated in the House of Commons the import of the communications -which have passed between ourselves and Russia.... Russia's reply -amounted to a clear intimation that she claims to withhold from the -cognizance of the Powers any articles of the preliminary Treaty -she may choose. Such a reserve as she asserts is tantamount to a -definite claim to alter an existing Treaty by force of arms without -consulting the other Powers who signed it, and towards whom she is -under honourable obligations. There being this imminent danger that -the Congress may not meet--it being, as Lord Beaconsfield said, -"the belief" of the Government "that the Congress would not meet," -it became necessary for the Government to consider what further -course they would take.... We do not know what course Lord Derby -would have advised, and it is possible he would not immediately -have taken any fresh steps. But the rest of the Government decided -that in the interests of peace, and for the due protection of the -rights of the Empire, it was their duty "to advise Her Majesty to -avail herself of those powers which she has for calling for the -services of her Reserved Forces." As subsequently explained by Mr. -Hardy in the House of Commons, this step is one which is rendered -necessary by the new organization of the Army.... Its result will -be to raise our regular forces to their utmost efficiency. In -other words, it will place the land forces which actually exist in -readiness for prompt action; and it is thus a plain declaration--a -declaration rendered emphatic by Lord Derby's resignation--that -we are prepared to act promptly if the course on which Russia -has entered directly injures our honour or our interests. Such a -declaration of our being determined to adhere to the claims we have -put forward is perhaps the most momentous step which has yet been -taken by this country. - - - - -PEACE WITH HONOUR (1878). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, July 17. - - -The Premier alighted at his official residence in Downing Street, -and was met on the threshold by General Ponsonby, bearing a bouquet -of rare flowers, sent to him by the gracious forethought of Her -Majesty the Queen.... The ground was well kept by the police, till -the Prime Minister appeared at a window and began to speak. Then -a rush swept the police away. Three cheers for Lord Beaconsfield -were given. For the second time in the day the Prime Minister was -visibly affected. He had to wait long for silence, but when an -approach to quiet had been obtained Lord Beaconsfield said: "I -can assure you that no recognition of neighbours could be more -gratifying to my feelings than these expressions of the sentiments -of those among whom I see many of my oldest and most cherished -friends. Lord Salisbury and myself have brought you back peace, but -a peace, I hope, with honour, which may satisfy our Sovereign, and -tend to the welfare of the country." - - - - -THE SECRET AGREEMENTS IN BEACONSFIELD'S POCKETS (1878). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 242, col. 344 (House of -Lords: Debate on the Protocols of Berlin, August, 1878). - - -The Earl of Rosebery rose to call attention to a memorandum -purporting to have been signed by the Marquis of Salisbury and -Count Schouvaloff on May 30, 1878, and to ask if it was the -intention of the Government to lay it on the table of the House.... -The course the Government had pursued with respect to their policy -was, he would venture to say, one of obscurity enlivened with -sarcasm. In the whole history of the negotiations there were five -cardinal points--points which became salient to everyone who had -studied the history of these transactions. First, there was the San -Stefano treaty; the second was the circular of the 1st of April; -the third, the alleged secret agreement of May 30th; the fourth, -the secret convention of June 4th with Turkey; and the fifth was -the treaty signed at Berlin on the 30th of July. As to the secret -agreement between Russia and England, it would be well to recall -how they came to have any cognizance of it at all. The substance -of it appeared in the _Globe_ within, he thought, three or four -days after it was signed, and it was on the 14th of June, he -thought, that the entire text was given in the columns of the same -journal.... They had all heard that the agreement was not to be -laid on the table, because there were documents in connection with -it which it would be necessary to present at the same time; but -other Powers would not allow us to produce them. What he gathered -from all this was that, if it had not been for the ill-advised -conduct of a very subordinate clerk in the Foreign Office, who was -entrusted with the copying of the agreement at the rate of 10d. an -hour, the English public would not at this moment have the faintest -conception of such an agreement, and the keystone of the whole -purpose of the Government would be wrapped in obscurity. This was -alarming in itself, because, if these subterranean methods were -employed as a rule, they would give the public some little dismay -in regard to the course of further negotiations.... Having signed -this agreement, and having signed another secret agreement within -two or three days with Turkey, Her Majesty's Plenipotentiaries -proceeded, fortified with them, to the Congress. Now came the most -extraordinary point in all the history of these negotiations, so -far as they knew it. Eight days after the signature, or alleged -signature, of this agreement, in which, if the House would -remember, we consented to the abandonment of Batoum and other -Russian conquests in Armenia, the Foreign Secretary addressed a -despatch to our Resident Plenipotentiary in Berlin, in which he -urged him to use his exertions to the utmost on behalf of Batoum. -The words were so remarkable that he might be pardoned for quoting -them to their lordships. On the 8th of June the noble Marquis wrote -to Lord Odo Russell: "There is no ground for believing that Russia -will willingly give way in respect to Batoum, Kars, or Ardahan; and -it is possible that the arguments of England urged in Congress will -receive little assistance from other Powers, and will not be able -to shake her resolution in this respect." Well, that was not likely -under the circumstances. The noble Marquis continued in this letter -of June 8th: "You will not on that account abstain from earnestly -pressing upon them and upon Russia the justice of abstaining from -annexations which are unconnected with the professed object of the -war, and profoundly distasteful to the populations concerned, and -the expediency, in regard to the future tranquillizing of Asia, of -forbearing to shake so perilously the position of the Government -of Turkey...." Now, the great point with regard to this was, was -Lord Odo Russell, when he received that communication, cognizant -of the agreement which had been signed on the 30th of May? Because -what they wanted to know was this, was Lord Odo Russell one of a -company, or was he a simple actor put up to recite the arguments -of Batoum, with a prompter by to keep him to his part?... Then, -on the same day, Mr. Secretary Cross addressed a despatch to -the Plenipotentiaries of Her Majesty, urging them to make great -exertion on behalf of Greece. He should say that the position of -a Plenipotentiary who entered the Congress to struggle on behalf -of Batoum, Kars, Ardahan, and Greece must have been a somewhat -melancholy one in the retrospect; because, when the questions -came up, the Turkish positions were abandoned, and Greece was -ignored.... He did not pretend that secret understandings were -unknown to us, but he believed this was the first time we had -called a European Congress with the view of discussing great -treaties, and standing forth on behalf of public law, we ourselves -having, at the same time, bound ourselves in private to consent to -those stipulations which we had denounced, and which we continued -to denounce. - - - - -GLADSTONE INDIGNANT AGAIN (1878). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 2. - - -MR. GLADSTONE (at Greenwich): I want to ask you, and I think -after these two years it is about time, who are the true friends -of Russia? Is it we, gentlemen, who met two years and a half -ago on Blackheath, and said it was most mischievous to leave to -any single country the settlement of the Eastern question?... -Who brought Russia back to the Danube? Those very men who are -continually denouncing us as the friends of Russia. We had in -1856 by the fortune of war driven Russia back from the Danube; -the present Government have brought Russia back to the Danube. -They made a secret memorandum with Count Schouvaloff by which they -engaged--unless they could convert him by their arguments--to vote -in the Congress for bringing Russia back to the Danube.... Who -gave Russia the fortress of Kars? The present Government. These -people say they want to keep down the power of Russia. Want to keep -down the power of Russia! Why, they have left it in her power to -make herself the liberator of Bulgaria, and secure for herself the -influence which always follows upon gratitude. - - - - -RUSSIAN INTRIGUE AT CABUL (1878). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Afghanistan," C 2,190 of -1878, p. 228. - - -_Telegram dated August 2, 1878. From Viceroy, Simla, to Secretary -of State, London._ - -Further confirmation received of presence of Russian mission at -Cabul headed by General Abramoff, Governor of Samarkand, who is -mentioned by name. We desire to point out that present situation -requires immediate correction. It will soon be known throughout -India that Russian officers and troops have been received with -honour, and are staying at Cabul within short distance of our -frontier and our largest military garrison, while our officers -have been denied admission there. We have further reports of -Russian officers having visited and been well received at Maimena. -To remain inactive now will, we respectfully submit, be to allow -Afghanistan to fall as certainly and as completely under Russian -power and influence as the Khanates. We believe we could correct -situation if allowed to treat it as question between us and the -Ameer, and probably could do so without recourse to force. But we -must speak plainly and decidedly, and be sure of your support. We -propose, therefore, in the first place, to insist on reception of -suitable British mission at Cabul. To this we do not anticipate -serious resistance; indeed, we think it probable that Ameer, -adhering to his policy of playing Russia and ourselves off against -each other, will really welcome such mission, while outwardly only -yielding to pressure.... - - -_From Secretary of State, August 3, 1878 (Extract)._ - -Assuming the certainty of Russian officers at Cabul, your proposals -to insist on reception of British envoy approved. In case of -refusal you will telegraph again as to the steps you desire to take -for compelling the Ameer to receive your mission. - - -_Telegram from Viceroy, September 21, 1878._ - -Chamberlain[A] reports from Peshawur that it is quite evident -Ameer is bent on utmost procrastination, and determined on making -acceptance of our mission dependent on his pleasure and choice of -time.... To await at Peshawur Ameer's pleasure would be to abandon -whole policy and accept easy repulse at outset.... Consequently -mission moved this morning to Jamrud; thence Cavagnari advances to -Ali Musjid with small escort to demand passage.... - -[A] General Sir Neville Chamberlain. - - -_Telegram from Viceroy, September 22, 1878._ - -Following telegram received last night from Sir Neville -Chamberlain. Message begins: Cavagnari reports that we have -received a decisive answer from Faiz Mahomed, after personal -interview, that he will not allow mission to proceed. He crowned -the heights commanding the way with his levies, and though many -times warned by Cavagnari that his reply would be regarded as reply -of the Ameer, said he would not let mission pass.... - - -_Telegram from Secretary of State, October 30, 1878._ - -Text of letter, as approved, to be sent to the Ameer.... In -consequence of this hostile action on your part, I have assembled -Her Majesty's forces on your frontier, but I desire to give you a -last opportunity of averting the calamities of war. For this it -is necessary that a full and suitable apology be offered by you -in writing, and tendered on British territory by an officer of -sufficient rank. Furthermore, as it has been found impossible to -maintain satisfactory relations between the two States unless the -British Government is adequately represented in Afghanistan, it -will be necessary that you should consent to receive a permanent -British Mission within your territory.... Unless these conditions -are accepted, fully and plainly, by you, and your acceptance -received by me not later than the 20th November, I shall be -compelled to consider your intentions as hostile, and to treat you -as a declared enemy of the British Government. - - - - -SHERE ALI (1878). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Afghanistan," C 2,190 of -1878, p. 225. - - -_Extract from a Memorandum by Lord Napier of Magdala._ - -We have unfortunately managed Shere Ali badly. Perhaps it might -not have been possible, with our scruples and his want of them, to -have managed him advantageously; but it must be admitted that we -have not given him the reasons to unite himself with us that he -naturally expected. First, we stood aloof in his struggles for life -and empire, ready to acknowledge whoever might prove the master -of Afghanistan. Then, when Shere Ali had subdued his enemies, he -came forward to meet us with an alliance, but we were willing to -form only an imperfect alliance with him. He was willing to trust -us, provided that we would trust him; but we felt that we could -not bind ourselves to unreserved support of a power whose ideas of -right and wrong were so different from ours. We therefore proposed -to bind him, leaving ourselves (according to his idea) free, and he -recoiled from this bargain. His friendly feelings, however, were -not entirely alienated by that experience of us; he abstained from -any action towards Seistan at our desire, and he believed that -the mediation which we pressed upon him would have ended by the -restoration of the portion of Seistan that Persia had occupied in -his days of trouble. And not only Shere Ali, but the whole Afghan -people, believed that we should restore to them what they had -lost. When they found that we had allowed Persia to obstruct and -ill-treat our arbitrator, and to retain much of her encroachments, -they looked upon us as a weak and treacherous people, who, under -the guise of friendship, had spoiled them in favour of Persia. -This I believe to be the root of Shere Ali's discontent with us. - - - - -DEATH OF SHERE ALI (1879). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Afghanistan," C 2,401 of -1879, p. 12. - - -_Translation of a Letter, dated February 26, 1879, from Sirdar -Mahomed Yakub Khan to Major Cavagnari._ - -... I now write a second time in accordance with former friendship -to inform you that to-day a letter was received by post from -Turkestan announcing that my worthy and exalted father had, upon -29th Safar (21st February, 1879), obeyed the call of the summoner, -and, throwing off the dress of existence, hastened to the region of -the divine mercy. - - - - -THE GANDAMAK TREATY (1879). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Afghanistan," C 2,362 of -1879. - - -ARTICLE III.--His Highness the Ameer of Afghanistan and its -dependencies agrees to conduct his relations with foreign States in -accordance with the advice and wishes of the British Government.... -The British Government will support the Ameer against any foreign -aggression with money, arms, or troops, to be employed in -whatsoever manner the British Government may judge best for the -purpose. - -ARTICLE IV.--With a view to the maintenance of the direct and -intimate relations now established ... it is agreed that a British -Resident representative shall reside at Cabul, with a suitable -escort, in a place of residence appropriate to his rank and -dignity. It is also agreed that the British Government shall have -the right to depute British Agents with suitable escorts to the -Afghan frontiers, whensoever this may be considered necessary by -the British Government in the interests of both States, on the -occurrence of any important external fact.... - -ARTICLE IX.--The British Government restores to His Highness the -Ameer of Afghanistan and its dependencies the towns of Candahar and -Jellalabad, with all the territory now in possession of the British -armies, excepting the districts of Kurram, Pishin, and Sibi. His -Highness ... agrees on his part that the districts of Kurram, -Pishin, and Sibi, according to the limits defined in the schedule -annexed, shall remain under the protection and administrative -control of the British Government: that is to say, the aforesaid -districts shall be treated as assigned districts, and shall not be -considered as permanently severed from the limits of the Afghan -kingdom.... The British Government will retain in its own hands the -control of the Khyber and Michni Passes, and of all relations with -the independent tribes of the territory directly connected with -these passes. - -Done at Gandamak this 26th day of May, 1879. - - - - -THE CABUL MASSACRE (1879). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications, "Afghanistan,"_ C 2,457 of -1880, p. 95. - - -_Statement of Taimur (Timoss), Sowar B troop, Corps of Guides, on -September 15, 1879._ - -I was in the Bala Hissar, Cabul, on the 3rd instant: Major Sir -Louis Cavagnari and the other British officers were in the -bungalow. At about 8 a.m. the Turkestani ("Ardal") regiment, which -was in the Bala Hissar, was paraded to receive its pay. Daud Shah, -the Commander-in-Chief, gave them one month's pay. They claimed -two, and broke. They were paraded quite close to the Residency, -and another regiment was also quartered with them. One of soldiery -shouted out, "Let us destroy the Envoy first of all, and after -that the Ameer!" They rushed into the courtyard in front of the -Residency, and stoned some of the syces who were sitting there. We -then opened fire on them, without orders from any European. All -the British officers were inside. The Ameer's men then went for -their weapons, and returned with them in a quarter of an hour. -They then commenced to besiege the Residency, and from commanding -positions made the roof of the Residency untenable. We made shelter -trenches on it, and fired from the windows. The city people came -to help the soldiers about 10 a.m. Major Sir Louis Cavagnari was -wounded in the forehead about 1 p.m.; he was in a shelter trench. A -man from the roof of a house shot at him, and the bullet striking -a brick, it, together with a piece of brick, struck Sir Louis. -But he was not killed. Mr. Jenkyns came up and sent for a Munshi -to write to the Ameer, but the scribe was unable to write through -fear. I then wrote briefly to the Ameer that we were besieged, and -he was to help us; and sent it by Gholam Nabbi, a Kabuli, an old -Guide Sowar who was in the Residency. No answer came. Gholam Nabbi -afterwards told me that the Ameer wrote on the letter, "If God -will, I am just making arrangements." Major Cavagnari was helped -into the Residency, and tended to by Dr. Kelly. Mr. Jenkyns then -ordered me to send a second letter to the Ameer, stating that Major -Cavagnari was wounded, and to hasten on assistance. The letter was -sent by a Hindu whose name I don't know. He was cut to pieces in -front of the Residency. I was at about 3 p.m. sent with a letter -by Mr. Hamilton promising six months' pay. By that time they had -managed to get on to the roof of the Residency. I went armed into -the midst of the crowd, and was immediately stripped of my arms, -but my life was saved by an officer. They threw me from the roof -of the Residency on to the roof of the neighbouring house. I lost -my senses.... I know nothing of what happened after this, but I -visited the place next morning. I recollect they had begun to set -fire to the Residency just as I was leaving.... Daybreak I went -to the Residency, and saw first the corpse of Lieutenant Hamilton -lying over a mountain gun which had been brought up. The troops -who were there told me Mr. Hamilton had shot about three men with -his pistol, and had cut down two more before he was shot. He was -stripped and cut into pieces, but not dishonoured. About 25 feet -off was the body of Mr. Jenkyns in a similar state. I did not go -into the Residency, but was told Dr. Kelly was lying killed in the -Residency. Sir Louis Cavagnari was in the Residency when it fell in -flames. He was in the room where the wounded were, and his body had -not been discovered when I left the city. - - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Afghanistan," C 2,457 of -1880, p. 83. - -_Extract from Deposition of Ressaldar-Major Nakshband Khan._ - -At about 9 a.m., while the fighting was going on, I myself saw the -four European officers charge out at the head of some twenty-five -of the garrison; they drove away a party that were holding some -broken ground. About a quarter of an hour after this another sally -was made by a party with three officers at their head--Cavagnari -was not with them this time--with the same result. A third sally -was made with two British officers (Jenkyns and Hamilton) leading; -a fourth sally was made with a Sikh Jemadar bravely leading. No -more sallies were made after this. They all appeared to go to the -upper part of the house, and fired from above. At about half-past -eleven o'clock part of the building, in which the Embassy was, -was noticed to be on fire. I do not know who fired it. I think -it probable that the defenders, finding themselves so few, fired -part, so as to have a less space to defend. The firing went on -continuously all day; perhaps it was hottest from 10 a.m. to 3 -p.m., after which it slackened, and the last shots were fired at -about 8.30 p.m. or 9 p.m., after which all was quiet, and everyone -dispersed. The next morning I heard shots being fired. I asked an -old woman, to whose house I had been sent for safety by Sirdar Wali -Muhammad Khan, what this was: she sent out her son to find out. -He said: "They are shooting the people found still alive in the -Residency." - - - - -THE MIDLOTHIAN CAMPAIGN (1879). - -=Source.=--_The Saturday Review_, November 29. - - -The personal enthusiasm with which Mr. Gladstone is regarded by the -mass of his followers has been largely stimulated by his appearance -in Scotland and by his fervid harangues. The only local topic on -which he has cared to dwell is the alleged creation of fagot votes -by his opponents. There can be no doubt that the purchase of little -freeholds for the sole purpose of obtaining votes is an abuse and a -grievance, though it is said that Mr. Gladstone once held a fagot -vote. For two or three years of his life Mr. Cobden concentrated -all his efforts on a gigantic scheme of fagot votes, by which the -manufacturing towns were to obtain control of the counties; but the -total failure of the project caused it to be tacitly abandoned. -If Mr. Gladstone is after all defeated in Midlothian, the moral -effect of a Conservative victory will be greatly impaired by the -process of tampering with the representation. To Mr. Gladstone's -excited mind an attempt to pack a constituency probably assumes -extravagant dimensions. Before he arrived at Edinburgh he began -his public protest against fagot votes in Midlothian, as well as -against the crimes of a Government which he has persuaded himself -to regard as the worst and most dangerous that has held power in -England. He has denounced his opponents so loudly and so often that -even his overflowing eloquence could include nothing new, but the -crowded assemblies which he addressed, though they had read his -orations, and perhaps his pamphlets, had not heard him speak. It is -not surprising that eager and unanimous multitudes should welcome -with admiration and delight the detailed exposition, by the most -eloquent of politicians, of the opinions which they had already -been taught to hold. Few cold-blooded or dispassionate sceptics -would ask themselves whether it was credible that a Ministry -and a great and steady majority of the House of Commons should -never, even by accident, have deviated into prudence, justice, or -patriotic foresight. In private discussion and in Parliamentary -debate it is found expedient, according to the old legal phrase, to -give colour, or, in other words, to admit that the theory, which is -impugned, though unsound, is at least credible or intelligible. Mr. -Gladstone follows the bent of his own genius when he encourages the -popular tendency to deal with difficult controversies as if they -were wholly one-sided. - -His Liberal colleagues, perhaps, regard his present enterprise -with mixed feelings. Their confidence in their former leader is -qualified by doubts of his judgment, and by uncertainty as to the -present range of his ambition. They cannot but perceive that he -assumes the character of representative of the party, although he -probably intends no disloyalty to its official or nominal chiefs. -It is true that if, in appealing to the multitude, he pushes his -successors aside, they have little right to complain. Almost -all of them have of late addressed vehement language to public -meetings, though none of them can compete with Mr. Gladstone in -the power of stirring political passion. Official subordination -is set aside when policy is regulated, not by Parliament, but by -the voice of the general population. Senators and Consulars must -stand aside in the presence of a Dictator. Although it has long -been customary for statesmen to make occasional speeches to public -meetings, the extent to which the practice has lately been carried -is altogether unprecedented. The result is that the Constitution -is gradually weakened by the substitution of numerical majorities -for the representatives of the people in Parliament. The approach -of a General Election furnishes no sufficient justification for -an innovation which accelerates the prevalence of democracy, and -aggravates its evil tendencies. Mr. Gladstone himself perhaps -understands and approves the organic change which promotes the -supremacy of popular eloquence in the State. It is his habit to -depreciate the honesty and judgment of the educated classes. - - - - -BEACONSFIELD KEEPS COOL. - -=Source.=--Holland's _Life of the Duke of Devonshire_, i. 258. -(Longmans and Co.) - - -_Lord Beaconsfield to Mr. Gathorne Hardy._ - -It certainly is a relief that the drenching rhetoric has at length -ceased--but I have never read a word of it. "Satis eloquentiæ -sapientiæ parum." - - - - -THE MAIWAND DISASTER (1880). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Afghanistan," C 2,736 of -1880, p. 3. - - -_Telegram from Viceroy, June 27, 1880, to Secretary of State._ - -Telegram from Thomson at Teheran says: Ayub Khan marching against -Candahar with large force. I think we should leave Shere Ali to -defend himself beyond the Helmund, but it seems to me, after -communicating with Stewart, that it would be inconsistent with -security of our military position at Candahar to allow hostile -forces to cross that river. I propose, therefore, to instruct -Primrose, if Ayub reaches Furrah, to advance towards Girishk with -sufficient force to prevent passage of Helmund.... - - -_Telegram dated August 2, 1880, from Colonel St. John, Candahar, to -Foreign, Simla (p. 33)._ - -_29th._--Arrived here yesterday afternoon with General Burrows -and Nuttall and remnant of force. Telegraph has been interrupted -ever since my arrival. No chance of restoration, so send this -by messenger to Chaman. Burrows marched from Kushk-i-Nakhud on -morning 27th, having heard from me that Ayub's advanced guard had -occupied Maiwand, about three miles from the latter place. Enemy's -cavalry appeared advancing from direction of Haidrabad, their -camp on Helmund ten miles above Girishk. Artillery and cavalry -engaged them at 9 a.m., so shortly afterwards whole force of enemy -appeared, and formed line of battle--seven regiments, regulars in -centre, three others in reserve; about 2,000 cavalry on right; -400 mounted men and 2,000 Ghazis and irregular infantry on left; -other cavalry and irregulars in reserve; five or six batteries of -guns, including one of breechloaders, distributed at intervals. -Estimated total force, 12,000. Ground slightly undulating, enemy -being well posted. Till 1 p.m. action confined to artillery fire, -which so well sustained and directed by enemy that our superior -quality armament failed to compensate for inferior number of guns. -After development of rifle fire, our breechloaders told; but -vigorous advance of cavalry against our left, and Ghazis along the -front, caused native infantry to fall back in confusion on 66th, -abandoning two guns. Formation being lost, infantry retreated -slowly; and in spite of gallant efforts of General Burrows to rally -them, were cut off from cavalry and artillery. This was at 3 p.m., -and followers and baggage were streaming away towards Candahar. -After severe fighting in enclosed ground, General Burrows succeeded -in extricating infantry and brought them into line of retreat. -Unfortunately no effort would turn fugitives from main road, -waterless at this season. Thus majority casualties appear to have -occurred from thirst and exhaustion. Enemy's pursuit continued to -ten miles from Candahar, but was not vigorous. Cavalry, artillery, -and a few infantry reached banks of Argandab, forty miles from -scene of action, at 7 a.m., many not having tasted water since -previous morning. Nearly all ammunition lost, with 400 Martini, -700 Sniders, and 2 nine-pounder guns. Estimated loss, killed, -and missing: 66th, 400; Grenadiers, 350; Jacob's Rifles, 350; -artillery, 40; sappers, 21; cavalry, 60.... Preparations being now -made for siege.... - - -_Extract from General Burrows's Report on the Action (p. 101)._ - -... Between two and three o'clock the fire of the enemy's guns -slackened, and swarms of Ghazis advanced rapidly towards our -centre. Up to this time the casualties among the infantry had not -been heavy, and as the men were firing steadily, and the guns -were sweeping the ground with case shot, I felt confident as to -the result. But our fire failed to check the Ghazis; they came on -in overwhelming numbers, and, making good their rush, they seized -the two most advanced horse artillery guns. With the exception of -two companies of Jacob's Rifles, which had caused me great anxiety -by their unsteadiness early in the day, the conduct of the troops -had been splendid up to this point; but now, at the critical -moment, when a firm resistance might have achieved a victory, the -infantry gave way, and, commencing from the left, rolled up, like -a wave, to the right. After vainly endeavouring to rally them, I -went for the cavalry.... The 3rd Light Cavalry and the 3rd Sind -Horse were retiring slowly on our left, and I called upon them to -charge across our front and so give the infantry an opportunity -of reforming; but the terrible artillery fire to which they had -been exposed, and from which they had suffered so severely, had so -shaken them that General Nuttall was unable to give effect to my -order. All was now over.... - - -_Extract from Report by Lieutenant-General Primrose, Commanding 1st -Division Southern Afghanistan Field Force (p. 156)._ - -I would most respectfully wish to bring to the Commander-in-Chief's -notice the gallant and determined stand made by the officers -and men of the 66th Regiment at Maiwand.... 10 officers and 275 -non-commissioned officers and men were killed, and 2 officers and -30 non-commissioned officers and men wounded. These officers and -men nearly all fell fighting desperately for the honour of their -Queen and country. I have it on the authority of a Colonel of -Artillery of Ayub Khan's army that a party of the 66th Regiment, -which he estimated at one hundred officers and men, made a most -determined stand in a garden. They were surrounded by the whole -Afghan Army, and fought on until only eleven men were left, -inflicting enormous loss upon the enemy. These eleven charged out -of the garden, and died with their faces to the foe, fighting to -the death. Such was the nature of their charge and the grandeur -of their bearing that, although the whole of the Ghazis were -assembled around them, not one dared approach to cut them down. -Thus standing in the open, back to back, firing steadily and truly, -every shot telling, surrounded by thousands, these eleven officers -and men died; and it was not until the last man had been shot down -that the Ghazis dared advance upon them. - - - - -THE BRADLAUGH CASE (1880). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, June 25. - - -We may regard the episode of Tuesday's resolution, and its natural -sequence in the imprisonment of Mr. Bradlaugh for defying the -authority of the House, as now at an end.... We regret unfeignedly, -as we have all along done, that Mr. Bradlaugh was not permitted to -make affirmation, instead of taking an oath, when he first asked -to be allowed to do so.... But opportunity of creating a precedent -consonant with reason and common sense has been let slip, and in -default of a reasonable precedent the only manly course now seems -to be to supply its place by fresh legislation. If the personal -question of Mr. Bradlaugh and his very unsavoury opinions can once -be got out of the way, there are probably very few members of the -House of Commons, and very few sensible Englishmen, however strong -their religious opinions, who would not acknowledge the anomaly, -the inexpediency, and the injustice of making the Parliamentary -oath of allegiance more stringent and more exclusive than the -existing statutory provisions for securing truth of testimony and -uprightness of conduct. - - - - -SOCIAL AMELIORATIONS (1880). - -EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, July 3. - - -The fact is that considerations of risk are not uniformly present -to servants when they are hired, and that the miner or railway -guard generally contracts on the assumption in his own mind -that he will be lucky, and will not be injured. The impulse to -such Bills as Mr. Brassey's, Earl De La Warr's, and the measure -introduced by the Government, is the inability of many people to -see any good reason why, if a master is liable for the acts of -his servant towards a stranger, he should be irresponsible when -someone, fully clothed with his authority, and acting with all his -power to enforce obedience, injures a so-called fellow-servant, -who, perhaps, did not know of the existence of this vice-principal, -and who never, in fact, consented to endure without complaint -what might befall him by reason of the negligence of the latter. -Perhaps in theory it is entirely wrong to make a master in any case -liable for the acts of his servants. It is hard to give any good -reason for this portion of our common law. Perhaps this species -of responsibility, when historically examined, will be proved to -be a shoot from the Roman law of master and slave, which has been -unintelligently grafted on a law governing the relations of men -who are free. It matters not, however, how employers came to incur -their present liability to strangers for the acts of their workmen. -The question is whether it is right or worth while retaining an -exception to the general law of master and servant. The question -has become one, not of principle, but of details.... The Government -Bill starts from the principle that workmen may claim redress when -they are injured in consequence of defective works or machinery, -or of the negligence of any person in the service of the employer, -who has superintendence entrusted to him.... It will be highly -expedient to endeavour to express more clearly a law which must -annually be set in motion in hundreds of cases. - - -FUNDED MUNICIPAL DEBT. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, September 2. - -A subject of great interest was discussed at yesterday's meeting of -the Liverpool City Council. In seconding a recommendation of the -Finance Committee that the settlement of the prospectus and terms -of issue of the first £2,000,000 of stock to be created under the -Liverpool Loans Act be referred to that Committee, Alderman A. B. -Forwood explained that the Bill had now passed both Houses.... It -had been a very difficult and intricate matter to get the Bill -through, because the Liverpool Corporation were the first in the -kingdom to obtain powers to fund their debt in the way proposed. He -believed that, when the new water scheme was passed, the new mode -of raising money would materially reduce the cost of money to the -town, and would effect the saving of £25,000 to £30,000 a year. The -stock would be put in exactly the same position as Consols. - - -ELECTRIC LIGHT, THE TELEPHONE, NEW HOTELS. - -=Source.=--_The Times._ - -_January 5._--The last American mail has brought us interesting -details relating to the progress made in manipulating the electric -light. Pending the researches in which Professor Edison has for a -long time been engaged, it appears that his laboratory at Menlo -Park was practically closed to all strangers, until the young -scientist should have arrived at a point to enable him to declare -that complete success had attended his final efforts. That point -has apparently been reached.... The steadiness, reliability, and -non-fusibility of the carbon filament, Mr. Edison tells us, are not -the only elements incident to the new discovery. There is likewise -obtained an element of proper and uniform resistance to the passage -of the electric current. - -_April 10._--Several chambers in the Temple will shortly possess -the advantage of having communication by telephone with the Law -Courts at Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. The telephonic -apparatus is at present being laid down between the Temple -Gardens and Westminster Hall, the Metropolitan District Railway -being utilized for the purpose. The apparatus, after having been -connected with several of the chambers and offices in the Temple, -enters the underground railway line, which it is carried along, -immediately under the crown of the railway arch. - -_May 31._--That the Lord Mayor should in his official capacity -have lent his presence to the opening of the Grand Hotel at -Charing Cross, as he did on Saturday evening, implies that the new -undertaking possesses a more than private character. So, in fact, -it does. If it cannot be said altogether to open a new era in the -history of hotels in this country, it makes at least a distinct -advance in the character of English hotel accommodation.... The -distinctively English hotel is a dismal and cheerless place, -where one feels cut off from all human sympathy. Of late years -there has been a tendency in London to adopt Continental ways, -but the improvement has seldom been carried much further than the -establishment of a _table d'hôte_. The Grand Hotel is an ambitious -attempt to rival the best European and American models. - - - - -PARNELL AND THE LAND LEAGUE (1880). - -=Source.=--_Freeman's Journal_, September 9 (Report of a speech by -Parnell at Ennis). - - -Depend upon it that the measure of the Land Bill of next session -will be the measure of your activity and energy this winter; it -will be the measure of your determination not to pay unjust rents; -it will be the measure of your determination to keep a firm grip of -your homesteads; it will be the measure of your determination not -to bid for farms from which others have been evicted, and to use -the strong force of public opinion to deter any unjust men among -yourselves--and there are many such--from bidding for such farms. -If you refuse to pay unjust rents, if you refuse to take farms from -which others have been evicted, the Land Question must be settled, -and settled in a way that will be satisfactory to you. It depends, -therefore, upon yourselves, and not upon any Commission or any -Government. When you have made this question ripe for settlement, -then, and not till then, will it be settled.... Now what are you -to do to a tenant who bids for a farm from which another tenant -has been evicted? [Several voices, "Shoot him!"] I think I heard -somebody say, "Shoot him!" I wish to point out to you a very much -better way--a more Christian and charitable way--which will give -the lost man an opportunity of repenting. When a man takes a farm -from which another has been unjustly evicted, you must show him on -the roadside when you meet him, you must show him in the streets -of the town, you must show him in the shop, you must show him in -the fair-green and in the market-place, and even in the place -of worship, by leaving him alone, by putting him into a moral -Coventry, by isolating him from the rest of his country as if he -were the leper of old--you must show him your detestation of the -crime he has committed. - - - - -CAPTAIN BOYCOTT (1880). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, November 10. - - -Captain Boycott's case, from the time when attention was first -drawn to it, has inspired general and increasing interest, which -in the north of Ireland has taken the practical form of the relief -expedition despatched yesterday to the shores of Lough Mask. It -is well understood on both sides that the persecution of Captain -Boycott is only a typical instance of the system by which the -peasantry are attempting to carry into effect the instructions of -the Land League. Into the merits of Captain Boycott's relations -with the tenants on Lord Erne's estates it is quite unnecessary to -enter. He has been beleaguered in his house near Ballinrobe; he -is excluded from intercourse, not merely with the people around -him, but with the neighbouring towns; his crops are perishing, -because such is the organized intimidation in the district that -no labourers would dare to be seen working in his fields. It is -certain that any ordinary workman whom Captain Boycott might hire -would be subjected to brutal violence, as indeed has already -happened to servants and others who ventured even to fetch his -letters for him from the nearest post-office. - - - - -THE BOER RISING (1880). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Transvaal," C 2,838 of 1881, p. -10. - - -_To the Administrator of the Transvaal._ - -EXCELLENCY, - -In the name of the people of the South African Republic we come -to you to fulfil an earnest but unavoidable duty. We have the -honour to send you a copy of the Proclamation promulgated by the -Government and Volksraad, and universally published. The wish -of the people is clearly to be seen therefrom, and requires no -explanation from us. We declare in the most solemn manner that we -have no desire to spill blood, and that from our side we do not -wish war. It lies in your hands to force us to appeal to arms in -self-defence. Should it come so far, which may God prevent, we -will do so with the utmost reverence for Her Majesty the Queen -of England and her flag. Should it come so far, we will defend -ourselves with a knowledge that we are fighting for the honour of -Her Majesty, for we fight for the sanctity of treaties sworn by -Her, but broken by Her officers. However, the time for complaint -is past, and we wish now alone from your Excellency co-operation -for an amicable solution of the question on which we differ.... -In 1877 our then Government gave up the keys of the Government -offices without bloodshed. We trust that your Excellency, as -representative of the noble British nation, will not less nobly and -in the same way place our Government in the position to assume the -administration. - - We have, etc., - - S. J. P. KRUGER (_Vice-President_). - M. W. PRETORIOUS. - P. J. JOUBERT. - (_Triumvirate_.) - J. P. MARE. - C. J. JOUBERT. - E. J. P. JORISSEN. - W. EDWARD BOK (_Acting State Secretary_). - - HEIDELBERG, - _December 16, 1880_. - - -PROCLAMATION. - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Transvaal," C 2,838 of 1881, p. -11. - -In the name of the people of the South African Republic. With -prayerful look to God we, S. J. P. Kruger, Vice-President, M. W. -Pretorious, and P. J. Joubert, appointed by the Volksraad in its -session of the 13th December, 1880, as the Triumvirate to carry on -temporarily the supreme administration of the Republic, make known: - - * * * * * - -We thus give notice to everyone that on the 13th day of December of -the year 1880 the Government has been re-established; the Volksraad -has resumed its sitting.... - -And it is further generally made known that from this day the whole -country is placed in a state of siege and under the stipulations of -the War Ordinance.... - - - - -BEFORE MAJUBA (1881). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, January 17. - - -We give this morning an account from our correspondent at Pretoria -of the meeting held by the Boers last month for the purpose of -protesting against the annexation of the Transvaal. The report of -the proceedings leaves no doubt of the extent and nature of Boer -disaffection.... That the annexation of the Transvaal may have been -necessary when the step was taken may be admitted without prejudice -to the question whether its permanent occupation and administration -by British authority is desirable or not. When Sir Theophilus -Shepstone annexed the territory, the Government was disorganized, -the Treasury was bankrupt, the Republican troops were hopelessly -demoralized, and the whole district was threatened by two powerful -native chiefs, the weaker of whom had proved his superiority to -any force which the Boers could bring against him. Now Cetywayo -and Secocoeni are captives, and the whole border is tranquil. We -have done for the Boers what it is certain they could not have -done for themselves, and we have placed the security of the South -African Colonies beyond all reasonable fear. Hence it might be -argued that the reasons which compelled the temporary annexation of -the Transvaal are no longer applicable in favour of its permanent -occupation. It may be argued that we cannot recede where we have -once advanced; certainly we cannot, where we have good reason to -believe that our security requires that we should maintain our -hold. But when our presence is manifestly unwelcome, and when the -question of the best mode of guarding our security in future is -at least an open one, it would be a very contemptible piece of -national vanity to refuse to recede, simply because we had once -found it necessary to advance in very different circumstances. - - - - -AFTER MAJUBA. - -I. - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Transvaal," C 2,998 of 1881. - - -_Convention for the Settlement of the Transvaal Territory, signed -at Pretoria, 1881._ - -PREAMBLE: Her Majesty's Commissioners for the settlement of the -Transvaal Territory, duly appointed as such by a Commission passed -under the Royal Sign Manual and Signet, bearing date the 5th of -April, 1881, do hereby undertake and guarantee on behalf of Her -Majesty that, from and after the 8th day of August, 1881, complete -self-government, subject to the suzerainty of Her Majesty, her -heirs and successors, will be accorded to the inhabitants of the -Transvaal upon the following terms and conditions, and subject to -the following reservations and limitations. - - -II. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, August 5, 1881. - -England can now have no desire to intrude herself upon the -Transvaal. The more completely its people can get on without -interference of any kind, the better pleased we shall be.... -The occasion may come which will call for all the knowledge and -discretion which our Government will have at its command. The -Boers, if they are so disposed, may give trouble in a thousand -ways. The question may be continually arising whether the point -has yet been reached at which active interference is called for, -or whether it may be the prudent and better course to let things -be. The fact is that between England and the Transvaal there is -no natural connection whatever. The bond which unites them is an -artificial one, and though it is too early to anticipate the time -at which it will be severed, we are sure that at no time will it be -found strong enough to bear a violent strain. The strain may never -come. The Convention, which has been entered upon in due form, -and with all solemnity, may remain to all intents and purposes a -dead letter as to the chief part of its provisions, and may thus -pass quietly into the great limbo to which all monstrous political -births must some day come. It will be by the fault of the Boers -that we can be driven to put an active interpretation upon it. It -contains terms which we cannot suffer to be disregarded. - - - - -RITUAL CONTROVERSY (1881). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, January 12. - - -_Extract from a Memorial to the Archbishop of Canterbury, signed by -various Deans, Canons, etc._ - -... The immediate need of our Church is, in our opinion, a tolerant -recognition of divergent ritual practice; but we feel bound to -submit to your Grace that our present troubles are likely to recur, -unless the Courts by which ecclesiastical causes are decided in the -first instance and on appeal can be so constructed as to secure the -conscientious obedience of clergymen who believe the constitution -of the Church of Christ to be of Divine appointment, and who -protest against the State's encroachment upon Rights assured to the -Church of England by solemn Acts of Parliament.... - - - - -A SHORT WAY WITH OBSTRUCTION (1881). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, February 3. - - -About nine o'clock in the morning Mr. Gladstone, Mr. W. E. -Forster, Mr. Dodson, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Sir R. Cross -entered the House amid cheers. While Mr. Biggar was continuing his -observations on the Land League the Speaker resumed the Chair amid -loud cheering. The Speaker, without calling on the hon. member to -proceed with his remarks, at once said: "The motion for leave to -bring in the Person and Property Protection (Ireland) Bill has now -been under discussion for five days. The present sitting, having -commenced on Monday last, has continued till Wednesday morning, -a period of no less than forty-one hours, the House having been -occupied with discussions upon repeated motions for adjournment. -However tedious these discussions were, they were carried to a -division by small minorities in opposition to the general sense -of the House. A necessity has thus arisen which demands the -interposition of the Chair (cheers). The usual rule has been -proved powerless to insure orderly debate. An important measure, -recommended in Her Majesty's Speech, and declared to be urgent in -the interests of the State by a decisive majority, has been impeded -by the action of an inconsiderable minority of members who have -resorted to those modes of obstruction which have been recognized -by the House as a Parliamentary offence. The credit and authority -of this House are seriously threatened, and it is necessary they -should be vindicated. Under the operation of the accustomed rules -and methods of procedure the legislative powers of the House are -paralyzed. A new and exceptional course is imperatively demanded, -and I am satisfied that I shall best carry out the wish of the -House if I decline to call upon any more members to speak, and at -once put the question to the House." - -The Speaker then put the question, when there appeared-- - - For the amendment 19 - Against 164 - -The Speaker then put the main question, that leave be given to -bring in the Bill, when Mr. J. McCarthy rose to speak, but the -Speaker declined to hear him, and there were loud cries of "Order" -on the Ministerial side of the House. The Home Rulers stood up, and -for some time, with raised hand, shouted, "Privilege!" and then, -having bowed to the Chair, left the House. - - - - -THE DEATH OF BEACONSFIELD (1881). - -I. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, April 20. - - -The end really corresponded to the beginning, and both were alike -exceptional.... It must have been an ideal and living world that -home life introduced Benjamin Disraeli to. It was in this that -he acquired his repertory of parts and character; his caps fit -for wearers; his motley for those it suited; his titles of little -honour; his stage tricks and artifices; his gibes and jests that -Yorick might have overflowed with in the spirit of his age; and his -unfailing consciousness of a knowledge and power ever sufficient -for the occasion.... The new deliverer of the Conservatives -presented himself as a magician, master of many spells, charged -with all the secrets of the political creation, ready to control -the winds and the tides of opinion and faction, sounding the very -depths of political possibility, and with a touch of his wand -able to leave a mark on any foe or wanton intruder. The plea -was necessity. Fortunately for Lord Beaconsfield, the age of -consistency is no more. Sir Robert Peel destroyed that idol, and in -doing so sacrificed himself. Lord Beaconsfield advanced to power -over his body. - - -II. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, April 22, 1881. - -It is finely said by Bacon of death that "it openeth the gate -to good fame and extinguisheth envy...." It is singularly true -of Lord Beaconsfield, whose fate it was to interest all men, to -puzzle most, and to provoke the antagonism of many. Certainly -no English statesman, since the death of Lord Palmerston, has -occupied so prominent a position or excited so deep an interest -on the Continent of Europe. His secret lay perhaps in the -magnetic influence of a dauntless will, in his unrivalled powers -of patience, in his impenetrable reserve and detachment. If we -compare the beginning of his political life with its close, and -note how its unchastened audacity was gradually toned down into -the coolest determination and the most dispassionate tenacity, we -shall see how the magnificent victory he achieved over himself gave -him power to govern others, to withstand their opposition, and to -bend their wills to his own. This is what Continental observers -saw in him--unrivalled strength of will and dauntless tenacity of -purpose--and this is why they admired him. The sense of mystery -engendered the sense of power, and foreigners freely admired where -Englishmen were often puzzled and at times almost bewildered. - - - - -THE WITHDRAWAL FROM CANDAHAR (1881). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 259, C 49-74 (House of -Lords debate on the withdrawal from Candahar, March 3, 1881). - - -THE EARL OF LYTTON: ... And now, my Lords, allow me to recapitulate -the conclusions which appear to me established by the facts to -which I have solicited your attention. On the strength of these -facts I affirm once more that Russian influence at Cabul did -not commence with the Stolieteff mission, and that it did not -cease with the withdrawal of that mission. I affirm that for -all practical purposes the Ameer of Cabul had ceased to be the -friend and ally of England, and that he had virtually become the -friend and ally of Russia at least three years before I had any -dealings with His Highness, or any connection with the government -of India. I affirm that the sole cause of the late Afghan war was -a Russian intrigue of long duration, for purposes which it was -the imperative duty of the Government of India to oppose at any -cost. And, finally, I affirm that the establishment of Russian -influence was caused by the collapse and paralysis of British -influence at Cabul, and that this was the natural result of the -deplorable policy to which Her Majesty's Government are now so -eagerly reverting.... Surely, my Lords, prevention is better than -cure. Surely it is wiser and safer to stay at Candahar, whence we -can exclude Russian influence from Herat by peaceably extending our -own influence in that direction, than to retire to the Indus, and -there passively await an event which is to involve us in a great -European war, for the purpose of undoing what could not otherwise -have been done in a remote corner of Asia. The noble Duke, the -Lord Privy Seal, has expressed his astonishment at the prodigious -importance I now attach to the retention of Candahar, because, -he says, I did not hold that opinion till a late period of my -Viceroyalty. That is true--I did not. But in the statement which -elicited this remark I thought I had explained the reason why. I -can sincerely assure your Lordships that the late Government of -India was not an annexationist Government. As long as we had any -reasonable hope of loyalty on the part of Yakub Khan, or of the -observance of the Gandamak Treaty, which gave us moral guarantees -of adequate control over Afghanistan, our wish was not to weaken -but to strengthen the Cabul Power. But the whole situation, and -our duty concerning it, were changed irrevocably by the atrocious -crime which compelled us to occupy Cabul, and by the revelations -discovered at Cabul, and now known to your Lordships, of the -extent to which Russian influence had penetrated to the very heart -of the country. My Lords, it then seemed to my colleagues in the -Government of India, and it still seems to me, that the only -practical means of counteracting the dangerous Russian influence -at Cabul would be to assume ourselves over Western Afghanistan a -controlling and commanding position, not dependent on the good or -bad faith of any Cabul ruler. Such control can only be exercised -from Candahar. The history of the last eight years clearly shows, -not merely that the Russian Power is approaching, and must -approach, towards India, but that Russia has long sought, is still -seeking, and will continue to seek, great political influence -over Afghanistan; that this influence has already found a fulcrum -at Cabul, and that it must be a permanent source of disquiet to -the Government of India, whenever she wishes to embarrass British -policy in Europe. Therefore, for the safety of the British Power in -India, it is indispensable that the Government of India shall have -the means of preventing--at all events, of counteracting--Russian -influence in Afghanistan. It is absurd to suppose that you can have -any controlling power over a country in which you have no _locus -standi_ at all. Now amongst the arrangements contemplated by Her -Majesty's Government after the evacuation of Candahar, where do -they expect to find a _locus standi_ in Afghanistan? I do not see -where.... Great as are the undisputed strategical advantages of -Candahar, the late Government of India did not regard the retention -of it primarily, or mainly, as a military question. We felt that -it would give us a political and commercial control over Western -Afghanistan up to Herat so complete that we might contemplate -with unconcern the course of events at Cabul. If you retain -Candahar, and hold it firmly and fearlessly, then you may view with -indifference the uncertain faith and fate of Cabul rulers, and -the certain advance of the Russian Power. If you retain Candahar, -and administer it wisely, you will replace anarchy and bloodshed -and difficulty and uncertainty on your own border by peace and -prosperity; and if you connect Candahar by rail with the Valley of -the Indus, you will be able to sweep the whole commerce of Central -Asia, vastly augmented by the beneficent protection of a strong, a -settled, and a civilized Government, into the harbours of Kurrachee -and Calcutta, and thence into the ports of Liverpool and London. -But, my Lords, you cannot do all this unless you retain a garrison -in Candahar.... If you accept the conclusion admitted by the noble -Duke, and affirmed by every Indian statesman, that Afghanistan must -on no account be permitted to remain under the forbidden influence -of Russia, then, my Lords, for the enforcement of that conclusion -you must choose between the retention of Candahar and reliance on -the instructions said to have been issued to General Kauffman "not -to do it again." There is no alternative. To talk about developing -the internal resources of India is nothing to the point. There -is no reason why the continued development of India's internal -resources should not proceed _pari passu_ with the consolidation of -her external securities. But do not fatten the lamb only to feed -the wolf. My Lords, all those whose privilege it is to build up -the noble edifice of India's prosperity must be content to labour -like the builders of the second Temple--working with one hand, but -holding the sword in the other to defend their work. - - - - -THE SALVATION ARMY (1881). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, October 13. - - -For two years, or thereabouts, our towns have had frequent -opportunities of witnessing an exhibition not to everybody's taste. -The "Salvation Army," as far as it can be known to the uninitiated, -consists of bands of men marching through the streets, generally -towards "church time," with banners, devices, and sometimes -emblematic helmets and other accoutrements, singing sensational -hymns. Most people are ready to leave it alone. But there remain -the irrepressible "roughs." It is with them that the "Salvation -Army" is now waging its only physical warfare. English people -generally would leave it to the test of time.... We must beware how -we quarrel with those who honestly believe there is a great work -to be done. If we do not like these singular modes of propagandism -and conversion, we need not assist the "roughs" to put them down. -Another course lies before us all. It is to do the work in a better -way. - - - - -ARABI (1881). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 21. - - -_Extract from a letter by Sir William Gregory._ - -... I called at Arabi Bey's house by appointment, and was very -courteously received by a tall, athletic, soldier-like man. His -countenance is peculiarly grave, and even stern, with much power -in it. It is at first sight somewhat heavy, until he is aroused, -when his eyes light up and he speaks with great energy.... He -said that he looked on the Sultan as his lord--as the head of his -religion--and that he was bound to do so; that the dominions of the -Sultan were like a great palace, in which the different nations -had each one its own chamber, suited to its wants, and arranged -according to its own manner; that to introduce other persons into -those chambers would be to upset the arrangements, to annoy and -dispossess the occupants, and to do an unjust act; and he was -therefore most decidedly opposed to any interference on the part -of the Sultan in the government of Egypt, and every opposition -would be given to the introduction of Turkish troops. Secondly, as -regards the religious question, nothing could be more untrue than -the allegations that he and those who went with him were in favour -of any intolerant movement.... The next point was the accusation -that he was aiming at establishing a military supremacy. This he -denied, saying that an army has no right to be supreme in time of -peace ... but it was obliged to take the lead in getting rid of -abuses and establishing justice. Lastly, as to his desire to remove -European officials from the country, he said he had no idea or wish -to remove the Control to which his countrymen were indebted for -the Justice which the cultivators now enjoy, at all events for the -present, until Egypt knew how to govern herself, and could stand -alone; but he spoke with the greatest bitterness of the manner in -which his countrymen were ousted from every superior position in -every department.... I next asked him if the opinion were prevalent -that England desired to occupy Egypt. He said that he himself -did not believe it. Egypt was looked upon as the centre of the -Mohammedan world, and in every country where there was a Mussulman -community there would be deep-seated indignation were she to be -annexed, and probably the loss of India would be ultimately the -consequence. Egypt, if left alone, would always protect the passage -to India, which he knew to be our great object. - - CAIRO, - _December 11_. - - - - -THE FIRST CLOSURE (1882). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 266, col. 1,124, February -20, 1882. - - -Ordered: That, when it shall appear to Mr. Speaker or to the -Chairman of Committee of the whole House, during any debate, to -be the evident sense of the House or of the Committee, that the -Question be now put, he may so inform the House or the Committee; -and, if a motion be made, "That the Question be now put," Mr. -Speaker, or the Chairman, shall forthwith put such question; and, -if the same be decided in the affirmative, the Question under -discussion shall be put forthwith; provided that the Question shall -not be decided in the affirmative, if a division be taken, unless -it shall appear to have been supported by more than 200 members, or -to have been opposed by less than 40 members. - - - - -BIMETALLISM (1882). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, March 11. - - -A meeting convened by the Council of the International Monetary -Standard Association was held in the Egyptian Hall of the Mansion -House. - -Mr. Grenfell, Governor of the Bank of England, said ... he presumed -that all present knew that the standard of this country was a -monometallic gold standard, and that it was introduced by that -great statesman Sir Robert Peel; but it was not so generally -known, and it was somewhat singular, that when Sir R. Peel brought -forward the measure for the resumption of cash payments, and for -the institution of a monometallic gold standard, he appealed to -the House of Commons, by all the wish they had to act with good -faith towards their creditors, that they should return to the -ancient standard of the realm. He presumed that Sir R. Peel meant -that the ancient standard of the realm was a gold standard; but it -was not a monometallic standard at all. The ancient standard of -the realm was a bimetallic standard, and although there had been -a monometallic standard before, it was never a gold standard.... -What were the events that had occurred since Sir R. Peel's death? -They were entirely new. The first event was the calling together -of a conference in Paris in 1868, for the purpose of attempting -to govern the coinage of all nations, and unfortunately that -conference came to the conclusion that the best of all standards -was a monometallic gold standard. Very shortly afterwards there -came the Franco-German War, and when a large quantity of the -gold of France passed into the hands of Germany, that Government -decided to make a gold standard. Scarcely had that been done, when -the evil arising from the great monetary revolution began to be -shown.... Had they calculated what the cost of the demonetization -of Germany was? The amount the German Government coined was -87,000,000 sterling of gold, which, according to the average for -the last twenty years, was equal to 3.3 years of the whole world's -production of gold. Besides that, Germany sold 28,000,000 sterling -of silver, which was equal to more than two years' production of -the whole world of that metal. What did they think, supposing the -Latin Union, our Indian Empire, and the United States were to -resort to some such measure as Germany did? - - - - -BRIGHT'S RESIGNATION (1882). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 272, col. 724, July 17, -1882. - - -_A Gladstonian Fine Distinction._ - -MR. GLADSTONE: ... This is not an occasion for arguing the question -of the differences that have unhappily arisen between my right hon. -friend and those who were, and rejoiced to be, his colleagues. But -I venture to assure him that I agree with him in thinking that -the moral law is as applicable to the conduct of nations as of -individuals, and that the difference between us, most painful to -him and most painful to us, is a difference as to the particular -application in this particular case of the Divine law. - - - - -THE ILBERT BILL (1883). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, March 5. - - -Four weeks have elapsed since we first called attention to -the disapprobation and discontent excited among the English -residents in India by the Bill for subjecting them to the criminal -jurisdiction of native judges and magistrates. The measure, -of which we then pointed out the dangers, has since assumed a -portentous importance. The whole non-official European community -has been convulsed by it.... As for the asserted symmetry which is -to follow from it, and the asserted inequalities which it is to -remove, it will not, and cannot, do what it has been credited with -doing. It removes one inequality while it leaves a dozen others -untouched, and the inequality which it does remove is just that -which is most clearly justifiable. It is a pandering, we will not -say to native opinion, for no such opinion has been formed for it, -but to the noisily expressed views of the native Press, and of -one or two native civil servants, who are anxious to exercise the -powers which the Bill confers, and who are on that very account -so much the less fit to be trusted with them.... The Bill may be -unimportant in itself, but it is one among many signs of the new -ideas and new principles upon which the Government of India is to -be conducted, ideas and principles which are utterly at variance -with those by which our position in the country has been gained and -held. - - - - -FENIANS AGAIN (1883). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, March 16. - - -A terrific explosion occurred last night at the offices of the -Local Government Board, Parliament Street, Westminster. The report -was heard about half a minute after nine o'clock in the House of -Commons. So great was the force of the explosion that the floor -of the House and the galleries shook. At the time there was but a -thin attendance of members, it being the dinner hour. The Duke -of Edinburgh was in the Peers' Gallery, and he turned round at -once and spoke to Sir Henry Fletcher, who was sitting near him. -The Speaker rang his bell, and inquired the cause of the alarm.... -The explosion occurred in the ground floor of the Local Government -Board, smashing the stonework into splinters, and breaking into -fragments the windows, portions of which lay strewn in the -surrounding streets. Alarmed crowds gathered. - - - - -THE MAHDI (1883). - -=Source.=--Sir Reginald Wingate's _Mahdiism and the Egyptian -Soudan_, pp. 2, 5, 12-14. (Macmillans.) - - -Mahdiism, with which we have to deal, has two sides to it. There -is the Mahdi, whose coming is looked forward to by good Sunnis -as the advent of the Messiah is expected by the Jews. And there -is the Mahdi who disappeared, and may appear miraculously at -any moment to good Shias.... Mohammed Ahmed of Dongola took up -Mahdiism from the Shia's point of view.... His movement was, in -the first place, a religious movement--the superior enthusiasm, -eloquence, and dramatic knowledge of one priest over his fellows. -It was recruited by a desire, widespread among the villagers, -and especially among the superstitious masses of Kordofan, for -revenge for the cruelties and injustice of the Egyptians and -Bashi-Bazuks. It swept into force on the withdrawal of all -semblance of government, the sole element opposed to it, and it -became a tool for the imperious and warlike Baggara, and enabled -them to usurp the vacant throne. Religion has thus knit together -the different races, each with their own grievance, and summoned -them to the banner of emirs in search of power and the right to -trade in slaves.... There is no doubt that, until he was ruined by -unbridled sensuality, this man [Mohammed Ahmed] had the strongest -head and the clearest mental vision of any man in the two million -square miles of which he more or less made himself master before -he died; and it is a matter of regret that more cannot be learnt -of his early youth than what follows. Born at Dongola in 1848, of -a family of excellent boat-builders, whose boats are to this day -renowned for sound construction, he was early recognized by his -family as the clever one, and, so to speak, went into the Church. -At twenty-two he was already a sheikh with a great reputation -for sanctity, and his preaching was renowned far and wide. Men -wept and beat their breasts at his moving words; even his brother -fikis could not conceal their admiration. The first steps of the -Mahdi in his career are of genuine interest. Tall, rather slight, -of youthful build, and, like many Danagla, with large eyes and -pleasing features, Mohammed Ahmed bore externally all the marks -of a well-bred gentleman. He moved about with quiet dignity of -manner, but there was nothing unusual about him until he commenced -to preach. Then, indeed, one understood the power within him which -men obeyed. With rapid earnest words he stirred their hearts, and -bowed their heads like corn beneath the storm. And what a theme was -his! No orator in France in 1792 could speak of oppression that -here in the Soudan was not doubled. What need of description when -he could use denunciation; when he could stretch forth his long -arm and point to the tax-gatherer who twice, three times, and yet -again, carried off the last goat, the last bundle of dhurra straw, -from yon miserable man listening with intent eyes! And then he -urges in warning tones what Whitfield, Wesley, have urged before -him, that all this misery, all this oppression, is God's anger at -the people's wickedness. That since the Prophet left the earth -the world has all fallen into sin and neglect. But now a time was -at hand when all this should have an end. The Lord would send a -deliverer who should sweep away the veil before their eyes, clear -the madness from the brain, the hideous dream would be broken -for ever, and, strong in the faith of their divine leader, these -new-made men, with clear-seeing vision and well-laid plans before -them, should go forth and possess the land. The cursed tax-gatherer -should be driven into holes and caves, the bribe-taking official -hunted from off the field he had usurped, and the Turk should be -thrown to jabber his delirium on his own dunghill. With the coming -of the Mahdi the right should triumph, and all oppression should -have an end. When would this Mahdi come? What wonder that every -hut and every thicket echoed the longing for the promised Saviour! -The hot wind roamed from desert to plain of withered grass, from -mountain range to sandy valley, and whispered "Mahdi" as it blew; -all nature joined; how childish, yet how effective. The women found -the eggs inscribed with "Jesus," "Mohammed," and the "Mahdi." The -very leaves rustled down to the ground, and in their fall received -the imprint of the sacred names. The land was sown with fikis, many -of them past masters in the art of swaying a crowd. They came and -listened, and soon they recognized that they had found their master -here. The leaven worked rapidly among them, until one evening at -Abba Island, a hundred and fifty miles south of Khartoum, there -came a band of self-reliant men who heard the stirring words, and -saw the tall, slight, earnest figure. They said, "You are our -promised leader," and in solemn secrecy he said, "I am the Mahdi." - - -[Note.--Mahdi signifies "the guided" in the hadaya or true way of -salvation, hence "the guide." In the tenets of all sects of the -Moslems there is an intimate connection between the Mahdi and Jesus -Christ.] - - - - -END OF CAREY THE INFORMER (1883). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, July 31. - - -James Carey has not long escaped those who, it was well known, -had resolved to slay him at the first opportunity. According to -telegrams received from Durban and Cape Town he was shot dead -on Sunday, on board the liner _Melrose_, by an Irishman named -O'Donnell. The vessel had got into harbour at Port Elizabeth, and -was discharging her passengers and cargo, when Carey was shot. -Fully warned of the intention to murder him, the authorities at -Dublin had taken pains to conceal his movements. When he quitted -Kilmainham, it was stated that he had resolved to brave the worst, -and settle down in Dublin to his old occupations. Then it was said -that he had been seen in London. According to another account he -had sailed for Canada, and had actually landed at Montreal under -the escort of two detectives. If these tales were circulated with -the hope of putting the Invincibles on a false scent, they signally -failed. His enemies were too astute to be deceived by pious -frauds. Carey's death is a public misfortune. He had indeed been a -principal in a cruel and barbarous murder. He behaved with supreme -callousness and repulsive levity throughout the trials; and he was -in every way one of the worst specimens of a bad type. But he was -the instrument by which the Phœnix Park murderers were brought -to justice, and it would have been well had he lived to defy the -machinations of the Invincibles. But this misfortune is only a -consequence of facts which, as a rule, serve as a safeguard and -protection to society. Gibbon has forcibly described the unhappy -condition of the wretch who tried to flee from the power of a Roman -Emperor. There was no escape from it: he confronted it wherever he -fled. No better are the chances of flight of one who, in these days -of publicity, of photographs and illustrated newspapers, tries to -hide himself from the gaze of those who know him. All this told -against Carey's chances of escape. He had made himself the object -of bitter hatred of secret societies, which have ramifications -through many parts of the world. During the long trials at Dublin, -portraits of him in all attitudes were published. His very marked -features became familiar to everyone. Disguise himself as he -might--and it is stated that when he was shot he was disguised--he -could not help being recognized wherever he went. - - - - -SLAUGHTER OF HICKS PASHA'S ARMY (1883). - -=Source.=--Sir Reginald Wingate's _Mahdiism and the Egyptian -Soudan_, pp. 85, 88-90. (Macmillans.) - - -Mohammed Ahmed, on hearing of the departure of the army of Hicks -Pasha from Khartoum, sent spies to watch their movements, and -on learning that the latter had arrived at Duem, and intended -advancing on El Obeid, he sent a force of 3,000 men under the emir -Abd el Halim and Abu Girgeh to follow in rear of the Egyptian army -and close up the wells as they advanced, so that retreat would be -impossible. Abd el Halim, on arrival at Rahad, at once rode off -to El Obeid and personally informed the Mahdi of the strength and -probable movements of the Egyptian force. On receipt of this news -Mohammed Ahmed forthwith despatched all his fighting men towards -Rahad to join Abd el Halim's force, but on their way they met Abd -el Halim retiring from Alluba, and, having joined him, the whole -force, amounting to some 40,000, encamped in the forest of Shekan, -and there awaited the advance of the Egyptian troops.... At 10 a.m. -on Monday morning, November 5, the troops marched out of the zariba -and formed up in three squares, the whole formation resembling a -triangle. Each square had its own transport and ammunition in the -centre. Hicks Pasha with his staff led the way, followed by four -guns of the artillery, then the first square, which was supported -to the right and left rear by the other two squares, some 300 yards -distant from the square and from each other. Ala ed Din Pasha -commanded the right square and Selim Bey the left. The exposed -flanks of the squares were covered by cavalry, and a detachment -of horsemen brought up the rear. In this formation the troops -steadily advanced, and half an hour later reached a fairly open -valley, interspersed here and there with bush, while on either -side were thick woods full of the enemy.... Now all was ready, and -Mohammed Ahmed patiently awaited the arrival of the troops, which -could already be seen advancing in the distance. He assembled -his emirs for the last final instructions, and, rising from his -prayer, drew his sword, shouted three times, "Allahu akbar! You -need not fear, for the victory is ours." On came the squares. -The first had reached the wooded depression, when up sprang the -Arabs with their fierce yells. Startled and surprised, the square -was broken in a moment. The flanking squares now fired wildly at -the Arabs fighting hand to hand with the Egyptians, and in their -efforts must have killed numbers of their own comrades. But almost -at the same instant the Arabs simultaneously attacked from the -woods on both sides and from front and rear. The wildest confusion -followed; squares fired on each other, on friends or enemies. -While the surging mass of Arabs now completely encircled the force -and gradually closed in on them, a massacre of the most appalling -description took place. In little over quarter of an hour all was -over. Hicks Pasha with his staff, seeing that he could do nothing, -cut his way through on the left and reached some cultivated ground. -Here he was surrounded by some Baggara horsemen, and for a time -kept them at bay, fighting most gallantly till his revolver was -empty, and then committing most terrible execution with his sword. -He was the last of the Europeans to fall, and one savage charge -he made on his assailants is memorable to this day in the Soudan, -and a body of Baggara who fled before him were called by their -tribesmen "Baggar Hicks," or the cows driven by Hicks. But at last -he fell, pierced by the spear of the Khalifa Mohammed Sherif. His -cavalry bodyguard fought gallantly, and though repeatedly called -on to surrender replied, "We shall never surrender, but will die -like our officers, and kill many of you as well." And soon all were -killed. Ala ed Din Pasha was killed trying to make his way from the -right square to join Hicks Pasha. Genawi Bey lay dead in the square -beside his horse. It is said that as he fell mortally wounded he, -with his own sword, hamstrung his horse, saying, "No other shall -ever ride on you after me." The whole force, with the exception of -some 300 men, and most of these wounded, had now been completely -annihilated.... The news of the Mahdi's victory spread far and -wide, and if there had been some doubts previous to what was now -termed a miracle, the complete annihilation of a whole army soon -dispelled them, and from the Red Sea to the confines of Waddai the -belief was universal that at last the true Mahdi had appeared. - - -[NOTE.--Sir R. Wingate's account is quoted from two sources--one, -Mohammed Nur el Barudi, who was cook to Hicks Pasha, and was one -of the wounded prisoners after the battle; and the other, Hassan -Habashi, a former Government official at El Obeid, who had fallen -into the Mahdi's hands on the capture of that place. Hence the -story is complete on both sides.] - - - - -TRANSVAAL CONVENTION (1884). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Transvaal," C 3,947 of 1884, p. -47. - - -_A Convention between Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom -of Great Britain and Ireland, and the South African Republic._ - -Whereas the Government of the Transvaal State, through its -delegates, consisting of Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, -President of the said State, Stephanus Jacobus Du Toit, -Superintendent of Education, and Nicholas Jacobus Smit, a member -of the Volksraad, have represented that the Convention signed at -Pretoria on the 13th day of August, 1881, and ratified by the -Volksraad of the said State on the 25th October, 1881, contains -certain provisions which are inconvenient, and imposes burdens -and obligations from which the said State is desirous to be -relieved, and that the south-western boundaries fixed by the said -Convention should be amended, with a view to promote the peace -and good order of the said State and of the countries adjacent -thereto; and whereas Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom -of Great Britain and Ireland has been pleased to take the said -representations into consideration. - -Now, therefore, Her Majesty has been pleased to direct, and it is -hereby declared, that the following articles of a new Convention, -signed on behalf of Her Majesty by Her Majesty's High Commissioner -in South Africa, the Right Honourable Sir Hercules George Herbert -Robinson, Knight Grand Cross of the most distinguished Order -of St. Michael and St. George, Governor of the Colony of the -Cape of Good Hope, and on behalf of the Transvaal State (which -shall hereinafter be called the South African Republic) by the -above-named delegates, Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, Stephanus -Jacobus Du Toit, and Nicholas Jacobus Smit, shall, when ratified -by the Volksraad of the South African Republic, be substituted for -the articles embodied in the Convention of 3rd August, 1881; which -latter, pending such ratification, shall continue in full force and -effect. - - -[NOTE.--The word "Preamble" is not prefixed to the opening passage -of this Convention. When the suzerainty question arose in 1898 the -British argument was that the 1884 Convention only altered the -articles of the 1881 Convention, and left the Preamble in force; -the Boer argument was that the 1884 Convention had a preamble, and -therefore the earlier one must have been superseded.] - - - - -GORDON'S MISSION TO KHARTOUM (1884). - -I. - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Egypt," No. 2 of 1884, C 3,845. - - -_P. 2. The Cabinet's Instructions to General Gordon._ - -Her Majesty's Government are desirous that you should proceed at -once to Egypt, to report to them on the military situation in the -Soudan, and on the measures which it may be advisable to take for -the security of the Egyptian garrisons still holding positions in -that country, and for the safety of the European population in -Khartoum. You are also desired to consider and report upon the best -mode of effecting the evacuation of the interior of the Soudan, -and upon the manner in which the safety and good administration by -the Egyptian Government of the ports on the sea coast can best be -secured. In connection with this subject, you should pay especial -consideration to the question of the steps that may usefully be -taken to counteract the stimulus which it is feared may possibly be -given to the Slave Trade by the present insurrectionary movement -and by the withdrawal of the Egyptian authority from the interior. - - -II. - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Egypt," No. 6 of 1884, C 3,878. - -_Further Instructions by the Egyptian Government._ - -I have now to indicate to you the views of the Egyptian Government -on two of the points to which your special attention was directed -by Lord Granville. These are (1) the measures which it may be -advisable to take for the security of the Egyptian garrisons -still holding positions in the Soudan, and for the safety of the -European population in Khartoum. (2) The best mode of effecting -the evacuation of the interior of the Soudan. These two points are -intimately connected, and may conveniently be considered together. -It is believed that the number of Europeans at Khartoum is very -small, but it has been estimated by the local authorities that some -10,000 to 15,000 people will wish to move northwards from Khartoum -only when the Egyptian garrison is withdrawn. These people are -native Christians, Egyptian employés, their wives and children, -etc. The Government of His Highness the Khedive is earnestly -solicitous that no effort should be spared to insure the retreat -both of these people and of the Egyptian garrison without loss of -life. As regards the most opportune time and the best method for -effecting the retreat, whether of the garrisons or of the civil -populations, it is neither necessary nor desirable that you should -receive detailed instructions.... You will bear in mind that the -main end to be pursued is the evacuation of the Soudan. This -policy was adopted, after very full discussion, by the Egyptian -Government, on the advice of Her Majesty's Government. It meets -with the full approval of His Highness the Khedive, and of the -present Egyptian Ministry. I understand, also, that you entirely -concur in the desirability of adopting this policy, and that you -think it should on no account be changed. You consider that it may -take a few months to carry it out with safety. You are further of -opinion that "the restoration of the country should be made to the -different petty Sultans who existed at the time of Mehemet Ali's -conquest, and whose families still exist"; and that an endeavour -should be made to form a confederation of those Sultans. In this -view the Egyptian Government entirely concur. It will, of course, -be fully understood that the Egyptian troops are not to be kept in -the Soudan merely with a view to consolidating the power of the new -rulers of the country. But the Egyptian Government has the fullest -confidence in your judgment, your knowledge of the country, and in -your comprehension of the general line of policy to be pursued. You -are, therefore, given full discretionary power to retain the troops -for such reasonable period as you may think necessary, in order -that the abandonment of the country may be accomplished with the -least possible risk to life and property. - -Sir E. Baring, in forwarding the copy of the instructions to Lord -Granville, wrote: - -I read the draft of the letter over to General Gordon. He expressed -to me his entire concurrence in the instructions. The only -suggestion he made was in connection with the passage in which, -speaking of the policy of abandoning the Soudan, I had said, "I -understand also that you entirely concur in the desirability of -adopting this policy." General Gordon wished that I should add the -words, "and that you think it should on no account be changed." -These words were accordingly added. - - -III. - -=Source.=--Lord Cromer's _Modern Egypt_, vol. i., p. 428. -(Macmillans.) - -Looking back at what occurred after a space of many years, two -points are to my mind clear. The first is that no Englishman should -have been sent to Khartoum. The second is that, if anyone had to be -sent, General Gordon was not the right man to send. The reasons why -no Englishman should have been sent are now sufficiently obvious. -If he were beleaguered at Khartoum, the British Government might be -obliged to send an expedition to relieve him. The main object of -British policy was to avoid being drawn into military operations -in the Soudan. The employment of a British official at Khartoum -involved a serious risk that it would be no longer possible to -adhere to this policy, and the risk was materially increased when -the individual chosen to go to the Soudan was one who had attracted -to himself a greater degree of popular sympathy than almost any -Englishman of modern times. - - - - -DIFFICULTIES OF GORDON'S CHARACTER (1884). - -I. - -=Source.=--Lord Cromer's _Modern Egypt_, vol. i., p. 432. -(Macmillans.) - - -I must, for the elucidation of this narrative, state why I think -it was a mistake to send General Gordon to Khartoum. "It is -impossible," I wrote privately to Lord Granville on January 28, -1884, "not to be charmed by the simplicity and honesty of Gordon's -character." "My only fear," I added, "is that he is terribly -flighty and changes his opinions very rapidly...." Impulsive -flightiness was, in fact, the main defect of General Gordon's -character, and it was one which, in my opinion, rendered him unfit -to carry out a work which pre-eminently required a cool and steady -head. I used to receive some twenty or thirty telegrams from -General Gordon in the course of the day when he was at Khartoum, -those in the evening often giving opinions which it was impossible -to reconcile with others despatched the same morning. Scarcely, -indeed, had General Gordon started on his mission, when Lord -Granville, who does not appear at first to have understood General -Gordon's character, began to be alarmed at his impulsiveness. On -February 8 Lord Granville wrote to me: "I own your letters about -Gordon rather alarm. His changes about Zobeir are difficult to -understand. Northbrook consoles me by saying that he says all the -foolish things that pass through his head, but that his judgment is -excellent." I am not prepared to go so far as to say that General -Gordon's judgment was excellent. Nevertheless, there was some truth -in Lord Northbrook's remark. I often found that, amidst a mass -of irrelevant verbiage and amidst many contradictory opinions, -a vein of sound common sense and political instinct ran through -General Gordon's proposals. So much was I impressed with this, and -so fearful was I that the sound portions of his proposals would -be rejected in London on account of the eccentric language in -which they were often couched, that, on February 12, I telegraphed -to Lord Granville: "In considering Gordon's suggestions, please -remember that his general views are excellent, but that undue -importance must not be attached to his words. We must look to the -spirit rather than the letter of what he says." - - -II. - -=Source.=--Lord Cromer's _Modern Egypt_, vol. i., p. 488. -(Macmillans.) - -On February 26th, thirty-nine days had elapsed since General Gordon -had left London, thirty-one days since he had left Cairo, and -eight days since he had arrived at Khartoum. During that period, -leaving aside points of detail, as to which his contradictions -had been numerous, General Gordon had marked out for himself no -less than five different lines of policy, some of which were -wholly conflicting one with another, whilst others, without being -absolutely irreconcilable, differed in respect to some of their -most important features. On January 18 he started from London with -instructions which had been dictated by himself. His wish then -was that he should be merely sent to "report upon the best means -of effecting the evacuation of the interior of the Soudan." He -expressed his entire concurrence in the policy of evacuation. This -was the first and original stage of General Gordon's opinions. -Before he arrived in Egypt, on January 24, he had changed his -views as to the nature of the functions he should fulfil. He -no longer wished to be a mere reporter. He wished to be named -Governor-General of the Soudan with full executive powers. He -supplemented his original ideas by suggesting that the country -should be handed over to "the different petty Sultans who existed -at the time of Mehemet Ali's conquest." This was the second stage -of General Gordon's opinions. Fifteen days later (February 8) he -wrote from Abu Hamed a memorandum in which he advocated "evacuation -but not abandonment." The Government of Egypt were to "maintain -their position as a Suzerain Power, nominate the Governor-General -and Moudirs, and act as a supreme Court of Appeal." This was the -third stage of General Gordon's opinions. Ten days later (February -18) General Gordon reverted to the principles of his memorandum -of the 8th, but with a notable difference. It was no longer -the Egyptian but the British Government which were to control -the Soudan administration. The British Government were also to -appoint a Governor-General, who was to be furnished with a British -commission, and who was to receive a British decoration. Zobeir -Pasha was the man whom General Gordon wished the British Government -to select. This was the fourth stage of General Gordon's opinions. -Eight days later (February 26), when General Gordon had learnt -that the British Government were not prepared to approve of Zobeir -Pasha being sent to the Soudan, he proposed that the Mahdi should -be "smashed up," and that, to assist in this object, 200 British -Indian troops should be sent to Wadi Halfa. This was the fifth -stage of General Gordon's opinions. In thirty-nine days, therefore, -General Gordon had drifted by successive stages from a proposal -that he should report on the affairs of the Soudan to advocating -the policy of "smashing up" the Mahdi. It would, he said, be -"comparatively easy to destroy the Mahdi." - - - - -ZOBEIR PASHA (1884). - -I. - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Egypt," No. 12 of 1884. - - -_P. 71. Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring. Telegraphic, -Khartoum, February 18, 1884._ - -I have stated that to withdraw without being able to place a -successor in my seat would be the signal for general anarchy -throughout the country, which, though all Egyptian element was -withdrawn, would be a misfortune and inhuman.... I distinctly -state that if Her Majesty's Government gave a Commission to my -successor, I recommend neither a subsidy nor men being given. I -would select and give a Commission to some man, and promise him -the moral support of Her Majesty's Government and nothing more.... -As for the man, Her Majesty's Government should select one above -all others--namely, Zobeir. He alone has the ability to rule the -Soudan, and would be universally accepted by the Soudan. He should -be made K.C.M.G., and given presents.... Zobeir's exile at Cairo -for ten years, amidst all the late events, and his mixing with -Europeans, must have had great effect on his character.... - - -II. - -_P. 72. Extract from Sir E. Baring's Despatch commenting on the -Above._ - -I believe Zobeir Pasha to be the only possible man. He undoubtedly -possesses energy and ability, and has great local influence. As -regards the Slave Trade, I discussed the matter with General Gordon -when he was in Cairo, and he fully agreed with me in thinking that -Zobeir Pasha's presence or absence would not affect the question -in one way or the other. I am also convinced from many things that -have come to my notice that General Gordon is right in thinking -that Zobeir Pasha's residence in Egypt has considerably modified -his character. He now understands what European power is, and it is -much better to have to deal with a man of this sort than with a man -like the Mahdi.... I cannot recommend that he should be promised -the "moral support" of Her Majesty's Government. In the first -place, he would scarcely understand the sense of the phrase, and, -moreover, I do not think that he would attach importance to any -support which was not material. It is for Her Majesty's Government -to judge what the effect of his appointment would be upon public -opinion in England, but except for that I can see no reason why -Zobeir Pasha should not be proclaimed Ruler of the Soudan with the -approbation of Her Majesty's Government. - - -III. - -_P. 95. Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring. February 22, 1884._ - -Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that the gravest objections -exist to the appointment by their authority of a successor to -General Gordon. The necessity does not, indeed, appear to have -yet arisen of going beyond the suggestions contained in General -Gordon's Memorandum of the 22nd ultimo, by making special provision -for the government of the country. In any case the public opinion -of this country would not tolerate the appointment of Zobeir Pasha. - - - - -SOME OF GORDON'S TELEGRAMS (1884). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Egypt," No. 12 of 1884. - - -_P. 156. Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring. Khartoum, March 3, -1884._ - -... I am strongly against any permanent retention of the Soudan, -but I think we ought to leave it with decency, and give the -respectable people a man to lead them, around whom they can rally, -and we ought to support that man by money and by opening road to -Berber. Pray do not consider me in any way to advocate retention of -Soudan; I am quite averse to it, but you must see that you could -not recall me, nor could I possibly obey, until the Cairo employés -get out from all the places. I have named men to different places, -thus involving them with Mahdi: how could I look the world in the -face if I abandoned them and fled? As a gentleman, could you advise -this course? It may have been a mistake to send me up, but that -having been done I have no option but to see evacuation through, -for even if I was mean enough to escape I have no power to do so. - - -_P. 161. The Same to the Same. Khartoum, March 9, 1884, 11.30 p.m._ - -If you mean to make the proposed diversion to Berber [of British -troops], and to accept my proposal as to Zobeir, to install him -in the Soudan and evacuate, then it is worth while to hold on to -Khartoum. If, on the other hand, you determine on neither of these -steps, then I can see no use in holding on to Khartoum, for it is -impossible for me to help the other garrisons, and I shall only -be sacrificing the whole of the troops and employés here. In this -latter case your instructions to me had better be that I should -evacuate Khartoum, and, with all the employés and troops, remove -the seat of Government to Berber. You would understand that such -a step would mean the sacrificing of all outlying places except -Berber and Dongola. You must give a prompt reply to this, as -even the retreat to Berber may not be in my power in a few days; -and even if carried out at once, the retreat will be of extreme -difficulty. - - -_P. 161. Same Date, 11.40 p.m._ - -If the immediate evacuation of Khartoum is determined upon, -irrespective of outlying towns, I would propose to send all Cairo -employés and white troops with Colonel Stewart to Berber, where he -would await your orders. I would also ask Her Majesty's Government -to accept the resignation of my commission, and I would take -all steamers and stores up to the Equatorial and Bahr Gazelle -provinces, and consider those provinces as under the King of the -Belgians. - - -[_P. 160._ Sir E. Baring comments that, owing to interruption of -the telegraph line, these and other messages did not reach him till -March 12. He instructed Gordon to hold on at Khartoum until he -could communicate further with the British Government, and on no -account to proceed to the Bahr Gazelle and Equatorial provinces.] - - -_P. 152. Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring, March 13, 1884._ - -If General Gordon is of opinion that the prospect of his early -departure diminishes the chance of accomplishing his task, and that -by staying at Khartoum himself for any length of time which he may -judge necessary he would be able to establish a settled Government -at that place, he is at liberty to remain there. In the event of -his being unable to carry out this suggestion, he should evacuate -Khartoum and save that garrison by conducting it himself to Berber -without delay. - - - - -CROSS PURPOSES (1884). - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Egypt," No. 13 of 1884, C 3,970. - - -_P. 9. Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. Cairo, April 8, 1884._ - -In a telegram from Khartoum, General Gordon says: I wish I could -convey to you my impressions of the truly trumpery nature of this -revolt, which 500 determined men could put down. Be assured, for -present, and for two months hence, we are as safe here as at Cairo. -If you would get, by good pay, 3,000 Turkish infantry and 1,000 -Turkish cavalry, the affair, including crushing of Mahdi, would be -accomplished in four months. - - -_P. 12. Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. Cairo, April 18, 1884._ - -Lately I have been sending telegrams to Berber to be forwarded -to Gordon. Since communication between Berber and Khartoum was -cut, his telegrams to me have taken from a week to ten days. My -telegrams to him appear to have taken even longer, and some, I -think, have not reached him at all. - - -_The Same, Later._ - -I have received another telegram from Gordon.... It is most -unfortunate that of all the telegrams I have sent to him only one -very short one appears to have reached him. He evidently thinks he -is to be abandoned, and is very indignant. - - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Egypt," C 3,998 of 1884. - -_P. 1. Gordon to Baring. Telegraphic. Khartoum, April 16, 1884, -5.15 p.m._ - -As far as I can understand, the situation is this: you state your -intention of not sending any relief up here or to Berber, and -you refuse me Zobeir. I consider myself free to act according to -circumstances. I shall hold on here as long as I can, and if I can -suppress the rebellion I shall do so. If I cannot, I shall retire -to the Equator, and leave you indelible disgrace of abandoning -garrisons of Senaar, Kassala, Berber, and Dongola, with the -certainty that you will be eventually forced to smash up the Mahdi -under great difficulties if you would retain peace in Egypt. - - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Papers_, "Egypt," C 3,970 of 1884. - -_P. 15. Earl Granville to Mr. Egerton, April 23, 1884._ - -Gordon should be at once informed, in cipher, by several messengers -at some interval between each, through Dongola as well as Berber, -or in such other way as may on the spot be deemed most prompt -and certain, that he should keep us informed, to the best of his -ability, not only as to immediate but as to any prospective danger -at Khartoum; that to be prepared for any such danger he advise -us as to the force necessary in order to secure his removal, its -amount, character, route for access to Khartoum, and time of -operation; that we do not propose to supply him with Turkish or -other force for the purpose of undertaking military expeditions, -such being beyond the scope of the commission he holds, and at -variance with the pacific policy which was the purpose of his -mission to the Soudan; that if with this knowledge he continues at -Khartoum, he should state to us the cause and intention with which -he so continues. Add expressions both of respect and gratitude for -his gallant and self-sacrificing conduct, and for the good he has -achieved. - - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Egypt," No. 21 of 1884, C -4,005. - -_Mr. Egerton to Earl Granville. Cairo, May 10, 1884._ - -The messengers sent in succession by the Governor of Dongola with -the ciphered message for Gordon have returned. He telegraphed -yesterday that they report that the rebels have invested Khartoum; -that, in consequence, excursions in steamers are made on the White -Nile in order to attack those on the banks; that the rebels have -constructed wooden shelters to protect themselves against the -projectiles; when the Government forces pursue them into these -shelters, the rebels take flight into the country beyond gun-shot; -that this state of things makes it impossible to get into Khartoum. - - -=Source.=--_Parliamentary Publications_, "Egypt," No. 22 of 1884, C -4,042. - -_Earl Granville to Mr. Egerton, May 17, 1884._ - -The following is the further message which Her Majesty's Government -desires to communicate to General Gordon in addition to that -contained in my telegram of the 23rd ultimo, which should be -repeated to him. Having regard to the time which has elapsed, Her -Majesty's Government desires to add to their communication of the -23rd April as follows: As the original plan for the evacuation of -the Soudan has been dropped, and as aggressive operations cannot -be undertaken with the countenance of Her Majesty's Government, -General Gordon is enjoined to consider and either to report upon, -or, if feasible, to adopt, at the first proper moment, measures -for his own removal and that of the Egyptians at Khartoum who have -suffered for him or who have served him faithfully, including their -wives and children, by whatever route he may consider best, having -especial regard to his own safety and that of the other British -subjects. With regard to the Egyptians above referred to, General -Gordon is authorized to make free use of money rewards or promises -at his discretion. For example, he is at liberty to assign to -Egyptian soldiers at Khartoum sums for themselves and for persons -brought with them per head, contingent on their safe arrival at -Korosko, or whatever point he may consider a place of safety; or -he may employ or pay the tribes in the neighbourhood to escort -them. In the event of General Gordon having despatched any persons -or agents to other points, he is authorized to spend any money -required for the purpose of recalling them or securing their safety. - - - - -GORDON'S POSITION (1884). - -I. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, July 29. - - -Last night at eleven o'clock the British and African Royal Mail -steamer _Kinsembo_ arrived in Plymouth Sound, having on board -Mr. H. M. Stanley, the African explorer. In the course of a -conversation with a correspondent, Mr. Stanley declared that -General Gordon might leave Khartoum whenever he chose, and had -three routes of escape open to him. He was a soldier, but not a -traveller. He would not leave Khartoum ingloriously. He could -escape by means of the Congo, the Nile, and across the desert to -Zanzibar. He could force his way through the country, because the -people would be afraid of an armed force. He is perfectly well -supplied with arms and ammunition, and is quite strong enough to -meet the Mahdi. Mr. Stanley derides the suggested expedition to -Khartoum, and says the men would die like flies when the summer is -waning. He says that Gordon only requires to act like a soldier, as -he believes he will, to settle the whole difficulty. - - -II. - -=Source.=--Holland's _Life of the Duke of Devonshire_, vol. i., p. -472 _et seq._ (Longmans.) - -On 29th July Lord Hartington circulated to the Cabinet his -own final memorandum on the subject. He said: "I wish before -Parliament is prorogued, and it becomes absolutely impossible to do -anything for the relief of General Gordon, to bring the subject -once more under the consideration of the Cabinet. On the last -occasion when it was discussed, although an opinion was expressed -that the balance of probability was that no expedition would be -required to enable General Gordon and those dependent on him to -leave Khartoum, I gathered that a considerable majority were in -favour of making some preparations, and taking some steps which -would make a relief expedition to Khartoum possible. I believe -that I have already stated the grounds on which I think that if -anything is now attempted it must be by the Valley of the Nile, -and not by the Suakin-Berber line. The delay which has taken place -makes it impossible that the railway should be constructed for -any considerable distance on that line during the next autumn -and winter, the period during which military operations would be -practicable without great suffering and loss of life to the troops. -The renewed concentration of the tribes under Osman Digna, near -Suakin, and the fall of Berber, makes it inevitable that severe -fighting would have to be done at both ends of the march, and, -in consequence of the necessity of crossing the desert in small -detachments, the engagement near Berber would be fought under -great disadvantages. On the other hand, we have for the defence -of the Nile itself been compelled to send a considerable force of -British and Egyptian troops up the Nile; and the positions which -are now occupied by those troops are so many stages on the advance -by the Nile Valley.... The proposal which I make is that a brigade -should be ordered to advance as soon as possible to Dongola by -the Nile.... I have not entered into the question whether it is -or is not probable that General Gordon can leave Khartoum without -assistance. As we know absolutely nothing, any opinion on this -subject can only be guess-work. But I do not see how it is possible -to redeem the pledges which we have given, if the necessity should -be proved to exist, without some such preparations and measures as -those which I now suggest...." Mr. Chamberlain minuted that he was -"against what is called an expedition, or the preparations for an -expedition." He did not think that the information was sufficient -to justify it. He thought that more information should first be -obtained.... Mr. Gladstone minuted (July 31): "I confess it to be -my strong conviction that to send an expedition either to Dongola -or Khartoum at the present time would be to act in the teeth of -evidence as to Gordon which, however imperfect, is far from being -trivial, and would be a grave and dangerous error." Mr. Gladstone -at the same time wrote to Lord Granville a letter, which the latter -forwarded to Lord Hartington. He said: "I had intended to give much -time to-day to collecting the sum of the evidence as to Gordon's -position, which appears to me to be strangely underrated by -some.... Undoubtedly I can be no party to the proposed despatch, as -a first step, of a brigade to Dongola. I do not think the evidence -as to Gordon's position requires or justifies, in itself, military -preparations for the contingency of a military expedition. There -are, however, preparations, perhaps, of various kinds which might -be made, and which are matters simply of cost, and do not include -necessary consequences in point of policy. To these I have never -offered an insuperable objection, and the adoption of them might -be, at the worst, a smaller evil than the evils with which we are -threatened in other forms. This on what I may call my side. On -the other hand, I hope I may presume that, while we are looking -into the matters I have just indicated, nothing will be done to -accelerate a Gordon crisis until we see, in the early days of next -week, what the Conference crisis is to produce." - - - - -GORDON'S OWN MEDITATIONS (1884). - -=Source.=--_General Gordon's Journal_, pp. 46, 56, 59, 93, 112. -(_Kegan Paul._) - - -_September 17._--Had Zobeir Pasha been sent up when I asked for -him, Berber would in all probability never have fallen, and one -might have made a Soudan Government in opposition to the Mahdi. -We choose to refuse his coming up because of his antecedents _in -re_ slave trade; granted that we had reason, yet as we take no -precautions as to the future of these with respect to the slave -trade, the above opposition seems absurd. I will not send up A. -because he will do this, but will leave the country to B., who will -do exactly the same. - -_September 19._--I was engaged in a certain work--_i.e._, to take -down the garrisons, etc. It suited me altogether to accept this -work (when once it was decided on to abandon the Soudan), which, -to my idea, is preferable to letting it be under those wretched -effete Egyptian Pashas. Her Majesty's Government agreed to send me. -It was a mutual affair; they owe me positively nothing, and I owe -them nothing. A member of Parliament, in one of our last received -papers, asked "whether officers were not supposed to go where -they were ordered?" I quite agree with his view, but it cannot -be said I was ordered to go. The subject was too complex for any -order. It was, "Will you go and try?" and my answer was, "Only too -delighted." As for all that may be said of our holding out, etc., -etc., it is all twaddle, for we had no option; as for all that -may be said as to why I did not escape with Stewart, it is simply -because the people would not have been such fools as to have let me -go, so there is an end of those great-coats of self-sacrifice, etc. -I must add _in re_ "the people not letting me go," that even if -they had been willing for me to go, I would not have gone, and left -them in their misery. - -_September 19._--Anyone reading the telegram 5th May, Suakin, 29th -April, Massowah, and _without_ date, Egerton saying, "Her Majesty's -Government does not entertain your proposal to supply Turkish or -other troops in order to undertake military operations in the -Soudan, and consequently if you stay at Kartoum you should state -your reasons," might imagine one was luxuriating up here, whereas, -I am sure, no one wishes more to be out of this than myself; the -_reasons_ are those horribly plucky Arabs. I own to having been -very insubordinate to Her Majesty's Government and its officials, -but it is my nature, and I cannot help it. - -_September 24._--I altogether _decline_ the imputation that the -projected expedition has come to _relieve me_. It has _come to -save our national honour in extricating the garrisons, etc., from -a position our action in Egypt has placed those garrisons_. As to -myself, I could make good my retreat at any moment if I wished. - -_September 29._--My idea is to induce Her Majesty's Government to -undertake the extrication of all people or garrisons, now hemmed in -or captive, and that if this is not their programme then to resign -my commission and do what I can to attain it (the object).... I say -this, because I should be sorry for Lord Wolseley to advance from -Dongola without fully knowing my views. If Her Majesty's Government -are going to abandon the garrisons, then do not advance. I say -nothing of evacuating the country; I merely maintain that if we do -so, everyone in the Soudan, captive or hemmed in, ought to have the -option and power of retreat. - - - - -THE FRANCHISE AND REDISTRIBUTION (1884). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, November 19. - - -The Representation of the People Bill was yesterday read a second -time in the House of Lords without a division, and without -discussion upon anything it contains.... The terms offered by -the Government, and now definitely accepted by the Opposition, -are, first, that the draft of the Redistribution Bill shall be -submitted in private to the Conservative leaders, in order that, by -suggesting the alterations they think necessary, they may convince -themselves of the equity and fairness of the measure. In the second -place, it is agreed that, when a Redistribution Bill satisfactory -to both parties has been framed, the Opposition will give to the -Government adequate assurance that the Franchise Bill shall pass -the House of Lords.... Lastly, the Government pledge themselves to -take up the Redistribution Bill as early as possible in the New -Year, to push it through its remaining stages with all possible -expedition, and, relying upon the loyal support of the Opposition -being given to the joint scheme, to stake not only their credit -but their existence upon the passing of the Bill into law in the -Session of 1885. - - - - -FEEDING POOR SCHOOL CHILDREN (1884). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 13. - - -The question of providing penny dinners for the children of the -London poor has received pretty ample discussion. Everybody -can form an idea now of the difficulties which will have to be -surmounted by the central committee of School Board managers and -teachers.... The vital principle of the scheme is that the dinners -shall be supplied on a self-supporting basis. In some places the -work has been undertaken with more zeal than knowledge, and there -has been quick disappointment. The Vicar of St. Mark's, Walworth, -who seems to doubt whether the scheme can be carried out on purely -commercial lines, tells us how fastidious are the children of the -poor. They turn from macaroni; they dislike the flavour of cabbage -boiled up in a stew; they will have nothing to say to haricot -beans, lentils, or salads; they mistrust soup; and are generally -most attracted by suet dumplings and jam or currant puddings. - - - - -THE DEATH OF GORDON (1885). - -=Source.=--Sir Reginald Wingate's _Mahdiism and the Egyptian -Soudan_, pp. 166-172. (Macmillans.) - - -Soon all that had been in the commissariat was finished, and -then the inhabitants and the soldiers had to eat dogs, donkeys, -skins of animals, gum, and palm fibre, and famine prevailed. The -soldiers stood on the fortifications like pieces of wood. The -civilians were even worse off. Many died of hunger, and corpses -filled the streets; no one had even energy to bury them.... We -were heartbroken; the people and soldiers began to lose faith in -Gordon's promises, and they were terribly weak from famine. At -last Sunday morning broke, and Gordon Pasha, who used always to -watch the enemy's movements from the top of the palace, noticed a -considerable movement in the south, which looked as if the Arabs -were collecting at Kalakala. He at once sent word to all of us who -had attended the previous meeting, and to a few others, to come at -once to the palace. We all came, but Gordon Pasha did not see us. -We were again addressed by Giriagis Bey, who said he had been told -by Gordon Pasha to inform us that he noticed much movement in the -enemy's lines, and believed an attack would be made on the town; he -therefore ordered us to collect every male in the town from the age -of eight, even to the old men, and to line all the fortifications, -and that if we had difficulty in getting this order obeyed we were -to use force. Giriagis said that Gordon Pasha now appealed to us -for the last time to make a determined stand, for in twenty-four -hours' time he had no doubt the English would arrive; but that if -we preferred to submit then, he gave the commandant liberty to open -the gates, and let all join the rebels. He had nothing more to -say. I then asked to be allowed to see the Pasha, and was admitted -to his presence. I found him sitting on a divan, and as I came in -he pulled off his tarboush (fez) and flung it from him, saying, -"What more can I say? I have nothing more to say; the people will -no longer believe me; I have told them over and over again that -help would be here, but it has never come, and now they must see I -tell them lies. If this, my last promise, fails, I can do nothing -more. Go and collect all the people you can on the lines, and make -a good stand. Now leave me to smoke these cigarettes." (There -were two full boxes of cigarettes on the table.) I could see he -was in despair, and he spoke in a tone I had never heard before. -I knew then that he had been too agitated to address the meeting, -and thought the sight of his despair would dishearten us. All the -anxiety he had undergone had gradually turned his hair to a snowy -white. I left him, and this was the last time I saw him alive.... -It was a gloomy day, that last day in Khartoum; hundreds lay dead -and dying in the streets from starvation, and there were none to -bury them. At length the night came, and, as I afterwards learnt, -Gordon Pasha sat up writing till midnight, and then lay down to -sleep. He awoke some time between two and three a.m. The wild -war-cries of the Arabs were heard close at hand. A large body of -rebels had crept in the dark close up to the broken-down parapet -and filled-up ditch, between the White Nile and the Messalamieh -Gate. The soldiers never knew of the enemy's approach until about -twenty minutes before they were actually attacked, when the tramp -of feet was heard, and the alarm was sounded; but they were so -tired out and exhausted that it was not until the sentries fired -that the rest of the men suddenly started up surprised, to find -swarms of Arabs pouring over the ditch and up the parapet, yelling -and shouting their war-cries. Here they met with little resistance, -for most of the soldiers were four or five paces apart, and were -too feeble to oppose such a rush. The Arabs were soon within the -lines, and thus able to attack the rest of the soldiers from -behind. They were opposed at some points, but it was soon all -over.... Meanwhile Gordon Pasha, on being roused by the noise, -went on to the roof of the palace in his sleeping clothes. He soon -made out that the rebels had entered the town, and for upwards of -an hour he kept up a hot fire in the direction of the attack. I -heard that he also sent word to get up steam in the steamer, but -the engineer was not there; he had been too frightened to leave his -house. As dawn approached Gordon Pasha could see the Arab banners -in the town, and soon the gun became useless, for he could not -depress it enough to fire on the enemy. By this time the Arabs had -crowded round the palace in thousands, but for a time no one dared -enter, for they thought mines were laid to blow them up. Meanwhile -Gordon Pasha had left the roof; he went to his bedroom, which was -close to the divan, and there he put on a white uniform, his sword, -which he did not draw, and, carrying his revolver in his right -hand, stepped out into the passage in front of the entrance to the -office, and just at the head of the staircase. During this interval -four men, more brave than the rest, forced their way into the -palace, and once in were followed by hundreds of others. Of these -latter, the majority rushed up the stairs to the roof, where, after -a short resistance, the palace guard, servants, and cavasses were -all killed; while the four men--Taha Shahin, a Dongolawi, whose -father was formerly in my service; Ibrahim Abu Shanab, servant of -George Angelleto; Hamad Wad Ahmed Jar en Nebbi, Hassani; and a -fourth, also a Dongolawi, servant to Fathallah Jehami--followed -by a crowd of others, knowing Gordon Pasha's room, rushed towards -it. Taha Shahin was the first to encounter Gordon beside the door -of the divan, apparently waiting for the Arabs, and standing with -a calm and dignified manner, his left hand resting on the hilt of -his sword. Shahin, dashing forward with the curse "Mala' oun el -yom yomek!" (O cursed one, your time is come!), plunged his spear -into his body. Gordon, it is said, made a gesture of scorn with his -right hand, and turned his back, where he received another spear -wound, which caused him to fall forward, and was most likely his -mortal wound. The other three men, closely following Shahin, then -rushed in, and, cutting at the prostrate body with their swords, -must have killed him in a few seconds. His death occurred just -before sunrise. He made no resistance, and did not fire a shot -from his revolver. From all I knew, I am convinced that he never -intended to surrender. I should say he must have intended to use -his revolver only if he saw it was the intention of the Arabs to -take him prisoner alive; but he saw such crowds rushing on him with -swords and spears, and there being no important emirs with them, he -must have known that they did not intend to spare him, and that was -most likely what he wanted.... Gordon Pasha's head was immediately -cut off and sent to the Mahdi at Omdurman, while his body was -dragged downstairs and left exposed for a time in the garden, where -many Arabs came to plunge their spears into it. I heard that the -Mahdi had given orders for Gordon to be spared, but what I have -stated was told me by the four men I have mentioned, and I believe -the Mahdi pardoned them for their disobedience of orders.... I saw -Gordon Pasha's head exposed in Omdurman. It was fixed between the -branches of a tree, and all who passed by threw stones at it. - - -[NOTE.--This account is from the journal of Bordeini Bey, an -eminent Khartoum merchant, who willingly gave up his large stores -of grain to Gordon for the supply of the garrison. He was taken -prisoner at the fall of the city.] - - - - -THE GOVERNMENT'S RESPONSIBILITY (1885). - -=Source.=--Lord Cromer's _Modern Egypt_, vol. i., p. 589. -(Macmillans.) - - -It has been already shown that General Gordon paid little heed to -his instructions, that he was consumed with a desire to "smash -the Mahdi," and that the view that he was constrained to withdraw -everyone who wished to leave from the most distant parts of the -Soudan was, to say the least, quixotic. The conclusion to be drawn -from these facts is that it was a mistake to send General Gordon -to the Soudan. But do they afford any justification for the delay -in preparing and in despatching the relief expedition? I cannot -think that they do so. Whatever errors of judgment General Gordon -may have committed, the broad facts, as they existed in the early -summer of 1884, were that he was sent to Khartoum by the British -Government, who never denied their responsibility for his safety, -that he was beleaguered, and that he was, therefore, unable to get -away. It is just possible that he could have effected his retreat, -if, having abandoned the southern posts, he had moved northward -with the Khartoum garrison in April or early in May. As time went -on, and nothing was heard of him, it became more and more clear -that he either could not or would not--probably that he could -not--move. The most indulgent critic would scarcely extend beyond -June 27 the date at which the Government should have decided on the -question of whether a relief expedition should or should not be -despatched. On that day the news that Berber had been captured on -May 26 by the Dervishes was finally confirmed. Yet it was not till -six weeks later that the Government obtained from Parliament the -funds necessary to prepare for an expedition. - - - - -THE VOTE OF CENSURE (1885). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 294, col. 1311. (House of -Lords debate on Egypt, February 26, 1885.) - - -THE MARQUIS OF SALISBURY: ... The conduct of Her Majesty's -Government has been an alternation of periods of slumber and -periods of rush, and the rush, however vehement, has always been -too unprepared and too unintelligent to repair the damage which -the period of slumber has effected.... The case of the bombardment -of Alexandria, the case of the abandonment of the Soudan, the -case of the mission of General Graham's force--they are all on -the same plan, and all show you that remarkable characteristic -of torpor during the time when action was needed, and hasty, -impulsive, ill-considered action when the time for action had -passed by. Their further conduct was modelled on their action in -the past. So far was it modelled that we were able to put it to the -test which establishes a scientific law. I should like to quote -what I said on the 4th of April, when discussing the prospect of -the relief of General Gordon. What I said was this: "Are these -circumstances encouraging to us when we are asked to trust that, -on the inspiration of the moment, when the danger comes, Her -Majesty's Government will find some means of relieving General -Gordon? I fear that the history of the past will be repeated in -the future; and just again, when it is too late, the critical -resolution will be taken; some terrible news will come that the -position of Gordon is absolutely a forlorn and hopeless one, and -then, under the pressure of public wrath and Parliamentary censure, -some desperate resolution of sending an expedition will be formed -too late to achieve the object which it is desired to gain." I -quote these words to show that by that time we had ascertained -the laws of motion and the orbits of those erratic comets who sit -on the Treasury Bench. Now the terrible responsibility and shame -rests upon the Government, because they were warned in March and -April of the danger to General Gordon, because they received every -intimation which men could reasonably look for that his danger -would be extreme, and because they delayed from March and April -right down to the 15th of August before they took a single measure -to relieve him. What were they doing all that time? It is very -difficult to conceive. What happened during those eventful months? -I suppose some day the memoirs will tell our grandchildren, but -we shall never know. Some people think there were divisions in -the Cabinet, and that after division on division a decision was -put off, lest the Cabinet be broken up. I am rather inclined to -think it was due to the peculiar position of the Prime Minister. -He came in as the apostle of the Midlothian campaign, loaded with -all the doctrines and all the follies of that pilgrimage. We have -seen on each occasion, after one of these mishaps, when he has been -forced by events and by the common sense of the nation to take some -active steps--we have seen his extreme supporters falling foul -of him, and reproaching him with having deserted their opinions -and disappointed the ardent hopes which they had formed of him as -the apostle of absolute negation in foreign affairs. I think he -has always felt the danger of that reproach. He always felt the -debt he had incurred to those supporters. He always felt a dread -lest they should break away; and he put off again and again to -the last practical moment any action which might bring him into -open conflict with the doctrine by which his present eminence was -gained. At all events, this is clear--that throughout those six -months the Government knew perfectly well the danger in which -General Gordon was placed. It has been said that General Gordon -did not ask for troops. I am surprised at that defence. One of -the characteristics of General Gordon was the extreme abnegation -of his nature. It was not to be expected that he should send -home a telegram to say, "I am in great danger, therefore send me -troops"--he would probably have cut off his right hand before -he would have sent a telegram of that sort. But he sent home -telegrams through Mr. Power, telegrams saying that the people of -Khartoum were in great danger; that the Mahdi would succeed unless -military succour was sent forward; urging at one time the sending -forward of Sir Evelyn Wood and his Egyptians, and at another the -landing of Indians at Suakin and the establishment of the Berber -route, and distinctly telling the Government--and this is the main -point--that unless they would consent to his views the supremacy of -the Mahdi was assured.... Well, now, my Lords, is it conceivable -that after two months, in May, the Prime Minister should have -said that they were waiting to have reasonable proof that Gordon -was in danger? By that time Khartoum was surrounded, the Governor -of Berber had announced that his case was hopeless, which was too -surely proved by the massacre which took place in June; and yet -in May Mr. Gladstone was still waiting for "reasonable proof" -that the men who were surrounded, who had announced that they had -only five months' food, were in danger.... It was the business -of the Government not to interpret General Gordon's telegrams -as if they had been statutory declarations, but to judge for -themselves of the circumstances of the case, and to see that those -who were surrounded, who were only three Englishmen among such a -vast body of Mohammedans, and who were already cut off from all -communications with the civilized world by the occupation of every -important town upon the river, were really in danger, and that if -they meant to answer their responsibilities they were bound to -relieve them. I cannot tell what blindness fell over the eyes of -some members of Her Majesty's Government.... - - - - -MORE FENIANISM (1885). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, January 26. - - -The "dynamite war," as it is called by the disloyal Irish and -the Irish-American outrage-mongers, was continued in London on -Saturday with some success to the perpetrators. Accepting the -privilege accorded to all comers to view the Houses of Parliament -and the Tower of London, they cunningly placed charged machines -of dynamite in the Crypt leading out of Westminster Hall, in -the House of Commons chamber itself, and caused, almost at -the same time, an explosion in the Tower of London. The first -explosion at Westminster was in the Hall itself. Some visitors -were passing through the Crypt, when one noticed a parcel on the -ground. It is described as the usual "black bag." ... The nearest -police-constable, Cole by name, picked up the smoking parcel, and -brought it to the entrance of the Crypt, where, from its heat or -some other cause, he dropped it. It was fortunate for him that -he did so, for in an instant a terrific explosion burst from the -parcel.... The stone flooring was shattered, and the rails round -the Crypt were somewhat twisted by the immediate blow of the -explosion. Its secondary effect was to break some of the windows, -and shake down from the vast beams of Irish oak, forming the roof, -the accumulated dust of ages.... The chamber of the House of -Commons presented the scene of a complete wreck from the second -explosion. The benches of the Government side were torn up, and -some of the seats had been hurled up into the gallery above.... -The explosion at the Tower of London was the most serious in its -effects of the three, for several persons were injured, some damage -was done to the building, and a fire ensued, lasting an hour.... -The explosive was placed between the stands of arms in the ancient -banqueting-room of the Tower. - - - - -NEW LABOUR MOVEMENTS (1885). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, January 31. - - -_Industrial Remuneration Conference._ - -Yesterday the delegates held their concluding sitting at Prince's -Hall, Piccadilly, when the subject set down for discussion was: -Would the more general distribution of capital or land, or the -State management of capital or land, promote or impair the -production of wealth and the welfare of the community?... - -The discussion on the papers was begun by Mr. Williams (Social -Democratic Federation), who said that if they left all the -machinery, all the railways, and all the mines in the hands of the -rich capitalists, the working classes would still continue to be -oppressed. They must either say that the Government had no right -to interfere with anything, or they must admit that the State -must equally interfere between the landlord, the capitalist, and -the labourer. He compared the part played by politicians like Mr. -Chamberlain, who directed their attacks exclusively against the -landlords, and spared the rich capitalists, to that sustained by -the Artful Dodger in "Oliver Twist." - -Mr. B. Shaw (Fabian Society) said he had no desire to give pain -to the burglar--if any of that trade were in the room--or to the -landlord or the capitalist, pure and simple; all he could say was -that all three belonged to the same class, and that the injury each -inflicted on the community was precisely of the same nature. - - -[NOTE.--The Social Democratic Federation had been founded in 1881; -the Fabian Society, a few weeks before this conference met.] - - - - -THE UNEMPLOYED (1885). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, February 17. - - -Yesterday afternoon three or four thousand of the unemployed of -London held a demonstration on the Embankment near Cleopatra's -Needle, and afterwards marched to Westminster, carrying banners. -From Whitehall a large number of the crowd passed into Downing -Street near the Premier's residence, where a Cabinet meeting was -being held at the time, but at the request of the police, of whom -an extra force were in attendance, the crowd moved round to King -Street, where they were addressed in somewhat inflammatory terms -by some of their speakers, who wore red badges. One speaker clung -to the top of a lamp-post, and thence harangued the crowd; another -spoke from a window-sill. Meantime, in the absence of Sir Charles -Dilke, who was at the Cabinet Meeting, Mr. G. W. E. Russell, -Parliamentary Secretary of the Local Government Board, received a -small deputation of the leaders.... At the close of the interview -the crowd marched back to the Embankment, where the following -resolution was passed unanimously: "That this meeting of the -Unemployed, having heard the answer given by the Local Government -Board to their deputation, considers the refusal to start public -works to be a sentence of death on thousands of those out of -work, and the recommendation to bring pressure to bear on the -local bodies to be a direct incitement to violence; further, it -will hold Mr. G. W. E. Russell and the members of the Government, -individually and collectively, guilty of the murder of those who -may die in the next few weeks, and whose lives would have been -saved had the suggestions of the deputation been acted on." - - (Signed) JOHN BURNS, ENGINEER. - JOHN E. WILLIAMS, LABOURER. - WILLIAM HENRY, FOREMAN. - JAMES MACDONALD, TAILOR. - - - - -WORKING MEN MAGISTRATES (1885). - -=Source.=--_The Manchester Guardian_, May 14. - - -We understand that it is in contemplation to raise a number of -workmen to the magisterial bench in the Duchy of Lancaster. The -first of the appointments is that of Mr. H. R. Slatter to the -Commission of the peace for the City of Manchester. He is Secretary -to the Provincial Typographical Association, and a member of the -Manchester School Board. It is understood that similar offers of -appointment to the magistracy have been made to Mr. T. Birtwistle, -of Accrington, Secretary to the Operative Weavers' Association of -North and North-east Lancashire, and Mr. Fielding, of Bolton, who -holds the post of Secretary to the local branch of the Operative -Cotton Spinners' Association. - - - - -TORY OLIVE-BRANCH TO IRELAND (1885). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 298, col. 1658. (House of -Lords, July 6, 1885.) - - -THE LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND (THE EARL OF CARNARVON): My Lords, -my noble friend [Lord Salisbury] has desired that I should state to -your Lordships the general position that Her Majesty's Government -are prepared to occupy with regard to Irish affairs, and I hope -to do so in comparatively few sentences. I need not tell your -Lordships what everyone in this House knows, the nature of the -events which have brought us to the present position. It will be -perhaps sufficient if, by quoting a few figures, I show what the -state of agrarian crime was a few years ago, what it has since -been in the interval, and what it is at the present time. In 1878 -agrarian crime in Ireland stood at 301 cases. In the following -year there were 860, and in the three following years--1880, 1881, -and 1882--the cases reached the enormous totals of 2,580, 4,439, -and 3,433 respectively. In 1883, after the Crimes Act had passed, -agrarian crimes fell to 870, and last year to 762. I ought perhaps -to supplement that statement by saying that in 1884 I think that -there was no case of the worst form of agrarian crime. I think that -there was not one case of actual murder, and the calendars promise -to be of a comparatively, if not singularly, light character. The -substance therefore of the statement is that, whereas crime rose -in those three years to an enormous figure, it has since fallen -to what I do not call an absolutely normal level, but to the same -level--in fact, below the level of 1879. In these circumstances the -question has naturally arisen--what Her Majesty's Government are -to do; and it is impossible to conceive a graver or more serious -matter on which to deliberate. Within a very short time--indeed, -within a time to be numbered by weeks--the Crimes Act expires, and -the question is, What course should be taken? Three courses are -possible. Either you may re-enact the Crimes Act in the whole, -or you may re-enact it in part, or you may allow it to lapse -altogether. I think very few persons would be disposed to advocate -its re-enactment as a whole. The more serious and practical -question is whether it shall be re-enacted in part. The Act having -produced, as all agree, its effect, and three years having lapsed, -it seems hard to call on Parliament once more to re-enact it. -I believe for my part that special legislation of this sort is -inexpedient. It is inexpedient while it is in operation, because -it must conjure up a sense of restlessness and irritation; and -it is still more inexpedient when it has to be renewed at short -intervals, and brings before the mind of the people of the country -that they are to be kept under peculiar and exceptional coercion. -Now I have looked through a good many of the Acts that have been -passed, I may say, during the last generation for Ireland, and -I have been astonished to find that ever since the year 1847, -with some very short intervals which are hardly worth mentioning, -Ireland has lived under exceptional and coercive legislation. -No sane man can admit that this is a satisfactory or wholesome -state of things. It does seem to me that it is very desirable, -if possible, to extricate ourselves from this miserable habit, -and to aim at some wholesome and better solution. But, more than -being undesirable, I hold that such legislation is practically -impossible, if it is to be continually and indefinitely re-enacted. -I think it was Count Cavour who said that it is easy to govern in -a state of siege. It may be easy to govern in a state of siege -for a time, but to attempt to govern permanently is, I believe, -utterly impossible. It may be said that this is a question of -trust. No doubt it is a question of trust; but trust begets trust, -and it is after all the only foundation upon which we can hope -to build up amity and concord between the two nations. I know of -nothing more sad than to see how, instead of diminishing under -the healing process of time, there has been a growth of ill-will -between these two nations; and I think it is time to try how far we -may appeal to better feelings. I for my part believe that Ireland -will justify the confidence which is shown her when this Act is -allowed to lapse. If I am asked further as to policy, I will speak -generally in these terms. So far as the mere administration of the -law is concerned, it is our hope and intention to administer the -ordinary law firmly and effectually. So far as the larger field of -Government, which includes law, and more than law, is concerned, -I hope we shall deal justly, and that we shall secure perhaps a -somewhat better, wholesomer, and kindlier relation, I will not -say merely between classes, creeds, or races, but between the -rulers and the ruled. I cannot and will not lightly believe that -the combination of good feeling to England and good government -to Ireland is a hopeless task. My Lords, I do not believe that -with honesty and single-mindedness of purpose on the one side, -and with the willingness of the Irish people on the other, it is -hopeless to look for some satisfactory solution of this terrible -question. My Lords, these I believe to be the views and opinions -of my colleagues. And just as I have seen in English colonies -across the sea a combination of English, Irish, and Scotch settlers -bound together in loyal obedience to the law and the Crown, and -contributing to the general prosperity of the country, so I cannot -conceive that there is any irreconcilable bar here in their native -home and in England to the unity and amity of the two nations. - - - - -THE FIRST SUBMARINE (1885). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, October 1. - - -The interest excited by the recent trials of the Nordenfeldt -submarine boat is sufficiently shown by the presence at Landskrona -of thirty-nine officers, representing every European Power, -together with Brazil and Japan. The Nordenfeldt boat, the first of -its class, was built at Stockholm about two years ago. The boat is -cigar-shaped, with a coffin-like projection on the top amidships, -formed by vertical combings supporting a glass dome or conning -tower, 1 foot high, which enables the commander to see his way. -The dome, with its iron protecting cover, stands on a horizontal -lid, which can be swung to one side to allow the crew of three men -to get in or out without difficulty. The length of the hull is -64 feet, and the central diameter 9 feet. It is built of Swedish -mild steel plates ⅝ inch thick at the centre, tapered to ⅜ inch -at the ends.... In order to prepare for action, enough sea-water -is taken in to reduce the buoyancy to 1 cwt., which suffices to -keep the conning tower well above the surface. In order to sink -the boat further, the vertical propellers are set in motion, and -by their action it is held at the required depth. Thus to come -to the surface again it is merely necessary to stop the vertical -propellers, in which case the reserve of buoyancy at once comes -into play.... The motive power is steam alone. For submarine work, -as stoking is, of course, impossible, the firebox has to be sealed. -It is therefore necessary to store the requisite power beforehand, -and this is done by heating the water in two tanks placed fore -and aft, till a pressure of about 150 pounds per square inch is -obtained. With about this initial pressure the boat has been driven -for sixteen miles at a speed of three knots.... No compressed -air is carried, and the crew depend therefore for existence on -the amount of air sealed up in the hull. With this amount of air -only, four men have remained for a period of six hours without any -special inconvenience. - - - - -THE UNAUTHORIZED PROGRAMME (1885). - -=Source.=--Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii., pp. 173, 174, -220-226. (Macmillans.) - - -Mr. Chamberlain had been rapidly advancing in public prominence, -and he now showed that the agitation against the House of Lords -was to be only the beginning and not the end. At Ipswich (January -14) he said this country had been called the paradise of the -rich, and warned his audience no longer to allow it to remain the -purgatory of the poor. He told them that reform of local government -must be almost the first reform of the next Parliament, and spoke -in favour of allotments, the creation of small proprietors, the -placing of a small tax on the total property of the taxpayer, and -of free education. Mr. Gladstone's attention was drawn from Windsor -to these utterances, and he replied that though he thought some -of them were "on various grounds open to grave objection," yet -they seemed to raise no "definite point on which, in his capacity -of Prime Minister, he was entitled to interfere and lecture the -speaker." A few days later, more terrible things were said by Mr. -Chamberlain at Birmingham. He pronounced for the abolition of -plural voting, and in favour of payment of members, and manhood -suffrage. He also advocated a bill for enabling local communities -to acquire land, a graduated income-tax, and the breaking up of the -great estates as the first step in land reform.... - -Mr. Gladstone made a lenient communication to the orator, to the -effect that "there had better be some explanations among them when -they met." ... He recognized by now that in the Cabinet the battle -was being fought between old time and new. He did not allow his -dislike of some of the new methods of forming public opinion to -prevent him from doing full justice to the energetic and sincere -public spirit behind them.... - -The address to his electors ... was given to the public on -September 17. It was, as he said, as long as a pamphlet.... The -Whigs, we are told, found it vague, the Radicals cautious, the -Tories crafty; but everybody admitted that it tended to heal -feuds.... Mr. Chamberlain, though raising his own flag, was -respectful to his leader's manifesto. The surface was thus stilled -for the moment; yet the waters ran very deep.... - -[Gladstone] goes on to say that the ground had now been -sufficiently laid for going to the election with a united front, -that ground being the common profession of a limited creed or -programme in the Liberal sense, with an entire freedom for those -so inclined to travel beyond it, but not to impose their own sense -upon all other people.... If the party and its leaders were agreed -as to immediate measures ... were not these enough to find a -Liberal administration plenty of work ... for several years?... - -An advance was made in the development of a peculiar situation by -important conversations with Mr. Chamberlain [at Hawarden: these] -did not materially alter Mr. Gladstone's disposition [but the first -crisis which promptly developed tended to obscure the direct issue]. - - - - -THE IRISH VOTE (1885). - -=Source.=--Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii., pp. 188-245. -(Macmillans.) - - -On May 15 Mr. Gladstone announced ... that they proposed to -continue what he described as certain clauses of a valuable and -equitable description in the existing Coercion Act. - -No Parliamentary situation could be more tempting to an astute -Opposition. The signs that the Cabinet was not united were -unmistakable.... The key to an operation that should at once, with -the aid of the disaffected Liberals and the Irish, turn out Mr. -Gladstone and secure the English elections, was an understanding -with Mr. Parnell.... Lord Salisbury and his confidential friends -had resolved [previous to the defeat of the Government], subject -to official information, to drop coercion, and the only visible -reason why they should form the resolution at that particular -moment was its probable effect upon Mr. Parnell. [Meanwhile] the -policy of the Central Board [for Ireland], of which Mr. Gladstone -so decisively approved, had been killed.... When it came to the -full Cabinet it could not be carried. [June 6. Government defeated -on an amendment to the Budget by 264 to 252.] The defeat of the -Gladstone Government was the first success of a combination -between Tories and Irish that proved of cardinal importance to -policies and parties for several critical months to come.... The -new Government were not content with renouncing coercion for the -present. They cast off all responsibility for its practice in -the past.... In July a singular incident occurred, nothing less -strange than an interview between the new Lord-Lieutenant [Lord -Carnarvon] and the leader of the Irish party. To realize its full -significance we have to recall the profound odium that at this -time enveloped Mr. Parnell's name in the minds of nearly all -Englishmen.... The transaction had consequences, and the Carnarvon -episode was a pivot. The effect on the mind of Mr. Parnell was easy -to foresee.... Why should he not believe that the alliance formed -in June ... had really blossomed from a mere lobby manœuvre and -election expedient into a policy adopted by serious statesmen? - -[In Midlothian, on November 9, Mr. Gladstone said:] "It will be a -vital danger to the country and to the empire, if at a time when a -demand from Ireland for larger powers of self-government is to be -dealt with, there is not in Parliament a party totally independent -of the Irish vote." ... Mr. Gladstone's cardinal deliverance in -November had been preceded by an important event. On October 7, -1885, Lord Salisbury made that speech at Newport which is one of -the tallest and most striking landmarks in the shifting sands of -this controversy.... Some of the more astute of the Minister's own -colleagues were delighted with his speech, as keeping the Irishmen -steady to the Tory party.... The question on which side the Irish -vote in Great Britain should be thrown seems not to have been -decided until after Mr. Gladstone's speech. It was then speedily -settled. On November 21 a manifesto was issued, handing over the -Irish vote in Great Britain solid to the orator of the Newport -speech. The tactics were obvious. It was Mr. Parnell's interest to -bring the two contending British parties as near as might be to a -level, and this he could only hope to do by throwing his strength -upon the weaker side. It was from the weaker side, if they could -be maintained in office, that he would get the best terms.... -Some estimated the loss to the Liberal party in this island at -twenty seats, others at forty. Whether twenty or forty, these -lost seats made a fatal difference in the division on the Irish -Bill a few months later.... But this was not all, and was not the -worst of it.... Passions were roused, and things were said about -Irishmen that could not at once be forgotten; and the great task -of conversion in 1886, difficult in any case, was made a thousand -times more difficult still by the antipathies of the electoral -battle of 1885. Meanwhile it was for the moment, and for the -purposes of the moment, a striking success. - - - - -THE NEW ELECTORATE (1885). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, December 11. - - -From a carefully prepared statistical abstract of the election it -appears that in the English counties, out of a total electorate of -2,303,133 voters, 1,937,988 votes were recorded, in the proportion -of 1,020,774 Liberal votes to 916,314 Conservative. - - - - -THE OPENING OF THE RIFT (1886). - -=Source.=--Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii., pp. 292-295. -(Macmillans.) - - -What Mr. Gladstone called the basis of his new government was set -out in a short memorandum, which he read to each of those whom he -hoped to include in his Cabinet: "I propose to examine whether it -is or is not practicable to comply with the desire widely prevalent -in Ireland, and testified by the return of eighty-five out of -one hundred and three representatives, for the establishment by -statute of a legislative body to sit in Dublin, and to deal with -Irish as distinguished from Imperial affairs, in such a manner -as would be just to each of the three kingdoms, equitable with -reference to every class of the people of Ireland, conducive to -the social order and harmony of that country, and calculated to -support and consolidate the unity of the Empire on the continued -basis of Imperial authority and mutual attachment." No definite -plan was propounded or foreshadowed, but only the proposition -that it was a duty to seek a plan. The cynical version was that a -Cabinet was got together on the chance of being able to agree. To -Lord Hartington Mr. Gladstone applied as soon as he received the -Queen's commission. The invitation was declined on reasoned grounds -(January 30th). Examination and inquiry, said Lord Hartington, must -mean a proposal. If no proposal followed inquiry, the reaction of -Irish disappointment would be severe, as it would be natural. He -could not depart from the traditions of British statesmen, and he -was opposed to a separate Irish legislature. At the same time, -he concluded, in a sentence afterwards pressed by Mr. Gladstone -on the notice of the Queen: "I am fully convinced that the -alternative policy of governing Ireland without large concessions -to the national sentiment, presents difficulties of a tremendous -character, which in my opinion could now only be faced by the -support of a nation united by the consciousness that the fullest -opportunity had been given for the production and consideration -of a conciliatory policy...." The decision was persistently -regarded by Mr. Gladstone as an important event in English -political history. With a small number of distinguished individual -exceptions, it marked the withdrawal from the Liberal party of the -aristocratic element.... - -Mr. Goschen, who had been a valuable member of the great Ministry -of 1868, was invited to call, but without hopes that he would -rally to a cause so startling; the interview, while courteous -and pleasant, was over in a very few minutes. Lord Derby, a man -of still more cautious type, and a rather recent addition to the -officers of the Liberal staff, declined, not without good nature. -Most lamented of all the abstentions was the honoured and trusted -name of Mr. Bright. - - - - -"ULSTER WILL FIGHT" (1886). - -=Source.=--Winston Churchill's _Life of Lord Randolph Churchill_, -vol. ii., pp. 60-65. (Macmillans.) - - -Lord Randolph crossed the Channel and arrived at Larne early on the -morning of February 22. He was welcomed like a king.... That night -the Ulster Hall (in Belfast) was crowded to its utmost compass. -In order to satisfy the demand for tickets all the seats were -removed, and the concourse--which he addressed for nearly an hour -and a half--heard him standing. He was nearly always successful -on the platform, but the effect he produced upon his audience at -Belfast was one of the most memorable triumphs of his life.... "Now -may be the time," he said, "to show whether all these ceremonies -and forms which are practised in Orange lodges are really living -symbols or only idle and meaningless ceremonies; whether that which -you have so carefully fostered is really the lamp of liberty, and -its flame the undying and unquenchable fire of freedom.... Like -Macbeth before the murder of Duncan, Mr. Gladstone asks for time. -Before he plunges the knife into the heart of the British Empire, -he reflects, he hesitates.... The Loyalists in Ulster should wait -and watch--organize and prepare. Diligence and vigilance ought to -be your watchword; so that the blow, if it does come, may not come -upon you as a thief in the night, and may not find you unready, and -taken by surprise. I believe that this storm will blow over, and -that the vessel of the Union will emerge with her Loyalist crew -stronger than before; but it is right and useful that I should add -that if the struggle should continue, and if my conclusions should -turn out to be wrong, then I am of opinion that the struggle is not -likely to remain within the lines of what we are accustomed to look -upon as constitutional action. No portentous change such as the -Repeal of the Union, no change so gigantic, could be accomplished -by the mere passing of a law. The history of the United States will -teach us a different lesson; and if it should turn out that the -Parliament of the United Kingdom was so recreant from all its high -duties, and that the British nation was so apostate to traditions -of honour and courage, as to hand over the Loyalists of Ireland to -the domination of an Assembly in Dublin, which must be to them a -foreign and an alien assembly, if it should be within the design -of Providence to place upon you and your fellow-Loyalists so heavy -a trial, then, gentlemen, I do not hesitate to tell you most truly -that in that dark hour there will not be wanting to you those of -position and influence in England who would be willing to cast in -their lot with you, and who, whatever the result, will share your -fortunes and your fate. There will not be wanting those who, at -the exact moment, when the time is fully come--if that time should -come--will address you in words which are perhaps best expressed by -one of our greatest English poets: - - 'The combat deepens; on, ye brave, - Who rush to glory or the grave. - Wave, Ulster--all thy banners wave, - And charge with all thy chivalry.'" - -... A few weeks later, in a letter to a Liberal-Unionist member, he -repeated his menace in an even clearer form: "If political parties -and political leaders, not only Parliamentary but local, should be -so utterly lost to every feeling and dictate of honour and courage -as to hand over coldly, and for the sake of purchasing a short and -illusory Parliamentary tranquillity, the lives and liberties of -the Loyalists of Ireland to their hereditary and most bitter foes, -make no doubt on this point--Ulster will not be a consenting party; -Ulster at the proper moment will resort to the extreme arbitrament -of force; Ulster will fight, Ulster will be right; Ulster will -emerge from the struggle victorious, because all that Ulster -represents to us Britons will command the sympathy and support of -an enormous section of our British community, and also, I feel -certain, will attract the admiration and the approval of free and -civilized nations." - - - - -SALISBURY ON HOME RULE (1886). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, April 14. - - -_Demonstration at Her Majesty's Theatre against the Home Rule Bill._ - -LORD SALISBURY: ... The great result which I hope from the -brilliant debates that have taken place is that the conviction -will be carried home to the British people that there is no -middle term between government at Westminster and independent -and entirely separate government at Dublin. If you do not have a -Government in some form or other issuing from the centre you must -have absolute separation. Now I ask you to look at what separation -means. It means the cutting off from the British Islands of a -province tied to them by the hand of Nature. It is hard to find a -parallel instance in the contemporary world, because the tendency -of events has been in the opposite direction. In every country you -find that consolidation, and not severance, has been the object -which statesmen have pursued. But there is one exception. There -is a State in Europe which has had very often to hear the word -"autonomy," which has had more than once to grant Home Rule, and -to see separation following Home Rule. The State I have referred -to is Turkey. Let anyone who thinks that separation is consistent -with the strength and prosperity of the country look to its effect, -its repeated effect, when applied to a country of which he can -judge more impartially.... Turkey is a decaying Empire; England, I -hope, is not. But I frankly admit that this is not the only reason -which urges me. The point that the Government have consistently -ignored is that Ireland is not occupied by a homogeneous and -united people. In proportions which are variously stated, which -some people state as four-fifths to one-fifth, but which I should -be more inclined to state as two-thirds to one-third, the Irish -people are deeply divided, divided not only by creed, which may -extend into both camps, but divided by history and by a long -series of animosities, which the conflicts that have lasted during -centuries have created. I confess that it seems to me that Whiteboy -Associations, and Moonlight Associations, and Riband Associations, -and murder committed at night and in the open day, and a constant -disregard to all the rights of property--these things make me -doubt the angelic character which has been attributed to the Irish -peasantry. I do not for a moment maintain that they are in their -nature worse than other people. But I say there are circumstances -attaching to Ireland--circumstances derived from history that is -past and gone through many generations--which make it impossible -for us to believe that, if liberty, entire liberty, were suddenly -given to them, they would be able to forget the animosities of -centuries and to treat those who are placed in their power for the -first time with perfect justice and equity. You must not imagine -that with a wave of a wand by any Minister, however powerful, the -effects of centuries of conflict and exasperation will be wiped -away.... My belief is that the future government of Ireland does -not involve any unmanageable difficulty. We want a wise, firm, -continuous administration of the law. We want a steady policy. But -you must support it, or it will not take place. There has been -a great contest between England and the discontented portion of -the Irish people. It is a contest that has lasted through many -generations past, through many vicissitudes, and now you are asked -to submit to a measure which is placed before you, and to end that -contest by a complete and ignominious surrender. It is not a -surrender marked by the mere ordinary circumstances of ignominy. It -is a painful thing for a great nation to lose a battle and have to -acknowledge defeat. It is a painful thing if defeat involves loss -of territory, and the nation has to be content with a restricted -Empire. But these things do not represent the depth of infamy to -which you will descend. There is something worse than all this, -and that is when defeat is marked by the necessity of abandoning -to your enemies those whom you have called upon to defend you, and -who have risked their all on your behalf. That is an infamy below -which it is impossible to go; that is an infamy to which you are -asked to submit yourselves now. Your enemies in every part of the -world will be looking on what you do with exultation. Your friends, -your supporters, your partisans, will view it with shame, with -confusion, and with dismay in every quarter of the globe. - - - - -MR. GLADSTONE'S APPEAL (1886). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 295, col. 649. Second -reading of the Home Rule Bill, June 7th. - - -Ireland stands at your bar expectant, hopeful, almost suppliant. -Her words are the words of truth and soberness. She asks a blessed -oblivion of the past, and in that oblivion our interest is deeper -even than hers. You have been asked to-night to abide by the -traditions of which we are the heirs. What traditions? By the Irish -traditions? Go into the length and breadth of the world, ransack -the literature of all countries, find if you can a single voice, -a single book, in which the conduct of England towards Ireland is -anywhere treated except with profound and bitter condemnation. Are -these the traditions by which we are exhorted to stand? No; they -are a sad exception to the glory of our country. They are a broad -and black blot upon the pages of its history, and what we want to -do is to stand by the traditions of which we are the heirs in all -matters except our relations with Ireland, and to make our relation -with Ireland conform to the other traditions of our country. So we -treat our traditions, so we hail the demand of Ireland for what I -call a blessed oblivion of the past. She asks also a boon for the -future; and that boon for the future, unless we are much mistaken, -will be a boon to us in respect of honour, no less than a boon to -her in respect of happiness, prosperity, and peace. Such, sir, is -her prayer. Think, I beseech you; think well, think wisely, think, -not for the moment, but for the years that are to come, before you -reject this Bill. - - - - -LIBERAL UNIONISM (1886). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, May 17. - - -The Conservative leaders will do well to say plainly that they -will not attack any Liberal seats held by representatives who have -voted against the Home Rule Bill, whatever prospect there may have -otherwise been of displacing the sitting members, or whatever -provocation may have been given in former contests. By this course -Conservatives can insure the return, with very few exceptions, of -all the Liberal members who have declared against the Bill. It is -open to them to assail the seats held by Gladstonian Liberals, -and on the principle of conjoint action they will be entitled, -in assailing those seats, and in defending those they at present -occupy, to the support of all Liberal Unionists. - - - - -THE UNEMPLOYED RIOTS (1886). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, February 9. - - -There is serious work before the new Home Secretary and his -working-man colleague, Mr. Broadhurst. Yesterday there occurred -the most alarming and destructive riot that has taken place in -London for many years, or perhaps we may say the most destructive -that has taken place within living memory. The destruction of the -Hyde Park railings in 1866 was in some respects a more threatening -affair, as being the work of a bigger mob; but that, unlike the -present business, was not accompanied by the wholesale destruction -of property and the looting of shops. Yesterday a mob some -thousands strong marched along Pall Mall, St. James's Street, and -Piccadilly to Hyde Park, then broke into several sections, and -returned by South Audley Street, Oxford Street, Regent Street, -and other routes, smashing windows, wrecking private carriages, -and robbing jewellers' and other shops, utterly unchecked by -the police, and leaving only one or two of their number in the -hands of the authorities.... The occasion of all this lamentable -affair was the great meeting of the unemployed which took place -in Trafalgar Square. As our readers are aware, this meeting was -but the culmination of many attempts that have been made lately -to attract public attention to what is a very real difficulty and -hardship. At last the time came for the men to gather in Trafalgar -Square. But unfortunately there was not that perfect harmony in -their proceedings which might have been desired. Some groups were -simply unemployed labourers, come in all honesty of purpose to hear -what could be said for them, and their chances of finding work. -Some were fair-traders, anxious to impress on the Government that -foreign bounties and other tariff enormities were at the root of -the mischief. But with these moderately pacific bodies were the -more dangerous element brought into the meeting by Messrs. Hyndman, -Burns, and Champion. The Revolutionary Social Democrats were there, -with the express object of breaking up the meeting called by Mr. -Kenny and his friends, and of "preventing people being made the -tools of the paid agitators who were working in the interests -of the Fair Trade League." It cannot be too clearly understood -that it was to the proceedings of these men--of Mr. Burns and Mr. -Hyndman and their colleagues--that all the subsequent destruction -was due.... Already on several occasions the fanatic Hyndman has -done his best to break the peace, from the time when, a year or -two ago, he told the crowd on the Thames Embankment that their -principle should be a life for a life--the life of a Minister for -that of every working-man who starved--down to the time when at -the Holborn Town Hall he offered to head "the Revolution." Burns -is as vehement, and his voice carries further. He yesterday told -the mob that "the next time they met it would be to go and sack the -bakers' shops in the West of London," and that "they had better die -fighting than starving." He and his red flag led the mob yesterday -in their march. - - - - -BIMETALLISM AND LABOUR DISPUTES (1886). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, February 19. - - -_Extract from a Letter by Lord Grey._ - -Some portion of public attention ought to be given to a subject -of very pressing importance--that of the "scarcity of gold." The -share which the enhancement of the value of gold has probably had -in producing these disastrous strikes seems not to have attracted -sufficient notice. The fall of prices from the growing scarcity -of gold has necessarily made the same wages for labour really -higher than they formerly were, while at the same time this fall -of prices has diminished the total return from labour and capital -employed in production.... Probably this has not been sufficiently -well understood by either masters or men, but the masters have -practically felt that they could no longer afford to pay the same -money wages they used to do, while the men have not understood the -necessity for such a reduction. What I would propose is that £1 -notes, payable in silver bullion, should be issued, but only in -exchange for the same bullion after a certain fixed amount of them -had been sent into circulation. But this bullion I should propose -to give or receive in exchange for notes, not at any fixed price -for silver, but at the market price of the metal, which should be -published weekly in the _Gazette_. By this arrangement it will -be perceived that silver would be largely used as an instrument -for carrying on the business of exchange, without incurring the -inconvenience which seems to be inseparable from the scheme of the -bimetallists, who would establish by law a fixed price for silver -and for gold. As the cost of producing these metals is liable to -variation, I cannot understand how the bimetallists can expect -that fixing their comparative prices by law could prevent that -which could at the moment be most cheaply produced from driving -the other out of circulation, since all who had to pay money would -naturally make use of the cheapest money they could get. - - - - -PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA (1886). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, January 8. - - -_Extract from an Article on "Science in 1885."_ - -We may here refer to the momentous work of M. Pasteur in connection -with hydrophobia. That he has discovered a remedy for one of -the most terrible afflictions to which humanity is liable it -would probably be premature to say; but that he has taken every -precaution against self-deception must be admitted, and so far as -he has gone it is difficult to discredit his results. - - - - -THE FINAL HOME RULE RUPTURE (1886). - -=Source.=--Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii., pp. 364-368. -(Macmillans.) - - -As it happened, all this [Randolph Churchill's resignation of the -Exchequer, and Goschen's appointment] gave a shake to both of -the Unionist wings. The ominous clouds of coercion were sailing -slowly but discernibly along the horizon, and this made men in the -Unionist camp still more restless and uneasy. Mr. Chamberlain, on -the very day of the announcement of the Churchill resignation, -had made a speech that was taken to hold out an olive-branch to -his old friends. Sir William Harcourt ... thought the break-up -of a great political combination to be so immense an evil as to -call for almost any sacrifices to prevent it. He instantly wrote -to Birmingham to express his desire to co-operate in reunion, -and in the course of a few days five members of the original -Liberal Cabinet of 1886 met at his house in what is known as the -Round Table Conference (Sir W. Harcourt, Mr. Chamberlain, Lord -Herschell, Sir George Trevelyan, and myself).... Mr. Gladstone gave -the Round Table his blessing, his "general idea being that he had -better meddle as little as possible with the Conference, and retain -a free hand." Lord Hartington would neither join the Conference -nor deny that he thought it premature.... On the other side, -both English Liberals and Irish Nationalists were equally uneasy -lest the unity of the party should be bought by the sacrifice of -fundamentals.... Mr. Parnell, though alive to the truth that when -people go into a conference it usually means that they are willing -to give up something, was thoroughly awake to the satisfactory -significance of the Birmingham overtures. - -Things at the Round Table for some time went smoothly enough. -Mr. Chamberlain gradually advanced the whole length. He publicly -committed himself to the expediency of establishing some kind of -legislative authority in Dublin in accordance with Mr. Gladstone's -principle, with a preference, in his own mind, for a plan on the -lines of Canada. This he followed up, also in public, by the -admission that of course the Irish legislature must be allowed -to organize their own form of executive government, either by an -imitation on a small scale of all that goes on at Westminster and -Whitehall, or in whatever other shape they might think proper.... -Then the surface became mysteriously ruffled. Language was used -by some of the plenipotentiaries in public, of which each side in -turn complained as inconsistent with conciliatory negotiations in -private. At last, on the very day on which the provisional result -of the Conference was laid before Mr. Gladstone, there appeared -in a print called _The Baptist_ an article from Mr. Chamberlain -containing an ardent plea for the disestablishment of the Welsh -Church, but warning the Welshmen that they and the Scotch crofters, -and the English labourers--thirty-two millions of people--must all -go without much-needed legislation because three millions were -disloyal, while nearly six hundred members of Parliament would -be reduced to forced inactivity because some eighty delegates, -representing the policy and receiving the pay of the Chicago -Convention, were determined to obstruct all business until their -demands were conceded. Men naturally asked what was the use of -continuing a discussion when one party to it was attacking in this -peremptory fashion the very persons and the policy that in private -he was supposed to accept. Mr. Gladstone showed no implacability -... he said ... "I am inclined to think we can hardly do more -now.... We are quite willing that the subject should stand over for -resumption at a convenient season." - -The resumption never happened. Two or three weeks later Mr. -Chamberlain announced that he did not intend to return to the -Round Table. No other serious and formal attempt was ever made on -either side to prevent the Liberal Unionists from hardening into a -separate species. When they became accomplices in coercion they cut -off the chances of reunion. - - - - -THE COMING OF TECHNICAL EDUCATION (1887). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, March 17. - - -Lord Hartington made a striking speech last night to the -Polytechnic Young Men's Christian Institute. In the presence of -such an audience a text was perhaps needed, and he took as his -text some remarks made by Professor Huxley, who lately pointed -out the instructive likeness between warfare and industry. If -we are well advised--and Lord Hartington has no misgivings on -the subject--in spending freely to protect ourselves against -aggression, it is equally our duty to be not niggardly in providing -industrial education, and diffusing scientific knowledge. It is the -condition of industrial supremacy, and it is not an unattainable -condition. A Watt or even an Edison is born, not made. But the -knowledge of drawing, mechanics, mathematics, and chemistry, and -other sciences or arts, which aid the artisan in his daily work, -may be imparted, and on the spread of such knowledge may depend -the continuance of industrial supremacy. Great commanders cannot -be called into being; but in the main it depends on the rank and -file of the army of industry whether its battles are lost or won. -How is the work to be accomplished? In answer to this question -Lord Hartington let fall one or two remarks which, though not -offering a complete solution, are, if we mistake not, likely to be -fruitful in consequences. The State, he is satisfied, cannot do all -or much; and he is struck with the inability of purely voluntary -efforts to meet the demand. He finds the necessary assistance, if -anywhere, in our municipal institutions. "I hope the time is not -far distant when our town councils or local governing bodies will -establish in every considerable centre industrial and technical -schools, suitable to the wants of the district, and supported out -of local funds." The institutions which now imperfectly do the -work of diffusing technical instruction "are playing the same part -in relation to technical and industrial education that was played -by the voluntary schools in relation to elementary education." -This points to a national system of technical education; it is the -largest and clearest conception of the subject which any public man -of importance has put forth. - - - - -THE FIRST "GUILLOTINE" CLOSURE (1887). - -=Source.=--_Hansard_, Third Series, vol. 315, col. 1674, June 10. - - -Ordered: That at ten o'clock p.m. on Friday, the 17th day of June, -if the Criminal Law Amendment (Ireland) Bill be not previously -reported from the Committee of the whole House, the Chairman -shall put forthwith the Question or Questions on any amendment or -motion already proposed from the Chair. He shall next proceed and -successively put forthwith the Question that any clause then under -consideration, and each remaining clause in the Bill, stand part of -the Bill, unless progress be moved as hereinafter provided. After -the clauses are disposed of, he shall forthwith report the Bill, as -amended, to the House. - -From and after the passing of this Order, no motion that the -Chairman do leave the Chair, or do report progress, shall be -allowed, unless moved by one of the members in charge of the Bill, -and the Question on such motion shall be put forthwith. - -If progress be reported on 17th June the Chairman shall put this -Order in force in any subsequent sitting of the Committee. - - - - -JUBILEE RETROSPECTS (1887). - -I. - -=Source.=--An article by Mr. Gladstone in _The Nineteenth Century_, -vol. xxi., p. 1. - - -The Prophet of the new Locksley Hall records against us many sad, -and even shameful, defaults. They are not to be denied, and the -list might probably be lengthened. The youngest among us will not -see the day in which new social problems will have ceased to spring -up as from the depths, and vex even the most successful solvers of -the old; or in which this proud and great English nation will not -have cause, in all its ranks and orders, to bow its head before -the Judge Eternal, and humbly to confess to forgotten duties, or -wasted and neglected opportunities. It is well to be reminded, -and in tones such as make the deaf man hear, of city children who -"soak and blacken soul and sense in city slime"; of maidens cast by -thousands on the street; of the sempstress scrimped of her daily -bread; of dwellings miserably crowded; of fever as the result. But -take first the city child as he is described. For one such child -now there were ten, perhaps twenty, fifty years back. A very large, -and a still increasing proportion of these children have been -brought under the regular teaching and discipline of the school. -Take the maidens who are now, as they were then, cast by thousands -on the streets. But then, if one among them were stricken with -penitence, and sought for a place in which to hide her head, she -found it only in the pomp of paid institutions, and in a help well -meant, no doubt, yet carrying little of what was most essential, -sympathetic discrimination, and mild, nay even tender care. Within -the half-century a new chapter has opened. Faith and love have gone -forth into the field. Specimens of womankind, sometimes the very -best and highest, have not deemed this quest of souls beneath them. -Scrimping of wages, no doubt, there is and was. But the fair wage -of to-day is far higher than it was then, and the unfair wage is -assumably not lower. Miserable and crowded dwellings, again, and -fever as their result, both then and now. But legislation has in -the interval made its attempts in earnest; and if this was with -awkward and ungainly hand, private munificence or enterprise is -dotting our city areas with worthy dwellings. Above all, have we -not to record in this behalf martyred lives, such as those of -Denison and Toynbee? Or shall we refuse honourable mention to not -less devoted lives, happily still retained, of such persons as -Miss Octavia Hill? With all this there has happily grown up not -only a vast general extension of benevolent and missionary means, -but a great parochial machinery of domestic visitation, charged -with comfort and blessing to the needy, and spread over so wide -a circle, that what was formerly an exception may now with some -confidence be said to be the rule. If insufficiencies have come to -be more keenly felt, is that because they are greater, or because -there is a bolder and better trained disposition to feel them?... - -I will refer as briefly as may be to the sphere of legislation. -Slavery has been abolished. A criminal code, which disgraced the -Statute Book, has been effectually reformed. Laws of combination -and contract, which prevented the working population from obtaining -the best price for their labour, have been repealed. The lamentable -and demoralizing abuses of the Poor Law have been swept away. Lives -and limbs, always exposed to destruction through the incidents of -labour, formerly took their chance, no man heeding them, even when -the origin of the calamity lay in the recklessness or neglect of -the employer. They are now guarded by preventive provisions, and -the loss is mitigated, to the sufferers or their survivors, by -pecuniary compensation. The scandals of labour in mines, factories, -and elsewhere, to the honour, first and foremost, of the name -of Shaftesbury, have been either removed, or greatly qualified -and reduced. The population on the sea-coast is no longer forced -wholesale into contraband trade by fiscal follies; and the Game -Laws no longer constitute a plausible apology for poaching. The -entire people have good schools placed within the reach of their -children, and are put under legal obligation to use the privileges -and contribute to the charge. They have also at their doors the -means of husbanding their savings, without the compromise of their -independence by the inspection of the rector or the squire, and -under the guarantee of the State to the uttermost farthing of the -amount. Information through a free press, formerly cut off from -them by stringent taxation, is now at their easy command. Their -interests at large are protected by their votes, and their votes -are protected by the secrecy which screens them from intimidation -either through violence, or in its subtler forms. - -It is perhaps of interest to turn from such dry outlines as may be -sketched by the aid of almanacs to those more delicate gradations -of the social movement, which in their detail are indeterminate -and almost fugitive, but which in their mass may be apprehended, -and made the subject of record. Pugilism, which ranges between -manliness and brutality, and which in the days of my boyhood, in -its greatest celebrations, almost monopolized the space of journals -of the highest order, is now rare, modest, and unobtrusive. But, -if less exacting in the matter of violent physical excitements, -the nation attaches not less but more value to corporal education, -and for the schoolboy and the man alike athletics are becoming an -ordinary incident of life. Under the influence of better conditions -of living, and probably of increased self-respect, mendicity, -except in seasons of special distress, has nearly disappeared. If -our artisans combine (as they well may) partly to uphold their -wages, it is also greatly with the noble object of keeping all the -members of their enormous class independent of public alms. They -have forwarded the cause of self-denial, and manfully defended -themselves even against themselves, by promoting restraints -upon the traffic in strong liquors. In districts where they are -most advanced, they have fortified their position by organized -co-operation in supply. Nor are the beneficial changes of the -last half-century confined to the masses. Swearing and duelling -established until a recent date almost as institutions of the -country, have nearly disappeared from the face of society.... At -the same time the disposition to lay bare public mischiefs and drag -them into the light of day, which, though liable to exaggeration, -has perhaps been our best distinction among the nations, has become -more resolute than ever.... - -The sum of the matter seems to be that, upon the whole and in -a degree, we who lived fifty, sixty, seventy years back, and -are living now, have lived into a gentler time; that the public -conscience has grown more tender, as indeed was very needful; and -that, in matters of practice, at sight of evils formerly regarded -with indifference, or even connivance, it now not only winces, but -rebels; that upon the whole the race has been reaping, and not -scattering; earning, and not wasting. - - -II. - -=Source.=--_The Times_, June 21. - -The men of the Victorian age have lived in the midst of almost -cataclysmic mental changes. New facts have rained upon them with -a rapidity that baffles hypothesis, and stamps theory as obsolete -before half the world has become reconciled to its existence. In -such a time of intellectual flux anything like monumental art is -impossible, since neither the artist nor the age possesses the -permanence of mood required for a true presentment. Although, -however, the Victorian era has not produced much that the most -liberal charity can conceive as belonging to all time, it has -shown immense fertility and vigour in supplying the intellectual -wants of the present. In all but those supreme manifestations of -the human intellect which we ascribe to genius, its products are -at least equal, and in most cases superior, to those of any period -of our history, while in quantity and variety of intellectual -effort, and in diffusion of intellectual interest, it is entirely -unapproachable. - - - - -"REMEMBER MITCHELSTOWN" (1887). - -=Source.=--_The Times_, October 19. - - -(MR. GLADSTONE at Nottingham): The case I have now to mention -goes further than that. It is the Mitchelstown case. I was -responsible for putting in a telegraphic answer to a telegram the -words, "Remember Mitchelstown," and Mitchelstown will and must -be remembered, and the meeting has an account to settle with the -Government in respect to Mitchelstown. I should have been glad to -have sealed my own lips, had not the Government sent forth its -testimony, its solemn, downright, unequivocal judgment that the -proceeding at Mitchelstown were right.... What did Mr. Balfour -say, when the Irish Nationalist members brought up the question of -the proceedings at Mitchelstown? He said that the whole action of -the police was in the face of the most tremendous provocation, and -absolutely in self-defence. He said that when the order to fire was -given the order was to fire only on those portions of the crowd who -were engaged in throwing stones.... Three human beings lost their -lives under the fire of the police. I cannot say three men, for in -the ordinary sense of the word they were not men. Two of them had -been men, and were in harmless old age. The other was growing to be -a man, and was still in harmless boyhood. Not one of these three -persons is even alleged to have thrown a stone. Not one of them, if -I recollect aright, is even alleged to have carried a stick.... Is -not this a melancholy and a miserable farce--tragic, too, in the -highest degree, when we consider that these trumpery proceedings, -perhaps of some casual boys or men, who are only able in the -utmost of their wrath and in the supply of stones that they could -command to break two or three windows in the police barracks--that -these are to be represented as leading and heading an attack which -caused a humane and intelligent body of the representatives of the -Government to fire out of windows, to kill three persons, one of -them distant 100 yards away, and two others sixty yards away. I -have said, and say again, "Remember Mitchelstown!" - - - - -"BLOODY SUNDAY" (1887). - -=Source.=--Mackail's _Life of William Morris_, vol. ii., p. 190. - - -The restlessness among the working classes culminated in the -famous scenes of the 13th of November (1887), "Bloody Sunday," -in and round Trafalgar Square. A meeting in the Square had been -announced to protest against the Irish policy of the Government; -it had been proclaimed by the police, and became converted into -a demonstration on a huge scale. No one who saw it will ever -forget the strange, and indeed terrible, sight of that grey -winter day, the vast sombre-coloured crowd, the brief but fierce -struggle at the corner of the Strand, and the river of steel and -scarlet that moved slowly through the dusky swaying masses when -two squadrons of the Life Guards were summoned up from Whitehall. -Only disorganized fragments straggled into the Square, to find -that the other columns had also been headed off or crushed, and -that the day was practically over. Preparations had been made to -repel something little short of a popular insurrection. An immense -police force had been concentrated, and in the afternoon the Square -was lined by a battalion of Foot Guards, with fixed bayonets and -twenty rounds of ball cartridge. For an hour or two the danger was -imminent of street-fighting such as had not been known in London -for more than a century. But the organized force at the disposal -of the civil authorities proved sufficient to check the insurgent -columns and finally clear the streets without a shot being fired. -For some weeks afterwards the Square was garrisoned by special -drafts of police. Otherwise London next day had resumed its usual -aspect. Once more the London Socialists had drawn into line with -the great mass of the London Radicals, and a formidable popular -movement had resulted, which, on that Sunday, was within a very -little of culminating in a frightful loss of life and the practical -establishment of a state of siege in London. But the English spirit -of compromise soon made itself felt.... Measures were taken for the -relief of the unemployed. Political Radicalism resumed its normal -occupations; and by the end of the year the Socialist League had -dropped back into its old place, a small body of enthusiasts among -whom an Anarchist group were now beginning to assume a distinct -prominence. - - - - -FIRST REPORT ON THE RAND (1887). - -=Source.=--_The Board of Trade Journal_, December. - - -_Extracts from a Report, dated 4th October, by Mr. Ralph Williams, -British Officer at Pretoria._ - -On the 20th September, 1886, the Witwatersrand district was -declared a public goldfield, and from that date the history -of Johannesburg begins. For some months the town was known as -Ferreira's Camp, and the Natal Camp, and it was not till, perhaps, -March last that the present town of Johannesburg became recognized -as the central point of the goldfields of the district. From that -date the growth of the town has been almost unprecedented.... Large -hotels exist which equal in accommodation anything in South Africa. -Warehouses are full of all that can be obtained even at Cape Town. -A theatre--rough, it is true, but of considerable capacity--is in -full working order. Four banks are at work. Three newspapers are -published every other day.... The actual number of the population -I can hardly estimate, opinions differing so greatly. In the town -of Johannesburg itself I am disposed to think there are about -4,000 people. The outlying districts also contain a very large -population, probably nearly equalling that of the town. - -The reefs which constitute the wealth of the Witwatersrand are -entirely different from any development which has yet been -worked.... The principal reef, which has now been traced to a -distance of between twenty-five and thirty miles, is called the -"main reef." It may be taken to have an average breadth of from 3 -feet 6 inches to 15 feet. It has in several places been tested to -a depth of 70 feet, in every case being proved to be better and -richer at the lower levels than at the surface. - -An inspection of the properties and inquiry into the cost of -production cannot fail to impress one with the fact that, if these -reefs are found to have sufficient depth, one of the richest -goldfields in the world has now come to light. - - -BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD - - - - - TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE - - There is only one Footnote in this book, marked [A] on page 29. It - has been placed at the end of the short section containing the anchor. - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. For example, - sea-coast, sea coast; to-night; employés; overboil; mendicity. - - Pg 13, 'slighest evidence' replaced by 'slightest evidence'. - Pg 68, 'the British Goverment' replaced by 'the British Government'. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone, by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IMPERIALISM AND MR. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone - 1876-1887 - -Author: Various - -Release Date: October 23, 2016 [EBook #53354] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IMPERIALISM AND MR. GLADSTONE *** - - - - -Produced by John Campbell and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - - -<div class="transnote"> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been -corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within -the text and consultation of external sources.</p> - -<p>More detail can be found at the <a href="#TN">end of the book.</a></p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap pg-brk" /> - - -<p class="pfs100 lsp">BELLS ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS</p> - -<p class="pfs100"><em>General Editors</em>: <span class="smcap">S. E. Winbolt</span>, M.A., and <span class="smcap">Kenneth Bell</span>, M.A.</p> - - -<p class="p6" /> -<p class="pfs135">IMPERIALISM AND MR. 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BELL & SONS, LTD.</span></p> -<p class="pfs100">1913</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="INTRODUCTION" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</a></h2> - - -<p class="noindent">This series of English History Source Books is intended for -use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience -has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, -an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is -capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration -at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before -the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. 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We aim at the -greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, -biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper -accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social -life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.</p> - -<p>The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each -being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. -The text is modernized, where necessary, to the extent of -leaving no difficulties in reading.</p> - -<p>We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who -may send us suggestions for improvement.</p> - -<p class="right small">S. E. WINBOLT. <br /> -KENNETH BELL.</p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs100">NOTE TO THIS VOLUME</p> - -<div class="blockquot fs90"> - -<p class="noindent">I acknowledge, with thanks to the authors concerned, and to -Messrs. Macmillan and Co., their kind permission to reprint in -this volume the following passages: that on p. 102, from the -<cite>Life of Lord Randolph Churchill</cite>, by the Right Hon. Winston -Churchill; three extracts, on pp. 59, 62, 83, from <cite>Mahdiism and -the Egyptian Soudan</cite>, by Sir Francis Wingate; the passages -from Lord Morley's <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite>, on pp. 97, 98, 101, 110; -and the passages from Lord Cromer's <cite>Modern Egypt</cite>, on pp. 68, -69, 70, 87. I acknowledge also with thanks the permission of -the proprietors of <cite>The Times</cite> to reprint the various extracts -from that journal; and the permission of the proprietors of -<cite>The Saturday Review</cite> to reprint the extract on p. 35. In dealing -with a period so recent, I have inevitably been very dependent -upon the courtesy of the owners of copyright, and I wish to -express my gratitude for the readiness with which that courtesy -has been extended in these important cases.</p> - -<p>I am also indebted to Messrs. Longmans, Green and Co. for -permission to print extracts from Professor Mackail's <cite>Life of -William Morris</cite>, and from Mr. Bernard Holland's <cite>Life of the late -Duke of Devonshire</cite>, and to Messrs. Kegan Paul and Co. for -similar permission to quote from <cite>General Gordon's Journal</cite>.</p> - -<p class="right">R. H. G.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS">TABLE OF CONTENTS</a></h2> - -<div class="center smcap fs90"> -<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" width="90%" summary=""> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdr xs">PAGE</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdl">Introduction</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_v">v</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc xs">DATE</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1876.</td><td class="tdl">Purchase of the Suez Canal Shares</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1876.</td><td class="tdl">England, Russia, and Afghanistan</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1876.</td><td class="tdl">The Queen as Empress of India</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1876.</td><td class="tdl">Bulgarian Atrocities</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_8">8</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdl pad3"> I. Thunder from Mr. Gladstone</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_8">8</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdl pad3">II. Cold Water from Disraeli</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1877.</td><td class="tdl">Sir Theophilus Shepstone's Commission</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1877.</td><td class="tdl">Russia declares War on Turkey</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1877.</td><td class="tdl">Irish Obstruction in its Early Days</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1877.</td><td class="tdl">Plevna after the Siege</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1878.</td><td class="tdl">Strained Relations with Russia</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1878.</td><td class="tdl">Peace with Honour</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1878.</td><td class="tdl">The Secret Agreements in Beaconsfield's Pockets</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1878.</td><td class="tdl">Gladstone Indignant Again</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_27">27</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1878.</td><td class="tdl">Russian Intrigue at Cabul</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1878.</td><td class="tdl">Shere Ali</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1879.</td><td class="tdl">Death of Shere Ali</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1879.</td><td class="tdl">The Gandamak Treaty</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1879.</td><td class="tdl">The Cabul Massacre</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1879.</td><td class="tdl">The Midlothian Campaign</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1880.</td><td class="tdl">Beaconsfield keeps Cool</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1880.</td><td class="tdl">The Maiwand Disaster</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1880.</td><td class="tdl">The Bradlaugh Case</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1880.</td><td class="tdl">Social Ameliorations</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdl pad3">Employers' Liability</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdl pad3">Funded Municipal Debt</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdl pad3">Electric Light, The Telephone, New Hotels</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1880.</td><td class="tdl">Parnell and the Land League</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_43">43</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1880.</td><td class="tdl">Captain Boycott</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1880.</td><td class="tdl">The Boer Rising</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdl pad3">Proclamation</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_46">46</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1881.</td><td class="tdl">Before Majuba</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_46">46</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1881.</td><td class="tdl">After Majuba</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1881.</td><td class="tdl">Ritual Controversy</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_48">48</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1881.</td><td class="tdl">A Short Way with Obstruction</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1881.</td><td class="tdl">The Death of Beaconsfield</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_50">50</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1881.</td><td class="tdl"><span class="pagenum fvnormal"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span> - The Withdrawal from Candahar</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_51">51</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1881.</td><td class="tdl">The Salvation Army</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1881.</td><td class="tdl">Arabi</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1882.</td><td class="tdl">The First Closure</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1882.</td><td class="tdl">Bimetallism</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1882.</td><td class="tdl">Bright's Resignation</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1883.</td><td class="tdl">The Ilbert Bill</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1883.</td><td class="tdl">Fenians Again</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1883.</td><td class="tdl">The Mahdi</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1883.</td><td class="tdl">End of Carey the Informer</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1883.</td><td class="tdl">Slaughter of Hicks Pasha's Army</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Transvaal Convention</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Gordon's Mission to Khartoum</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Difficulties of Gordon's Character</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Zobeir Pasha</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Some of Gordon's Telegrams</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Cross Purposes</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Gordon's Position</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Gordon's Own Meditations</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_80">80</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">The Franchise and Redistribution</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1884.</td><td class="tdl">Feeding Poor School Children</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_83">83</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">The Death of Gordon</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_83">83</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">The Government's Responsibility</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">The Vote of Censure</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">More Fenianism</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">New Labour Movements</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_91">91</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">The Unemployed</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_92">92</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">Working Men Magistrates</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">Tory Olive-Branch to Ireland</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">The First Submarine</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">The Unauthorized Programme</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">The Irish Vote</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_98">98</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1885.</td><td class="tdl">The New Electorate</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_100">100</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">The Opening of the Rift</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">"Ulster will Fight"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">Salisbury on Home Rule</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">Mr. Gladstone's Appeal</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">Liberal Unionism</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_107">107</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">The Unemployed Riots</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_107">107</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">Bimetallism and Labour Disputes</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">Pasteur and Hydrophobia</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1886.</td><td class="tdl">The Final Home Rule Rupture</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1887.</td><td class="tdl">The Coming of Technical Education</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1887.</td><td class="tdl">The First "Guillotine" Closure</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1887.</td><td class="tdl">Jubilee Retrospects</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_114">114</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1887.</td><td class="tdl">"Remember Mitchelstown"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1887.</td><td class="tdl">"Bloody Sunday"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_119">119</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1887.</td><td class="tdl">First Report on the Rand</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_120">120</a></td></tr> -</table></div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p4" /> -<h2>IMPERIALISM AND MR. GLADSTONE</h2> - -<p class="pfs120">(1876—1887)</p> - -<hr class="r30" /> - -<h3><a name="PURCHASE_OF_THE_SUEZ_CANAL_SHARES_1876" id="PURCHASE_OF_THE_SUEZ_CANAL_SHARES_1876"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PURCHASE OF THE SUEZ CANAL SHARES (1876).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 227, col. 95 (Debate on the -Address, February, 1876).</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Disraeli</span>: ... When we acceded to office two years -ago an International Commission had only just ceased its labours -at Constantinople upon the dues of the Suez Canal, and upon -the means of ascertaining and maintaining a limit of them, and -it had arrived at reasons entirely protested against by the -proprietary. What was the state of affairs there? Lord -Derby had to deal with them. The proprietary of the canal -threatened, and not only threatened, but proceeded, to stop the -canal. They refused pilots; they threatened to change the -signals; they took steps which would have interrupted that -mode of intercourse with India.... From that moment it -became a matter of interest to those responsible for the government -of this country to see what could be done to remedy -those relations with the Suez Canal.... But it suddenly -comes to our knowledge that the Khedive, on whose influence -we mainly depended, is going to part with his shares. We -received a telegram from Cairo informing us that the Khedive -was anxious to raise a considerable sum of money upon his -shares in the Suez Canal, and offered them to England. We -considered the question immediately, and it appeared to us to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span> -a complicated transaction—one to which there were several -objections; and we sent back to say that we were favourably -disposed to assist the Khedive, but that at the same time we -were only prepared to purchase the shares outright. What -was the answer? The answer was that the Khedive was -resolved, if he possibly could, to keep his shares, and that he -could only therefore avail himself of a loan. There matters -seemed to end. Then suddenly there came news to the Government -of this country that a French society—<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Société Générale</span>—was -prepared to offer the Khedive a large sum of money—very -little inferior to the four millions—but on very onerous conditions. -The Khedive communicated with us, and said that the -conditions were so severe that he would sooner sell the shares -outright, and—which I had forgotten to mention—that, in -deference to his promise that England should always have the -refusal of the shares if he decided to sell them, he offered them -to the English Government. It was absolutely necessary to -decide at that moment what course we should take. It was -not a thing on which we could hesitate.... To pretend that -Lord Derby has treated this business as a mere commercial -speculation is idle. If he did not act in accordance with the -principles of high policy, I should like to know what high -policy is, and how a man can pursue it.</p> - -<p>Apart from looking upon this as an investment, if the shares -had been offered, and if there had been no arrangement of -paying interest for nineteen years, so far as I am concerned, I -should have been in favour of the purchase of the shares. -I should have agreed with Lord Derby in thinking that -England would never be satisfied if all the shares of the Suez -Canal were possessed by a foreign company. Then it is said, -if any obstacles had been put in your way by the French -proprietors of the canal, you know very well that ultimately it -must come to force, and you will then obtain at once the satisfaction -of your desire. Well, if the government of the world -was a mere alternation between abstract right and overwhelming -force, I agree there is a good deal in that observation; but -that is not the way in which the world is governed. The world<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span> -is governed by conciliation, compromise, influence, varied -interests, the recognition of the rights of others, coupled with -the assertion of one's own; and, in addition, a general conviction, -resulting from explanation and good understanding, that -it is for the interests of all parties that matters should be -conducted in a satisfactory and peaceful manner.... I -cannot doubt that the moral influence of England possessing -two-fifths of the shares in this great undertaking must have -made itself felt, must have a considerable influence upon the -conduct of those who manage the company.... England -is a Mediterranean Power; a great Mediterranean Power. -This is shown by the fact that in time of war always, and -frequently in time of peace, she has the greatest force upon -those waters. Furthermore, she has strongholds upon those -waters which she will never relinquish. The policy of England, -however, is not one of aggression. It is not provinces she -wants. She will not interest herself in the redistribution of -territory on the shores of the Mediterranean, as long as the -redistribution does not imperil the freedom of the seas and the -dominion which she legitimately exercises. And therefore I -look upon this, that in the great chain of fortresses which we -possess, almost from the Metropolis to India, that the Suez -Canal is a means of securing the free intercourse of the waters, -is a great addition to that security, and one we should prize.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="ENGLAND_RUSSIA_AND_AFGHANISTAN_1876" id="ENGLAND_RUSSIA_AND_AFGHANISTAN_1876"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">ENGLAND, RUSSIA, AND AFGHANISTAN (1876).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Afghanistan," C 2, 190, -of 1878, p. 156.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extract from Lord Salisbury's Despatch to the Viceroy of India, -dated February 28, 1876.</cite></p> - -<p>The increasing weakness and uncertainty of British influence -in Afghanistan constitutes a prospective peril to British interests; -the deplorable interruption of it in Khelat inflicts upon them -an immediate inconvenience by involving the cessation of all -effective control over the turbulent and predatory habits of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> -trans-Indus tribes. In view of these considerations, Her -Majesty's Government have ... instructed the Viceroy to -find an early occasion for sending to Cabul a temporary mission, -furnished with such instructions as may, perhaps, enable -it to overcome the Ameer's apparent reluctance to the establishment -of permanent British Agencies in Afghanistan, by convincing -His Highness that the Government of India is ... -willing to afford him material support in the defence of his -territories from any actual and unprovoked external aggression, -but that it cannot practically avert or provide for such a contingency -without timely and unrestricted permission to place -its own agents in those parts of his dominions whence they may -best watch the course of events. It appears to Her Majesty's -Government that the present moment is favourable for the execution -of this last-mentioned instruction. The Queen's assumption -of the Imperial title in relation to Her Majesty's Indian -subjects, feudatories, and allies will now for the first time conspicuously -transfer to her Indian dominion, in form as well as -in fact, the supreme authority of the Indian Empire.... The -maintenance in Afghanistan of a strong and friendly power has -at all times been the object of British policy. The attainment -of this object is now to be considered with due reference to the -situation created by the recent and rapid advance of the Russian -arms in Central Asia towards the Northern frontiers of British -India. Her Majesty's Government cannot view with complete -indifference the probable influence of that situation upon the -uncertain character of an Oriental Chief whose ill-defined -dominions are thus brought, within a steadily narrowing circle, -between the conflicting pressures of two great military Empires, -one of which expostulates and remains passive, whilst the other -apologizes and continues to move forward. It is well known -that not only the English newspapers, but also all works published -in England upon Indian questions, are rapidly translated -for the information of the Ameer, and carefully studied by His -Highness. Sentiments of irritation and alarm at the advancing -power of Russia in Central Asia find frequent expression -through the English press, in language which, if taken by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span> -Shere Ali for a revelation of the mind of the English Government, -must have long been accumulating in his mind impressions -unfavourable to its confidence in British power.... Her -Majesty's Government would not, therefore, view with indifference -any attempt on the part of Russia to compete with British -influence in Afghanistan, nor could the Ameer's reception of a -British Agent (whatever be the official rank or function of that -Agent) in any part of the dominions of His Highness afford for -his subsequent reception of a Russian Agent any pretext to -which the Government of Her Majesty would not be entitled -to, except as incompatible with the assurances spontaneously -offered to it by the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. You will bear -in mind these facts when framing instructions for your mission -to Cabul.... The conduct of Shere Ali has more than once -been characterized by so significant a disregard of the wishes -and interests of the Government of India that the irretrievable -alienation of his confidence in the sincerity and power of that -Government is a contingency which cannot be dismissed as -impossible. Should such a fear be confirmed by the result of -the proposed negotiation, no time must be lost in reconsidering, -from a new point of view, the policy to be pursued in reference -to Afghanistan.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_QUEEN_AS_EMPRESS_OF_INDIA_1876" id="THE_QUEEN_AS_EMPRESS_OF_INDIA_1876"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE QUEEN AS EMPRESS OF INDIA (1876).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 227, col. 1,736 (Debate on Royal -Titles Bill, March 9, 1876).</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Gladstone</span>: ... In my opinion this is a matter of -the greatest importance. We have had some declarations in -this House with respect to India. The hon. member for West -Cumberland (Mr. Percy Wyndham), on the night when the -right hon. gentleman first made his proposal, said that an -Imperial title would be the one most suitable, because it would -signify that Her Majesty governed India without the restraints -of law or constitution.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Percy Wyndham</span>: I said that the Government of India -was a despotic Government, not in the hands of one person,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> -and not, as in this country, a constitutional Government in the -hands of the Queen and the Houses of Lords and Commons. -The Government of India is essentially a despotic Government -as administered by us, although it includes more than one -individual.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Gladstone</span>: I am very much obliged, and I perceive -completely the hon. member's meaning; but I am sorry that -to that meaning, as it stands, I take the greatest objection. If -it be true—and it is true—that we govern India without the -restraints of law, except such law as we make ourselves; if it -be true that we have not been able to give to India the benefit -and blessings of free institutions, I leave it to the hon. gentleman—I -leave it to the right hon. gentleman if he thinks fit—to -boast that he is about to place that fact solemnly upon -record. By the assumption of the title of Empress, I for one -will not attempt to turn into glory that which, so far as it is -true, I feel to be our weakness and our calamity.... It is -plain that the government of India—that is, the entire India—never -has yet, by statute, been vested in Her Majesty; but -that which has been vested is the government of the countries -which were held in trust for Her Majesty by the East India -Company. I would be the last man to raise this question if it -were a mere verbal quibble. It is as far as possible from being -a question merely verbal.... I am under the belief that to -this moment there are important Princes and States in India -over which we have never assumed dominion, whatever may -have been our superiority of strength. We are now going, by -Act of Parliament, to assume that dominion, the possible consequences -of which no man can foresee; and when the right -hon. gentleman tells us the Princes desire this change to be -made, does he really mean to assure us that this is the case? -If so, I require distinct evidence of the fact. There are Princes -in India who, no doubt, have hitherto enjoyed no more than a -theoretical political supremacy, but do they desire to surrender -even that under the provisions of this Bill? The right hon. -gentleman is going to advise the Queen to become Empress -of India. I raise the question, What is India? I have said<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> -that the dominion now vested in Her Majesty is limited to -the territories vested in the East India Company. I ask -whether the supremacy of certain important Native States in -India ever was vested in the Company, or whether it was not? -We are bound to ask the right hon. gentleman—and I think he -is bound to answer the question through the medium of his -best legal authorities—whether this supremacy is so vested or -not, and whether he can assure us upon his responsibility that -no political change in the condition of the Native Princes of -India will be effected by this Bill. If there is a political change -effected, I do not hesitate to say I do not think it would be -possible to offer too determined an opposition to the proposal -of the Government.... I feel with the right hon. gentleman—indeed, -I feel a little more than the right hon. gentleman—the -greatness, the unsullied greatness, of the title which is now -borne by the Queen of England. I think I use the language -of moderation when I say that it is a title unequalled for its -dignity and weight, unequalled for the glory of its historic -associations, unequalled for the promise which it offers to the -future, among the titles of the Sovereigns of Europe, among -all the states and nations on earth. Sir, I have a jealousy -of touching that title, and I am not to be told that this is a small -matter. There is nothing small in a matter, in my judgment, -which touches the honour and dignity of the Crown of -England.... The right hon. gentleman has indeed manfully -contended that there is no inferiority in the title of King -as compared with that of Emperor.... I want to know why -I am to be dragged into novelties, or into comparisons on a -subject of this sort?... There is one other point on which -I am anxious to make a few comments. I was, I own, struck -by what fell from my right hon. friend the member for the -University of London (Mr. Lowe) the other evening in reference -to the colonies. Whether it be desirable to make any -recital with regard to the colonies or not, it is a subject which -requires much consideration whether we can wisely introduce -reference to India in the title of the Sovereign, while we at the -same time take no notice of the colonies.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="BULGARIAN_ATROCITIES_1876" id="BULGARIAN_ATROCITIES_1876"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">BULGARIAN ATROCITIES (1876).</a></h3> - - -<h4>I. <span class="smcap">Thunder from Mr. Gladstone.</span></h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Mr. Gladstone's pamphlet, <cite>Bulgarian Horrors and the -Question of the East</cite>, 1876, p. 10.</p> - -<p>In default of Parliamentary action, and a public concentrated -as usual, we must proceed as we can, with impaired -means of appeal. But honour, duty, compassion, and I must -add shame, are sentiments never in a state of <em>coma</em>. The working-men -of the country, whose condition is less affected than -that of others by the season, have to their honour led the way, -and shown that the great heart of Britain has not ceased to -beat. And the large towns and cities, now following in troops, -are echoing back, each from its own place, the mingled notes of -horror, pain, and indignation.... A curtain opaque and dense, -which at the prorogation had been lifted but a few inches from -the ground, has since then, from day to day, been slowly rising. -And what a scene it has disclosed! And where!</p> - -<p>... I have the fullest confidence in the honour and in the -intelligence of Mr. Baring, who has been inquiring on behalf -of England. But he was not sent to examine the matter until the -19th of July, three months after the rising, and nearly one month -after the first inquiries in Parliament. He had been but two -days at Philippopolis, when he sent home, with all the despatch -he could use, some few rudiments of a future report. Among -them was his estimate of the murders, necessarily far from final, -at the figure of twelve thousand.</p> - -<p>We know that we had a well-manned Embassy at Constantinople, -and a network of Consulates and Vice-Consulates, -really discharging diplomatic duties, all over the provinces of -European Turkey. That villages could be burned down by -scores, and men, women, and children murdered, or worse than -murdered, by thousands, in a Turkish province lying between -the capital and the scene of the recent excitements, and that -our Embassy and Consulates could know nothing of it? The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span> -thing was impossible. It could not be. So silence was -obtained, and relief; and the well-oiled machinery of our -luxurious, indifferent life worked smoothly on....</p> - -<p>It was on the 20th of April that the insurrection broke out -in Bulgaria.... On the 9th of May Sir Henry Elliot ... -observing a great Mohammedan excitement, and an extensive -purchase of arms in Constantinople, wisely telegraphed to the -British Admiral in the Mediterranean expressing a desire that -he would bring his squadron to Besika Bay. The purpose was -for the protection of British subjects, and of the Christians in -general.... These measures were substantially wise, and -purely pacific. They had, if understood rightly, no political -aspect, or, if any, one rather anti-Turkish than Turkish. But -there were reasons, and strong reasons, why the public should -not have been left to grope out for itself the meaning of a step -so serious as the movement of a naval squadron towards a -country disturbed both by revolt and by an outbreak of -murderous fanaticism. In the year 1853, when the negotiations -with Russia had assumed a gloomy and almost a hopeless -aspect, the English and French fleets were sent eastwards; -not as a measure of war, but as a measure of preparation for -war, and proximate to war. The proceedings marked a transition -of discussion into that angry stage which immediately -precedes a blow; and the place, to which the fleets were then -sent, was Besika Bay. In the absence of information, how -could the British nation avoid supposing that the same act, as -that done in 1853, bore also the same meaning?... The -expectation of a rupture pervaded the public mind. The -Russian funds fell very heavily, under a war panic; partisans -exulted in a diplomatic victory, and in the increase of what is -called our <em>prestige</em>, the bane, in my opinion, of all upright -politics. The Turk was encouraged in his humour of resistance. -And this, as we now know, while his hands were so -reddened with Bulgarian blood. Foreign capitals were amazed -at the martial excitement in London. But the Government -spoke never a word.... And this ostentatious protection to -Turkey, this wanton disturbance of Europe, was continued by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span> -our Ministry, with what I must call a strange perversity, for -weeks and weeks....</p> - -<p>What we have to guard against is imposture—that Proteus -with a thousand forms. A few months ago the new Sultan -served the turn, and very well. Men affirmed that he must -have time. And now another new Sultan is in the offing. I -suppose it will be argued that he must have time too. Then -there will be, perhaps, new constitutions; firmans of reforms; -proclamations to commanders of Turkish armies, enjoining extra -humanity. All these should be quietly set down as simply zero. -At this moment we hear of the adoption by the Turks of the -last and most enlightened rule of warfare—namely, the Geneva -Convention. They might just as well adopt the Vatican -Council or the British Constitution. All these things are not -even the oysters before the dinner. Still worse is any plea -founded upon any reports made by Turkish authority upon the -Bulgarian outrages.... I return to, and I end with, that -which is the Omega as well as the Alpha of this great and -most mournful case. An old servant of the Crown and State, -I entreat my countrymen, upon whom far more than perhaps -any other people of Europe it depends, to require, and to insist, -that our Government, which has been working in one direction, -shall work in the other, and shall apply all its vigour to concur -with the other States of Europe in obtaining the extinction of -the Turkish executive power in Bulgaria. Let the Turks now -carry away their abuses in the only possible manner—namely, -by carrying off themselves. Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, -their Bimbashis and their Yuzbachis, their Kaimakams and -their Pashas, one and all, bag and baggage, shall, I hope, clear -out from the province they have desolated and profaned. This -thorough riddance, this most blessed deliverance, is the only -reparation we can make to the memory of those heaps on -heaps of dead; to the violated purity alike of matron, of maiden, -and of child; to the civilization which has been affronted and -shamed; to the laws of God, or, if you like, of Allah; to the -moral sense of mankind at large. There is not a criminal in a -European gaol, there is not a cannibal in the South Sea Islands,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span> -whose indignation would not rise and overboil at the recital of -that which has been done, which has left behind all the foul -and all the fierce passions that produced it, and which may -again spring up, in another murderous harvest, from the soil -soaked and reeking with blood, and in the air tainted with -every imaginable deed of crime and shame.</p> - - -<p class="p2" /> -<h4>II. <span class="smcap">Cold Water from Disraeli.</span></h4> - -<p class="negin2 fs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 231, col. 1,138, August 11, 1876 -(Third Reading of the Appropriation Bill; Bulgarian Atrocities -raised).</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Disraeli</span>: ... Let me at once place before the House -what I believe is the true view of the circumstances which -principally interest us to-night, for, after the Rhodian eloquence -to which we have just listened, it is rather difficult for the -House to see clearly the point which is before it. The Queen's -Ambassador at Constantinople, who has at all times no easy -duty to fulfil, found himself at the end of April and in the first -three weeks of May in a position of extreme difficulty and -danger. Affairs in Constantinople never had assumed—at -least in our time, certainly—a more perilous character. It -was difficult to ascertain what was going to happen; but that -something was going to happen, and something of a character -which might disturb the relations of the Porte with all the -Powers of Europe, and might even bring about a revolution, -the effect of which would be felt in distant countries, there was -no doubt.... In the present instance the hon. and learned -gentleman has made one assumption throughout his speech—that -there has been no communication whatever between the -Queen's Ambassador at Constantinople and Her Majesty's -Ministers upon the subject in discussion; that we never heard -of those affairs until the newspapers published accounts. The -state of the facts is the reverse. From the very first period -that these transactions occurred—from the very commencement—the -Ambassador was in constant communication with -Her Majesty's Ministers. (No, no.) Why, that may be proved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span> -by the papers on the table. Throughout the months of May and -June the Ambassador is constantly referring to the atrocities -occurring in Bulgaria and to the repeated protests which he -is making to the Turkish Government, and informing Her -Majesty's Government of interviews and conversations with -the Grand Vizier on that subject. The hon. and learned -gentleman says that when questions were addressed to me -in this House I was perfectly ignorant of what was taking -place. But that is exactly the question we have to settle -to-night. I say that we were not perfectly ignorant of what -was taking place.... I agree that even the slightest estimate -of the horrors that occurred in Bulgaria is quite enough to -excite the indignation of this country and of Parliament; but -when you come to say that we were ignorant of all that was -occurring, and did nothing to counteract it, because we said in -answer to Questions that the information which had reached -us did not warrant the statements that were quoted in the -House—these are two entirely different questions. In the -newspaper which has been referred to the first account was, if -I recollect aright, that 30,000 or 32,000 persons had been slain; -that 10,000 were in prison; it was also stated that 1,000 girls -had been sold in the open market, that 40 girls had been burnt -alive in a stable; and cartloads of human heads paraded through -the streets of the cities of Bulgaria—these were some of, though -not all, the statements made; and I was perfectly justified in -saying that the information which had reached us did not justify -these statements, and therefore we believed them to be exaggerated.... -Lord Derby telegraphed to Sir Henry Elliot -that it was very important that Her Majesty's Government -should be able to reply to the inquiries made in Parliament -respecting these and other statements, and directed Sir Henry -Elliot to inquire by telegram of the Consuls, and report as soon -as he could. All these statements are untrue. There never -were forty maidens locked up in a stable and burnt alive. That -was ascertained with great care by Mr. Baring, and I am surprised -that the right hon. gentleman the member for Bradford -should still speak of it as a statement in which he has confidence.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span> -I believe it to be an entire fabrication. I believe also it is an -entire fabrication that 1,000 young women were sold in the -market as slaves. We have not received the <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note—Original text: 'slighest evidence'">slightest evidence</ins> -of a single sale, even in those journals on which the right hon. -gentleman the member for Bradford founded his erratic speech. -I have been attacked for saying that I did not believe it was -possible to have 10,000 persons in prison in Bulgaria. So far -as I can ascertain from the papers, there never could have been -more than 3,000. As to the 10,000 cases of torture, what -evidence is there of a single case of torture? We know very -well that there has been considerable slaughter; that there -must have been isolated and individual cases of most atrocious -rapine, and outrages of a most atrocious kind; but still we -have had communications with Sir Henry Elliot, and he has -always assumed from what he knew that these cases of individual -rapine and outrage were occurring. He knew that civil war -there was carried on under conditions of brutality which, unfortunately, -are not unprecedented in that country; and the question -is whether the information we had justified the extravagant -statements made in Parliament, which no one pretends to -uphold and defend.... The hon. and learned member (Sir -W. Harcourt) has done full justice to the Bulgarian atrocities. -He has assumed as absolutely true everything that criticism -and more authentic information had modified, and in some cases -had proved not merely to be exaggeration but to be absolute -falsehoods. And then the hon. and learned gentleman says—"By -your policy you have depopulated a province." Well, sir, -certainly the slaughter of 12,000 individuals, whether Turks -or Bulgarians, whether they were innocent peasants or even -brigands, is a horrible event which no one can think of without -emotion. But when I remember that the population of Bulgaria -is 3,700,000 persons, and that it is a very large country, is it not -a most extravagant abuse of rhetoric to say that the slaughter -of so considerable a number as 12,000 is the depopulation of -a province? Well, the hon. and learned gentleman said also -that Her Majesty's Government had incurred a responsibility -which is not possessed by any other country as regards our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span> -relations with and our influence with the Turks. I say that -we have incurred no responsibility which is not shared with us -by all the other contracting Powers to the Treaty of Paris. I -utterly disclaim any peculiar responsibility.... That an hon. -and learned gentleman, once a member of a Government and -an ornament of that Government, should counsel as the solution -of all these difficulties that Her Majesty's Government should -enter into an immediate combination to expel the Turkish -nation from Eastern Europe does indeed surprise me. And -because we are not prepared to enter into a scheme so quixotic -as that would be, we are held up as having given our moral, -not to say our material, support to Turkey.... We are, it is -true, the allies of Turkey; so is Austria, so is Russia, so is -France, and so are others. We are also their partners in -a tripartite Treaty, in which we not only generally, but singly, -guarantee with France and Austria the territorial integrity of -Turkey. And if these engagements, renovated and repeated -only four years ago by the wisdom of Europe, are to be treated -by the hon. and learned gentleman as idle wind and chaff, and -if we are to be told that our political duty is by force to expel -the Turks to the other side of the Bosphorus, then politics -cease to be an art, statesmanship becomes a mere mockery, and -instead of being a House of Commons faithful to its traditions, -and which is always influenced, I have ever thought, by sound -principles of policy, whoever may be its leaders, we had better -at once resolve ourselves into one of those revolutionary clubs -which settle all political and social questions with the same -ease as the hon. and learned member.</p> - - -<p>[<span class="smcap">Note.</span>—This was Disraeli's last speech as a member of -the House of Commons. He was raised to the peerage on -August 12, 1876.]</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="SIR_THEOPHILUS_SHEPSTONES_COMMISSION_1877" id="SIR_THEOPHILUS_SHEPSTONES_COMMISSION_1877"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">SIR THEOPHILUS SHEPSTONE'S COMMISSION (1877).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, January 7.</p> - - -<p>Whereas grievous disturbances have broken out in the territories -adjacent to Our colonies in South Africa, with war -between the white inhabitants and the native races, to the -great peril of the peace and safety of Our said colonies; and -whereas, having regard to the safety of Our said colonies, it -greatly concerns Us that full inquiry should be made into the -origin, nature, and circumstances of the said disturbances, and -with respect to the measures to be adopted for preventing the -recurrence of the like disturbances in the future; and whereas -it may become requisite to this end that the said territories, or -portions of them, should be administered in Our name and in -Our behalf.</p> - -<p>Now know you that We, having especial trust and confidence -in the loyalty and fidelity of you, the said Sir Theophilus Shepstone, -have appointed you to be Our special Commissioner for -the purpose of making such inquiry as aforesaid ... and if the -emergency seem to you to be such as to render it necessary, in -order to secure the peace and safety of Our said colonies, and -of Our subjects elsewhere, that the said territories, or any -portion or portions of the same, should be provisionally, and -pending the announcement of Our pleasure, be administered in -Our name and on Our behalf, then, and in such case only, We -do further authorize you, the said Sir Theophilus Shepstone, by -proclamation under your hand, to declare that from and after -a day to be therein named, so much of any such territories -aforesaid as to you, after due consideration, shall seem fit, shall -be annexed and form part of Our dominions.</p> - -<p>And We do hereby constitute and appoint you to be thereupon -Administrator of the same provisionally and until Our -pleasure is more fully known.</p> - -<p>Provided, first, that no such proclamation shall be issued by -you with respect to any district, territory, or state, unless you -shall be satisfied that the inhabitants thereof, or a sufficient<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> -number of them, or the Legislature thereof, desire to become -Our subjects; nor if any conditions unduly limiting Our power -and authority therein are sought to be imposed....</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="RUSSIA_DECLARES_WAR_ON_TURKEY_1877" id="RUSSIA_DECLARES_WAR_ON_TURKEY_1877"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">RUSSIA DECLARES WAR ON TURKEY (1877).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, April 25.</p> - - -<p>We have not a word to say in defence of the Porte. We -admit that it was guilty, as Lord Salisbury has confessed, of -infatuation when it defied the Conference, and that it would -have accepted even the Protocol, if it had possessed a tithe of -the sagacity which was once a better protection of its weakness -than ironclads are to-day. We may even admit that the -Protocol was, what Prince Gortchakoff styles it, the last expression -of the united will of Europe. But his story is fatally -incomplete. It would have been desirable to know whether -Russia has done her best to make it easy for Turkey to accept -the undisguised tutelage of the European Powers. That question -calls to mind how much the fanaticism of the Turks was -inflamed by the covert aid which Russia gave to Servia. The -Czar refers to the famous words which he spoke in the Kremlin. -They were indeed the real declaration of war, for they prevented -Russia from accepting anything less than the complete submission -of Turkey. Russia might plead, no doubt, that as war -was certain to be found an absolute necessity in the end, it -mattered little how rudely she ruffled the Osmanli pride. But -in that case the negotiations of the past two years have been a -series of hypocrisies. As it is, the general judgment is expressed -by what Lord Derby said last night. While he found -it hopeless to bend the will of Turkey towards submission, he -equally found on the part of her Government "a deeply seated -conviction that, do what they would, sooner or later war would -be forced upon them." He believed that he and his colleagues -have throughout been "engaged in the solution of a hopeless -problem." Such, we fear, is the prosaic truth, and, whatever -be the measure of Turkish obstinacy, Russia cannot escape<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span> -condemnation. She has sometimes acted as if she wished to -cut off a way of retreat both from herself and her foe.... -Russia has hastened to stop all further negotiations, and to act -as if she and she alone had an interest in the tranquillity of the -Turkish Empire. Thus she has forfeited any right to speak -in the name of Europe. Nor has she given the Powers assurances -which they had a right to expect. Nothing is said in the -same strain as the declarations at Livadia, that Russia had no -objects of territorial ambition.... The Czar has committed -a grave error by neglecting to proclaim that in no event would -he seize Turkish territory.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="IRISH_OBSTRUCTION_IN_ITS_EARLY_DAYS_1877" id="IRISH_OBSTRUCTION_IN_ITS_EARLY_DAYS_1877"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">IRISH OBSTRUCTION IN ITS EARLY DAYS (1877).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, August 1.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Parnell and his special friends greatly distinguished -themselves in the House of Commons last night by the multiplicity -of the motions in committee on the South Africa Bill. -The Government adopted special means to wear out the -tenacity of the members who thus consume hour after hour, for -it had arranged that the House should sit until the work should -be done, even if the discussion should last till breakfast time. -But it does injustice to Mr. Parnell. He is the most misunderstood -and most ill-used man in the House of Commons. -Such is the burden of the long letter from him which we -printed on Monday. He has been accused of trying to stop -public business by floods of irrelevant speech. He has been -charged with something like open disrespect for the authority -of Mr. Speaker. He has been suspected of a wish to make -Irish members intolerable, in the hope that weary Englishmen -and Scotchmen would bid them begone to enjoy the beatitudes -of Home Rule. He has made the Leader of the House, -although the mildest of men, propose to banish him to the -penal settlement of silence, and the House has done him the -honour of framing two new rules to impede the flow of his -speech during the rest of the Session.... The incorrectness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span> -of that accusation, he replies, is proved by the comparatively -small use he has made of almost boundless opportunities. If -his enemies speak of what he has done, he appeals to what he -might have done. Has he obstructed every clause of every -Bill? Has he even obstructed every Bill? Has he exhausted -all the forms of the House even yet? These questions oppress -us with a sense of his moderation. If he has done so much, he -might have done so much more! As most Bills have at least -ten clauses, as most clauses contain at least a hundred words, -and as at least one amendment might be moved after each -word, Mr. Parnell could have opposed each Bill with at least -a thousand amendments, and he himself, Mr. Biggar, and -Mr. O'Donnell could each have delivered at least a thousand -speeches.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="PLEVNA_AFTER_THE_SIEGE_1877" id="PLEVNA_AFTER_THE_SIEGE_1877"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PLEVNA AFTER THE SIEGE (1877).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, December 15.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><em>From Our Special Correspondent.—Plevna, December 11.</em></p> - -<p>As I rode up the slope of the hill east of Plevna towards the -redoubt defending the road between the town and the village -of Radicheve, a ghastly scene was presented. Hundreds of -Russian skeletons lay glistening on the hillsides, where they -had fallen during the assault of September. The bones were -generally completely bare. Those nearest to the earthwork -had been covered with a few inches of earth, which had been -washed off by the first shower, and now they lay as naked -as the others. The Moslem outpost pits were among these -skeletons, many of them not being more than a yard distant. -Singular as it may seem, many of these skeletons had distinct -expressions, both in the attitude in which they had fallen and -in the position of the fleshless jaws. I could distinguish those -who had fallen without suffering from those who had died -in agony, and the effect was such as I shall never forget. -The Russian soldiers who marched into Plevna in the rear -of Osman's sallying force passed among these remains of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> -unburied comrades.... On entering the town I was surprised -to find it so little injured by the cannonading....</p> - -<p>Within a short time after Osman's surrender at the bridge -over the Vid, on the Sofia road, the 16,000 prisoners were -turned back into the town, with the artillery and transport -trains.... The Turks were well fed in appearance, but were -generally ragged, and were all wearing sandals. No boots -were to be seen, though most of them had overcoats.... The -contrast between these tatterdemalion battalions and the well-dressed -men guarding them made the war appear a one-sided -affair, until the reflection came that a ragged man shot as well -as one perfectly equipped. Later in the day, standing on the -Sofia road, in the Gravitza valley west of Plevna, I surveyed -the whole basin forming Osman's position. The herbage and -all other growing things had so effectually disappeared that the -earth's surface looked as if a conflagration had swept over every -square foot of it. The colour was a dull brown, and I never -gazed upon a more dismal-looking region. The sides of the -basin were serried by ravines, all centering in the valley -where I stood, and upon the surrounding edges of the basin -were the Turkish and Allied batteries planted in irregular line, -but commanding every vantage-point of the neighbourhood.... -Where the Gravitza <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">chaussée</i> crosses the elevation the Turkish -redoubts were weakest, and here the Russian artillery fire had -been chiefly concentrated. The front and rear of the earthworks -were ploughed up by shells, and in truth there was -scarcely a square yard which had not been struck. Thousands -of such missiles, varying from 3 inches to 6 inches in diameter, -lay unexploded upon the surface of the earth. In a previous -telegram I said that these redoubts were battered to pieces; -but I now discover that this was a curious error of vision. -The works are practically uninjured. So far as the earthworks -are concerned, the Russian artillery ammunition has been -absolutely wasted, and from an inspection of the trenches I do -not believe that the garrison has suffered more than their -defences. Neither do I believe that any artillery could have -accomplished more. The fact is that shells against earthworks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> -are useless at a greater distance than 500 or 600 yards, and -then the guns cannot be worked on account of the enemy's -sharpshooters. The Turkish soldiers in the redoubts had -bomb-proof abodes in the back walls of the pits.... I was -very much surprised to find the Turkish lines of fortification so -weak, as far as the quantity of earthwork is concerned. The -redoubts are much smaller than I supposed them to be.... -There are no double lines of infantry trenches—in fact, no -interior lines of any sort; neither are there trenches on the hillsides -below the redoubts. There are no lines of intrenchments -for the reserves; indeed, there were apparently no reserves. -When I saw this technically weak line I could not but admire -the efficiency of the weapons with which it had been defended, -and the stubborn tenacity of the men who could hold it against -such assaults as the Allies have delivered against it. The -Allies had double and treble lines around Plevna. Their -works are much better constructed than those of the Turks, so -far as finish is concerned; but for safety I would rather trust -myself to the latter.... The Roumanian trenches, however, -were well constructed and capacious. The best trench is -within 25 feet of the Turkish counterscarp [of a redoubt]. -From the bottom of this trench two shafts were sunk about -15 feet in depth, and from the bottom two galleries had -been pushed under the Turkish parapet, and the mines were -nearly ready when the Moslems evacuated their positions. -But the strangest part of the history of this siege is the fact -that the Turks had also mined the Gravitza redoubt opposite, -and before leaving their earthwork they had fired the mining -fuse. The Roumanians, discovering their departure, entered -their ditches, found the gallery, and reached the fuse in time to -quench it before it had burned to the explosive charge; so that -each was prepared to blow the other up without knowing, -apparently, that counter-operations were in progress....</p> - -<p>At noon to-day the Emperor arrived at the redoubt defending -the approach to Plevna by the Gravitza <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">chaussée</i>.... [After -a religious service] the whole party rode into Plevna, taking -the less frequented streets, lest some assassin might fire upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span> -the Emperor. In a small house, surrounded by a high stone -wall, lunch was served, after which there was a sudden hush, -and Osman Pasha was carried into the yard and through the -portico by a Cossack officer and one of his own attendants. -As he passed through the crowd of staff officers, every one -saluted him, and shouted, "Bravo, Osman!" He then passed -into the presence of the Emperor, who shook hands with him, -and informed him that, in consideration of his gallant defence -of Plevna, he had given orders that his sword should be -returned to him, and that he could wear it.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="STRAINED_RELATIONS_WITH_RUSSIA_1878" id="STRAINED_RELATIONS_WITH_RUSSIA_1878"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">STRAINED RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA (1878).</a></h3> - -<h4>I.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 237, cols. 1,326, 1332 (Questions, -February 8, 1878).</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The Chancellor of the Exchequer</span>: Mr. Speaker, the -Government have received a telegram to-day from Mr. Layard, -containing a summary of the articles of the armistice.... The -telegram ends by saying that the Turks have begun to -remove their guns from the Constantinople lines. Now it is -quite evident that, whatever may have been the arrangements -with regard to the neighbourhood of Constantinople, a neutral -zone has been declared, which includes the lines of Tchekmedje, -which protect Constantinople; and according to the terms of -the armistice the Turks are bound not to retain those fortresses, -and accordingly are bound to remove—and are quietly beginning -to remove—their guns and armaments from the fortifications -by lines and to specified places.... The consequence is -that, although the Russians do not occupy those lines themselves, -they occupy an outpost close to them, while the lines -themselves are being thoroughly disarmed. They have the -power, therefore, at any moment, subject to the necessity of -giving three days' notice of the termination of the armistice, -of advancing on Constantinople without hindrance.... I -may perhaps venture to call the attention of the House to one -of the papers which we laid upon the table yesterday. That<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span> -contains a copy of a Memorandum which was communicated -to the Russian Ambassador by Her Majesty's Government on -the 28th of July last, in which they say they "look with much -anxiety at the state of things in Constantinople, and the -prospect of the disorder and bloodshed, and even anarchy, -which may occur as the Russian forces draw near to the -capital. The crisis which may at any time arrive in Constantinople -may be such as Her Majesty's Government could -not overlook, while they had the means of mitigating its horrors. -Her Majesty's Government are fully determined (unless it -should be necessary for the preservation of interests which -they have already stated they are bound to maintain) not to -depart from the line of neutrality which they have declared -their intention to observe; but they do not consider that they -would be departing from this neutrality, and they think that -Russia will not consider they are doing so, if they should find -themselves compelled to direct their fleet to proceed to Constantinople, -and thus afford protection to the European population -against internal disturbance." The Government, I may -add, feel that the state of affairs disclosed by the armistice has -given rise to the danger which they thus apprehended, and they -have, in the circumstances, thought it right to order a portion -of the fleet to proceed at once to Constantinople for the purpose -of protecting the lives and property of British subjects.</p> - - -<p class="p1 pfs90">Cols. 1622-1623 (Questions, February 13, 1878).</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">The Chancellor of the Exchequer</span>: I stated, I think, or -at all events referred on Monday to the fact, that communications -had been made to the Porte to ascertain whether permission -would be given, or a <em>firman</em> be granted, for the British -fleet to enter the Dardanelles. That permission was refused, -but Her Majesty's Government thought it right to direct the -ships to proceed, and they have proceeded accordingly. No -material opposition was offered, and they are by this time, I -presume, anchored in the neighbourhood of Constantinople. -I may perhaps mention that a communication has been made -by the Russian Government to the effect that, in view of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> -intended sending of the fleet by Her Majesty's Government to -the neighbourhood of Constantinople, it would be a matter for -the consideration of the Russian Government whether they -should not themselves occupy the city. In answer to that -Her Majesty's Government have sent a communication which -will be laid on the table of the House to-night, in which they -protest against that view, and state that they cannot acknowledge -that in the case of the two countries the circumstances -are parallel, or that the despatch of the British fleet for the -purpose indicated justifies the Russian Government in the step -which they announce it to be their intention to take.</p> - - -<p class="p2" /> -<h4>II.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, March 29, 1878.</p> - -<p>The uncertainty which has prevailed during the last few -days respecting the course which our Government would -pursue, in view of the difference respecting the Congress which -had arisen between ourselves and Russia, has received a startling -and momentous solution. When the House of Lords met -yesterday, Lord Derby no longer occupied his seat on the -Ministerial Bench, and he at once announced that he had -resigned the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.... -The explanations given yesterday remove all doubt respecting -the relative positions assumed by our Government and Russia -in regard to the Congress. Sir Stafford Northcote stated in the -House of Commons the import of the communications which -have passed between ourselves and Russia.... Russia's -reply amounted to a clear intimation that she claims to withhold -from the cognizance of the Powers any articles of the -preliminary Treaty she may choose. Such a reserve as she -asserts is tantamount to a definite claim to alter an existing -Treaty by force of arms without consulting the other Powers -who signed it, and towards whom she is under honourable obligations. -There being this imminent danger that the Congress -may not meet—it being, as Lord Beaconsfield said, "the -belief" of the Government "that the Congress would not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span> -meet," it became necessary for the Government to consider -what further course they would take.... We do not know -what course Lord Derby would have advised, and it is possible -he would not immediately have taken any fresh steps. But the -rest of the Government decided that in the interests of peace, -and for the due protection of the rights of the Empire, it was -their duty "to advise Her Majesty to avail herself of those -powers which she has for calling for the services of her -Reserved Forces." As subsequently explained by Mr. Hardy -in the House of Commons, this step is one which is rendered -necessary by the new organization of the Army.... Its result -will be to raise our regular forces to their utmost efficiency. -In other words, it will place the land forces which actually -exist in readiness for prompt action; and it is thus a plain -declaration—a declaration rendered emphatic by Lord Derby's -resignation—that we are prepared to act promptly if the course -on which Russia has entered directly injures our honour or our -interests. Such a declaration of our being determined to -adhere to the claims we have put forward is perhaps the most -momentous step which has yet been taken by this country.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="PEACE_WITH_HONOUR_1878" id="PEACE_WITH_HONOUR_1878"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PEACE WITH HONOUR (1878).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, July 17.</p> - - -<p>The Premier alighted at his official residence in Downing -Street, and was met on the threshold by General Ponsonby, -bearing a bouquet of rare flowers, sent to him by the gracious -forethought of Her Majesty the Queen.... The ground was -well kept by the police, till the Prime Minister appeared at a -window and began to speak. Then a rush swept the police -away. Three cheers for Lord Beaconsfield were given. For -the second time in the day the Prime Minister was visibly -affected. He had to wait long for silence, but when an approach -to quiet had been obtained Lord Beaconsfield said: "I -can assure you that no recognition of neighbours could be more -gratifying to my feelings than these expressions of the senti<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>ments -of those among whom I see many of my oldest and most -cherished friends. Lord Salisbury and myself have brought -you back peace, but a peace, I hope, with honour, which may -satisfy our Sovereign, and tend to the welfare of the country."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_SECRET_AGREEMENTS_IN_BEACONSFIELDS" id="THE_SECRET_AGREEMENTS_IN_BEACONSFIELDS"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE SECRET AGREEMENTS IN BEACONSFIELD'S -POCKETS (1878).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 242, col. 344 (House of Lords: -Debate on the Protocols of Berlin, August, 1878).</p> - - -<p>The Earl of Rosebery rose to call attention to a memorandum -purporting to have been signed by the Marquis of Salisbury and -Count Schouvaloff on May 30, 1878, and to ask if it was the intention -of the Government to lay it on the table of the House.... -The course the Government had pursued with respect to their -policy was, he would venture to say, one of obscurity enlivened -with sarcasm. In the whole history of the negotiations there -were five cardinal points—points which became salient to -everyone who had studied the history of these transactions. -First, there was the San Stefano treaty; the second was the -circular of the 1st of April; the third, the alleged secret agreement -of May 30th; the fourth, the secret convention of June 4th -with Turkey; and the fifth was the treaty signed at Berlin on -the 30th of July. As to the secret agreement between Russia -and England, it would be well to recall how they came to have -any cognizance of it at all. The substance of it appeared in -the <cite>Globe</cite> within, he thought, three or four days after it was -signed, and it was on the 14th of June, he thought, that the -entire text was given in the columns of the same journal.... They -had all heard that the agreement was not to be laid on the -table, because there were documents in connection with it which -it would be necessary to present at the same time; but other -Powers would not allow us to produce them. What he gathered -from all this was that, if it had not been for the ill-advised -conduct of a very subordinate clerk in the Foreign Office, who -was entrusted with the copying of the agreement at the rate of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span> -10d. an hour, the English public would not at this moment have -the faintest conception of such an agreement, and the keystone -of the whole purpose of the Government would be wrapped in -obscurity. This was alarming in itself, because, if these subterranean -methods were employed as a rule, they would give the -public some little dismay in regard to the course of further negotiations.... -Having signed this agreement, and having signed -another secret agreement within two or three days with Turkey, -Her Majesty's Plenipotentiaries proceeded, fortified with them, -to the Congress. Now came the most extraordinary point in -all the history of these negotiations, so far as they knew it. -Eight days after the signature, or alleged signature, of this -agreement, in which, if the House would remember, we consented -to the abandonment of Batoum and other Russian conquests -in Armenia, the Foreign Secretary addressed a despatch -to our Resident Plenipotentiary in Berlin, in which he urged -him to use his exertions to the utmost on behalf of Batoum. -The words were so remarkable that he might be pardoned for -quoting them to their lordships. On the 8th of June the noble -Marquis wrote to Lord Odo Russell: "There is no ground for -believing that Russia will willingly give way in respect to -Batoum, Kars, or Ardahan; and it is possible that the arguments -of England urged in Congress will receive little assistance -from other Powers, and will not be able to shake her -resolution in this respect." Well, that was not likely under -the circumstances. The noble Marquis continued in this letter -of June 8th: "You will not on that account abstain from -earnestly pressing upon them and upon Russia the justice of -abstaining from annexations which are unconnected with the -professed object of the war, and profoundly distasteful to the -populations concerned, and the expediency, in regard to the -future tranquillizing of Asia, of forbearing to shake so perilously -the position of the Government of Turkey...." Now, the -great point with regard to this was, was Lord Odo Russell, -when he received that communication, cognizant of the agreement -which had been signed on the 30th of May? Because -what they wanted to know was this, was Lord Odo Russell<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> -one of a company, or was he a simple actor put up to recite -the arguments of Batoum, with a prompter by to keep him to -his part?... Then, on the same day, Mr. Secretary Cross -addressed a despatch to the Plenipotentiaries of Her Majesty, -urging them to make great exertion on behalf of Greece. He -should say that the position of a Plenipotentiary who entered -the Congress to struggle on behalf of Batoum, Kars, Ardahan, -and Greece must have been a somewhat melancholy one in the -retrospect; because, when the questions came up, the Turkish -positions were abandoned, and Greece was ignored.... He -did not pretend that secret understandings were unknown to -us, but he believed this was the first time we had called a -European Congress with the view of discussing great treaties, -and standing forth on behalf of public law, we ourselves having, -at the same time, bound ourselves in private to consent to those -stipulations which we had denounced, and which we continued -to denounce.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="GLADSTONE_INDIGNANT_AGAIN_1878" id="GLADSTONE_INDIGNANT_AGAIN_1878"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">GLADSTONE INDIGNANT AGAIN (1878).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, December 2.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Gladstone</span> (at Greenwich): I want to ask you, and I -think after these two years it is about time, who are the true -friends of Russia? Is it we, gentlemen, who met two years -and a half ago on Blackheath, and said it was most mischievous -to leave to any single country the settlement of the Eastern -question?... Who brought Russia back to the Danube? -Those very men who are continually denouncing us as the -friends of Russia. We had in 1856 by the fortune of war -driven Russia back from the Danube; the present Government -have brought Russia back to the Danube. They made -a secret memorandum with Count Schouvaloff by which they -engaged—unless they could convert him by their arguments—to -vote in the Congress for bringing Russia back to the -Danube.... Who gave Russia the fortress of Kars? The -present Government. These people say they want to keep -down the power of Russia. Want to keep down the power<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span> -of Russia! Why, they have left it in her power to make herself -the liberator of Bulgaria, and secure for herself the influence -which always follows upon gratitude.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="RUSSIAN_INTRIGUE_AT_CABUL_1878" id="RUSSIAN_INTRIGUE_AT_CABUL_1878"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">RUSSIAN INTRIGUE AT CABUL (1878).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Afghanistan," C 2,190 of -1878, p. 228.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Telegram dated August 2, 1878. From Viceroy, Simla, to -Secretary of State, London.</cite></p> - -<p>Further confirmation received of presence of Russian mission -at Cabul headed by General Abramoff, Governor of Samarkand, -who is mentioned by name. We desire to point out that -present situation requires immediate correction. It will soon -be known throughout India that Russian officers and troops -have been received with honour, and are staying at Cabul -within short distance of our frontier and our largest military -garrison, while our officers have been denied admission there. -We have further reports of Russian officers having visited and -been well received at Maimena. To remain inactive now will, -we respectfully submit, be to allow Afghanistan to fall as -certainly and as completely under Russian power and influence -as the Khanates. We believe we could correct situation if -allowed to treat it as question between us and the Ameer, and -probably could do so without recourse to force. But we must -speak plainly and decidedly, and be sure of your support. We -propose, therefore, in the first place, to insist on reception of -suitable British mission at Cabul. To this we do not anticipate -serious resistance; indeed, we think it probable that Ameer, -adhering to his policy of playing Russia and ourselves off -against each other, will really welcome such mission, while -outwardly only yielding to pressure....</p> - - -<p class="p1 pfs100"><cite>From Secretary of State, August 3, 1878 (Extract).</cite></p> - -<p>Assuming the certainty of Russian officers at Cabul, your -proposals to insist on reception of British envoy approved. In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span> -case of refusal you will telegraph again as to the steps you -desire to take for compelling the Ameer to receive your mission.</p> - - -<p class="p1 pfs100"><cite>Telegram from Viceroy, September 21, 1878.</cite></p> - -<p>Chamberlain<a name="FNanchor_A_1" id="FNanchor_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a> reports from Peshawur that it is quite evident -Ameer is bent on utmost procrastination, and determined on -making acceptance of our mission dependent on his pleasure -and choice of time.... To await at Peshawur Ameer's -pleasure would be to abandon whole policy and accept easy -repulse at outset.... Consequently mission moved this -morning to Jamrud; thence Cavagnari advances to Ali Musjid -with small escort to demand passage....</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_A_1" id="Footnote_A_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_1"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> General Sir Neville Chamberlain.</p></div> - - -<p class="p1 pfs100"><cite>Telegram from Viceroy, September 22, 1878.</cite></p> - -<p>Following telegram received last night from Sir Neville -Chamberlain. Message begins: Cavagnari reports that we -have received a decisive answer from Faiz Mahomed, after -personal interview, that he will not allow mission to proceed. -He crowned the heights commanding the way with his levies, -and though many times warned by Cavagnari that his reply -would be regarded as reply of the Ameer, said he would not let -mission pass....</p> - - -<p class="p1 pfs100"><cite>Telegram from Secretary of State, October 30, 1878.</cite></p> - -<p>Text of letter, as approved, to be sent to the Ameer.... In -consequence of this hostile action on your part, I have assembled -Her Majesty's forces on your frontier, but I desire to give you -a last opportunity of averting the calamities of war. For this -it is necessary that a full and suitable apology be offered by -you in writing, and tendered on British territory by an officer -of sufficient rank. Furthermore, as it has been found impossible -to maintain satisfactory relations between the two States -unless the British Government is adequately represented in -Afghanistan, it will be necessary that you should consent to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> -receive a permanent British Mission within your territory.... -Unless these conditions are accepted, fully and plainly, by -you, and your acceptance received by me not later than the -20th November, I shall be compelled to consider your intentions -as hostile, and to treat you as a declared enemy of the -British Government.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="SHERE_ALI_1878" id="SHERE_ALI_1878"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">SHERE ALI (1878).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Afghanistan," C 2,190 of -1878, p. 225.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extract from a Memorandum by Lord Napier of Magdala.</cite></p> - -<p>We have unfortunately managed Shere Ali badly. Perhaps -it might not have been possible, with our scruples and his -want of them, to have managed him advantageously; but it -must be admitted that we have not given him the reasons to -unite himself with us that he naturally expected. First, we -stood aloof in his struggles for life and empire, ready to acknowledge -whoever might prove the master of Afghanistan. Then, -when Shere Ali had subdued his enemies, he came forward to -meet us with an alliance, but we were willing to form only an -imperfect alliance with him. He was willing to trust us, provided -that we would trust him; but we felt that we could not -bind ourselves to unreserved support of a power whose ideas -of right and wrong were so different from ours. We therefore -proposed to bind him, leaving ourselves (according to his idea) -free, and he recoiled from this bargain. His friendly feelings, -however, were not entirely alienated by that experience of us; -he abstained from any action towards Seistan at our desire, -and he believed that the mediation which we pressed upon him -would have ended by the restoration of the portion of Seistan -that Persia had occupied in his days of trouble. And not only -Shere Ali, but the whole Afghan people, believed that we should -restore to them what they had lost. When they found that we -had allowed Persia to obstruct and ill-treat our arbitrator, and -to retain much of her encroachments, they looked upon us as -a weak and treacherous people, who, under the guise of friend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>ship, -had spoiled them in favour of Persia. This I believe to -be the root of Shere Ali's discontent with us.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="DEATH_OF_SHERE_ALI_1879" id="DEATH_OF_SHERE_ALI_1879"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">DEATH OF SHERE ALI (1879).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Afghanistan," C 2,401 of -1879, p. 12.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Translation of a Letter, dated February 26, 1879, from Sirdar -Mahomed Yakub Khan to Major Cavagnari.</cite></p> - -<p>... I now write a second time in accordance with former -friendship to inform you that to-day a letter was received by -post from Turkestan announcing that my worthy and exalted -father had, upon 29th Safar (21st February, 1879), obeyed the -call of the summoner, and, throwing off the dress of existence, -hastened to the region of the divine mercy.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_GANDAMAK_TREATY_1879" id="THE_GANDAMAK_TREATY_1879"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE GANDAMAK TREATY (1879).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Afghanistan," C 2,362 of 1879.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Article III.</span>—His Highness the Ameer of Afghanistan and -its dependencies agrees to conduct his relations with foreign -States in accordance with the advice and wishes of the British -Government.... The British Government will support the -Ameer against any foreign aggression with money, arms, or -troops, to be employed in whatsoever manner the British -Government may judge best for the purpose.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article IV.</span>—With a view to the maintenance of the direct -and intimate relations now established ... it is agreed that -a British Resident representative shall reside at Cabul, with -a suitable escort, in a place of residence appropriate to his rank -and dignity. It is also agreed that the British Government -shall have the right to depute British Agents with suitable -escorts to the Afghan frontiers, whensoever this may be considered -necessary by the British Government in the interests -of both States, on the occurrence of any important external -fact....</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article IX.</span>—The British Government restores to His -Highness the Ameer of Afghanistan and its dependencies the -towns of Candahar and Jellalabad, with all the territory now -in possession of the British armies, excepting the districts of -Kurram, Pishin, and Sibi. His Highness ... agrees on his -part that the districts of Kurram, Pishin, and Sibi, according -to the limits defined in the schedule annexed, shall remain -under the protection and administrative control of the British -Government: that is to say, the aforesaid districts shall be -treated as assigned districts, and shall not be considered as permanently -severed from the limits of the Afghan kingdom.... -The British Government will retain in its own hands the control -of the Khyber and Michni Passes, and of all relations with the -independent tribes of the territory directly connected with -these passes.</p> - -<p>Done at Gandamak this 26th day of May, 1879.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_CABUL_MASSACRE_1879" id="THE_CABUL_MASSACRE_1879"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE CABUL MASSACRE (1879).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications, "Afghanistan,"</cite> C 2,457 of -1880, p. 95.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Statement of Taimur (Timoss), Sowar B troop, Corps of Guides, on -September 15, 1879.</cite></p> - -<p>I was in the Bala Hissar, Cabul, on the 3rd instant: Major -Sir Louis Cavagnari and the other British officers were in the -bungalow. At about 8 a.m. the Turkestani ("Ardal") regiment, -which was in the Bala Hissar, was paraded to receive its pay. -Daud Shah, the Commander-in-Chief, gave them one month's -pay. They claimed two, and broke. They were paraded quite -close to the Residency, and another regiment was also quartered -with them. One of soldiery shouted out, "Let us destroy the -Envoy first of all, and after that the Ameer!" They rushed into -the courtyard in front of the Residency, and stoned some of -the syces who were sitting there. We then opened fire on -them, without orders from any European. All the British -officers were inside. The Ameer's men then went for their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> -weapons, and returned with them in a quarter of an hour. -They then commenced to besiege the Residency, and from -commanding positions made the roof of the Residency untenable. -We made shelter trenches on it, and fired from the -windows. The city people came to help the soldiers about -10 a.m. Major Sir Louis Cavagnari was wounded in the forehead -about 1 p.m.; he was in a shelter trench. A man from -the roof of a house shot at him, and the bullet striking a brick, -it, together with a piece of brick, struck Sir Louis. But he -was not killed. Mr. Jenkyns came up and sent for a Munshi -to write to the Ameer, but the scribe was unable to write through -fear. I then wrote briefly to the Ameer that we were besieged, -and he was to help us; and sent it by Gholam Nabbi, a Kabuli, -an old Guide Sowar who was in the Residency. No answer -came. Gholam Nabbi afterwards told me that the Ameer wrote -on the letter, "If God will, I am just making arrangements." -Major Cavagnari was helped into the Residency, and tended to -by Dr. Kelly. Mr. Jenkyns then ordered me to send a second -letter to the Ameer, stating that Major Cavagnari was wounded, -and to hasten on assistance. The letter was sent by a Hindu -whose name I don't know. He was cut to pieces in front of -the Residency. I was at about 3 p.m. sent with a letter by -Mr. Hamilton promising six months' pay. By that time they -had managed to get on to the roof of the Residency. I went -armed into the midst of the crowd, and was immediately stripped -of my arms, but my life was saved by an officer. They threw -me from the roof of the Residency on to the roof of the neighbouring -house. I lost my senses.... I know nothing of what -happened after this, but I visited the place next morning. I -recollect they had begun to set fire to the Residency just as -I was leaving.... Daybreak I went to the Residency, and -saw first the corpse of Lieutenant Hamilton lying over a -mountain gun which had been brought up. The troops who -were there told me Mr. Hamilton had shot about three men -with his pistol, and had cut down two more before he was shot. -He was stripped and cut into pieces, but not dishonoured. -About 25 feet off was the body of Mr. Jenkyns in a similar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> -state. I did not go into the Residency, but was told Dr. Kelly -was lying killed in the Residency. Sir Louis Cavagnari was -in the Residency when it fell in flames. He was in the room -where the wounded were, and his body had not been discovered -when I left the city.</p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Afghanistan," C 2,457 of -1880, p. 83.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extract from Deposition of Ressaldar-Major Nakshband Khan.</cite></p> - -<p>At about 9 a.m., while the fighting was going on, I myself -saw the four European officers charge out at the head of some -twenty-five of the garrison; they drove away a party that were -holding some broken ground. About a quarter of an hour after -this another sally was made by a party with three officers -at their head—Cavagnari was not with them this time—with -the same result. A third sally was made with two British -officers (Jenkyns and Hamilton) leading; a fourth sally was -made with a Sikh Jemadar bravely leading. No more sallies -were made after this. They all appeared to go to the upper -part of the house, and fired from above. At about half-past -eleven o'clock part of the building, in which the Embassy was, -was noticed to be on fire. I do not know who fired it. I think -it probable that the defenders, finding themselves so few, fired -part, so as to have a less space to defend. The firing went on -continuously all day; perhaps it was hottest from 10 a.m. to -3 p.m., after which it slackened, and the last shots were fired at -about 8.30 p.m. or 9 p.m., after which all was quiet, and everyone -dispersed. The next morning I heard shots being fired. -I asked an old woman, to whose house I had been sent for -safety by Sirdar Wali Muhammad Khan, what this was: she -sent out her son to find out. He said: "They are shooting the -people found still alive in the Residency."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_MIDLOTHIAN_CAMPAIGN_1879" id="THE_MIDLOTHIAN_CAMPAIGN_1879"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE MIDLOTHIAN CAMPAIGN (1879).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Saturday Review</cite>, November 29.</p> - - -<p>The personal enthusiasm with which Mr. Gladstone is -regarded by the mass of his followers has been largely stimulated -by his appearance in Scotland and by his fervid harangues. -The only local topic on which he has cared to dwell is the -alleged creation of fagot votes by his opponents. There can -be no doubt that the purchase of little freeholds for the sole -purpose of obtaining votes is an abuse and a grievance, though -it is said that Mr. Gladstone once held a fagot vote. For two -or three years of his life Mr. Cobden concentrated all his efforts -on a gigantic scheme of fagot votes, by which the manufacturing -towns were to obtain control of the counties; but the -total failure of the project caused it to be tacitly abandoned. -If Mr. Gladstone is after all defeated in Midlothian, the moral -effect of a Conservative victory will be greatly impaired by the -process of tampering with the representation. To Mr. Gladstone's -excited mind an attempt to pack a constituency probably -assumes extravagant dimensions. Before he arrived at Edinburgh -he began his public protest against fagot votes in -Midlothian, as well as against the crimes of a Government -which he has persuaded himself to regard as the worst and -most dangerous that has held power in England. He has -denounced his opponents so loudly and so often that even his -overflowing eloquence could include nothing new, but the -crowded assemblies which he addressed, though they had read -his orations, and perhaps his pamphlets, had not heard him -speak. It is not surprising that eager and unanimous multitudes -should welcome with admiration and delight the detailed -exposition, by the most eloquent of politicians, of the opinions -which they had already been taught to hold. Few cold-blooded -or dispassionate sceptics would ask themselves whether it was -credible that a Ministry and a great and steady majority of the -House of Commons should never, even by accident, have -deviated into prudence, justice, or patriotic foresight. In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> -private discussion and in Parliamentary debate it is found -expedient, according to the old legal phrase, to give colour, or, -in other words, to admit that the theory, which is impugned, -though unsound, is at least credible or intelligible. Mr. Gladstone -follows the bent of his own genius when he encourages -the popular tendency to deal with difficult controversies as if -they were wholly one-sided.</p> - -<p>His Liberal colleagues, perhaps, regard his present enterprise -with mixed feelings. Their confidence in their former -leader is qualified by doubts of his judgment, and by uncertainty -as to the present range of his ambition. They cannot -but perceive that he assumes the character of representative of -the party, although he probably intends no disloyalty to its -official or nominal chiefs. It is true that if, in appealing to the -multitude, he pushes his successors aside, they have little right -to complain. Almost all of them have of late addressed -vehement language to public meetings, though none of them -can compete with Mr. Gladstone in the power of stirring -political passion. Official subordination is set aside when -policy is regulated, not by Parliament, but by the voice of the -general population. Senators and Consulars must stand aside -in the presence of a Dictator. Although it has long been -customary for statesmen to make occasional speeches to public -meetings, the extent to which the practice has lately been -carried is altogether unprecedented. The result is that the -Constitution is gradually weakened by the substitution of -numerical majorities for the representatives of the people in -Parliament. The approach of a General Election furnishes no -sufficient justification for an innovation which accelerates the -prevalence of democracy, and aggravates its evil tendencies. -Mr. Gladstone himself perhaps understands and approves the -organic change which promotes the supremacy of popular -eloquence in the State. It is his habit to depreciate the honesty -and judgment of the educated classes.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="BEACONSFIELD_KEEPS_COOL" id="BEACONSFIELD_KEEPS_COOL"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">BEACONSFIELD KEEPS COOL.</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Holland's <cite>Life of the Duke of Devonshire</cite>, i. 258. -(Longmans and Co.)</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Lord Beaconsfield to Mr. Gathorne Hardy.</cite></p> - -<p>It certainly is a relief that the drenching rhetoric has at -length ceased—but I have never read a word of it. "<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Satis -eloquentiæ sapientiæ parum.</span>"</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_MAIWAND_DISASTER_1880" id="THE_MAIWAND_DISASTER_1880"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE MAIWAND DISASTER (1880).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Afghanistan," C 2,736 of -1880, p. 3.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Telegram from Viceroy, June 27, 1880, to Secretary of State.</cite></p> - -<p>Telegram from Thomson at Teheran says: Ayub Khan -marching against Candahar with large force. I think we -should leave Shere Ali to defend himself beyond the Helmund, -but it seems to me, after communicating with Stewart, that it -would be inconsistent with security of our military position at -Candahar to allow hostile forces to cross that river. I propose, -therefore, to instruct Primrose, if Ayub reaches Furrah, to -advance towards Girishk with sufficient force to prevent passage -of Helmund....</p> - - -<p class="p1 pfs100"><cite>Telegram dated August 2, 1880, from Colonel St. John, -Candahar, to Foreign, Simla (p. 33).</cite></p> - -<p><em>29th.</em>—Arrived here yesterday afternoon with General Burrows -and Nuttall and remnant of force. Telegraph has been -interrupted ever since my arrival. No chance of restoration, -so send this by messenger to Chaman. Burrows marched -from Kushk-i-Nakhud on morning 27th, having heard from me -that Ayub's advanced guard had occupied Maiwand, about -three miles from the latter place. Enemy's cavalry appeared -advancing from direction of Haidrabad, their camp on Helmund -ten miles above Girishk. Artillery and cavalry engaged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span> -them at 9 a.m., so shortly afterwards whole force of enemy -appeared, and formed line of battle—seven regiments, regulars -in centre, three others in reserve; about 2,000 cavalry on -right; 400 mounted men and 2,000 Ghazis and irregular infantry -on left; other cavalry and irregulars in reserve; five -or six batteries of guns, including one of breechloaders, distributed -at intervals. Estimated total force, 12,000. Ground -slightly undulating, enemy being well posted. Till 1 p.m. -action confined to artillery fire, which so well sustained and -directed by enemy that our superior quality armament failed -to compensate for inferior number of guns. After development -of rifle fire, our breechloaders told; but vigorous advance of -cavalry against our left, and Ghazis along the front, caused -native infantry to fall back in confusion on 66th, abandoning -two guns. Formation being lost, infantry retreated slowly; -and in spite of gallant efforts of General Burrows to rally them, -were cut off from cavalry and artillery. This was at 3 p.m., -and followers and baggage were streaming away towards -Candahar. After severe fighting in enclosed ground, General -Burrows succeeded in extricating infantry and brought them -into line of retreat. Unfortunately no effort would turn fugitives -from main road, waterless at this season. Thus majority -casualties appear to have occurred from thirst and exhaustion. -Enemy's pursuit continued to ten miles from Candahar, but -was not vigorous. Cavalry, artillery, and a few infantry reached -banks of Argandab, forty miles from scene of action, at 7 a.m., -many not having tasted water since previous morning. Nearly -all ammunition lost, with 400 Martini, 700 Sniders, and 2 nine-pounder -guns. Estimated loss, killed, and missing: 66th, 400; -Grenadiers, 350; Jacob's Rifles, 350; artillery, 40; sappers, 21; -cavalry, 60.... Preparations being now made for siege....</p> - - -<p class="p1 pfs100"><cite>Extract from General Burrows's Report on the Action (p. 101).</cite></p> - -<p>... Between two and three o'clock the fire of the enemy's -guns slackened, and swarms of Ghazis advanced rapidly towards -our centre. Up to this time the casualties among the infantry -had not been heavy, and as the men were firing steadily, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span> -the guns were sweeping the ground with case shot, I felt -confident as to the result. But our fire failed to check the -Ghazis; they came on in overwhelming numbers, and, making -good their rush, they seized the two most advanced horse -artillery guns. With the exception of two companies of -Jacob's Rifles, which had caused me great anxiety by their -unsteadiness early in the day, the conduct of the troops had -been splendid up to this point; but now, at the critical moment, -when a firm resistance might have achieved a victory, the -infantry gave way, and, commencing from the left, rolled up, -like a wave, to the right. After vainly endeavouring to rally -them, I went for the cavalry.... The 3rd Light Cavalry and -the 3rd Sind Horse were retiring slowly on our left, and I -called upon them to charge across our front and so give the -infantry an opportunity of reforming; but the terrible artillery -fire to which they had been exposed, and from which they had -suffered so severely, had so shaken them that General Nuttall -was unable to give effect to my order. All was now over....</p> - - -<p class="p1 pfs100"><cite>Extract from Report by Lieutenant-General Primrose, Commanding -1st Division Southern Afghanistan Field Force (p. 156).</cite></p> - -<p>I would most respectfully wish to bring to the Commander-in-Chief's -notice the gallant and determined stand made by the -officers and men of the 66th Regiment at Maiwand.... -10 officers and 275 non-commissioned officers and men -were killed, and 2 officers and 30 non-commissioned officers -and men wounded. These officers and men nearly all fell -fighting desperately for the honour of their Queen and country. -I have it on the authority of a Colonel of Artillery of Ayub -Khan's army that a party of the 66th Regiment, which he -estimated at one hundred officers and men, made a most determined -stand in a garden. They were surrounded by the whole -Afghan Army, and fought on until only eleven men were left, -inflicting enormous loss upon the enemy. These eleven -charged out of the garden, and died with their faces to the foe, -fighting to the death. Such was the nature of their charge and -the grandeur of their bearing that, although the whole of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span> -Ghazis were assembled around them, not one dared approach to -cut them down. Thus standing in the open, back to back, -firing steadily and truly, every shot telling, surrounded by -thousands, these eleven officers and men died; and it was not -until the last man had been shot down that the Ghazis dared -advance upon them.</p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_BRADLAUGH_CASE_1880" id="THE_BRADLAUGH_CASE_1880"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE BRADLAUGH CASE (1880).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, June 25.</p> - - -<p>We may regard the episode of Tuesday's resolution, and its -natural sequence in the imprisonment of Mr. Bradlaugh for -defying the authority of the House, as now at an end.... -We regret unfeignedly, as we have all along done, that -Mr. Bradlaugh was not permitted to make affirmation, instead -of taking an oath, when he first asked to be allowed to do -so.... But opportunity of creating a precedent consonant -with reason and common sense has been let slip, and in default -of a reasonable precedent the only manly course now seems to -be to supply its place by fresh legislation. If the personal -question of Mr. Bradlaugh and his very unsavoury opinions can -once be got out of the way, there are probably very few -members of the House of Commons, and very few sensible -Englishmen, however strong their religious opinions, who -would not acknowledge the anomaly, the inexpediency, and the -injustice of making the Parliamentary oath of allegiance more -stringent and more exclusive than the existing statutory provisions -for securing truth of testimony and uprightness of -conduct.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="SOCIAL_AMELIORATIONS_1880" id="SOCIAL_AMELIORATIONS_1880"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">SOCIAL AMELIORATIONS (1880).</a></h3> - - -<h4><span class="smcap">Employers' Liability.</span></h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, July 3.</p> - -<p>The fact is that considerations of risk are not uniformly -present to servants when they are hired, and that the miner or -railway guard generally contracts on the assumption in his own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> -mind that he will be lucky, and will not be injured. The -impulse to such Bills as Mr. Brassey's, Earl De La Warr's, and -the measure introduced by the Government, is the inability of -many people to see any good reason why, if a master is liable -for the acts of his servant towards a stranger, he should be -irresponsible when someone, fully clothed with his authority, -and acting with all his power to enforce obedience, injures -a so-called fellow-servant, who, perhaps, did not know of the -existence of this vice-principal, and who never, in fact, consented -to endure without complaint what might befall him by reason -of the negligence of the latter. Perhaps in theory it is entirely -wrong to make a master in any case liable for the acts of his -servants. It is hard to give any good reason for this portion of -our common law. Perhaps this species of responsibility, when -historically examined, will be proved to be a shoot from the -Roman law of master and slave, which has been unintelligently -grafted on a law governing the relations of men who are free. -It matters not, however, how employers came to incur their -present liability to strangers for the acts of their workmen. -The question is whether it is right or worth while retaining -an exception to the general law of master and servant. The -question has become one, not of principle, but of details.... -The Government Bill starts from the principle that workmen -may claim redress when they are injured in consequence -of defective works or machinery, or of the negligence of any -person in the service of the employer, who has superintendence -entrusted to him.... It will be highly expedient to endeavour -to express more clearly a law which must annually be set -in motion in hundreds of cases.</p> - - -<p class="p2" /> -<h4><span class="smcap">Funded Municipal Debt.</span></h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, September 2.</p> - -<p>A subject of great interest was discussed at yesterday's -meeting of the Liverpool City Council. In seconding a -recommendation of the Finance Committee that the settlement -of the prospectus and terms of issue of the first £2,000,000 of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span> -stock to be created under the Liverpool Loans Act be referred -to that Committee, Alderman A. B. Forwood explained that -the Bill had now passed both Houses.... It had been a very -difficult and intricate matter to get the Bill through, because -the Liverpool Corporation were the first in the kingdom to -obtain powers to fund their debt in the way proposed. He -believed that, when the new water scheme was passed, the new -mode of raising money would materially reduce the cost of -money to the town, and would effect the saving of £25,000 to -£30,000 a year. The stock would be put in exactly the same -position as Consols.</p> - - -<p class="p2" /> -<h4><span class="smcap">Electric Light, The Telephone, New Hotels.</span></h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times.</cite></p> - -<p><em>January 5.</em>—The last American mail has brought us interesting -details relating to the progress made in manipulating the -electric light. Pending the researches in which Professor -Edison has for a long time been engaged, it appears that his -laboratory at Menlo Park was practically closed to all strangers, -until the young scientist should have arrived at a point to -enable him to declare that complete success had attended his -final efforts. That point has apparently been reached.... -The steadiness, reliability, and non-fusibility of the carbon -filament, Mr. Edison tells us, are not the only elements incident -to the new discovery. There is likewise obtained an element -of proper and uniform resistance to the passage of the electric -current.</p> - -<p><em>April 10.</em>—Several chambers in the Temple will shortly -possess the advantage of having communication by telephone -with the Law Courts at Westminster and the Houses of Parliament. -The telephonic apparatus is at present being laid down -between the Temple Gardens and Westminster Hall, the -Metropolitan District Railway being utilized for the purpose. -The apparatus, after having been connected with several of the -chambers and offices in the Temple, enters the underground<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> -railway line, which it is carried along, immediately under the -crown of the railway arch.</p> - -<p><em>May 31.</em>—That the Lord Mayor should in his official capacity -have lent his presence to the opening of the Grand Hotel -at Charing Cross, as he did on Saturday evening, implies that -the new undertaking possesses a more than private character. -So, in fact, it does. If it cannot be said altogether to open -a new era in the history of hotels in this country, it makes -at least a distinct advance in the character of English hotel -accommodation.... The distinctively English hotel is a -dismal and cheerless place, where one feels cut off from all -human sympathy. Of late years there has been a tendency in -London to adopt Continental ways, but the improvement has -seldom been carried much further than the establishment of a -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">table d'hôte</i>. The Grand Hotel is an ambitious attempt to rival -the best European and American models.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="PARNELL_AND_THE_LAND_LEAGUE_1880" id="PARNELL_AND_THE_LAND_LEAGUE_1880"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PARNELL AND THE LAND LEAGUE (1880).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Freeman's Journal</cite>, September 9 (Report of a speech -by Parnell at Ennis).</p> - - -<p>Depend upon it that the measure of the Land Bill of next -session will be the measure of your activity and energy this -winter; it will be the measure of your determination not to -pay unjust rents; it will be the measure of your determination -to keep a firm grip of your homesteads; it will be the measure -of your determination not to bid for farms from which others -have been evicted, and to use the strong force of public opinion -to deter any unjust men among yourselves—and there are many -such—from bidding for such farms. If you refuse to pay -unjust rents, if you refuse to take farms from which others -have been evicted, the Land Question must be settled, and -settled in a way that will be satisfactory to you. It depends, -therefore, upon yourselves, and not upon any Commission or -any Government. When you have made this question ripe -for settlement, then, and not till then, will it be settled.... -Now what are you to do to a tenant who bids for a farm from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span> -which another tenant has been evicted? [Several voices, -"Shoot him!"] I think I heard somebody say, "Shoot him!" -I wish to point out to you a very much better way—a more -Christian and charitable way—which will give the lost man an -opportunity of repenting. When a man takes a farm from -which another has been unjustly evicted, you must show him -on the roadside when you meet him, you must show him in -the streets of the town, you must show him in the shop, you -must show him in the fair-green and in the market-place, and -even in the place of worship, by leaving him alone, by putting -him into a moral Coventry, by isolating him from the rest of -his country as if he were the leper of old—you must show him -your detestation of the crime he has committed.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="CAPTAIN_BOYCOTT_1880" id="CAPTAIN_BOYCOTT_1880"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">CAPTAIN BOYCOTT (1880).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, November 10.</p> - - -<p>Captain Boycott's case, from the time when attention was -first drawn to it, has inspired general and increasing interest, -which in the north of Ireland has taken the practical form -of the relief expedition despatched yesterday to the shores of -Lough Mask. It is well understood on both sides that the -persecution of Captain Boycott is only a typical instance of -the system by which the peasantry are attempting to carry -into effect the instructions of the Land League. Into the -merits of Captain Boycott's relations with the tenants on Lord -Erne's estates it is quite unnecessary to enter. He has been -beleaguered in his house near Ballinrobe; he is excluded from -intercourse, not merely with the people around him, but with -the neighbouring towns; his crops are perishing, because such -is the organized intimidation in the district that no labourers -would dare to be seen working in his fields. It is certain that -any ordinary workman whom Captain Boycott might hire -would be subjected to brutal violence, as indeed has already -happened to servants and others who ventured even to fetch -his letters for him from the nearest post-office.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_BOER_RISING_1880" id="THE_BOER_RISING_1880"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE BOER RISING (1880).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Transvaal," C 2,838 of 1881, p. 10.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><em>To the Administrator of the Transvaal.</em></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Excellency</span>,</p> - -<p class="in4">In the name of the people of the South African Republic -we come to you to fulfil an earnest but unavoidable duty. -We have the honour to send you a copy of the Proclamation -promulgated by the Government and Volksraad, and universally -published. The wish of the people is clearly to be seen therefrom, -and requires no explanation from us. We declare in the -most solemn manner that we have no desire to spill blood, and -that from our side we do not wish war. It lies in your hands -to force us to appeal to arms in self-defence. Should it come -so far, which may God prevent, we will do so with the utmost -reverence for Her Majesty the Queen of England and her flag. -Should it come so far, we will defend ourselves with a knowledge -that we are fighting for the honour of Her Majesty, for -we fight for the sanctity of treaties sworn by Her, but broken -by Her officers. However, the time for complaint is past, and -we wish now alone from your Excellency co-operation for an -amicable solution of the question on which we differ.... In -1877 our then Government gave up the keys of the Government -offices without bloodshed. We trust that your Excellency, as -representative of the noble British nation, will not less nobly -and in the same way place our Government in the position to -assume the administration.</p> - -<p class="negin2 pad6"> -We have, etc.,<br /> -<span class="smcap">S. J. P. Kruger</span> (<em>Vice-President</em>).<br /> -<span class="smcap">M. W. Pretorious.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">P. J. Joubert.</span><br /> -<span class="pad4">(<em>Triumvirate</em>.)</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">J. P. Mare.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">C. J. Joubert.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">E. J. P. Jorissen.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">W. Edward Bok</span> (<em>Acting State Secretary</em>).<br /></p> - -<p class="noindent fs80"><span class="smcap">Heidelberg</span>,<br /> -<span class="pad2"><em>December 16, 1880</em>.</span></p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p2" /> -<h4><span class="smcap">Proclamation.</span></h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Transvaal," C 2,838 of 1881, p. 11.</p> - -<p>In the name of the people of the South African Republic. -With prayerful look to God we, S. J. P. Kruger, Vice-President, -M. W. Pretorious, and P. J. Joubert, appointed by the -Volksraad in its session of the 13th December, 1880, as the -Triumvirate to carry on temporarily the supreme administration -of the Republic, make known:</p> - -<hr class="r30a" /> - -<p>We thus give notice to everyone that on the 13th day of -December of the year 1880 the Government has been re-established; -the Volksraad has resumed its sitting....</p> - -<p>And it is further generally made known that from this day -the whole country is placed in a state of siege and under the -stipulations of the War Ordinance....</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="BEFORE_MAJUBA_1881" id="BEFORE_MAJUBA_1881"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">BEFORE MAJUBA (1881).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, January 17.</p> - - -<p>We give this morning an account from our correspondent at -Pretoria of the meeting held by the Boers last month for the -purpose of protesting against the annexation of the Transvaal. -The report of the proceedings leaves no doubt of the extent -and nature of Boer disaffection.... That the annexation of -the Transvaal may have been necessary when the step was -taken may be admitted without prejudice to the question -whether its permanent occupation and administration by -British authority is desirable or not. When Sir Theophilus -Shepstone annexed the territory, the Government was disorganized, -the Treasury was bankrupt, the Republican troops -were hopelessly demoralized, and the whole district was -threatened by two powerful native chiefs, the weaker of whom -had proved his superiority to any force which the Boers could -bring against him. Now Cetywayo and Secocoeni are captives, -and the whole border is tranquil. We have done for the Boers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span> -what it is certain they could not have done for themselves, and -we have placed the security of the South African Colonies -beyond all reasonable fear. Hence it might be argued that -the reasons which compelled the temporary annexation of the -Transvaal are no longer applicable in favour of its permanent -occupation. It may be argued that we cannot recede where -we have once advanced; certainly we cannot, where we have -good reason to believe that our security requires that we should -maintain our hold. But when our presence is manifestly unwelcome, -and when the question of the best mode of guarding -our security in future is at least an open one, it would be a very -contemptible piece of national vanity to refuse to recede, simply -because we had once found it necessary to advance in very -different circumstances.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="AFTER_MAJUBA" id="AFTER_MAJUBA"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">AFTER MAJUBA.</a></h3> - -<h4>I.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Transvaal," C 2,998 of 1881.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Convention for the Settlement of the Transvaal Territory, -signed at Pretoria, 1881.</cite></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Preamble</span>: Her Majesty's Commissioners for the settlement -of the Transvaal Territory, duly appointed as such by -a Commission passed under the Royal Sign Manual and Signet, -bearing date the 5th of April, 1881, do hereby undertake and -guarantee on behalf of Her Majesty that, from and after the -8th day of August, 1881, complete self-government, subject to -the suzerainty of Her Majesty, her heirs and successors, will -be accorded to the inhabitants of the Transvaal upon the -following terms and conditions, and subject to the following -reservations and limitations.</p> - - -<h4>II.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, August 5, 1881.</p> - -<p>England can now have no desire to intrude herself upon the -Transvaal. The more completely its people can get on without -interference of any kind, the better pleased we shall be....<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> -The occasion may come which will call for all the knowledge -and discretion which our Government will have at its command. -The Boers, if they are so disposed, may give trouble -in a thousand ways. The question may be continually arising -whether the point has yet been reached at which active interference -is called for, or whether it may be the prudent and -better course to let things be. The fact is that between -England and the Transvaal there is no natural connection -whatever. The bond which unites them is an artificial one, -and though it is too early to anticipate the time at which it -will be severed, we are sure that at no time will it be found -strong enough to bear a violent strain. The strain may never -come. The Convention, which has been entered upon in due -form, and with all solemnity, may remain to all intents and -purposes a dead letter as to the chief part of its provisions, -and may thus pass quietly into the great limbo to which all -monstrous political births must some day come. It will be by -the fault of the Boers that we can be driven to put an active -interpretation upon it. It contains terms which we cannot -suffer to be disregarded.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="RITUAL_CONTROVERSY_1881" id="RITUAL_CONTROVERSY_1881"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">RITUAL CONTROVERSY (1881).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, January 12.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extract from a Memorial to the Archbishop of Canterbury, -signed by various Deans, Canons, etc.</cite></p> - -<p>... The immediate need of our Church is, in our opinion, a -tolerant recognition of divergent ritual practice; but we feel -bound to submit to your Grace that our present troubles are -likely to recur, unless the Courts by which ecclesiastical causes -are decided in the first instance and on appeal can be so constructed -as to secure the conscientious obedience of clergymen -who believe the constitution of the Church of Christ to be -of Divine appointment, and who protest against the State's -encroachment upon Rights assured to the Church of England -by solemn Acts of Parliament....</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="A_SHORT_WAY_WITH_OBSTRUCTION_1881" id="A_SHORT_WAY_WITH_OBSTRUCTION_1881"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">A SHORT WAY WITH OBSTRUCTION (1881).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, February 3.</p> - - -<p>About nine o'clock in the morning Mr. Gladstone, Mr. W. E. -Forster, Mr. Dodson, Sir Stafford Northcote, and Sir R. Cross -entered the House amid cheers. While Mr. Biggar was continuing -his observations on the Land League the Speaker -resumed the Chair amid loud cheering. The Speaker, without -calling on the hon. member to proceed with his remarks, at -once said: "The motion for leave to bring in the Person and -Property Protection (Ireland) Bill has now been under discussion -for five days. The present sitting, having commenced -on Monday last, has continued till Wednesday morning, a -period of no less than forty-one hours, the House having been -occupied with discussions upon repeated motions for adjournment. -However tedious these discussions were, they were -carried to a division by small minorities in opposition to the -general sense of the House. A necessity has thus arisen -which demands the interposition of the Chair (cheers). The -usual rule has been proved powerless to insure orderly debate. -An important measure, recommended in Her Majesty's Speech, -and declared to be urgent in the interests of the State by a -decisive majority, has been impeded by the action of an inconsiderable -minority of members who have resorted to those -modes of obstruction which have been recognized by the -House as a Parliamentary offence. The credit and authority -of this House are seriously threatened, and it is necessary they -should be vindicated. Under the operation of the accustomed -rules and methods of procedure the legislative powers of the -House are paralyzed. A new and exceptional course is imperatively -demanded, and I am satisfied that I shall best carry out -the wish of the House if I decline to call upon any more -members to speak, and at once put the question to the House."</p> - -<p>The Speaker then put the question, when there appeared—</p> - - -<div class="center"> -<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" width="70%" summary=""> -<tr><td class="tdl">For the amendment</td><td class="tdr">19</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">Against</td><td class="tdr">164</td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Speaker then put the main question, that leave be given -to bring in the Bill, when Mr. J. McCarthy rose to speak, but -the Speaker declined to hear him, and there were loud cries of -"Order" on the Ministerial side of the House. The Home -Rulers stood up, and for some time, with raised hand, shouted, -"Privilege!" and then, having bowed to the Chair, left the -House.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_DEATH_OF_BEACONSFIELD_1881" id="THE_DEATH_OF_BEACONSFIELD_1881"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE DEATH OF BEACONSFIELD (1881).</a></h3> - -<h4>I.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, April 20.</p> - - -<p>The end really corresponded to the beginning, and both were -alike exceptional.... It must have been an ideal and living -world that home life introduced Benjamin Disraeli to. It was -in this that he acquired his repertory of parts and character; -his caps fit for wearers; his motley for those it suited; his -titles of little honour; his stage tricks and artifices; his gibes -and jests that Yorick might have overflowed with in the spirit -of his age; and his unfailing consciousness of a knowledge and -power ever sufficient for the occasion.... The new deliverer -of the Conservatives presented himself as a magician, master -of many spells, charged with all the secrets of the political -creation, ready to control the winds and the tides of opinion -and faction, sounding the very depths of political possibility, -and with a touch of his wand able to leave a mark on any foe -or wanton intruder. The plea was necessity. Fortunately for -Lord Beaconsfield, the age of consistency is no more. Sir Robert -Peel destroyed that idol, and in doing so sacrificed himself. -Lord Beaconsfield advanced to power over his body.</p> - - -<h4>II.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, April 22, 1881.</p> - -<p>It is finely said by Bacon of death that "it openeth the gate -to good fame and extinguisheth envy...." It is singularly -true of Lord Beaconsfield, whose fate it was to interest all -men, to puzzle most, and to provoke the antagonism of many. -Certainly no English statesman, since the death of Lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span> -Palmerston, has occupied so prominent a position or excited -so deep an interest on the Continent of Europe. His secret -lay perhaps in the magnetic influence of a dauntless will, in -his unrivalled powers of patience, in his impenetrable reserve -and detachment. If we compare the beginning of his political -life with its close, and note how its unchastened audacity was -gradually toned down into the coolest determination and the -most dispassionate tenacity, we shall see how the magnificent -victory he achieved over himself gave him power to govern -others, to withstand their opposition, and to bend their wills to -his own. This is what Continental observers saw in him—unrivalled -strength of will and dauntless tenacity of purpose—and -this is why they admired him. The sense of mystery -engendered the sense of power, and foreigners freely admired -where Englishmen were often puzzled and at times almost -bewildered.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_WITHDRAWAL_FROM_CANDAHAR_1881" id="THE_WITHDRAWAL_FROM_CANDAHAR_1881"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE WITHDRAWAL FROM CANDAHAR (1881).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 259, C 49-74 (House of Lords -debate on the withdrawal from Candahar, March 3, 1881).</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The Earl of Lytton</span>: ... And now, my Lords, allow me -to recapitulate the conclusions which appear to me established -by the facts to which I have solicited your attention. On the -strength of these facts I affirm once more that Russian influence -at Cabul did not commence with the Stolieteff mission, and that -it did not cease with the withdrawal of that mission. I affirm -that for all practical purposes the Ameer of Cabul had ceased -to be the friend and ally of England, and that he had virtually -become the friend and ally of Russia at least three years before -I had any dealings with His Highness, or any connection with -the government of India. I affirm that the sole cause of the -late Afghan war was a Russian intrigue of long duration, for -purposes which it was the imperative duty of the Government -of India to oppose at any cost. And, finally, I affirm that the -establishment of Russian influence was caused by the collapse -and paralysis of British influence at Cabul, and that this was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span> -the natural result of the deplorable policy to which Her Majesty's -Government are now so eagerly reverting.... Surely, my -Lords, prevention is better than cure. Surely it is wiser and -safer to stay at Candahar, whence we can exclude Russian -influence from Herat by peaceably extending our own influence -in that direction, than to retire to the Indus, and there passively -await an event which is to involve us in a great European war, -for the purpose of undoing what could not otherwise have been -done in a remote corner of Asia. The noble Duke, the Lord -Privy Seal, has expressed his astonishment at the prodigious -importance I now attach to the retention of Candahar, because, -he says, I did not hold that opinion till a late period of my -Viceroyalty. That is true—I did not. But in the statement -which elicited this remark I thought I had explained the reason -why. I can sincerely assure your Lordships that the late -Government of India was not an annexationist Government. -As long as we had any reasonable hope of loyalty on the -part of Yakub Khan, or of the observance of the Gandamak -Treaty, which gave us moral guarantees of adequate control -over Afghanistan, our wish was not to weaken but to strengthen -the Cabul Power. But the whole situation, and our duty concerning -it, were changed irrevocably by the atrocious crime -which compelled us to occupy Cabul, and by the revelations -discovered at Cabul, and now known to your Lordships, of the -extent to which Russian influence had penetrated to the very -heart of the country. My Lords, it then seemed to my colleagues -in the Government of India, and it still seems to me, -that the only practical means of counteracting the dangerous -Russian influence at Cabul would be to assume ourselves over -Western Afghanistan a controlling and commanding position, -not dependent on the good or bad faith of any Cabul ruler. -Such control can only be exercised from Candahar. The -history of the last eight years clearly shows, not merely that -the Russian Power is approaching, and must approach, towards -India, but that Russia has long sought, is still seeking, and will -continue to seek, great political influence over Afghanistan; -that this influence has already found a fulcrum at Cabul, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> -that it must be a permanent source of disquiet to the Government -of India, whenever she wishes to embarrass British -policy in Europe. Therefore, for the safety of the British -Power in India, it is indispensable that the Government of -India shall have the means of preventing—at all events, of -counteracting—Russian influence in Afghanistan. It is absurd -to suppose that you can have any controlling power over a -country in which you have no <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">locus standi</i> at all. Now amongst -the arrangements contemplated by Her Majesty's Government -after the evacuation of Candahar, where do they expect to find -a <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">locus standi</i> in Afghanistan? I do not see where.... Great -as are the undisputed strategical advantages of Candahar, the -late Government of India did not regard the retention of it -primarily, or mainly, as a military question. We felt that it -would give us a political and commercial control over Western -Afghanistan up to Herat so complete that we might contemplate -with unconcern the course of events at Cabul. If you retain -Candahar, and hold it firmly and fearlessly, then you may view -with indifference the uncertain faith and fate of Cabul rulers, -and the certain advance of the Russian Power. If you retain -Candahar, and administer it wisely, you will replace anarchy -and bloodshed and difficulty and uncertainty on your own border -by peace and prosperity; and if you connect Candahar by rail -with the Valley of the Indus, you will be able to sweep the -whole commerce of Central Asia, vastly augmented by the -beneficent protection of a strong, a settled, and a civilized -Government, into the harbours of Kurrachee and Calcutta, -and thence into the ports of Liverpool and London. But, my -Lords, you cannot do all this unless you retain a garrison in -Candahar.... If you accept the conclusion admitted by the -noble Duke, and affirmed by every Indian statesman, that -Afghanistan must on no account be permitted to remain under -the forbidden influence of Russia, then, my Lords, for the -enforcement of that conclusion you must choose between the -retention of Candahar and reliance on the instructions said to -have been issued to General Kauffman "not to do it again." -There is no alternative. To talk about developing the internal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> -resources of India is nothing to the point. There is no reason -why the continued development of India's internal resources -should not proceed <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pari passu</i> with the consolidation of her -external securities. But do not fatten the lamb only to feed -the wolf. My Lords, all those whose privilege it is to build -up the noble edifice of India's prosperity must be content to -labour like the builders of the second Temple—working with -one hand, but holding the sword in the other to defend their -work.</p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_SALVATION_ARMY_1881" id="THE_SALVATION_ARMY_1881"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE SALVATION ARMY (1881).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, October 13.</p> - - -<p>For two years, or thereabouts, our towns have had frequent -opportunities of witnessing an exhibition not to everybody's -taste. The "Salvation Army," as far as it can be known to -the uninitiated, consists of bands of men marching through the -streets, generally towards "church time," with banners, devices, -and sometimes emblematic helmets and other accoutrements, -singing sensational hymns. Most people are ready to leave it -alone. But there remain the irrepressible "roughs." It is -with them that the "Salvation Army" is now waging its only -physical warfare. English people generally would leave it to -the test of time.... We must beware how we quarrel with -those who honestly believe there is a great work to be done. -If we do not like these singular modes of propagandism and -conversion, we need not assist the "roughs" to put them down. -Another course lies before us all. It is to do the work in a -better way.</p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="ARABI_1881" id="ARABI_1881"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">ARABI (1881).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, December 21.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extract from a letter by Sir William Gregory.</cite></p> - -<p>... I called at Arabi Bey's house by appointment, and was -very courteously received by a tall, athletic, soldier-like man. -His countenance is peculiarly grave, and even stern, with much -power in it. It is at first sight somewhat heavy, until he is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span> -aroused, when his eyes light up and he speaks with great -energy.... He said that he looked on the Sultan as his lord—as -the head of his religion—and that he was bound to do so; -that the dominions of the Sultan were like a great palace, in -which the different nations had each one its own chamber, -suited to its wants, and arranged according to its own manner; -that to introduce other persons into those chambers would be -to upset the arrangements, to annoy and dispossess the occupants, -and to do an unjust act; and he was therefore most -decidedly opposed to any interference on the part of the Sultan -in the government of Egypt, and every opposition would be -given to the introduction of Turkish troops. Secondly, as -regards the religious question, nothing could be more untrue -than the allegations that he and those who went with him were -in favour of any intolerant movement.... The next point -was the accusation that he was aiming at establishing a -military supremacy. This he denied, saying that an army has -no right to be supreme in time of peace ... but it was obliged -to take the lead in getting rid of abuses and establishing justice. -Lastly, as to his desire to remove European officials from the -country, he said he had no idea or wish to remove the Control -to which his countrymen were indebted for the Justice which -the cultivators now enjoy, at all events for the present, until -Egypt knew how to govern herself, and could stand alone; -but he spoke with the greatest bitterness of the manner in -which his countrymen were ousted from every superior position -in every department.... I next asked him if the opinion -were prevalent that England desired to occupy Egypt. He -said that he himself did not believe it. Egypt was looked -upon as the centre of the Mohammedan world, and in every -country where there was a Mussulman community there would -be deep-seated indignation were she to be annexed, and probably -the loss of India would be ultimately the consequence. -Egypt, if left alone, would always protect the passage to India, -which he knew to be our great object.</p> - -<p class="fs80"><span class="smcap">Cairo</span>,<br /> -<span class="pad2"><em>December 11</em>.</span></p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_FIRST_CLOSURE_1882" id="THE_FIRST_CLOSURE_1882"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE FIRST CLOSURE (1882).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 266, col. 1,124, -February 20, 1882.</p> - - -<p>Ordered: That, when it shall appear to Mr. Speaker or to -the Chairman of Committee of the whole House, during any -debate, to be the evident sense of the House or of the Committee, -that the Question be now put, he may so inform the -House or the Committee; and, if a motion be made, "That -the Question be now put," Mr. Speaker, or the Chairman, shall -forthwith put such question; and, if the same be decided in -the affirmative, the Question under discussion shall be put -forthwith; provided that the Question shall not be decided in -the affirmative, if a division be taken, unless it shall appear -to have been supported by more than 200 members, or to have -been opposed by less than 40 members.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="BIMETALLISM_1882" id="BIMETALLISM_1882"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">BIMETALLISM (1882).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, March 11.</p> - - -<p>A meeting convened by the Council of the International -Monetary Standard Association was held in the Egyptian Hall -of the Mansion House.</p> - -<p>Mr. Grenfell, Governor of the Bank of England, said ... -he presumed that all present knew that the standard of this -country was a monometallic gold standard, and that it was -introduced by that great statesman Sir Robert Peel; but it -was not so generally known, and it was somewhat singular, -that when Sir R. Peel brought forward the measure for the -resumption of cash payments, and for the institution of a monometallic -gold standard, he appealed to the House of Commons, -by all the wish they had to act with good faith towards their -creditors, that they should return to the ancient standard of the -realm. He presumed that Sir R. Peel meant that the ancient -standard of the realm was a gold standard; but it was not a -monometallic standard at all. The ancient standard of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> -realm was a bimetallic standard, and although there had been -a monometallic standard before, it was never a gold standard.... -What were the events that had occurred since Sir R. -Peel's death? They were entirely new. The first event was -the calling together of a conference in Paris in 1868, for the -purpose of attempting to govern the coinage of all nations, and -unfortunately that conference came to the conclusion that the -best of all standards was a monometallic gold standard. Very -shortly afterwards there came the Franco-German War, and -when a large quantity of the gold of France passed into the -hands of Germany, that Government decided to make a gold -standard. Scarcely had that been done, when the evil arising -from the great monetary revolution began to be shown.... -Had they calculated what the cost of the demonetization of Germany -was? The amount the German Government coined was -87,000,000 sterling of gold, which, according to the average -for the last twenty years, was equal to 3.3 years of the whole -world's production of gold. Besides that, Germany sold -28,000,000 sterling of silver, which was equal to more than -two years' production of the whole world of that metal. What -did they think, supposing the Latin Union, our Indian Empire, -and the United States were to resort to some such measure as -Germany did?</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="BRIGHTS_RESIGNATION_1882" id="BRIGHTS_RESIGNATION_1882"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">BRIGHT'S RESIGNATION (1882).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 272, col. 724, July 17, 1882.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><em>A Gladstonian Fine Distinction.</em></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Gladstone</span>: ... This is not an occasion for arguing the -question of the differences that have unhappily arisen between -my right hon. friend and those who were, and rejoiced to be, -his colleagues. But I venture to assure him that I agree with -him in thinking that the moral law is as applicable to the conduct -of nations as of individuals, and that the difference between -us, most painful to him and most painful to us, is a difference -as to the particular application in this particular case of the -Divine law.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_ILBERT_BILL_1883" id="THE_ILBERT_BILL_1883"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE ILBERT BILL (1883).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, March 5.</p> - - -<p>Four weeks have elapsed since we first called attention to -the disapprobation and discontent excited among the English -residents in India by the Bill for subjecting them to the -criminal jurisdiction of native judges and magistrates. The -measure, of which we then pointed out the dangers, has since -assumed a portentous importance. The whole non-official -European community has been convulsed by it.... As -for the asserted symmetry which is to follow from it, and the -asserted inequalities which it is to remove, it will not, and -cannot, do what it has been credited with doing. It removes -one inequality while it leaves a dozen others untouched, and -the inequality which it does remove is just that which is most -clearly justifiable. It is a pandering, we will not say to native -opinion, for no such opinion has been formed for it, but to the -noisily expressed views of the native Press, and of one or two -native civil servants, who are anxious to exercise the powers -which the Bill confers, and who are on that very account so -much the less fit to be trusted with them.... The Bill may -be unimportant in itself, but it is one among many signs of the -new ideas and new principles upon which the Government of -India is to be conducted, ideas and principles which are -utterly at variance with those by which our position in the -country has been gained and held.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="FENIANS_AGAIN_1883" id="FENIANS_AGAIN_1883"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">FENIANS AGAIN (1883).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, March 16.</p> - - -<p>A terrific explosion occurred last night at the offices of the -Local Government Board, Parliament Street, Westminster. -The report was heard about half a minute after nine o'clock in -the House of Commons. So great was the force of the explosion -that the floor of the House and the galleries shook. At -the time there was but a thin attendance of members, it being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> -the dinner hour. The Duke of Edinburgh was in the Peers' -Gallery, and he turned round at once and spoke to Sir Henry -Fletcher, who was sitting near him. The Speaker rang his -bell, and inquired the cause of the alarm.... The explosion -occurred in the ground floor of the Local Government Board, -smashing the stonework into splinters, and breaking into fragments -the windows, portions of which lay strewn in the surrounding -streets. Alarmed crowds gathered.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_MAHDI_1883" id="THE_MAHDI_1883"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE MAHDI (1883).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Sir Reginald Wingate's <cite>Mahdiism and the Egyptian -Soudan</cite>, pp. 2, 5, 12-14. (Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>Mahdiism, with which we have to deal, has two sides to it. -There is the Mahdi, whose coming is looked forward to by good -Sunnis as the advent of the Messiah is expected by the Jews. -And there is the Mahdi who disappeared, and may appear -miraculously at any moment to good Shias.... Mohammed -Ahmed of Dongola took up Mahdiism from the Shia's point of -view.... His movement was, in the first place, a religious -movement—the superior enthusiasm, eloquence, and dramatic -knowledge of one priest over his fellows. It was recruited by -a desire, widespread among the villagers, and especially among -the superstitious masses of Kordofan, for revenge for the -cruelties and injustice of the Egyptians and Bashi-Bazuks. It -swept into force on the withdrawal of all semblance of government, -the sole element opposed to it, and it became a tool for -the imperious and warlike Baggara, and enabled them to usurp -the vacant throne. Religion has thus knit together the different -races, each with their own grievance, and summoned them to -the banner of emirs in search of power and the right to trade in -slaves.... There is no doubt that, until he was ruined by -unbridled sensuality, this man [Mohammed Ahmed] had the -strongest head and the clearest mental vision of any man in the -two million square miles of which he more or less made himself -master before he died; and it is a matter of regret that more -cannot be learnt of his early youth than what follows. Born at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span> -Dongola in 1848, of a family of excellent boat-builders, whose -boats are to this day renowned for sound construction, he was -early recognized by his family as the clever one, and, so to -speak, went into the Church. At twenty-two he was already a -sheikh with a great reputation for sanctity, and his preaching -was renowned far and wide. Men wept and beat their breasts -at his moving words; even his brother fikis could not conceal -their admiration. The first steps of the Mahdi in his career -are of genuine interest. Tall, rather slight, of youthful build, -and, like many Danagla, with large eyes and pleasing features, -Mohammed Ahmed bore externally all the marks of a well-bred -gentleman. He moved about with quiet dignity of manner, -but there was nothing unusual about him until he commenced -to preach. Then, indeed, one understood the power within -him which men obeyed. With rapid earnest words he stirred -their hearts, and bowed their heads like corn beneath the storm. -And what a theme was his! No orator in France in 1792 -could speak of oppression that here in the Soudan was not -doubled. What need of description when he could use denunciation; -when he could stretch forth his long arm and point -to the tax-gatherer who twice, three times, and yet again, -carried off the last goat, the last bundle of dhurra straw, from -yon miserable man listening with intent eyes! And then he -urges in warning tones what Whitfield, Wesley, have urged -before him, that all this misery, all this oppression, is God's -anger at the people's wickedness. That since the Prophet left -the earth the world has all fallen into sin and neglect. But -now a time was at hand when all this should have an end. -The Lord would send a deliverer who should sweep away the -veil before their eyes, clear the madness from the brain, the -hideous dream would be broken for ever, and, strong in the -faith of their divine leader, these new-made men, with clear-seeing -vision and well-laid plans before them, should go forth -and possess the land. The cursed tax-gatherer should be -driven into holes and caves, the bribe-taking official hunted -from off the field he had usurped, and the Turk should be -thrown to jabber his delirium on his own dunghill. With the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> -coming of the Mahdi the right should triumph, and all oppression -should have an end. When would this Mahdi come? -What wonder that every hut and every thicket echoed the -longing for the promised Saviour! The hot wind roamed from -desert to plain of withered grass, from mountain range to sandy -valley, and whispered "Mahdi" as it blew; all nature joined; -how childish, yet how effective. The women found the eggs -inscribed with "Jesus," "Mohammed," and the "Mahdi." -The very leaves rustled down to the ground, and in their fall -received the imprint of the sacred names. The land was sown -with fikis, many of them past masters in the art of swaying -a crowd. They came and listened, and soon they recognized -that they had found their master here. The leaven worked -rapidly among them, until one evening at Abba Island, a -hundred and fifty miles south of Khartoum, there came a band -of self-reliant men who heard the stirring words, and saw the -tall, slight, earnest figure. They said, "You are our promised -leader," and in solemn secrecy he said, "I am the Mahdi."</p> - - -<p class="p1">[Note.—Mahdi signifies "the guided" in the hadaya or true -way of salvation, hence "the guide." In the tenets of all sects -of the Moslems there is an intimate connection between the -Mahdi and Jesus Christ.]</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="END_OF_CAREY_THE_INFORMER_1883" id="END_OF_CAREY_THE_INFORMER_1883"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">END OF CAREY THE INFORMER (1883).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, July 31.</p> - - -<p>James Carey has not long escaped those who, it was well -known, had resolved to slay him at the first opportunity. -According to telegrams received from Durban and Cape Town -he was shot dead on Sunday, on board the liner <i>Melrose</i>, by an -Irishman named O'Donnell. The vessel had got into harbour -at Port Elizabeth, and was discharging her passengers and -cargo, when Carey was shot. Fully warned of the intention -to murder him, the authorities at Dublin had taken pains to -conceal his movements. When he quitted Kilmainham, it was -stated that he had resolved to brave the worst, and settle down<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> -in Dublin to his old occupations. Then it was said that he -had been seen in London. According to another account he -had sailed for Canada, and had actually landed at Montreal -under the escort of two detectives. If these tales were circulated -with the hope of putting the Invincibles on a false -scent, they signally failed. His enemies were too astute to be -deceived by pious frauds. Carey's death is a public misfortune. -He had indeed been a principal in a cruel and barbarous murder. -He behaved with supreme callousness and repulsive levity -throughout the trials; and he was in every way one of the -worst specimens of a bad type. But he was the instrument -by which the Phœnix Park murderers were brought to justice, -and it would have been well had he lived to defy the machinations -of the Invincibles. But this misfortune is only a consequence -of facts which, as a rule, serve as a safeguard and -protection to society. Gibbon has forcibly described the -unhappy condition of the wretch who tried to flee from the -power of a Roman Emperor. There was no escape from it: -he confronted it wherever he fled. No better are the chances -of flight of one who, in these days of publicity, of photographs -and illustrated newspapers, tries to hide himself from the gaze -of those who know him. All this told against Carey's chances -of escape. He had made himself the object of bitter hatred -of secret societies, which have ramifications through many -parts of the world. During the long trials at Dublin, portraits -of him in all attitudes were published. His very marked -features became familiar to everyone. Disguise himself as -he might—and it is stated that when he was shot he was disguised—he -could not help being recognized wherever he went.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="SLAUGHTER_OF_HICKS_PASHAS_ARMY_1883" id="SLAUGHTER_OF_HICKS_PASHAS_ARMY_1883"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">SLAUGHTER OF HICKS PASHA'S ARMY (1883).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Sir Reginald Wingate's <cite>Mahdiism and the Egyptian -Soudan</cite>, pp. 85, 88-90. (Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>Mohammed Ahmed, on hearing of the departure of the -army of Hicks Pasha from Khartoum, sent spies to watch their -movements, and on learning that the latter had arrived at Duem,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> -and intended advancing on El Obeid, he sent a force of 3,000 -men under the emir Abd el Halim and Abu Girgeh to follow -in rear of the Egyptian army and close up the wells as they -advanced, so that retreat would be impossible. Abd el Halim, -on arrival at Rahad, at once rode off to El Obeid and personally -informed the Mahdi of the strength and probable movements -of the Egyptian force. On receipt of this news Mohammed -Ahmed forthwith despatched all his fighting men towards -Rahad to join Abd el Halim's force, but on their way they met -Abd el Halim retiring from Alluba, and, having joined him, the -whole force, amounting to some 40,000, encamped in the forest -of Shekan, and there awaited the advance of the Egyptian -troops.... At 10 a.m. on Monday morning, November 5, the -troops marched out of the zariba and formed up in three -squares, the whole formation resembling a triangle. Each -square had its own transport and ammunition in the centre. -Hicks Pasha with his staff led the way, followed by four guns -of the artillery, then the first square, which was supported to -the right and left rear by the other two squares, some 300 -yards distant from the square and from each other. Ala ed -Din Pasha commanded the right square and Selim Bey the -left. The exposed flanks of the squares were covered by -cavalry, and a detachment of horsemen brought up the rear. -In this formation the troops steadily advanced, and half an -hour later reached a fairly open valley, interspersed here and -there with bush, while on either side were thick woods full of -the enemy.... Now all was ready, and Mohammed Ahmed -patiently awaited the arrival of the troops, which could already -be seen advancing in the distance. He assembled his emirs -for the last final instructions, and, rising from his prayer, drew -his sword, shouted three times, "Allahu akbar! You need -not fear, for the victory is ours." On came the squares. The -first had reached the wooded depression, when up sprang the -Arabs with their fierce yells. Startled and surprised, the -square was broken in a moment. The flanking squares now -fired wildly at the Arabs fighting hand to hand with the -Egyptians, and in their efforts must have killed numbers of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span> -their own comrades. But almost at the same instant the -Arabs simultaneously attacked from the woods on both sides -and from front and rear. The wildest confusion followed; -squares fired on each other, on friends or enemies. While -the surging mass of Arabs now completely encircled the force -and gradually closed in on them, a massacre of the most -appalling description took place. In little over quarter of an -hour all was over. Hicks Pasha with his staff, seeing that he -could do nothing, cut his way through on the left and reached -some cultivated ground. Here he was surrounded by some -Baggara horsemen, and for a time kept them at bay, fighting -most gallantly till his revolver was empty, and then committing -most terrible execution with his sword. He was the last of -the Europeans to fall, and one savage charge he made on his -assailants is memorable to this day in the Soudan, and a body -of Baggara who fled before him were called by their tribesmen -"Baggar Hicks," or the cows driven by Hicks. But at last -he fell, pierced by the spear of the Khalifa Mohammed Sherif. -His cavalry bodyguard fought gallantly, and though repeatedly -called on to surrender replied, "We shall never surrender, but -will die like our officers, and kill many of you as well." And -soon all were killed. Ala ed Din Pasha was killed trying to -make his way from the right square to join Hicks Pasha. -Genawi Bey lay dead in the square beside his horse. It is -said that as he fell mortally wounded he, with his own -sword, hamstrung his horse, saying, "No other shall ever ride -on you after me." The whole force, with the exception of some -300 men, and most of these wounded, had now been completely -annihilated.... The news of the Mahdi's victory spread far -and wide, and if there had been some doubts previous to what -was now termed a miracle, the complete annihilation of a -whole army soon dispelled them, and from the Red Sea to the -confines of Waddai the belief was universal that at last the true -Mahdi had appeared.</p> - - -<p class="p1">[<span class="smcap">Note.</span>—Sir R. Wingate's account is quoted from two -sources—one, Mohammed Nur el Barudi, who was cook to -Hicks Pasha, and was one of the wounded prisoners after the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span> -battle; and the other, Hassan Habashi, a former Government -official at El Obeid, who had fallen into the Mahdi's hands on -the capture of that place. Hence the story is complete on both -sides.]</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="TRANSVAAL_CONVENTION_1884" id="TRANSVAAL_CONVENTION_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">TRANSVAAL CONVENTION (1884).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Transvaal," C 3,947 of 1884, -p. 47.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>A Convention between Her Majesty the Queen of the United -Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the South -African Republic.</cite></p> - -<p>Whereas the Government of the Transvaal State, through -its delegates, consisting of Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, -President of the said State, Stephanus Jacobus Du Toit, -Superintendent of Education, and Nicholas Jacobus Smit, a -member of the Volksraad, have represented that the Convention -signed at Pretoria on the 13th day of August, 1881, and -ratified by the Volksraad of the said State on the 25th October, -1881, contains certain provisions which are inconvenient, and -imposes burdens and obligations from which the said State is -desirous to be relieved, and that the south-western boundaries -fixed by the said Convention should be amended, with a view -to promote the peace and good order of the said State and of -the countries adjacent thereto; and whereas Her Majesty the -Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland -has been pleased to take the said representations into consideration.</p> - -<p>Now, therefore, Her Majesty has been pleased to direct, -and it is hereby declared, that the following articles of a new -Convention, signed on behalf of Her Majesty by Her Majesty's -High Commissioner in South Africa, the Right Honourable -Sir Hercules George Herbert Robinson, Knight Grand Cross -of the most distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, -Governor of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope, and on -behalf of the Transvaal State (which shall hereinafter be called -the South African Republic) by the above-named delegates,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span> -Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, Stephanus Jacobus Du -Toit, and Nicholas Jacobus Smit, shall, when ratified by the -Volksraad of the South African Republic, be substituted for -the articles embodied in the Convention of 3rd August, 1881; -which latter, pending such ratification, shall continue in full -force and effect.</p> - - -<p class="p1">[<span class="smcap">Note.</span>—The word "Preamble" is not prefixed to the opening -passage of this Convention. When the suzerainty question -arose in 1898 the British argument was that the 1884 Convention -only altered the articles of the 1881 Convention, and left -the Preamble in force; the Boer argument was that the 1884 -Convention had a preamble, and therefore the earlier one must -have been superseded.]</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="GORDONS_MISSION_TO_KHARTOUM_1884" id="GORDONS_MISSION_TO_KHARTOUM_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">GORDON'S MISSION TO KHARTOUM (1884).</a></h3> - -<h4>I.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Egypt," No. 2 of 1884, C 3,845.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>P. 2. The Cabinet's Instructions to General Gordon.</cite></p> - -<p>Her Majesty's Government are desirous that you should -proceed at once to Egypt, to report to them on the military -situation in the Soudan, and on the measures which it may be -advisable to take for the security of the Egyptian garrisons -still holding positions in that country, and for the safety of -the European population in Khartoum. You are also desired -to consider and report upon the best mode of effecting the -evacuation of the interior of the Soudan, and upon the manner -in which the safety and good administration by the Egyptian -Government of the ports on the sea coast can best be secured. -In connection with this subject, you should pay especial consideration -to the question of the steps that may usefully be -taken to counteract the stimulus which it is feared may -possibly be given to the Slave Trade by the present insurrectionary -movement and by the withdrawal of the Egyptian -authority from the interior.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span></p> - - -<h4>II.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Egypt," No. 6 of 1884, C 3,878.</p> - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Further Instructions by the Egyptian Government.</cite></p> - -<p>I have now to indicate to you the views of the Egyptian -Government on two of the points to which your special attention -was directed by Lord Granville. These are (1) the -measures which it may be advisable to take for the security of -the Egyptian garrisons still holding positions in the Soudan, -and for the safety of the European population in Khartoum. -(2) The best mode of effecting the evacuation of the interior of -the Soudan. These two points are intimately connected, and -may conveniently be considered together. It is believed that -the number of Europeans at Khartoum is very small, but it -has been estimated by the local authorities that some 10,000 -to 15,000 people will wish to move northwards from Khartoum -only when the Egyptian garrison is withdrawn. These people -are native Christians, Egyptian employés, their wives and -children, etc. The Government of His Highness the Khedive -is earnestly solicitous that no effort should be spared to insure -the retreat both of these people and of the Egyptian garrison -without loss of life. As regards the most opportune time and -the best method for effecting the retreat, whether of the -garrisons or of the civil populations, it is neither necessary -nor desirable that you should receive detailed instructions.... -You will bear in mind that the main end to be pursued is the -evacuation of the Soudan. This policy was adopted, after -very full discussion, by the Egyptian Government, on the -advice of Her Majesty's Government. It meets with the full -approval of His Highness the Khedive, and of the present -Egyptian Ministry. I understand, also, that you entirely concur -in the desirability of adopting this policy, and that you -think it should on no account be changed. You consider that -it may take a few months to carry it out with safety. You -are further of opinion that "the restoration of the country -should be made to the different petty Sultans who existed at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> -the time of Mehemet Ali's conquest, and whose families -still exist"; and that an endeavour should be made to form a -confederation of those Sultans. In this view the Egyptian -Government entirely concur. It will, of course, be fully -understood that the Egyptian troops are not to be kept in the -Soudan merely with a view to consolidating the power of the -new rulers of the country. But the Egyptian Government -has the fullest confidence in your judgment, your knowledge -of the country, and in your comprehension of the general line -of policy to be pursued. You are, therefore, given full discretionary -power to retain the troops for such reasonable -period as you may think necessary, in order that the abandonment -of the country may be accomplished with the least possible -risk to life and property.</p> - -<p>Sir E. Baring, in forwarding the copy of the instructions to -Lord Granville, wrote:</p> - -<p>I read the draft of the letter over to General Gordon. He -expressed to me his entire concurrence in the instructions. -The only suggestion he made was in connection with the -passage in which, speaking of the policy of abandoning the -Soudan, I had said, "I understand also that you entirely concur -in the desirability of adopting this policy." General Gordon -wished that I should add the words, "and that you think it -should on no account be changed." These words were -accordingly added.</p> - - -<h4>III.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Lord Cromer's <cite>Modern Egypt</cite>, vol. i., p. 428. -(Macmillans.)</p> - -<p>Looking back at what occurred after a space of many years, -two points are to my mind clear. The first is that no Englishman -should have been sent to Khartoum. The second is that, -if anyone had to be sent, General Gordon was not the right -man to send. The reasons why no Englishman should have -been sent are now sufficiently obvious. If he were beleaguered -at Khartoum, <ins class="corr" title="Transcriber's Note—Original text: 'the British Goverment'">the British Government</ins> might be obliged to send -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>an expedition to relieve him. The main object of British -policy was to avoid being drawn into military operations in the -Soudan. The employment of a British official at Khartoum -involved a serious risk that it would be no longer possible to -adhere to this policy, and the risk was materially increased -when the individual chosen to go to the Soudan was one who -had attracted to himself a greater degree of popular sympathy -than almost any Englishman of modern times.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="DIFFICULTIES_OF_GORDONS_CHARACTER_1884" id="DIFFICULTIES_OF_GORDONS_CHARACTER_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">DIFFICULTIES OF GORDON'S CHARACTER (1884).</a></h3> - - -<h4>I.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Lord Cromer's <cite>Modern Egypt</cite>, vol. i., p. 432. -(Macmillans.)</p> - -<p>I must, for the elucidation of this narrative, state why I -think it was a mistake to send General Gordon to Khartoum. -"It is impossible," I wrote privately to Lord Granville on -January 28, 1884, "not to be charmed by the simplicity and -honesty of Gordon's character." "My only fear," I added, -"is that he is terribly flighty and changes his opinions very -rapidly...." Impulsive flightiness was, in fact, the main -defect of General Gordon's character, and it was one which, -in my opinion, rendered him unfit to carry out a work which -pre-eminently required a cool and steady head. I used to -receive some twenty or thirty telegrams from General Gordon -in the course of the day when he was at Khartoum, those in -the evening often giving opinions which it was impossible to -reconcile with others despatched the same morning. Scarcely, -indeed, had General Gordon started on his mission, when Lord -Granville, who does not appear at first to have understood -General Gordon's character, began to be alarmed at his impulsiveness. -On February 8 Lord Granville wrote to me: "I -own your letters about Gordon rather alarm. His changes -about Zobeir are difficult to understand. Northbrook consoles -me by saying that he says all the foolish things that pass -through his head, but that his judgment is excellent." I am -not prepared to go so far as to say that General Gordon's judgment -was excellent. Nevertheless, there was some truth in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span> -Lord Northbrook's remark. I often found that, amidst a mass -of irrelevant verbiage and amidst many contradictory opinions, -a vein of sound common sense and political instinct ran through -General Gordon's proposals. So much was I impressed with -this, and so fearful was I that the sound portions of his proposals -would be rejected in London on account of the eccentric -language in which they were often couched, that, on February -12, I telegraphed to Lord Granville: "In considering -Gordon's suggestions, please remember that his general views -are excellent, but that undue importance must not be attached -to his words. We must look to the spirit rather than the letter -of what he says."</p> - - -<h4>II.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Lord Cromer's <cite>Modern Egypt</cite>, vol. i., p. 488. -(Macmillans.)</p> - -<p>On February 26th, thirty-nine days had elapsed since -General Gordon had left London, thirty-one days since he had -left Cairo, and eight days since he had arrived at Khartoum. -During that period, leaving aside points of detail, as to which -his contradictions had been numerous, General Gordon had -marked out for himself no less than five different lines of -policy, some of which were wholly conflicting one with another, -whilst others, without being absolutely irreconcilable, differed -in respect to some of their most important features. On -January 18 he started from London with instructions which -had been dictated by himself. His wish then was that he -should be merely sent to "report upon the best means of effecting -the evacuation of the interior of the Soudan." He expressed -his entire concurrence in the policy of evacuation. This was -the first and original stage of General Gordon's opinions. -Before he arrived in Egypt, on January 24, he had changed his -views as to the nature of the functions he should fulfil. He no -longer wished to be a mere reporter. He wished to be named -Governor-General of the Soudan with full executive powers. -He supplemented his original ideas by suggesting that the -country should be handed over to "the different petty Sultans -who existed at the time of Mehemet Ali's conquest." This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span> -was the second stage of General Gordon's opinions. Fifteen -days later (February 8) he wrote from Abu Hamed a memorandum -in which he advocated "evacuation but not abandonment." -The Government of Egypt were to "maintain their -position as a Suzerain Power, nominate the Governor-General -and Moudirs, and act as a supreme Court of Appeal." This -was the third stage of General Gordon's opinions. Ten days -later (February 18) General Gordon reverted to the principles -of his memorandum of the 8th, but with a notable difference. -It was no longer the Egyptian but the British Government -which were to control the Soudan administration. The British -Government were also to appoint a Governor-General, who -was to be furnished with a British commission, and who was -to receive a British decoration. Zobeir Pasha was the man -whom General Gordon wished the British Government to -select. This was the fourth stage of General Gordon's -opinions. Eight days later (February 26), when General -Gordon had learnt that the British Government were not -prepared to approve of Zobeir Pasha being sent to the Soudan, -he proposed that the Mahdi should be "smashed up," and that, -to assist in this object, 200 British Indian troops should be -sent to Wadi Halfa. This was the fifth stage of General -Gordon's opinions. In thirty-nine days, therefore, General -Gordon had drifted by successive stages from a proposal that -he should report on the affairs of the Soudan to advocating -the policy of "smashing up" the Mahdi. It would, he said, -be "comparatively easy to destroy the Mahdi."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="ZOBEIR_PASHA_1884" id="ZOBEIR_PASHA_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">ZOBEIR PASHA (1884).</a></h3> - - -<h4>I.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Egypt," No. 12 of 1884.</p> - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>P. 71. Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring. Telegraphic, -Khartoum, February 18, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>I have stated that to withdraw without being able to place a -successor in my seat would be the signal for general anarchy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> -throughout the country, which, though all Egyptian element -was withdrawn, would be a misfortune and inhuman.... I -distinctly state that if Her Majesty's Government gave a Commission -to my successor, I recommend neither a subsidy nor -men being given. I would select and give a Commission to -some man, and promise him the moral support of Her Majesty's -Government and nothing more.... As for the man, Her -Majesty's Government should select one above all others—namely, -Zobeir. He alone has the ability to rule the Soudan, -and would be universally accepted by the Soudan. He should -be made K.C.M.G., and given presents.... Zobeir's exile -at Cairo for ten years, amidst all the late events, and his mixing -with Europeans, must have had great effect on his character....</p> - - -<h4>II.</h4> - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>P. 72. Extract from Sir E. Baring's Despatch commenting on the -Above.</cite></p> - -<p>I believe Zobeir Pasha to be the only possible man. He -undoubtedly possesses energy and ability, and has great local -influence. As regards the Slave Trade, I discussed the matter -with General Gordon when he was in Cairo, and he fully -agreed with me in thinking that Zobeir Pasha's presence or -absence would not affect the question in one way or the other. -I am also convinced from many things that have come to my -notice that General Gordon is right in thinking that Zobeir -Pasha's residence in Egypt has considerably modified his -character. He now understands what European power is, -and it is much better to have to deal with a man of this sort -than with a man like the Mahdi.... I cannot recommend -that he should be promised the "moral support" of Her -Majesty's Government. In the first place, he would scarcely -understand the sense of the phrase, and, moreover, I do not -think that he would attach importance to any support which -was not material. It is for Her Majesty's Government to -judge what the effect of his appointment would be upon public -opinion in England, but except for that I can see no reason<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span> -why Zobeir Pasha should not be proclaimed Ruler of the -Soudan with the approbation of Her Majesty's Government.</p> - - -<h4>III.</h4> - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>P. 95. Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring. February 22, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that the gravest -objections exist to the appointment by their authority of -a successor to General Gordon. The necessity does not, -indeed, appear to have yet arisen of going beyond the suggestions -contained in General Gordon's Memorandum of the 22nd -ultimo, by making special provision for the government of the -country. In any case the public opinion of this country would -not tolerate the appointment of Zobeir Pasha.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="SOME_OF_GORDONS_TELEGRAMS_1884" id="SOME_OF_GORDONS_TELEGRAMS_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">SOME OF GORDON'S TELEGRAMS (1884).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Egypt," No. 12 of 1884.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>P. 156. Major-General Gordon to Sir E. Baring. Khartoum, -March 3, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>... I am strongly against any permanent retention of the -Soudan, but I think we ought to leave it with decency, and -give the respectable people a man to lead them, around whom -they can rally, and we ought to support that man by money -and by opening road to Berber. Pray do not consider me in -any way to advocate retention of Soudan; I am quite averse -to it, but you must see that you could not recall me, nor could -I possibly obey, until the Cairo employés get out from all the -places. I have named men to different places, thus involving -them with Mahdi: how could I look the world in the face if I -abandoned them and fled? As a gentleman, could you advise -this course? It may have been a mistake to send me up, but -that having been done I have no option but to see evacuation -through, for even if I was mean enough to escape I have no -power to do so.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span></p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs100"><cite>P. 161. The Same to the Same. Khartoum, March 9, 1884, -11.30 p.m.</cite></p> - -<p>If you mean to make the proposed diversion to Berber [of -British troops], and to accept my proposal as to Zobeir, to -install him in the Soudan and evacuate, then it is worth while -to hold on to Khartoum. If, on the other hand, you determine -on neither of these steps, then I can see no use in holding on -to Khartoum, for it is impossible for me to help the other -garrisons, and I shall only be sacrificing the whole of the -troops and employés here. In this latter case your instructions -to me had better be that I should evacuate Khartoum, -and, with all the employés and troops, remove the seat of -Government to Berber. You would understand that such a -step would mean the sacrificing of all outlying places except -Berber and Dongola. You must give a prompt reply to this, -as even the retreat to Berber may not be in my power in a few -days; and even if carried out at once, the retreat will be of -extreme difficulty.</p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs100"><cite>P. 161. Same Date, 11.40 p.m.</cite></p> - -<p>If the immediate evacuation of Khartoum is determined -upon, irrespective of outlying towns, I would propose to -send all Cairo employés and white troops with Colonel -Stewart to Berber, where he would await your orders. I -would also ask Her Majesty's Government to accept the -resignation of my commission, and I would take all steamers -and stores up to the Equatorial and Bahr Gazelle provinces, -and consider those provinces as under the King of the Belgians.</p> - - -<p>[<em>P. 160.</em> Sir E. Baring comments that, owing to interruption -of the telegraph line, these and other messages did not reach -him till March 12. He instructed Gordon to hold on at -Khartoum until he could communicate further with the British -Government, and on no account to proceed to the Bahr Gazelle -and Equatorial provinces.]</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span></p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs100"><cite>P. 152. Earl Granville to Sir E. Baring, March 13, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>If General Gordon is of opinion that the prospect of his -early departure diminishes the chance of accomplishing his -task, and that by staying at Khartoum himself for any length -of time which he may judge necessary he would be able to -establish a settled Government at that place, he is at liberty to -remain there. In the event of his being unable to carry out -this suggestion, he should evacuate Khartoum and save that -garrison by conducting it himself to Berber without delay.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="CROSS_PURPOSES_1884" id="CROSS_PURPOSES_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">CROSS PURPOSES (1884).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Egypt," No. 13 of 1884, C 3,970.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>P. 9. Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. Cairo, April 8, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>In a telegram from Khartoum, General Gordon says: I wish -I could convey to you my impressions of the truly trumpery -nature of this revolt, which 500 determined men could put -down. Be assured, for present, and for two months hence, we -are as safe here as at Cairo. If you would get, by good pay, -3,000 Turkish infantry and 1,000 Turkish cavalry, the affair, -including crushing of Mahdi, would be accomplished in four -months.</p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs100"><cite>P. 12. Sir E. Baring to Earl Granville. Cairo, April 18, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>Lately I have been sending telegrams to Berber to be forwarded -to Gordon. Since communication between Berber and -Khartoum was cut, his telegrams to me have taken from a -week to ten days. My telegrams to him appear to have taken -even longer, and some, I think, have not reached him at all.</p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs100"><cite>The Same, Later.</cite></p> - -<p>I have received another telegram from Gordon.... It is -most unfortunate that of all the telegrams I have sent to him -only one very short one appears to have reached him. He -evidently thinks he is to be abandoned, and is very indignant.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span></p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Egypt," C 3,998 of 1884.</p> - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>P. 1. Gordon to Baring. Telegraphic. Khartoum, -April 16, 1884, 5.15 p.m.</cite></p> - -<p>As far as I can understand, the situation is this: you state -your intention of not sending any relief up here or to Berber, -and you refuse me Zobeir. I consider myself free to act -according to circumstances. I shall hold on here as long as I -can, and if I can suppress the rebellion I shall do so. If I -cannot, I shall retire to the Equator, and leave you indelible -disgrace of abandoning garrisons of Senaar, Kassala, Berber, -and Dongola, with the certainty that you will be eventually -forced to smash up the Mahdi under great difficulties if you -would retain peace in Egypt.</p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Papers</cite>, "Egypt," C 3,970 of 1884.</p> - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>P. 15. Earl Granville to Mr. Egerton, April 23, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>Gordon should be at once informed, in cipher, by several -messengers at some interval between each, through Dongola -as well as Berber, or in such other way as may on the spot be -deemed most prompt and certain, that he should keep us -informed, to the best of his ability, not only as to immediate -but as to any prospective danger at Khartoum; that to be -prepared for any such danger he advise us as to the force -necessary in order to secure his removal, its amount, character, -route for access to Khartoum, and time of operation; that we -do not propose to supply him with Turkish or other force for -the purpose of undertaking military expeditions, such being -beyond the scope of the commission he holds, and at variance -with the pacific policy which was the purpose of his mission -to the Soudan; that if with this knowledge he continues at -Khartoum, he should state to us the cause and intention with -which he so continues. Add expressions both of respect and -gratitude for his gallant and self-sacrificing conduct, and for -the good he has achieved.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span></p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Egypt," No. 21 of 1884, -C 4,005.</p> - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Mr. Egerton to Earl Granville. Cairo, May 10, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>The messengers sent in succession by the Governor of -Dongola with the ciphered message for Gordon have returned. -He telegraphed yesterday that they report that the rebels -have invested Khartoum; that, in consequence, excursions in -steamers are made on the White Nile in order to attack those -on the banks; that the rebels have constructed wooden -shelters to protect themselves against the projectiles; when -the Government forces pursue them into these shelters, the -rebels take flight into the country beyond gun-shot; that this -state of things makes it impossible to get into Khartoum.</p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Parliamentary Publications</cite>, "Egypt," No. 22 of 1884, -C 4,042.</p> - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Earl Granville to Mr. Egerton, May 17, 1884.</cite></p> - -<p>The following is the further message which Her Majesty's -Government desires to communicate to General Gordon in -addition to that contained in my telegram of the 23rd ultimo, -which should be repeated to him. Having regard to the time -which has elapsed, Her Majesty's Government desires to add -to their communication of the 23rd April as follows: As the -original plan for the evacuation of the Soudan has been dropped, -and as aggressive operations cannot be undertaken with the -countenance of Her Majesty's Government, General Gordon -is enjoined to consider and either to report upon, or, if feasible, -to adopt, at the first proper moment, measures for his own -removal and that of the Egyptians at Khartoum who have -suffered for him or who have served him faithfully, including -their wives and children, by whatever route he may consider -best, having especial regard to his own safety and that of the -other British subjects. With regard to the Egyptians above -referred to, General Gordon is authorized to make free use of -money rewards or promises at his discretion. For example,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span> -he is at liberty to assign to Egyptian soldiers at Khartoum sums -for themselves and for persons brought with them per head, -contingent on their safe arrival at Korosko, or whatever point -he may consider a place of safety; or he may employ or pay -the tribes in the neighbourhood to escort them. In the event -of General Gordon having despatched any persons or agents to -other points, he is authorized to spend any money required for -the purpose of recalling them or securing their safety.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="GORDONS_POSITION_1884" id="GORDONS_POSITION_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">GORDON'S POSITION (1884).</a></h3> - - -<h4>I.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, July 29.</p> - -<p>Last night at eleven o'clock the British and African Royal -Mail steamer <i>Kinsembo</i> arrived in Plymouth Sound, having on -board Mr. H. M. Stanley, the African explorer. In the course -of a conversation with a correspondent, Mr. Stanley declared -that General Gordon might leave Khartoum whenever he -chose, and had three routes of escape open to him. He was -a soldier, but not a traveller. He would not leave Khartoum -ingloriously. He could escape by means of the Congo, the -Nile, and across the desert to Zanzibar. He could force his -way through the country, because the people would be afraid -of an armed force. He is perfectly well supplied with arms -and ammunition, and is quite strong enough to meet the Mahdi. -Mr. Stanley derides the suggested expedition to Khartoum, and -says the men would die like flies when the summer is waning. -He says that Gordon only requires to act like a soldier, as he -believes he will, to settle the whole difficulty.</p> - - -<h4>II.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Holland's <cite>Life of the Duke of Devonshire</cite>, vol. i., -p. 472 <em>et seq.</em> (Longmans.)</p> - -<p>On 29th July Lord Hartington circulated to the Cabinet his -own final memorandum on the subject. He said: "I wish -before Parliament is prorogued, and it becomes absolutely impossible -to do anything for the relief of General Gordon, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> -bring the subject once more under the consideration of the -Cabinet. On the last occasion when it was discussed, although -an opinion was expressed that the balance of probability was -that no expedition would be required to enable General Gordon -and those dependent on him to leave Khartoum, I gathered -that a considerable majority were in favour of making some -preparations, and taking some steps which would make a relief -expedition to Khartoum possible. I believe that I have already -stated the grounds on which I think that if anything is now -attempted it must be by the Valley of the Nile, and not by the -Suakin-Berber line. The delay which has taken place makes -it impossible that the railway should be constructed for any -considerable distance on that line during the next autumn and -winter, the period during which military operations would be -practicable without great suffering and loss of life to the troops. -The renewed concentration of the tribes under Osman Digna, -near Suakin, and the fall of Berber, makes it inevitable that -severe fighting would have to be done at both ends of the -march, and, in consequence of the necessity of crossing the -desert in small detachments, the engagement near Berber -would be fought under great disadvantages. On the other -hand, we have for the defence of the Nile itself been compelled -to send a considerable force of British and Egyptian troops up -the Nile; and the positions which are now occupied by those -troops are so many stages on the advance by the Nile Valley.... -The proposal which I make is that a brigade should be ordered -to advance as soon as possible to Dongola by the Nile.... I -have not entered into the question whether it is or is not probable -that General Gordon can leave Khartoum without assistance. -As we know absolutely nothing, any opinion on this -subject can only be guess-work. But I do not see how it is -possible to redeem the pledges which we have given, if the -necessity should be proved to exist, without some such preparations -and measures as those which I now suggest...." -Mr. Chamberlain minuted that he was "against what is called -an expedition, or the preparations for an expedition." He did -not think that the information was sufficient to justify it. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span> -thought that more information should first be obtained.... -Mr. Gladstone minuted (July 31): "I confess it to be my -strong conviction that to send an expedition either to Dongola -or Khartoum at the present time would be to act in the teeth -of evidence as to Gordon which, however imperfect, is far from -being trivial, and would be a grave and dangerous error." -Mr. Gladstone at the same time wrote to Lord Granville a -letter, which the latter forwarded to Lord Hartington. He -said: "I had intended to give much time to-day to collecting -the sum of the evidence as to Gordon's position, which appears -to me to be strangely underrated by some.... Undoubtedly -I can be no party to the proposed despatch, as a first step, of a -brigade to Dongola. I do not think the evidence as to Gordon's -position requires or justifies, in itself, military preparations for -the contingency of a military expedition. There are, however, -preparations, perhaps, of various kinds which might be made, -and which are matters simply of cost, and do not include -necessary consequences in point of policy. To these I have -never offered an insuperable objection, and the adoption of -them might be, at the worst, a smaller evil than the evils with -which we are threatened in other forms. This on what I may -call my side. On the other hand, I hope I may presume that, -while we are looking into the matters I have just indicated, -nothing will be done to accelerate a Gordon crisis until we see, -in the early days of next week, what the Conference crisis is to -produce."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="GORDONS_OWN_MEDITATIONS_1884" id="GORDONS_OWN_MEDITATIONS_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">GORDON'S OWN MEDITATIONS (1884).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>General Gordon's Journal</cite>, pp. 46, 56, 59, 93, 112. -(<em>Kegan Paul.</em>)</p> - - -<p><em>September 17.</em>—Had Zobeir Pasha been sent up when I asked -for him, Berber would in all probability never have fallen, and -one might have made a Soudan Government in opposition to -the Mahdi. We choose to refuse his coming up because of his -antecedents <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">in re</i> slave trade; granted that we had reason, yet -as we take no precautions as to the future of these with respect<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span> -to the slave trade, the above opposition seems absurd. I will -not send up A. because he will do this, but will leave the -country to B., who will do exactly the same.</p> - -<p><em>September 19.</em>—I was engaged in a certain work—<em>i.e.</em>, to take -down the garrisons, etc. It suited me altogether to accept this -work (when once it was decided on to abandon the Soudan), -which, to my idea, is preferable to letting it be under those -wretched effete Egyptian Pashas. Her Majesty's Government -agreed to send me. It was a mutual affair; they owe me positively -nothing, and I owe them nothing. A member of Parliament, -in one of our last received papers, asked "whether officers -were not supposed to go where they were ordered?" I quite -agree with his view, but it cannot be said I was ordered to go. -The subject was too complex for any order. It was, "Will -you go and try?" and my answer was, "Only too delighted." -As for all that may be said of our holding out, etc., etc., it is -all twaddle, for we had no option; as for all that may be said -as to why I did not escape with Stewart, it is simply because -the people would not have been such fools as to have let me -go, so there is an end of those great-coats of self-sacrifice, etc. -I must add <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">in re</i> "the people not letting me go," that even if -they had been willing for me to go, I would not have gone, and -left them in their misery.</p> - -<p><em>September 19.</em>—Anyone reading the telegram 5th May, -Suakin, 29th April, Massowah, and <em>without</em> date, Egerton -saying, "Her Majesty's Government does not entertain your -proposal to supply Turkish or other troops in order to undertake -military operations in the Soudan, and consequently if you -stay at Kartoum you should state your reasons," might imagine -one was luxuriating up here, whereas, I am sure, no one wishes -more to be out of this than myself; the <em>reasons</em> are those -horribly plucky Arabs. I own to having been very insubordinate -to Her Majesty's Government and its officials, but it is -my nature, and I cannot help it.</p> - -<p><em>September 24.</em>—I altogether <em>decline</em> the imputation that the -projected expedition has come to <em>relieve me</em>. It has <em>come to save -our national honour in extricating the garrisons, etc., from a position<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> -our action in Egypt has placed those garrisons</em>. As to myself, I -could make good my retreat at any moment if I wished.</p> - -<p><em>September 29.</em>—My idea is to induce Her Majesty's Government -to undertake the extrication of all people or garrisons, -now hemmed in or captive, and that if this is not their programme -then to resign my commission and do what I can to -attain it (the object).... I say this, because I should be -sorry for Lord Wolseley to advance from Dongola without -fully knowing my views. If Her Majesty's Government are -going to abandon the garrisons, then do not advance. I say -nothing of evacuating the country; I merely maintain that if -we do so, everyone in the Soudan, captive or hemmed in, ought -to have the option and power of retreat.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_FRANCHISE_AND_REDISTRIBUTION_1884" id="THE_FRANCHISE_AND_REDISTRIBUTION_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE FRANCHISE AND REDISTRIBUTION (1884).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, November 19.</p> - - -<p>The Representation of the People Bill was yesterday read a -second time in the House of Lords without a division, and -without discussion upon anything it contains.... The terms -offered by the Government, and now definitely accepted by the -Opposition, are, first, that the draft of the Redistribution Bill -shall be submitted in private to the Conservative leaders, in -order that, by suggesting the alterations they think necessary, -they may convince themselves of the equity and fairness of -the measure. In the second place, it is agreed that, when -a Redistribution Bill satisfactory to both parties has been -framed, the Opposition will give to the Government adequate -assurance that the Franchise Bill shall pass the House of -Lords.... Lastly, the Government pledge themselves to -take up the Redistribution Bill as early as possible in the New -Year, to push it through its remaining stages with all possible -expedition, and, relying upon the loyal support of the Opposition -being given to the joint scheme, to stake not only their credit -but their existence upon the passing of the Bill into law in the -Session of 1885.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="FEEDING_POOR_SCHOOL_CHILDREN_1884" id="FEEDING_POOR_SCHOOL_CHILDREN_1884"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">FEEDING POOR SCHOOL CHILDREN (1884).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, December 13.</p> - - -<p>The question of providing penny dinners for the children of -the London poor has received pretty ample discussion. Everybody -can form an idea now of the difficulties which will have -to be surmounted by the central committee of School Board -managers and teachers.... The vital principle of the scheme -is that the dinners shall be supplied on a self-supporting basis. -In some places the work has been undertaken with more zeal -than knowledge, and there has been quick disappointment. -The Vicar of St. Mark's, Walworth, who seems to doubt -whether the scheme can be carried out on purely commercial -lines, tells us how fastidious are the children of the poor. They -turn from macaroni; they dislike the flavour of cabbage boiled -up in a stew; they will have nothing to say to haricot beans, -lentils, or salads; they mistrust soup; and are generally most -attracted by suet dumplings and jam or currant puddings.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_DEATH_OF_GORDON_1885" id="THE_DEATH_OF_GORDON_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE DEATH OF GORDON (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Sir Reginald Wingate's <cite>Mahdiism and the Egyptian -Soudan</cite>, pp. 166-172. (Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>Soon all that had been in the commissariat was finished, and -then the inhabitants and the soldiers had to eat dogs, donkeys, -skins of animals, gum, and palm fibre, and famine prevailed. -The soldiers stood on the fortifications like pieces of wood. -The civilians were even worse off. Many died of hunger, and -corpses filled the streets; no one had even energy to bury -them.... We were heartbroken; the people and soldiers -began to lose faith in Gordon's promises, and they were terribly -weak from famine. At last Sunday morning broke, and -Gordon Pasha, who used always to watch the enemy's movements -from the top of the palace, noticed a considerable -movement in the south, which looked as if the Arabs were -collecting at Kalakala. He at once sent word to all of us who -had attended the previous meeting, and to a few others, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span> -come at once to the palace. We all came, but Gordon Pasha -did not see us. We were again addressed by Giriagis Bey, who -said he had been told by Gordon Pasha to inform us that he -noticed much movement in the enemy's lines, and believed an -attack would be made on the town; he therefore ordered us to -collect every male in the town from the age of eight, even to -the old men, and to line all the fortifications, and that if we -had difficulty in getting this order obeyed we were to use force. -Giriagis said that Gordon Pasha now appealed to us for the -last time to make a determined stand, for in twenty-four hours' -time he had no doubt the English would arrive; but that if we -preferred to submit then, he gave the commandant liberty to -open the gates, and let all join the rebels. He had nothing -more to say. I then asked to be allowed to see the Pasha, -and was admitted to his presence. I found him sitting on a -divan, and as I came in he pulled off his tarboush (fez) and -flung it from him, saying, "What more can I say? I have -nothing more to say; the people will no longer believe me; -I have told them over and over again that help would be here, -but it has never come, and now they must see I tell them lies. -If this, my last promise, fails, I can do nothing more. Go and -collect all the people you can on the lines, and make a good -stand. Now leave me to smoke these cigarettes." (There -were two full boxes of cigarettes on the table.) I could see -he was in despair, and he spoke in a tone I had never heard -before. I knew then that he had been too agitated to address -the meeting, and thought the sight of his despair would dishearten -us. All the anxiety he had undergone had gradually -turned his hair to a snowy white. I left him, and this was the -last time I saw him alive.... It was a gloomy day, that -last day in Khartoum; hundreds lay dead and dying in the -streets from starvation, and there were none to bury them. At -length the night came, and, as I afterwards learnt, Gordon -Pasha sat up writing till midnight, and then lay down to sleep. -He awoke some time between two and three a.m. The wild -war-cries of the Arabs were heard close at hand. A large -body of rebels had crept in the dark close up to the broken-down<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span> -parapet and filled-up ditch, between the White Nile and -the Messalamieh Gate. The soldiers never knew of the -enemy's approach until about twenty minutes before they were -actually attacked, when the tramp of feet was heard, and the -alarm was sounded; but they were so tired out and exhausted -that it was not until the sentries fired that the rest of the men -suddenly started up surprised, to find swarms of Arabs pouring -over the ditch and up the parapet, yelling and shouting their -war-cries. Here they met with little resistance, for most of -the soldiers were four or five paces apart, and were too feeble -to oppose such a rush. The Arabs were soon within the lines, -and thus able to attack the rest of the soldiers from behind. -They were opposed at some points, but it was soon all over.... -Meanwhile Gordon Pasha, on being roused by the noise, went -on to the roof of the palace in his sleeping clothes. He soon -made out that the rebels had entered the town, and for upwards -of an hour he kept up a hot fire in the direction of the attack. -I heard that he also sent word to get up steam in the steamer, -but the engineer was not there; he had been too frightened to -leave his house. As dawn approached Gordon Pasha could -see the Arab banners in the town, and soon the gun became -useless, for he could not depress it enough to fire on the enemy. -By this time the Arabs had crowded round the palace in -thousands, but for a time no one dared enter, for they thought -mines were laid to blow them up. Meanwhile Gordon Pasha -had left the roof; he went to his bedroom, which was close to -the divan, and there he put on a white uniform, his sword, which -he did not draw, and, carrying his revolver in his right hand, -stepped out into the passage in front of the entrance to the -office, and just at the head of the staircase. During this interval -four men, more brave than the rest, forced their way into the -palace, and once in were followed by hundreds of others. Of -these latter, the majority rushed up the stairs to the roof, -where, after a short resistance, the palace guard, servants, -and cavasses were all killed; while the four men—Taha Shahin, -a Dongolawi, whose father was formerly in my service; Ibrahim -Abu Shanab, servant of George Angelleto; Hamad Wad Ahmed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span> -Jar en Nebbi, Hassani; and a fourth, also a Dongolawi, servant -to Fathallah Jehami—followed by a crowd of others, knowing -Gordon Pasha's room, rushed towards it. Taha Shahin was -the first to encounter Gordon beside the door of the divan, -apparently waiting for the Arabs, and standing with a calm and -dignified manner, his left hand resting on the hilt of his sword. -Shahin, dashing forward with the curse "Mala' oun el yom -yomek!" (O cursed one, your time is come!), plunged his -spear into his body. Gordon, it is said, made a gesture of -scorn with his right hand, and turned his back, where he -received another spear wound, which caused him to fall forward, -and was most likely his mortal wound. The other three men, -closely following Shahin, then rushed in, and, cutting at the -prostrate body with their swords, must have killed him in a few -seconds. His death occurred just before sunrise. He made no -resistance, and did not fire a shot from his revolver. From all -I knew, I am convinced that he never intended to surrender. -I should say he must have intended to use his revolver only if -he saw it was the intention of the Arabs to take him prisoner -alive; but he saw such crowds rushing on him with swords -and spears, and there being no important emirs with them, he -must have known that they did not intend to spare him, and -that was most likely what he wanted.... Gordon Pasha's -head was immediately cut off and sent to the Mahdi at -Omdurman, while his body was dragged downstairs and left -exposed for a time in the garden, where many Arabs came to -plunge their spears into it. I heard that the Mahdi had given -orders for Gordon to be spared, but what I have stated was -told me by the four men I have mentioned, and I believe the -Mahdi pardoned them for their disobedience of orders.... -I saw Gordon Pasha's head exposed in Omdurman. It was -fixed between the branches of a tree, and all who passed by -threw stones at it.</p> - - -<p class="p1">[<span class="smcap">Note.</span>—This account is from the journal of Bordeini Bey, -an eminent Khartoum merchant, who willingly gave up his -large stores of grain to Gordon for the supply of the garrison. -He was taken prisoner at the fall of the city.]</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_GOVERNMENTS_RESPONSIBILITY_1885" id="THE_GOVERNMENTS_RESPONSIBILITY_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE GOVERNMENT'S RESPONSIBILITY (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Lord Cromer's <cite>Modern Egypt</cite>, vol. i., p. 589. -(Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>It has been already shown that General Gordon paid little -heed to his instructions, that he was consumed with a desire to -"smash the Mahdi," and that the view that he was constrained -to withdraw everyone who wished to leave from the most -distant parts of the Soudan was, to say the least, quixotic. -The conclusion to be drawn from these facts is that it was a -mistake to send General Gordon to the Soudan. But do they -afford any justification for the delay in preparing and in despatching -the relief expedition? I cannot think that they do -so. Whatever errors of judgment General Gordon may have -committed, the broad facts, as they existed in the early summer -of 1884, were that he was sent to Khartoum by the British -Government, who never denied their responsibility for his -safety, that he was beleaguered, and that he was, therefore, -unable to get away. It is just possible that he could have -effected his retreat, if, having abandoned the southern posts, -he had moved northward with the Khartoum garrison in April -or early in May. As time went on, and nothing was heard of -him, it became more and more clear that he either could not -or would not—probably that he could not—move. The most -indulgent critic would scarcely extend beyond June 27 the date -at which the Government should have decided on the question -of whether a relief expedition should or should not be despatched. -On that day the news that Berber had been captured on May 26 -by the Dervishes was finally confirmed. Yet it was not till -six weeks later that the Government obtained from Parliament -the funds necessary to prepare for an expedition.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_VOTE_OF_CENSURE_1885" id="THE_VOTE_OF_CENSURE_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE VOTE OF CENSURE (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 294, col. 1311. (House of -Lords debate on Egypt, February 26, 1885.)</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The Marquis of Salisbury</span>: ... The conduct of Her -Majesty's Government has been an alternation of periods of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span> -slumber and periods of rush, and the rush, however vehement, -has always been too unprepared and too unintelligent to repair -the damage which the period of slumber has effected.... The -case of the bombardment of Alexandria, the case of the abandonment -of the Soudan, the case of the mission of General -Graham's force—they are all on the same plan, and all show -you that remarkable characteristic of torpor during the time -when action was needed, and hasty, impulsive, ill-considered -action when the time for action had passed by. Their further -conduct was modelled on their action in the past. So far was -it modelled that we were able to put it to the test which -establishes a scientific law. I should like to quote what I said -on the 4th of April, when discussing the prospect of the relief -of General Gordon. What I said was this: "Are these circumstances -encouraging to us when we are asked to trust that, -on the inspiration of the moment, when the danger comes, -Her Majesty's Government will find some means of relieving -General Gordon? I fear that the history of the past will be -repeated in the future; and just again, when it is too late, the -critical resolution will be taken; some terrible news will come -that the position of Gordon is absolutely a forlorn and hopeless -one, and then, under the pressure of public wrath and Parliamentary -censure, some desperate resolution of sending an -expedition will be formed too late to achieve the object which -it is desired to gain." I quote these words to show that by -that time we had ascertained the laws of motion and the orbits -of those erratic comets who sit on the Treasury Bench. Now -the terrible responsibility and shame rests upon the Government, -because they were warned in March and April of the -danger to General Gordon, because they received every intimation -which men could reasonably look for that his danger -would be extreme, and because they delayed from March and -April right down to the 15th of August before they took a single -measure to relieve him. What were they doing all that time? -It is very difficult to conceive. What happened during those -eventful months? I suppose some day the memoirs will tell -our grandchildren, but we shall never know. Some people<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span> -think there were divisions in the Cabinet, and that after -division on division a decision was put off, lest the Cabinet be -broken up. I am rather inclined to think it was due to the -peculiar position of the Prime Minister. He came in as the -apostle of the Midlothian campaign, loaded with all the -doctrines and all the follies of that pilgrimage. We have seen -on each occasion, after one of these mishaps, when he has -been forced by events and by the common sense of the nation -to take some active steps—we have seen his extreme supporters -falling foul of him, and reproaching him with having -deserted their opinions and disappointed the ardent hopes -which they had formed of him as the apostle of absolute -negation in foreign affairs. I think he has always felt the -danger of that reproach. He always felt the debt he had -incurred to those supporters. He always felt a dread lest they -should break away; and he put off again and again to the last -practical moment any action which might bring him into open -conflict with the doctrine by which his present eminence was -gained. At all events, this is clear—that throughout those six -months the Government knew perfectly well the danger in -which General Gordon was placed. It has been said that -General Gordon did not ask for troops. I am surprised at that -defence. One of the characteristics of General Gordon was -the extreme abnegation of his nature. It was not to be expected -that he should send home a telegram to say, "I am in -great danger, therefore send me troops"—he would probably -have cut off his right hand before he would have sent a telegram -of that sort. But he sent home telegrams through -Mr. Power, telegrams saying that the people of Khartoum -were in great danger; that the Mahdi would succeed unless -military succour was sent forward; urging at one time the -sending forward of Sir Evelyn Wood and his Egyptians, and -at another the landing of Indians at Suakin and the establishment -of the Berber route, and distinctly telling the Government—and -this is the main point—that unless they would consent -to his views the supremacy of the Mahdi was assured.... -Well, now, my Lords, is it conceivable that after two months,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span> -in May, the Prime Minister should have said that they were -waiting to have reasonable proof that Gordon was in danger? -By that time Khartoum was surrounded, the Governor of -Berber had announced that his case was hopeless, which was -too surely proved by the massacre which took place in June; -and yet in May Mr. Gladstone was still waiting for "reasonable -proof" that the men who were surrounded, who had announced -that they had only five months' food, were in danger.... It -was the business of the Government not to interpret General -Gordon's telegrams as if they had been statutory declarations, -but to judge for themselves of the circumstances of the case, -and to see that those who were surrounded, who were only -three Englishmen among such a vast body of Mohammedans, -and who were already cut off from all communications with -the civilized world by the occupation of every important town -upon the river, were really in danger, and that if they meant to -answer their responsibilities they were bound to relieve them. -I cannot tell what blindness fell over the eyes of some members -of Her Majesty's Government....</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="MORE_FENIANISM_1885" id="MORE_FENIANISM_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">MORE FENIANISM (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, January 26.</p> - - -<p>The "dynamite war," as it is called by the disloyal Irish -and the Irish-American outrage-mongers, was continued in -London on Saturday with some success to the perpetrators. -Accepting the privilege accorded to all comers to view the -Houses of Parliament and the Tower of London, they cunningly -placed charged machines of dynamite in the Crypt leading -out of Westminster Hall, in the House of Commons -chamber itself, and caused, almost at the same time, an -explosion in the Tower of London. The first explosion at -Westminster was in the Hall itself. Some visitors were passing -through the Crypt, when one noticed a parcel on the -ground. It is described as the usual "black bag." ... The -nearest police-constable, Cole by name, picked up the smoking -parcel, and brought it to the entrance of the Crypt, where,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span> -from its heat or some other cause, he dropped it. It was -fortunate for him that he did so, for in an instant a terrific -explosion burst from the parcel.... The stone flooring was -shattered, and the rails round the Crypt were somewhat twisted -by the immediate blow of the explosion. Its secondary effect -was to break some of the windows, and shake down from the -vast beams of Irish oak, forming the roof, the accumulated -dust of ages.... The chamber of the House of Commons -presented the scene of a complete wreck from the second -explosion. The benches of the Government side were torn up, -and some of the seats had been hurled up into the gallery -above.... The explosion at the Tower of London was the -most serious in its effects of the three, for several persons -were injured, some damage was done to the building, and a -fire ensued, lasting an hour.... The explosive was placed -between the stands of arms in the ancient banqueting-room of -the Tower.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="NEW_LABOUR_MOVEMENTS_1885" id="NEW_LABOUR_MOVEMENTS_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">NEW LABOUR MOVEMENTS (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, January 31.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Industrial Remuneration Conference.</cite></p> - -<p>Yesterday the delegates held their concluding sitting at -Prince's Hall, Piccadilly, when the subject set down for discussion -was: Would the more general distribution of capital -or land, or the State management of capital or land, promote -or impair the production of wealth and the welfare of the -community?...</p> - -<p>The discussion on the papers was begun by Mr. Williams -(Social Democratic Federation), who said that if they left all -the machinery, all the railways, and all the mines in the hands -of the rich capitalists, the working classes would still continue -to be oppressed. They must either say that the Government -had no right to interfere with anything, or they must admit -that the State must equally interfere between the landlord, the -capitalist, and the labourer. He compared the part played by -politicians like Mr. Chamberlain, who directed their attacks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span> -exclusively against the landlords, and spared the rich capitalists, -to that sustained by the Artful Dodger in "Oliver Twist."</p> - -<p>Mr. B. Shaw (Fabian Society) said he had no desire to give -pain to the burglar—if any of that trade were in the room—or -to the landlord or the capitalist, pure and simple; all he -could say was that all three belonged to the same class, and -that the injury each inflicted on the community was precisely -of the same nature.</p> - - -<p class="p1">[<span class="smcap">Note.</span>—The Social Democratic Federation had been founded -in 1881; the Fabian Society, a few weeks before this conference -met.]</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_UNEMPLOYED_1885" id="THE_UNEMPLOYED_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE UNEMPLOYED (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, February 17.</p> - - -<p>Yesterday afternoon three or four thousand of the unemployed -of London held a demonstration on the Embankment -near Cleopatra's Needle, and afterwards marched to Westminster, -carrying banners. From Whitehall a large number -of the crowd passed into Downing Street near the Premier's -residence, where a Cabinet meeting was being held at the time, -but at the request of the police, of whom an extra force were -in attendance, the crowd moved round to King Street, where -they were addressed in somewhat inflammatory terms by some -of their speakers, who wore red badges. One speaker clung -to the top of a lamp-post, and thence harangued the crowd; -another spoke from a window-sill. Meantime, in the absence -of Sir Charles Dilke, who was at the Cabinet Meeting, Mr. -G. W. E. Russell, Parliamentary Secretary of the Local -Government Board, received a small deputation of the leaders.... -At the close of the interview the crowd marched back -to the Embankment, where the following resolution was passed -unanimously: "That this meeting of the Unemployed, having -heard the answer given by the Local Government Board to -their deputation, considers the refusal to start public works to -be a sentence of death on thousands of those out of work, and -the recommendation to bring pressure to bear on the local<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span> -bodies to be a direct incitement to violence; further, it will hold -Mr. G. W. E. Russell and the members of the Government, -individually and collectively, guilty of the murder of those who -may die in the next few weeks, and whose lives would have -been saved had the suggestions of the deputation been acted on."</p> - -<p class="pad8"> -(Signed) <span class="smcap"> John Burns, Engineer.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap pad5">John E. Williams, Labourer.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap pad5">William Henry, Foreman.</span><br /> -<span class="smcap pad5">James Macdonald, Tailor.</span><br /> -</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="WORKING_MEN_MAGISTRATES_1885" id="WORKING_MEN_MAGISTRATES_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">WORKING MEN MAGISTRATES (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Manchester Guardian</cite>, May 14.</p> - - -<p>We understand that it is in contemplation to raise a number -of workmen to the magisterial bench in the Duchy of Lancaster. -The first of the appointments is that of Mr. H. R. Slatter to -the Commission of the peace for the City of Manchester. He -is Secretary to the Provincial Typographical Association, and -a member of the Manchester School Board. It is understood -that similar offers of appointment to the magistracy have been -made to Mr. T. Birtwistle, of Accrington, Secretary to the -Operative Weavers' Association of North and North-east -Lancashire, and Mr. Fielding, of Bolton, who holds the post -of Secretary to the local branch of the Operative Cotton -Spinners' Association.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="TORY_OLIVE-BRANCH_TO_IRELAND_1885" id="TORY_OLIVE-BRANCH_TO_IRELAND_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">TORY OLIVE-BRANCH TO IRELAND (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 298, col. 1658. -(House of Lords, July 6, 1885.)</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland (The Earl of Carnarvon)</span>: -My Lords, my noble friend [Lord Salisbury] has desired -that I should state to your Lordships the general position that -Her Majesty's Government are prepared to occupy with regard -to Irish affairs, and I hope to do so in comparatively few -sentences. I need not tell your Lordships what everyone in -this House knows, the nature of the events which have brought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span> -us to the present position. It will be perhaps sufficient if, by -quoting a few figures, I show what the state of agrarian crime -was a few years ago, what it has since been in the interval, and -what it is at the present time. In 1878 agrarian crime in -Ireland stood at 301 cases. In the following year there were -860, and in the three following years—1880, 1881, and 1882—the -cases reached the enormous totals of 2,580, 4,439, and 3,433 -respectively. In 1883, after the Crimes Act had passed, agrarian -crimes fell to 870, and last year to 762. I ought perhaps to -supplement that statement by saying that in 1884 I think that -there was no case of the worst form of agrarian crime. I think -that there was not one case of actual murder, and the calendars -promise to be of a comparatively, if not singularly, light character. -The substance therefore of the statement is that, -whereas crime rose in those three years to an enormous figure, -it has since fallen to what I do not call an absolutely normal -level, but to the same level—in fact, below the level of 1879. -In these circumstances the question has naturally arisen—what -Her Majesty's Government are to do; and it is impossible to -conceive a graver or more serious matter on which to deliberate. -Within a very short time—indeed, within a time to be numbered -by weeks—the Crimes Act expires, and the question is, What -course should be taken? Three courses are possible. Either -you may re-enact the Crimes Act in the whole, or you may -re-enact it in part, or you may allow it to lapse altogether. -I think very few persons would be disposed to advocate -its re-enactment as a whole. The more serious and practical -question is whether it shall be re-enacted in part. The -Act having produced, as all agree, its effect, and three years -having lapsed, it seems hard to call on Parliament once more -to re-enact it. I believe for my part that special legislation -of this sort is inexpedient. It is inexpedient while it is in -operation, because it must conjure up a sense of restlessness -and irritation; and it is still more inexpedient when it has to -be renewed at short intervals, and brings before the mind of -the people of the country that they are to be kept under peculiar -and exceptional coercion. Now I have looked through a good<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span> -many of the Acts that have been passed, I may say, during -the last generation for Ireland, and I have been astonished to -find that ever since the year 1847, with some very short intervals -which are hardly worth mentioning, Ireland has lived under -exceptional and coercive legislation. No sane man can admit -that this is a satisfactory or wholesome state of things. It -does seem to me that it is very desirable, if possible, to extricate -ourselves from this miserable habit, and to aim at -some wholesome and better solution. But, more than being -undesirable, I hold that such legislation is practically impossible, -if it is to be continually and indefinitely re-enacted. -I think it was Count Cavour who said that it is easy to govern -in a state of siege. It may be easy to govern in a state of -siege for a time, but to attempt to govern permanently is, -I believe, utterly impossible. It may be said that this is a -question of trust. No doubt it is a question of trust; but trust -begets trust, and it is after all the only foundation upon which -we can hope to build up amity and concord between the two -nations. I know of nothing more sad than to see how, instead -of diminishing under the healing process of time, there has -been a growth of ill-will between these two nations; and I -think it is time to try how far we may appeal to better feelings. -I for my part believe that Ireland will justify the confidence -which is shown her when this Act is allowed to lapse. If I -am asked further as to policy, I will speak generally in these -terms. So far as the mere administration of the law is concerned, -it is our hope and intention to administer the ordinary -law firmly and effectually. So far as the larger field of Government, -which includes law, and more than law, is concerned, I -hope we shall deal justly, and that we shall secure perhaps a -somewhat better, wholesomer, and kindlier relation, I will not -say merely between classes, creeds, or races, but between the -rulers and the ruled. I cannot and will not lightly believe that -the combination of good feeling to England and good government -to Ireland is a hopeless task. My Lords, I do not believe -that with honesty and single-mindedness of purpose on the one -side, and with the willingness of the Irish people on the other,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span> -it is hopeless to look for some satisfactory solution of this -terrible question. My Lords, these I believe to be the views -and opinions of my colleagues. And just as I have seen in -English colonies across the sea a combination of English, Irish, -and Scotch settlers bound together in loyal obedience to the law -and the Crown, and contributing to the general prosperity of -the country, so I cannot conceive that there is any irreconcilable -bar here in their native home and in England to the unity -and amity of the two nations.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_FIRST_SUBMARINE_1885" id="THE_FIRST_SUBMARINE_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE FIRST SUBMARINE (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, October 1.</p> - - -<p>The interest excited by the recent trials of the Nordenfeldt -submarine boat is sufficiently shown by the presence at -Landskrona of thirty-nine officers, representing every European -Power, together with Brazil and Japan. The Nordenfeldt -boat, the first of its class, was built at Stockholm about two -years ago. The boat is cigar-shaped, with a coffin-like projection -on the top amidships, formed by vertical combings supporting -a glass dome or conning tower, 1 foot high, which enables -the commander to see his way. The dome, with its iron protecting -cover, stands on a horizontal lid, which can be swung -to one side to allow the crew of three men to get in or out -without difficulty. The length of the hull is 64 feet, and the -central diameter 9 feet. It is built of Swedish mild steel plates -⅝ inch thick at the centre, tapered to ⅜ inch at the ends.... -In order to prepare for action, enough sea-water is taken in to -reduce the buoyancy to 1 cwt., which suffices to keep the -conning tower well above the surface. In order to sink the -boat further, the vertical propellers are set in motion, and by -their action it is held at the required depth. Thus to come to -the surface again it is merely necessary to stop the vertical -propellers, in which case the reserve of buoyancy at once -comes into play.... The motive power is steam alone. For -submarine work, as stoking is, of course, impossible, the firebox -has to be sealed. It is therefore necessary to store the requisite<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span> -power beforehand, and this is done by heating the water in two -tanks placed fore and aft, till a pressure of about 150 pounds -per square inch is obtained. With about this initial pressure -the boat has been driven for sixteen miles at a speed of three -knots.... No compressed air is carried, and the crew depend -therefore for existence on the amount of air sealed up in the -hull. With this amount of air only, four men have remained -for a period of six hours without any special inconvenience.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_UNAUTHORIZED_PROGRAMME_1885" id="THE_UNAUTHORIZED_PROGRAMME_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE UNAUTHORIZED PROGRAMME (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Morley's <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite>, vol. iii., pp. 173, 174, 220-226. -(Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>Mr. Chamberlain had been rapidly advancing in public -prominence, and he now showed that the agitation against the -House of Lords was to be only the beginning and not the end. -At Ipswich (January 14) he said this country had been called -the paradise of the rich, and warned his audience no longer to -allow it to remain the purgatory of the poor. He told them -that reform of local government must be almost the first reform -of the next Parliament, and spoke in favour of allotments, the -creation of small proprietors, the placing of a small tax on the -total property of the taxpayer, and of free education. Mr. Gladstone's -attention was drawn from Windsor to these utterances, -and he replied that though he thought some of them were "on -various grounds open to grave objection," yet they seemed -to raise no "definite point on which, in his capacity of Prime -Minister, he was entitled to interfere and lecture the speaker." -A few days later, more terrible things were said by Mr. Chamberlain -at Birmingham. He pronounced for the abolition of plural -voting, and in favour of payment of members, and manhood -suffrage. He also advocated a bill for enabling local communities -to acquire land, a graduated income-tax, and the -breaking up of the great estates as the first step in land -reform....</p> - -<p>Mr. Gladstone made a lenient communication to the -orator, to the effect that "there had better be some explanations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span> -among them when they met." ... He recognized by now -that in the Cabinet the battle was being fought between old -time and new. He did not allow his dislike of some of the -new methods of forming public opinion to prevent him from -doing full justice to the energetic and sincere public spirit -behind them....</p> - -<p>The address to his electors ... was given to the public -on September 17. It was, as he said, as long as a pamphlet.... -The Whigs, we are told, found it vague, the Radicals -cautious, the Tories crafty; but everybody admitted that it -tended to heal feuds.... Mr. Chamberlain, though raising -his own flag, was respectful to his leader's manifesto. The -surface was thus stilled for the moment; yet the waters ran -very deep....</p> - -<p>[Gladstone] goes on to say that the ground had now been -sufficiently laid for going to the election with a united front, -that ground being the common profession of a limited creed or -programme in the Liberal sense, with an entire freedom for -those so inclined to travel beyond it, but not to impose their -own sense upon all other people.... If the party and its -leaders were agreed as to immediate measures ... were not -these enough to find a Liberal administration plenty of work ... -for several years?...</p> - -<p>An advance was made in the development of a peculiar -situation by important conversations with Mr. Chamberlain [at -Hawarden: these] did not materially alter Mr. Gladstone's -disposition [but the first crisis which promptly developed tended -to obscure the direct issue].</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_IRISH_VOTE_1885" id="THE_IRISH_VOTE_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE IRISH VOTE (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Morley's <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite>, vol. iii., pp. 188-245. -(Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>On May 15 Mr. Gladstone announced ... that they proposed -to continue what he described as certain clauses of a -valuable and equitable description in the existing Coercion Act.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span></p> - -<p>No Parliamentary situation could be more tempting to an -astute Opposition. The signs that the Cabinet was not united -were unmistakable.... The key to an operation that should -at once, with the aid of the disaffected Liberals and the Irish, -turn out Mr. Gladstone and secure the English elections, was -an understanding with Mr. Parnell.... Lord Salisbury and -his confidential friends had resolved [previous to the defeat -of the Government], subject to official information, to drop -coercion, and the only visible reason why they should form the -resolution at that particular moment was its probable effect -upon Mr. Parnell. [Meanwhile] the policy of the Central -Board [for Ireland], of which Mr. Gladstone so decisively -approved, had been killed.... When it came to the full -Cabinet it could not be carried. [June 6. Government defeated -on an amendment to the Budget by 264 to 252.] The defeat -of the Gladstone Government was the first success of a combination -between Tories and Irish that proved of cardinal -importance to policies and parties for several critical months -to come.... The new Government were not content with -renouncing coercion for the present. They cast off all responsibility -for its practice in the past.... In July a singular -incident occurred, nothing less strange than an interview -between the new Lord-Lieutenant [Lord Carnarvon] and the -leader of the Irish party. To realize its full significance we -have to recall the profound odium that at this time enveloped -Mr. Parnell's name in the minds of nearly all Englishmen.... -The transaction had consequences, and the Carnarvon episode -was a pivot. The effect on the mind of Mr. Parnell was easy -to foresee.... Why should he not believe that the alliance -formed in June ... had really blossomed from a mere lobby -manœuvre and election expedient into a policy adopted by -serious statesmen?</p> - -<p>[In Midlothian, on November 9, Mr. Gladstone said:] "It -will be a vital danger to the country and to the empire, if at -a time when a demand from Ireland for larger powers of self-government -is to be dealt with, there is not in Parliament -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>a party totally independent of the Irish vote." ... Mr. -Gladstone's cardinal deliverance in November had been preceded -by an important event. On October 7, 1885, Lord -Salisbury made that speech at Newport which is one of the -tallest and most striking landmarks in the shifting sands of -this controversy.... Some of the more astute of the -Minister's own colleagues were delighted with his speech, as -keeping the Irishmen steady to the Tory party.... The -question on which side the Irish vote in Great Britain should -be thrown seems not to have been decided until after -Mr. Gladstone's speech. It was then speedily settled. On -November 21 a manifesto was issued, handing over the Irish -vote in Great Britain solid to the orator of the Newport speech. -The tactics were obvious. It was Mr. Parnell's interest to -bring the two contending British parties as near as might be -to a level, and this he could only hope to do by throwing his -strength upon the weaker side. It was from the weaker side, -if they could be maintained in office, that he would get the -best terms.... Some estimated the loss to the Liberal party -in this island at twenty seats, others at forty. Whether twenty -or forty, these lost seats made a fatal difference in the division -on the Irish Bill a few months later.... But this was not -all, and was not the worst of it.... Passions were roused, -and things were said about Irishmen that could not at once be -forgotten; and the great task of conversion in 1886, difficult -in any case, was made a thousand times more difficult still by -the antipathies of the electoral battle of 1885. Meanwhile it -was for the moment, and for the purposes of the moment, -a striking success.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_NEW_ELECTORATE_1885" id="THE_NEW_ELECTORATE_1885"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE NEW ELECTORATE (1885).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, December 11.</p> - - -<p>From a carefully prepared statistical abstract of the election -it appears that in the English counties, out of a total electorate -of 2,303,133 voters, 1,937,988 votes were recorded, in the proportion -of 1,020,774 Liberal votes to 916,314 Conservative.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_OPENING_OF_THE_RIFT_1886" id="THE_OPENING_OF_THE_RIFT_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE OPENING OF THE RIFT (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Morley's <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite>, vol. iii., pp. 292-295. -(Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>What Mr. Gladstone called the basis of his new government -was set out in a short memorandum, which he read to each of -those whom he hoped to include in his Cabinet: "I propose to -examine whether it is or is not practicable to comply with the -desire widely prevalent in Ireland, and testified by the return -of eighty-five out of one hundred and three representatives, for -the establishment by statute of a legislative body to sit in -Dublin, and to deal with Irish as distinguished from Imperial -affairs, in such a manner as would be just to each of the three -kingdoms, equitable with reference to every class of the people -of Ireland, conducive to the social order and harmony of that -country, and calculated to support and consolidate the unity of -the Empire on the continued basis of Imperial authority and -mutual attachment." No definite plan was propounded or -foreshadowed, but only the proposition that it was a duty to -seek a plan. The cynical version was that a Cabinet was got -together on the chance of being able to agree. To Lord -Hartington Mr. Gladstone applied as soon as he received the -Queen's commission. The invitation was declined on reasoned -grounds (January 30th). Examination and inquiry, said Lord -Hartington, must mean a proposal. If no proposal followed -inquiry, the reaction of Irish disappointment would be severe, -as it would be natural. He could not depart from the traditions -of British statesmen, and he was opposed to a separate Irish -legislature. At the same time, he concluded, in a sentence -afterwards pressed by Mr. Gladstone on the notice of the -Queen: "I am fully convinced that the alternative policy of -governing Ireland without large concessions to the national -sentiment, presents difficulties of a tremendous character, which -in my opinion could now only be faced by the support of a -nation united by the consciousness that the fullest opportunity -had been given for the production and consideration of a con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>ciliatory -policy...." The decision was persistently regarded -by Mr. Gladstone as an important event in English political -history. With a small number of distinguished individual -exceptions, it marked the withdrawal from the Liberal party -of the aristocratic element....</p> - -<p>Mr. Goschen, who had been a valuable member of the great -Ministry of 1868, was invited to call, but without hopes that he -would rally to a cause so startling; the interview, while -courteous and pleasant, was over in a very few minutes. Lord -Derby, a man of still more cautious type, and a rather recent -addition to the officers of the Liberal staff, declined, not -without good nature. Most lamented of all the abstentions -was the honoured and trusted name of Mr. Bright.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="ULSTER_WILL_FIGHT_1886" id="ULSTER_WILL_FIGHT_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">"ULSTER WILL FIGHT" (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Winston Churchill's <cite>Life of Lord Randolph Churchill</cite>, -vol. ii., pp. 60-65. (Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>Lord Randolph crossed the Channel and arrived at Larne -early on the morning of February 22. He was welcomed like a -king.... That night the Ulster Hall (in Belfast) was crowded -to its utmost compass. In order to satisfy the demand for -tickets all the seats were removed, and the concourse—which -he addressed for nearly an hour and a half—heard him standing. -He was nearly always successful on the platform, but the -effect he produced upon his audience at Belfast was one of the -most memorable triumphs of his life.... "Now may be the -time," he said, "to show whether all these ceremonies and -forms which are practised in Orange lodges are really living -symbols or only idle and meaningless ceremonies; whether -that which you have so carefully fostered is really the lamp of -liberty, and its flame the undying and unquenchable fire of -freedom.... Like Macbeth before the murder of Duncan, -Mr. Gladstone asks for time. Before he plunges the knife into -the heart of the British Empire, he reflects, he hesitates.... -The Loyalists in Ulster should wait and watch—organize and -prepare. Diligence and vigilance ought to be your watchword;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span> -so that the blow, if it does come, may not come upon you as a -thief in the night, and may not find you unready, and taken by -surprise. I believe that this storm will blow over, and that the -vessel of the Union will emerge with her Loyalist crew stronger -than before; but it is right and useful that I should add that if -the struggle should continue, and if my conclusions should turn -out to be wrong, then I am of opinion that the struggle is not -likely to remain within the lines of what we are accustomed to -look upon as constitutional action. No portentous change such -as the Repeal of the Union, no change so gigantic, could be -accomplished by the mere passing of a law. The history of -the United States will teach us a different lesson; and if it -should turn out that the Parliament of the United Kingdom -was so recreant from all its high duties, and that the British -nation was so apostate to traditions of honour and courage, as -to hand over the Loyalists of Ireland to the domination of an -Assembly in Dublin, which must be to them a foreign and an -alien assembly, if it should be within the design of Providence -to place upon you and your fellow-Loyalists so heavy a trial, -then, gentlemen, I do not hesitate to tell you most truly that in -that dark hour there will not be wanting to you those of position -and influence in England who would be willing to cast in -their lot with you, and who, whatever the result, will share -your fortunes and your fate. There will not be wanting those -who, at the exact moment, when the time is fully come—if that -time should come—will address you in words which are perhaps -best expressed by one of our greatest English poets:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"> -<p class="verseq">'The combat deepens; on, ye brave,</p> -<p class="verse">Who rush to glory or the grave.</p> -<p class="verse">Wave, Ulster—all thy banners wave,</p> -<p class="verse">And charge with all thy chivalry.'"</p> -</div></div> - -<p>... A few weeks later, in a letter to a Liberal-Unionist -member, he repeated his menace in an even clearer form: "If -political parties and political leaders, not only Parliamentary -but local, should be so utterly lost to every feeling and dictate -of honour and courage as to hand over coldly, and for the sake -of purchasing a short and illusory Parliamentary tranquillity,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span> -the lives and liberties of the Loyalists of Ireland to their hereditary -and most bitter foes, make no doubt on this point—Ulster -will not be a consenting party; Ulster at the proper -moment will resort to the extreme arbitrament of force; Ulster -will fight, Ulster will be right; Ulster will emerge from the -struggle victorious, because all that Ulster represents to us -Britons will command the sympathy and support of an enormous -section of our British community, and also, I feel certain, -will attract the admiration and the approval of free and civilized -nations."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="SALISBURY_ON_HOME_RULE_1886" id="SALISBURY_ON_HOME_RULE_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">SALISBURY ON HOME RULE (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, April 14.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><em>Demonstration at Her Majesty's Theatre against the Home -Rule Bill.</em></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Lord Salisbury</span>: ... The great result which I hope from -the brilliant debates that have taken place is that the conviction -will be carried home to the British people that there is no -middle term between government at Westminster and independent -and entirely separate government at Dublin. If you -do not have a Government in some form or other issuing from -the centre you must have absolute separation. Now I ask you -to look at what separation means. It means the cutting off -from the British Islands of a province tied to them by the -hand of Nature. It is hard to find a parallel instance in the -contemporary world, because the tendency of events has been -in the opposite direction. In every country you find that consolidation, -and not severance, has been the object which statesmen -have pursued. But there is one exception. There is a -State in Europe which has had very often to hear the word -"autonomy," which has had more than once to grant Home -Rule, and to see separation following Home Rule. The State -I have referred to is Turkey. Let anyone who thinks that -separation is consistent with the strength and prosperity of the -country look to its effect, its repeated effect, when applied to a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> -country of which he can judge more impartially.... Turkey -is a decaying Empire; England, I hope, is not. But I frankly -admit that this is not the only reason which urges me. The -point that the Government have consistently ignored is that -Ireland is not occupied by a homogeneous and united people. -In proportions which are variously stated, which some people -state as four-fifths to one-fifth, but which I should be more -inclined to state as two-thirds to one-third, the Irish people -are deeply divided, divided not only by creed, which may extend -into both camps, but divided by history and by a long -series of animosities, which the conflicts that have lasted during -centuries have created. I confess that it seems to me that -Whiteboy Associations, and Moonlight Associations, and -Riband Associations, and murder committed at night and in -the open day, and a constant disregard to all the rights of -property—these things make me doubt the angelic character -which has been attributed to the Irish peasantry. I do not for -a moment maintain that they are in their nature worse than -other people. But I say there are circumstances attaching to -Ireland—circumstances derived from history that is past and -gone through many generations—which make it impossible for -us to believe that, if liberty, entire liberty, were suddenly given -to them, they would be able to forget the animosities of centuries -and to treat those who are placed in their power for -the first time with perfect justice and equity. You must not -imagine that with a wave of a wand by any Minister, however -powerful, the effects of centuries of conflict and exasperation -will be wiped away.... My belief is that the future government -of Ireland does not involve any unmanageable difficulty. -We want a wise, firm, continuous administration of the law. -We want a steady policy. But you must support it, or it will -not take place. There has been a great contest between England -and the discontented portion of the Irish people. It is -a contest that has lasted through many generations past, -through many vicissitudes, and now you are asked to submit -to a measure which is placed before you, and to end that contest -by a complete and ignominious surrender. It is not a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span> -surrender marked by the mere ordinary circumstances of ignominy. -It is a painful thing for a great nation to lose a battle -and have to acknowledge defeat. It is a painful thing if defeat -involves loss of territory, and the nation has to be content with -a restricted Empire. But these things do not represent the -depth of infamy to which you will descend. There is something -worse than all this, and that is when defeat is marked by -the necessity of abandoning to your enemies those whom you -have called upon to defend you, and who have risked their all -on your behalf. That is an infamy below which it is impossible -to go; that is an infamy to which you are asked to submit -yourselves now. Your enemies in every part of the world -will be looking on what you do with exultation. Your friends, -your supporters, your partisans, will view it with shame, with -confusion, and with dismay in every quarter of the globe.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="MR_GLADSTONES_APPEAL_1886" id="MR_GLADSTONES_APPEAL_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">MR. GLADSTONE'S APPEAL (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 295, col. 649. Second reading -of the Home Rule Bill, June 7th.</p> - - -<p>Ireland stands at your bar expectant, hopeful, almost suppliant. -Her words are the words of truth and soberness. She -asks a blessed oblivion of the past, and in that oblivion our -interest is deeper even than hers. You have been asked -to-night to abide by the traditions of which we are the heirs. -What traditions? By the Irish traditions? Go into the -length and breadth of the world, ransack the literature of all -countries, find if you can a single voice, a single book, in which -the conduct of England towards Ireland is anywhere treated -except with profound and bitter condemnation. Are these the -traditions by which we are exhorted to stand? No; they are -a sad exception to the glory of our country. They are a broad -and black blot upon the pages of its history, and what we want -to do is to stand by the traditions of which we are the heirs in -all matters except our relations with Ireland, and to make our -relation with Ireland conform to the other traditions of our -country. So we treat our traditions, so we hail the demand of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span> -Ireland for what I call a blessed oblivion of the past. She -asks also a boon for the future; and that boon for the future, -unless we are much mistaken, will be a boon to us in respect -of honour, no less than a boon to her in respect of happiness, -prosperity, and peace. Such, sir, is her prayer. Think, I -beseech you; think well, think wisely, think, not for the -moment, but for the years that are to come, before you reject -this Bill.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="LIBERAL_UNIONISM_1886" id="LIBERAL_UNIONISM_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">LIBERAL UNIONISM (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, May 17.</p> - - -<p>The Conservative leaders will do well to say plainly that -they will not attack any Liberal seats held by representatives -who have voted against the Home Rule Bill, whatever prospect -there may have otherwise been of displacing the sitting -members, or whatever provocation may have been given in -former contests. By this course Conservatives can insure the -return, with very few exceptions, of all the Liberal members -who have declared against the Bill. It is open to them to -assail the seats held by Gladstonian Liberals, and on the principle -of conjoint action they will be entitled, in assailing those -seats, and in defending those they at present occupy, to the -support of all Liberal Unionists.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_UNEMPLOYED_RIOTS_1886" id="THE_UNEMPLOYED_RIOTS_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE UNEMPLOYED RIOTS (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, February 9.</p> - - -<p>There is serious work before the new Home Secretary and -his working-man colleague, Mr. Broadhurst. Yesterday there -occurred the most alarming and destructive riot that has taken -place in London for many years, or perhaps we may say the -most destructive that has taken place within living memory. -The destruction of the Hyde Park railings in 1866 was in some -respects a more threatening affair, as being the work of a bigger -mob; but that, unlike the present business, was not accompanied -by the wholesale destruction of property and the looting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span> -of shops. Yesterday a mob some thousands strong marched -along Pall Mall, St. James's Street, and Piccadilly to Hyde -Park, then broke into several sections, and returned by South -Audley Street, Oxford Street, Regent Street, and other routes, -smashing windows, wrecking private carriages, and robbing -jewellers' and other shops, utterly unchecked by the police, and -leaving only one or two of their number in the hands of the -authorities.... The occasion of all this lamentable affair -was the great meeting of the unemployed which took place in -Trafalgar Square. As our readers are aware, this meeting was -but the culmination of many attempts that have been made -lately to attract public attention to what is a very real difficulty -and hardship. At last the time came for the men to gather in -Trafalgar Square. But unfortunately there was not that perfect -harmony in their proceedings which might have been -desired. Some groups were simply unemployed labourers, -come in all honesty of purpose to hear what could be said for -them, and their chances of finding work. Some were fair-traders, -anxious to impress on the Government that foreign -bounties and other tariff enormities were at the root of the -mischief. But with these moderately pacific bodies were the -more dangerous element brought into the meeting by Messrs. -Hyndman, Burns, and Champion. The Revolutionary Social -Democrats were there, with the express object of breaking up -the meeting called by Mr. Kenny and his friends, and of "preventing -people being made the tools of the paid agitators who -were working in the interests of the Fair Trade League." It -cannot be too clearly understood that it was to the proceedings -of these men—of Mr. Burns and Mr. Hyndman and their colleagues—that -all the subsequent destruction was due.... -Already on several occasions the fanatic Hyndman has done -his best to break the peace, from the time when, a year or two -ago, he told the crowd on the Thames Embankment that their -principle should be a life for a life—the life of a Minister for -that of every working-man who starved—down to the time -when at the Holborn Town Hall he offered to head "the -Revolution." Burns is as vehement, and his voice carries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span> -further. He yesterday told the mob that "the next time they -met it would be to go and sack the bakers' shops in the West -of London," and that "they had better die fighting than -starving." He and his red flag led the mob yesterday in their -march.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="BIMETALLISM_AND_LABOUR_DISPUTES_1886" id="BIMETALLISM_AND_LABOUR_DISPUTES_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">BIMETALLISM AND LABOUR DISPUTES (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, February 19.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extract from a Letter by Lord Grey.</cite></p> - -<p>Some portion of public attention ought to be given to a -subject of very pressing importance—that of the "scarcity of -gold." The share which the enhancement of the value of gold -has probably had in producing these disastrous strikes seems -not to have attracted sufficient notice. The fall of prices from -the growing scarcity of gold has necessarily made the same -wages for labour really higher than they formerly were, while -at the same time this fall of prices has diminished the total -return from labour and capital employed in production.... -Probably this has not been sufficiently well understood by either -masters or men, but the masters have practically felt that they -could no longer afford to pay the same money wages they used -to do, while the men have not understood the necessity for such -a reduction. What I would propose is that £1 notes, payable -in silver bullion, should be issued, but only in exchange for the -same bullion after a certain fixed amount of them had been -sent into circulation. But this bullion I should propose to give -or receive in exchange for notes, not at any fixed price for -silver, but at the market price of the metal, which should be -published weekly in the <cite>Gazette</cite>. By this arrangement it will -be perceived that silver would be largely used as an instrument -for carrying on the business of exchange, without incurring the -inconvenience which seems to be inseparable from the scheme -of the bimetallists, who would establish by law a fixed price -for silver and for gold. As the cost of producing these metals -is liable to variation, I cannot understand how the bimetallists<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span> -can expect that fixing their comparative prices by law could -prevent that which could at the moment be most cheaply produced -from driving the other out of circulation, since all who -had to pay money would naturally make use of the cheapest -money they could get.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="PASTEUR_AND_HYDROPHOBIA_1886" id="PASTEUR_AND_HYDROPHOBIA_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PASTEUR AND HYDROPHOBIA (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, January 8.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extract from an Article on "Science in 1885."</cite></p> - -<p>We may here refer to the momentous work of M. Pasteur -in connection with hydrophobia. That he has discovered a -remedy for one of the most terrible afflictions to which humanity -is liable it would probably be premature to say; but that he -has taken every precaution against self-deception must be -admitted, and so far as he has gone it is difficult to discredit -his results.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_FINAL_HOME_RULE_RUPTURE_1886" id="THE_FINAL_HOME_RULE_RUPTURE_1886"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE FINAL HOME RULE RUPTURE (1886).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Morley's <cite>Life of Gladstone</cite>, vol. iii., pp. 364-368. -(Macmillans.)</p> - - -<p>As it happened, all this [Randolph Churchill's resignation -of the Exchequer, and Goschen's appointment] gave a shake -to both of the Unionist wings. The ominous clouds of coercion -were sailing slowly but discernibly along the horizon, and this -made men in the Unionist camp still more restless and uneasy. -Mr. Chamberlain, on the very day of the announcement of the -Churchill resignation, had made a speech that was taken to -hold out an olive-branch to his old friends. Sir William -Harcourt ... thought the break-up of a great political combination -to be so immense an evil as to call for almost any -sacrifices to prevent it. He instantly wrote to Birmingham to -express his desire to co-operate in reunion, and in the course -of a few days five members of the original Liberal Cabinet of -1886 met at his house in what is known as the Round Table<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span> -Conference (Sir W. Harcourt, Mr. Chamberlain, Lord Herschell, -Sir George Trevelyan, and myself).... Mr. Gladstone -gave the Round Table his blessing, his "general idea being -that he had better meddle as little as possible with the Conference, -and retain a free hand." Lord Hartington would neither -join the Conference nor deny that he thought it premature.... -On the other side, both English Liberals and Irish Nationalists -were equally uneasy lest the unity of the party should be -bought by the sacrifice of fundamentals.... Mr. Parnell, -though alive to the truth that when people go into a conference -it usually means that they are willing to give up something, -was thoroughly awake to the satisfactory significance of the -Birmingham overtures.</p> - -<p>Things at the Round Table for some time went smoothly -enough. Mr. Chamberlain gradually advanced the whole -length. He publicly committed himself to the expediency of -establishing some kind of legislative authority in Dublin in -accordance with Mr. Gladstone's principle, with a preference, -in his own mind, for a plan on the lines of Canada. This he -followed up, also in public, by the admission that of course the -Irish legislature must be allowed to organize their own form of -executive government, either by an imitation on a small scale -of all that goes on at Westminster and Whitehall, or in whatever -other shape they might think proper.... Then the -surface became mysteriously ruffled. Language was used by -some of the plenipotentiaries in public, of which each side in -turn complained as inconsistent with conciliatory negotiations -in private. At last, on the very day on which the provisional -result of the Conference was laid before Mr. Gladstone, there -appeared in a print called <cite>The Baptist</cite> an article from Mr. -Chamberlain containing an ardent plea for the disestablishment -of the Welsh Church, but warning the Welshmen that -they and the Scotch crofters, and the English labourers—thirty-two -millions of people—must all go without much-needed -legislation because three millions were disloyal, while nearly -six hundred members of Parliament would be reduced to -forced inactivity because some eighty delegates, representing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span> -the policy and receiving the pay of the Chicago Convention, -were determined to obstruct all business until their demands -were conceded. Men naturally asked what was the use of -continuing a discussion when one party to it was attacking in -this peremptory fashion the very persons and the policy that in -private he was supposed to accept. Mr. Gladstone showed no -implacability ... he said ... "I am inclined to think we -can hardly do more now.... We are quite willing that the -subject should stand over for resumption at a convenient -season."</p> - -<p>The resumption never happened. Two or three weeks later -Mr. Chamberlain announced that he did not intend to return -to the Round Table. No other serious and formal attempt -was ever made on either side to prevent the Liberal Unionists -from hardening into a separate species. When they became -accomplices in coercion they cut off the chances of reunion.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_COMING_OF_TECHNICAL_EDUCATION_1887" id="THE_COMING_OF_TECHNICAL_EDUCATION_1887"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE COMING OF TECHNICAL EDUCATION (1887).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, March 17.</p> - - -<p>Lord Hartington made a striking speech last night to the -Polytechnic Young Men's Christian Institute. In the presence -of such an audience a text was perhaps needed, and he took as -his text some remarks made by Professor Huxley, who lately -pointed out the instructive likeness between warfare and industry. -If we are well advised—and Lord Hartington has no -misgivings on the subject—in spending freely to protect ourselves -against aggression, it is equally our duty to be not -niggardly in providing industrial education, and diffusing -scientific knowledge. It is the condition of industrial -supremacy, and it is not an unattainable condition. A Watt -or even an Edison is born, not made. But the knowledge of -drawing, mechanics, mathematics, and chemistry, and other -sciences or arts, which aid the artisan in his daily work, may be -imparted, and on the spread of such knowledge may depend -the continuance of industrial supremacy. Great commanders -cannot be called into being; but in the main it depends on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span> -rank and file of the army of industry whether its battles are -lost or won. How is the work to be accomplished? In answer -to this question Lord Hartington let fall one or two remarks -which, though not offering a complete solution, are, if we -mistake not, likely to be fruitful in consequences. The State, -he is satisfied, cannot do all or much; and he is struck with -the inability of purely voluntary efforts to meet the demand. -He finds the necessary assistance, if anywhere, in our municipal -institutions. "I hope the time is not far distant when our town -councils or local governing bodies will establish in every considerable -centre industrial and technical schools, suitable to the -wants of the district, and supported out of local funds." The -institutions which now imperfectly do the work of diffusing -technical instruction "are playing the same part in relation to -technical and industrial education that was played by the voluntary -schools in relation to elementary education." This points -to a national system of technical education; it is the largest -and clearest conception of the subject which any public man of -importance has put forth.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_FIRST_GUILLOTINE_CLOSURE_1887" id="THE_FIRST_GUILLOTINE_CLOSURE_1887"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE FIRST "GUILLOTINE" CLOSURE (1887).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Hansard</cite>, Third Series, vol. 315, col. 1674, June 10.</p> - - -<p>Ordered: That at ten o'clock p.m. on Friday, the 17th day of -June, if the Criminal Law Amendment (Ireland) Bill be not -previously reported from the Committee of the whole House, -the Chairman shall put forthwith the Question or Questions on -any amendment or motion already proposed from the Chair. -He shall next proceed and successively put forthwith the Question -that any clause then under consideration, and each remaining -clause in the Bill, stand part of the Bill, unless progress be -moved as hereinafter provided. After the clauses are disposed -of, he shall forthwith report the Bill, as amended, to the House.</p> - -<p>From and after the passing of this Order, no motion that the -Chairman do leave the Chair, or do report progress, shall be -allowed, unless moved by one of the members in charge of the -Bill, and the Question on such motion shall be put forthwith.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span></p> - -<p>If progress be reported on 17th June the Chairman shall put -this Order in force in any subsequent sitting of the Committee.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="JUBILEE_RETROSPECTS_1887" id="JUBILEE_RETROSPECTS_1887"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">JUBILEE RETROSPECTS (1887).</a></h3> - -<h4>I.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—An article by Mr. Gladstone in <cite>The Nineteenth Century</cite>, -vol. xxi., p. 1.</p> - - -<p>The Prophet of the new Locksley Hall records against us many -sad, and even shameful, defaults. They are not to be denied, -and the list might probably be lengthened. The youngest -among us will not see the day in which new social problems -will have ceased to spring up as from the depths, and vex even -the most successful solvers of the old; or in which this proud -and great English nation will not have cause, in all its ranks -and orders, to bow its head before the Judge Eternal, and -humbly to confess to forgotten duties, or wasted and neglected -opportunities. It is well to be reminded, and in tones such as -make the deaf man hear, of city children who "soak and blacken -soul and sense in city slime"; of maidens cast by thousands on -the street; of the sempstress scrimped of her daily bread; of -dwellings miserably crowded; of fever as the result. But take -first the city child as he is described. For one such child now -there were ten, perhaps twenty, fifty years back. A very large, -and a still increasing proportion of these children have been -brought under the regular teaching and discipline of the school. -Take the maidens who are now, as they were then, cast by -thousands on the streets. But then, if one among them were -stricken with penitence, and sought for a place in which to hide -her head, she found it only in the pomp of paid institutions, -and in a help well meant, no doubt, yet carrying little of what -was most essential, sympathetic discrimination, and mild, nay -even tender care. Within the half-century a new chapter has -opened. Faith and love have gone forth into the field. Specimens -of womankind, sometimes the very best and highest, have not -deemed this quest of souls beneath them. Scrimping of wages,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span> -no doubt, there is and was. But the fair wage of to-day is far -higher than it was then, and the unfair wage is assumably not -lower. Miserable and crowded dwellings, again, and fever as -their result, both then and now. But legislation has in the -interval made its attempts in earnest; and if this was with -awkward and ungainly hand, private munificence or enterprise -is dotting our city areas with worthy dwellings. Above all, -have we not to record in this behalf martyred lives, such as -those of Denison and Toynbee? Or shall we refuse honourable -mention to not less devoted lives, happily still retained, of such -persons as Miss Octavia Hill? With all this there has happily -grown up not only a vast general extension of benevolent and -missionary means, but a great parochial machinery of domestic -visitation, charged with comfort and blessing to the needy, and -spread over so wide a circle, that what was formerly an exception -may now with some confidence be said to be the rule. If -insufficiencies have come to be more keenly felt, is that because -they are greater, or because there is a bolder and better trained -disposition to feel them?...</p> - -<p>I will refer as briefly as may be to the sphere of legislation. -Slavery has been abolished. A criminal code, which disgraced -the Statute Book, has been effectually reformed. Laws of -combination and contract, which prevented the working -population from obtaining the best price for their labour, -have been repealed. The lamentable and demoralizing abuses -of the Poor Law have been swept away. Lives and limbs, -always exposed to destruction through the incidents of labour, -formerly took their chance, no man heeding them, even when -the origin of the calamity lay in the recklessness or neglect of -the employer. They are now guarded by preventive provisions, -and the loss is mitigated, to the sufferers or their -survivors, by pecuniary compensation. The scandals of -labour in mines, factories, and elsewhere, to the honour, first -and foremost, of the name of Shaftesbury, have been either -removed, or greatly qualified and reduced. The population on -the sea-coast is no longer forced wholesale into contraband -trade by fiscal follies; and the Game Laws no longer constitute<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span> -a plausible apology for poaching. The entire people have good -schools placed within the reach of their children, and are put -under legal obligation to use the privileges and contribute to -the charge. They have also at their doors the means of -husbanding their savings, without the compromise of their -independence by the inspection of the rector or the squire, and -under the guarantee of the State to the uttermost farthing of -the amount. Information through a free press, formerly -cut off from them by stringent taxation, is now at their -easy command. Their interests at large are protected by -their votes, and their votes are protected by the secrecy which -screens them from intimidation either through violence, or in its -subtler forms.</p> - -<p>It is perhaps of interest to turn from such dry outlines as -may be sketched by the aid of almanacs to those more delicate -gradations of the social movement, which in their detail are -indeterminate and almost fugitive, but which in their mass may -be apprehended, and made the subject of record. Pugilism, -which ranges between manliness and brutality, and which in -the days of my boyhood, in its greatest celebrations, almost -monopolized the space of journals of the highest order, is now -rare, modest, and unobtrusive. But, if less exacting in the -matter of violent physical excitements, the nation attaches not -less but more value to corporal education, and for the schoolboy -and the man alike athletics are becoming an ordinary incident -of life. Under the influence of better conditions of living, and -probably of increased self-respect, mendicity, except in seasons -of special distress, has nearly disappeared. If our artisans -combine (as they well may) partly to uphold their wages, it is -also greatly with the noble object of keeping all the members -of their enormous class independent of public alms. They have -forwarded the cause of self-denial, and manfully defended -themselves even against themselves, by promoting restraints -upon the traffic in strong liquors. In districts where they are -most advanced, they have fortified their position by organized -co-operation in supply. Nor are the beneficial changes of the -last half-century confined to the masses. Swearing and duelling<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> -established until a recent date almost as institutions of the -country, have nearly disappeared from the face of society.... -At the same time the disposition to lay bare public mischiefs -and drag them into the light of day, which, though liable to -exaggeration, has perhaps been our best distinction among the -nations, has become more resolute than ever....</p> - -<p>The sum of the matter seems to be that, upon the whole and -in a degree, we who lived fifty, sixty, seventy years back, and -are living now, have lived into a gentler time; that the public -conscience has grown more tender, as indeed was very needful; -and that, in matters of practice, at sight of evils formerly -regarded with indifference, or even connivance, it now not only -winces, but rebels; that upon the whole the race has been -reaping, and not scattering; earning, and not wasting.</p> - - -<h4>II.</h4> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, June 21.</p> - -<p>The men of the Victorian age have lived in the midst of -almost cataclysmic mental changes. New facts have rained -upon them with a rapidity that baffles hypothesis, and stamps -theory as obsolete before half the world has become reconciled -to its existence. In such a time of intellectual flux anything -like monumental art is impossible, since neither the artist nor -the age possesses the permanence of mood required for a true -presentment. Although, however, the Victorian era has not -produced much that the most liberal charity can conceive as -belonging to all time, it has shown immense fertility and vigour -in supplying the intellectual wants of the present. In all but -those supreme manifestations of the human intellect which we -ascribe to genius, its products are at least equal, and in most -cases superior, to those of any period of our history, while in -quantity and variety of intellectual effort, and in diffusion of -intellectual interest, it is entirely unapproachable.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="REMEMBER_MITCHELSTOWN_1887" id="REMEMBER_MITCHELSTOWN_1887"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">"REMEMBER MITCHELSTOWN" (1887).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Times</cite>, October 19.</p> - - -<p>(<span class="smcap">Mr. Gladstone</span> at Nottingham): The case I have now to -mention goes further than that. It is the Mitchelstown case. -I was responsible for putting in a telegraphic answer to a telegram -the words, "Remember Mitchelstown," and Mitchelstown -will and must be remembered, and the meeting has an account -to settle with the Government in respect to Mitchelstown. I -should have been glad to have sealed my own lips, had not the -Government sent forth its testimony, its solemn, downright, -unequivocal judgment that the proceeding at Mitchelstown -were right.... What did Mr. Balfour say, when the Irish -Nationalist members brought up the question of the proceedings -at Mitchelstown? He said that the whole action of the police -was in the face of the most tremendous provocation, and absolutely -in self-defence. He said that when the order to fire was -given the order was to fire only on those portions of the crowd -who were engaged in throwing stones.... Three human -beings lost their lives under the fire of the police. I cannot say -three men, for in the ordinary sense of the word they were not -men. Two of them had been men, and were in harmless old -age. The other was growing to be a man, and was still in -harmless boyhood. Not one of these three persons is even -alleged to have thrown a stone. Not one of them, if I recollect -aright, is even alleged to have carried a stick.... Is not this -a melancholy and a miserable farce—tragic, too, in the highest -degree, when we consider that these trumpery proceedings, -perhaps of some casual boys or men, who are only able in the -utmost of their wrath and in the supply of stones that they -could command to break two or three windows in the police -barracks—that these are to be represented as leading and -heading an attack which caused a humane and intelligent body -of the representatives of the Government to fire out of windows, -to kill three persons, one of them distant 100 yards away, and -two others sixty yards away. I have said, and say again, -"Remember Mitchelstown!"</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="BLOODY_SUNDAY_1887" id="BLOODY_SUNDAY_1887"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">"BLOODY SUNDAY" (1887).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Mackail's <cite>Life of William Morris</cite>, vol. ii., p. 190.</p> - - -<p>The restlessness among the working classes culminated in the -famous scenes of the 13th of November (1887), "Bloody -Sunday," in and round Trafalgar Square. A meeting in the -Square had been announced to protest against the Irish policy -of the Government; it had been proclaimed by the police, and -became converted into a demonstration on a huge scale. No -one who saw it will ever forget the strange, and indeed terrible, -sight of that grey winter day, the vast sombre-coloured crowd, -the brief but fierce struggle at the corner of the Strand, and the -river of steel and scarlet that moved slowly through the dusky -swaying masses when two squadrons of the Life Guards were -summoned up from Whitehall. Only disorganized fragments -straggled into the Square, to find that the other columns had -also been headed off or crushed, and that the day was practically -over. Preparations had been made to repel something little -short of a popular insurrection. An immense police force had -been concentrated, and in the afternoon the Square was lined -by a battalion of Foot Guards, with fixed bayonets and twenty -rounds of ball cartridge. For an hour or two the danger was -imminent of street-fighting such as had not been known in -London for more than a century. But the organized force at -the disposal of the civil authorities proved sufficient to check -the insurgent columns and finally clear the streets without a -shot being fired. For some weeks afterwards the Square was -garrisoned by special drafts of police. Otherwise London next -day had resumed its usual aspect. Once more the London -Socialists had drawn into line with the great mass of the -London Radicals, and a formidable popular movement had -resulted, which, on that Sunday, was within a very little of -culminating in a frightful loss of life and the practical establishment -of a state of siege in London. But the English spirit of -compromise soon made itself felt.... Measures were taken -for the relief of the unemployed. Political Radicalism resumed -its normal occupations; and by the end of the year the Socialist -League had dropped back into its old place, a small body of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span> -enthusiasts among whom an Anarchist group were now -beginning to assume a distinct prominence.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="FIRST_REPORT_ON_THE_RAND_1887" id="FIRST_REPORT_ON_THE_RAND_1887"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">FIRST REPORT ON THE RAND (1887).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Board of Trade Journal</cite>, December.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extracts from a Report, dated 4th October, by Mr. Ralph -Williams, British Officer at Pretoria.</cite></p> - -<p>On the 20th September, 1886, the Witwatersrand district -was declared a public goldfield, and from that date the history -of Johannesburg begins. For some months the town was -known as Ferreira's Camp, and the Natal Camp, and it was not -till, perhaps, March last that the present town of Johannesburg -became recognized as the central point of the goldfields of the -district. From that date the growth of the town has been -almost unprecedented.... Large hotels exist which equal in -accommodation anything in South Africa. Warehouses are full -of all that can be obtained even at Cape Town. A theatre—rough, -it is true, but of considerable capacity—is in full working -order. Four banks are at work. Three newspapers are published -every other day.... The actual number of the population -I can hardly estimate, opinions differing so greatly. In the -town of Johannesburg itself I am disposed to think there are -about 4,000 people. The outlying districts also contain a very -large population, probably nearly equalling that of the town.</p> - -<p>The reefs which constitute the wealth of the Witwatersrand -are entirely different from any development which has yet been -worked.... The principal reef, which has now been traced -to a distance of between twenty-five and thirty miles, is called -the "main reef." It may be taken to have an average breadth -of from 3 feet 6 inches to 15 feet. It has in several places -been tested to a depth of 70 feet, in every case being proved to -be better and richer at the lower levels than at the surface.</p> - -<p>An inspection of the properties and inquiry into the cost -of production cannot fail to impress one with the fact that, -if these reefs are found to have sufficient depth, one of the -richest goldfields in the world has now come to light.</p> - - -<p class="p2" /> -<p class="pfs70 over">BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD</p> - - -<div class="transnote pg-brk"> -<a name="TN" id="TN"></a> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>There is only one Footnote in this book, marked [A] on <a href="#Page_29">page 29</a>. It -has been placed at the end of the short section containing the anchor.</p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been -corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within -the text and consultation of external sources.</p> - -<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, -and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. For example, -sea-coast, sea coast; to-night; employés; overboil; mendicity.</p> - -<p> -<a href="#Page_13">Pg 13</a>, 'slighest evidence' replaced by 'slightest evidence'.<br /> -<a href="#Page_68">Pg 68</a>, 'the British Goverment' replaced by 'the British Government'.<br /> -</p> -</div> - - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone, by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IMPERIALISM AND MR. 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